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FREE SOUTHPaperback AFRICA Book Cover Template THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY DIVESTMENT5.5” X 8.5” MOVEMENT Book (139.7mm X 215.9mm)

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A PERSONAL PERSPECTIVE

Front D ANIE L AR M S T R ONG 5.5” x 8.5” (139.7 mm x 215.9mm) FREE SOUTH AFRICA

FREE SOUTH AFRICA

THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY DIVESTMENT MOVEMENT

A PERSONAL PERSPECTIVE

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Articles and images printed courtesy of Columbia Daily Spectator.

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“We were the first university with a significant endowment to resolve to divest its investments in companies doing business in apartheid South Africa.”

—Michael I. Sovern | President Emeritus Columbia University

“The work of the Coalition for a Free South Africa is cited by many as the catalyst for campus protests around the issue of apartheid that exploded in the United States during the ’80s.”

—PBS documentary Have You Heard from Johannesburg?

Daniel Armstrong, of the Columbia College class of 1984, came to Columbia to play basketball and left as the founder of the Coalition for a Free South Africa—a group that would, the year after Armstrong’s graduation, famously blockade Hamilton Hall and cause Columbia to divest from companies operating in apartheid South Africa. But before that—before the blockade, before the mass student support, before the international recognition, before all that—there was only Armstrong and his flyers.

DEDICATION

In memory of President Nelson Mandela, the leader of the worldwide anti-apartheid movement, and to the members of the Coalition for a Free South Africa at Columbia University, foot soldiers in the campaign to end apartheid.

BACKGROUND

“In 1978, following widespread student unrest and Senate reso- lutions, the Trustees adopted a policy of limited divestment. In a statement June 6, 1978, the Trustees said Columbia would divest from companies showing ‘indifference to the repressive racial policies in South Africa,’ and from companies providing capital markets for the government of South Africa.

However, the Trustees chose to keep investment in companies that abide by the Sullivan principles, a set of guidelines written by human rights activist Reverend Leon Sullivan, designed to eliminate racial discrimination in companies in South Africa. In 1979, Columbia divested $2.7 million from three banks that would not agree to the Sullivan principles.”

—Columbia Daily Spectator March 24, 1983

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ...... 2 The Beginning ...... 5 Raising Awareness ...... 8 April 3, 1982 Rally ...... 13 Sandro Pertini—President of Italy ...... 14 Shirley Chisholm—U.S. Congresswoman ...... 15 Fall of 1982 ...... 16 Donald Woods—Author ...... 16 Scholarship Drive ...... 18 University Senate Resolution and the Aftermath ...... 19 University Senate Resolution ...... 20 The Aftermath ...... 23 Fall 1983 ...... 28 The Fast ...... 33 The Blockade ...... 43 Divestment ...... 51 Calendar of Activities ...... 53 About the Author ...... 64 1 2 INTRODUCTION

M uch has been written about the South African divestment movement that occurred at Columbia University during the 1980s. I, however, have never shared my story. As the founding chairman of the Coalition for a Free South Africa, I was there from the start.

On a personal note, the campaign transformed me from a person who entered Columbia focused on being a star on the varsity basketball team to someone who graduated focused on making a difference in the world. After graduating, the divestment campaign led me to go to the then newly independent nation of Zimbabwe for nine months to study youth development, visit apartheid South Africa, and eventually, spend time in Ghana in West Africa. While in Gha- na, I met two young men who dreamed of teaching in their own school, but had no resources. I advised them to “find a tree and start their school under a tree.” They took my advice and began teaching a few students math and reading under a tree. Within months, these young teachers had nearly one hundred students coming to their school under the tree. See- ing their success, a local businessman gave these resource-

1 2 ful teachers a building he owned to use as their school. This experience inspired me to create the Find A Tree program, which provides people the psychological tools to make their dreams a reality.

The divestment campaign was my first “find a tree” experience. I had a dream—Columbia divesting from corporations with operations in South Africa— and I started with what I had. What happened next not only led to Columbia divesting, but college students nationally called on their universities to divest as well.

The divestment campaign taught me the power of a dream and getting started—despite the odds, the ridicule, and lack

3 4 of resources. I hope this recollection inspires the reader to dream of a better world, craft a plan of action, and then find his or her tree and get started. This writing will recall how we realized our dream—contributing to the international call to end apartheid.

The Coalition for a Free South Africa campaign to end Columbia’s ties to South Africa had four phases:

1. Raising Awareness (October 11, 1981 – March 24, 1983) 2. University Senate Resolution and Aftermath (March 25, 1982 – April 3, 1985) 3. Blockade (April 4 – 25, 1985) 4. Divestment (October 7, 1985)

During the 1984–85 academic year, I had graduated, and was not on campus. In this writing, I do not provide a description of the events and activities during the 1984–85 school year. The accounts detailing the student blockade of Hamilton Hall from April 4–25, 1985 are taken from university publications and other media.

The purpose of this document is to recall my experiences during these four phases. —Daniel “Danny” Armstrong Columbia College 1984 Founding Chairman, Coalition for a Free South Africa (1981 – 1984)

3 4 THE BEGINNING

F or me, the origin of the Coalition for a Free South Africa, which was initially called The Coalition for the Liberation of South Africa, began on a backyard basketball court in Compton, California, as it was there the seed was planted that apartheid had to end.

Growing up, my obsession was basketball. My dream was to play in the NBA. I spent as many waking hours as possible practicing on my backyard court. By age thirteen, my sister, Donna, was a student at Stanford University. On her weekend trips home, she often felt it was her duty to lecture me about what she had learned about apartheid in South Africa. My focus was on basketball and my jump shot. Rolling my eyes never seemed to deter my sister or discourage her from delivering one of her many lectures about apartheid. I soon realized it would be easier if I just listened. She was determined to deliver her message. My sister planted a seed.

In 6th grade, I read a book called Foul! by NBA legend Connie Hawkins. In his autobiography, Hawkins described New York City basketball courts as a place where ball players competed twenty- four hours a day. I knew then, I had to go to New York City. So as a high school senior, I asked my guidance counselor, “What’s

5 6 the best school in New York City?” He replied, “Columbia Univer- sity…but you could never get in.” I applied anyway, as this was my dream—to play basketball in the city. I was accepted as a member of the class of 1984 for the undergraduate liberal arts division of the university—Columbia College.

Eager to get my dream underway, my dad and I left for Columbia on June 21, 1980. Eight days earlier, I had graduated from high school. I was not the waiting around type. The Columbia basketball coach, Aurthur “Buddy” Mahar, arranged a summer job for me. My job was digging weeds in the median dividing traffic on Broadway. I got fired after a month for not digging fast enough. Relieved that that job was over, I called my dad to tell him I had been fired and was ready to return home for the remainder of the summer. Outraged that I got fired, he said, “Son, don’t ever call here again, and don’t ever ask for any more money. Goodbye.” My father was not the joking type. I knew he was serious, at least until the fall when school started. For the remainder of the summer, I volunteered at the Democratic National Convention, which was held at Madison Square Garden. My focus during my freshman year was studying, basketball, and counting the days until I would go home in the spring.

In the fall of my sophomore year, I came across a flyer ad- vertising a film on apartheid to be shown at Barnard College, Columbia’s sister school, in their Altschul Hall on October 11, 1981. The flyer sparked a memory of what my sister had lectured me about years before. I attended the event. (Later, I learned that President Barack Obama, a Columbia junior at that time, also attended this event.) Following the film, David Ndaba of the Afri- can National Congress (ANC) spoke about living under apartheid

5 6 and Josh Nessen of the American Committee on Africa discussed Columbia’s investments and announced an off- campus demonstration. Nessen invited audience members to meet him the following night at the law school to pick up flyers.

The next night, I joined three other students who met with Nessen to collect flyers for distribution on campus. At that point, a light had been lit in my mind—apartheid and Columbia’s investments. What could be done? Something, I determined.

I began in the fall of 1981 by going to Low Library, the administra- tive center of the university, and reading through files regarding the anti-apartheid protests that occurred on campus during the 1970s. Additionally, I researched the realities of living under apartheid and the role divestment could play to bring about its end.

7 8 RAISING AWAR EN ESS

T he first event I organized to raise awareness on campus about apartheid was a rap session with black and white South Africans, who described their experiences growing up under apartheid. This event was held on February 11, 1982, at 9:00 pm in the Carman Hall Lounge. Approximately twenty-five students attended. This initial program was well received and it encouraged me to continue.

I played varsity basketball, and my teammates would often ridicule me by calling me “a radical” when I entered the locker room with a handful of flyers announcing our next event. Initially, I was self-conscious when people would see me on campus posting flyers. I saw myself as an athlete, not an activist. Students were generally not aware of apartheid and the situation in South Africa. Many had no idea where South Africa was located. I remember one student asking me, “What is the capital of Africa?” Taking a stand against apartheid and calling for divestment was controversial. In fact, taking a stand on any issue was seen as unusual in the early 1980s. The most common locker

7 8 room conversation my teammates had was about signing bonus- es and investment banking jobs with Wall Street firms. “Greed is good” was the classic line from the ’80s film Wall Street. That line epitomized the times.

It was the time of Ronald Reagan. The Reagan administration took a direct right turn on President Carter’s emphasis on human rights in foreign policy matters. The Reagan adminis-

tration had a policy called “constructive engagement” toward South Africa. This policy essentially decreed the U.S. would continue to do business with South Africa. In fact, the Reagan administration “accidentally” sent electronic cattle batons to the South African police to be used on its black citizens. On behalf of the Coalition, I sent a letter of protest to Congressman Mervyn Dymally. America had South Africa’s back. Apartheid was not a problem. This had to change.

9 10 I determined that the best approach would be to educate students on the facts about apartheid and the role divestment could play to promote change. Informational flyers, prominent guest speakers, films, and leafleting were the central focus to raise awareness on apartheid and Columbia’s investments in corporations with operations in South Africa.

We did not have personal computers for social media or smart phones to text in the early ’80s. Our flyers were often handmade and posted throughout campus and on every dorm floor. My mother, a calligraphist, would write out flyers and mail them to me, after I told her what to write. Other students would offer to help hand out flyers, but my colleagues would often drift away after an event or two. I had to be the one to post flyers, re- serve rooms, and organize programs. My father sent me money for necessities—books, toothpaste, and an occasional subway ride—but not for political organizing. My father insisted that I

9 10 11 12 send him a monthly financial account of my expenses. I found myself adding numerous tubes of toothpaste or an extra book or two, to hide the expenses of printing flyers and other costs.

In order to use campus facilities, the Black Students Organiza- tion sponsored or was a co-sponsor of our events. Black students knew as much about what was going on in South Africa, it seemed, as our white counterparts. I had to start with the basics in educating all students about apartheid, just as my sister had done with me years before on a basketball court in Compton.

Initially, I felt alone in moving the campaign forward. Students attended events, which was heartening. The president of the Black Students Organization (BSO), Verna Briggs, sent me a handwritten letter urging me to continue the work of raising awareness on campus. I once saw the official in charge of man- aging the university’s investment portfolio quietly purchase a “Columbia out of South Africa” divestment T-shirt. I was the last person she wanted to see. As our eyes met, she smiled and pleaded with me not to tell that she supported divestment. Every time I felt like giving up, a stranger would approach and implore me to continue, or someone would offer to make flyers for the organization. Like undercover CIA agents convey- ing secret information for a clandestine operation, university staff members would discretely tell me to come to a certain building and room at an appointed time. There, they explained, would be a box with Coalition event flyers. Staff would use university copying machines and make additional flyers. These experiences encouraged me to continue to organize. Awareness was growing on campus.

11 12 APRIL 3, 1982 RALLY

The first Coalition rally was scheduled for April 3, 1982, on Cam- pus Walk. I submitted the necessary paperwork on March 15. Days before the rally, I was contacted by Phillip Benson, Vice President for Student Services, and he proposed the rally date being changed given that April 3 was Dean’s Day and alumni who would be solicited for donations would be visiting campus. I refused. According to the Spectator (April 2, 1982), “A Columbia official Wednesday asked student organizers of Saturday’s rally protesting university investments in South Africa to move the demonstration away from College Walk so alumni who are visiting the campus for the College’s Dean’s Day would not be deterred from giving donations. ‘It could have an impact,’ Phillip Benson, Vice President for Student Ser- vices, said when asked if the demonstrations might dampen the generosity of the alumni. ‘These particular alumni are not involved in demonstrations all the time and we don’t want to

13 14 make it unpleasant for them,’ Benson explained.”

Ultimately, the rally was held on April 3, 1982, in Uris Plaza behind Low Library. It was a cold, rainy day. Five people attended—my cousin, who was visiting from Los Angeles, three students, and me. I gave a short speech. Despite our miniscule numbers, it seemed like the administration feared the Coalition and our message: Columbia out of South Africa. Divest now.

SANDRO PERTINI PRESIDENT OF ITALY

On March 31, 1982, the president of Italy, Sandro Pertini, spoke at Low Library. He called on Columbia to act on the issue of human rights in South Africa as he said, “Our condemnation extends therefore to the dictatorial regimes of Latin America [and] Southern Africa…Let us register our protest from this free university.” (Spectator April 2, 1982)

13 14 SHIRLEY CHISHOLM U.S. CONGRESSWOMAN

The first year of activity concluded with former Brooklyn Congresswoman and 1972 U.S. presidential candidate Shirley Cisholm speaking in Ferris Booth Hall (FBH) about her experiences in South Africa as a member of a Congressional delegation. She recalled being given the title “honorary white” by the South African government in order to make the trip.

15 16 FALL OF 1982

The name of the organization was officially changed from The Coalition for the Liberation of South Africa to the Coalition for a Free South Africa and later became a registered campus organization. I had been elected director of political affairs for the Black Students Organization (BSO) the previous spring, so now I merged the political focus of BSO with the mission of the Coalition. Soon the Coalition began attracting a diverse following and became more independent of the BSO. DONALD WOODS AUTHOR

Donald Woods, who wrote the books Biko, about black South African anti-apartheid activist Stephen Biko, and Asking for Trouble, spoke to an overflow crowd in Ferris Booth Hall on October 28, 1982. Woods, who is white, escaped from South Africa in 1977. He had been “banned” and threatened with death by the South African government because of his vigorous criticisms of the apartheid system. Woods spoke about his experiences and what Americans could to do to support change in South Africa.

Following this event, I recall thinking how my priorities had changed. In my freshman year, I would have stayed an hour after basketball practice to continue to work on my shot. On the day of the Woods event, I could not wait to get out of practice, as I had a small window of time to shower, dress, and meet Mr. Woods prior to the event. The Coalition and the campaign for divestment was becoming my priority.

15 16 17 18 SCHOLARSHIP DRIVE

In the fall of 1982, we launched a drive to raise funds for a black South African student. I was able to give $1,000 from an award the College had given me the previous spring for campus leadership. College Dean Robert Pollack also made a donation. We had a raffle to raise funds and awarded the money to a Black South African student who was enrolled at the university at that time.

17 18 UNIVERSITY SENATE RESOLUTION AND THE AFTERMATH

The University Senate resolution was spearheaded by Senator Barbara Ransby, who attended the School of General Studies. I first met Barbara in January of 1983. I did not know much about the Senate, but she explained that this was the official channel to move a formal resolution committing the university to divest before the Board of Trustees.

Over the previous year and a half of organizing, I had grown accustomed to people coming forward with suggestions or strat- egies or offering their help. After a week or month, most drifted away. While there was a small nucleus of committed students who stayed, such as Greg Butler and Greg Smith, whom we called “The Gregs,” student participation was often a revolving door. After a while, I had grown accustomed to and had come to expect a regular turnover in those willing to do the work of posting flyers, standing at tables, and attending meetings. When midterms came, or other pressing matters, I realized that many

19 20 would leave. Barbara was very serious and thoughtful. It was apparent that divestment was not an emotional whim or a “cause- of-the-day” for her. A month after meeting her, I remembering watching her from afar at one event, and thinking, “Hmmm… she’s still here.” Barbara stayed and never left.

At rallies, Barbara had a way of speaking without great emotion, but with great conviction, as she presented the facts of our case. She was like our lawyer. When Barbara joined the Coalition, it was like an adult was in the room.

UNIVERSITY SENATE RESOLUTION

On March 25, 1983, University Senator Ransby, along with two colleagues, John Senna from the School of Social Work and Stuart Garcia from the College, co-sponsored the resolution in support of divestment from companies doing business in South Africa. A Coalition-sponsored rally preceded the introduction of the resolution.

On the same day as the resolution was introduced, the Columbia Daily Spectator endorsed the resolution with the following editorial, in part:

“If Columbia is one of the greatest universities in the world (as we are so often reminded), such a move would set quite an impressive ‘example.’ It would strongly encourage other institutions to follow suit, putting tremendous pres- sures on South Africa and the firms that support it.

How are black Columbia students supposed to feel when the university tells them it cares about their status and

19 20 then supports the most racist regime in the world? It is sheer hypocrisy for Columbia, supposedly dedicated [to] humanistic ideals, to condemn apartheid in words, but support it in action. Columbia must take the bold step, set the example. It must divest from South Africa.”

—Columbia Daily Spectator March 25, 1983

The resolution asked the trustees to “develop and implement a specific plan for the divestment of all its holdings in corporations which have operations in South Africa.” The resolution passed with no dissenting votes. According to the Spectator, fifty-two of the ninety-nine Senators were present for the vote. “In a speech interrupted three times by applause, Ransby said Columbia’s policy of investing in some companies in South Africa ‘whether we intend it to or not, lends support and legitimacy to the system of apartheid,’” according to the Spectator. The Spectator article continued, “Ransby echoed this argument, saying Columbia, as a ‘humane’ institution, must divest from companies operating in South Africa. She quoted Bishop Desmond Tutu, a black leader

21 22 who last summer received an honorary degree from Columbia, as saying ‘Foreign investors must not kid themselves. Their investments maintain the apartheid system.’”

We had won. The resolution passed, but what did it mean? Were the trustees required to act based on the Senate’s recommendation? We were unsure.

21 22 THE AFTERMATH

With Barbara on board and taking a leadership role in the Coalition, we were growing beyond a one-man-driven campaign to an organization with a broad base of support. Barbara became co-chair of the Coalition with me. It was a natural fit and we worked well together—focused on the mission: Columbia out of South Africa.

The Spectator and other student publications lined up behind divestment. Supporting divestment was no longer the radical position, but the ethical one.

“[Samuel] Higgenbottom [chair of the board of Trustees] and [President] Sovern seem to be skating around the fact that the people to whom they are resposible and—the scholars and learners who make up Columbia University

23 24 —have decided that there are higher moralities than money. Messrs. Sovern and Higgenbottom, you have been given your orders, your responsibility now is to carry them out to the best interest of Columbia.”

—Sundial editorial April 22, 1982

Despite growing support and the Senate’s resolution, President Sovern and the Board were not required to divest. The viability of the University Senate was even called into question by the Spec- tator, which stated in an editorial that failure to divest following the Senate vote would “prove once and for all that the University Senate is a worthless, frivolous entity.” President Sovern said he was “surprised” by the Senate vote (Spectator March 29, 1983).

The Trustees met on April 4, 1983, following the passage of the Senate resolution. The Coalition held a rally on the Low Library steps prior to the meeting. Trustee Peter Loweb said, according to the Spectator (April 5, 1983), “The trustees would have to think long and hard before taking a ‘violent economic step.’” The trustees chose to refer divestment to their Executive Committee.

The Coalition responded by calling on President Sovern to take a public stand on the issue. On April 26 we rallied again. This time the focus was President Sovern. “Sovern take a stand!” we shouted. Barbara and I sent a letter to President Sovern asking him “to encourage the Trustees to avoid any further delays.”

The Coalition organized a week-long vigil outside the doors of Low Library from 8:00 am to 8:00 pm with a banner made from a white bedsheet and red paint, which read: “No More Delays – Columbia out of South Africa.” It rained and was cold all week. This silent vigil sent a loud message: divestment was not going away.

23 24 History professor Eric Foner wrote the following letter to the editor of the Spectator (April 21, 1983):

To the Editor:

Through the rain and snow of the week of April 11, those hurrying across the campus may have noticed the group of black students standing vigil outside of Low Library, with a banner demanding the divestment of Columbia’s funds from corporations doing business in South Africa. Their silent witness deserves more than the casual glance of the passer-by. In their quiet dignity, these students represent all the best in the traditions of the university. Everyone on this campus has reason to be proud of them, and embar- rassed by the administration’s obvious discomfiture at being asked to act in accordance with the values it professes to believe in.

I attended a gathering of students with the Board of Trustees’ chairman, Samuel Higgenbottom, which was held in East Campus. I shared with him the students’ disappointment in the Trustees’ failure to commit to divestment.

The University Trustees’ Executive Committee invited Barbara Ransby and me to make a presentation. They listened politely. We spoke politely and left.

On July 13, 1983, the Spectator headline announced: “Columbia will not divest – Trustees reject Senate’s resolution on S. Africa.” The Trustees issued a 41-page statement defending their position. Ransby was quoted in the Spectator article, she said, “By refusing to follow the Senate’s directive, the Trustees ‘insulted’ the assembly, which counts among its members student, faculty and administration representatives.”

25 26 25 26 27 28 Ransby concluded by saying, “The Trustees have not heard the last of the divestment issue…supporters of divestment would make it an issue again in the fall by publicizing and popularizing the issue on campus.”

The Spectator editorial: “The university’s Trustees made the wrong decision on divestment, and the Columbia community must not quietly accept this outrage.”

FALL 1983

I had decided to leave school for my senior year to work on U.S. Senator Alan Cranston’s presidential campaign. After working for his campaign during the summer in Washington, D.C., I decided days before the start of the school year to return to school. Bas- ketball was no longer a priority in my life. I decided not to play my

27 28 29 30 senior year and focus on my academics, the Cranston campaign on campus, and divestment.

The University Senate resolution had been rejected, and senators argued over the appropriate response. On September 26, 1983, the Spectator reported that the “Senate rethinks pro-divest stance.” The article stated: “After an hour and a half [of] heated debate, the University Senate Friday voted to set up a ‘balanced committee’ to reexamine the divestment issue and reply to the trustees’ summer decision not to divest.” The article’s photo caption read, “Student caucus leader Barbara Ransby accuses College Senator James Weinstein of ‘childish ramblings with racist implications’ in Friday’s Senate debate on the divesture issue.” The viability of the Senate was in question as well. The Spectator article quoted professor Sherman Beychock of biological sciences as saying, “An appearance of impotence has been cast over the Senate. The Senate must take a firm stand.”

The mood was shifting on campus. The pressure had to be raised in order to move divestment forward. On October 3, 1983, the Trustees met. I was on the front page of the Spectator shouting at a trustee as he entered Low Library. We were no longer talking politely, and we were not leaving. We redoubled our efforts to mo- bilize and inform the campus with a teach-in on November 30, and on December 8 the Coalition sponsored a full-page ad in the Spectator, which listed the names of members of the Columbia community who supported divestment.

On March 23, 1984, the Senate’s Ad Hoc Committee on Invest- ments met. Speakers advocated for divestment. I spoke and asked, “Where is the commitment? Where is the courage?” I concluded my remarks by announcing that I and others would fast for a week “to dramatize our solidarity with the oppressed of

29 30 South Africa.” The Spectator (March 26, 1983) quoted Dean Rob- ert Pollack as he speculated that the fast would be “a successful attempt to make people uncomfortable with their conscience.”

I had never fasted before. I had my last meal on Sunday, March 25. I had miso broth on Monday and only water after that. I recall getting very tired and having to rest during the day, as I tried to keep up my normal schedule of attending classes, organizing, and studying. In addition to the fast, students held a vigil on the steps of Low Library with a banner demanding Columbia out of South Africa. On Tuesday March 25, 1984, campus Catholic chaplain Father Paul Dinter met with members of the Coalition.

31 32 31 32 THE FAST

STUDENT FASTERS, DINTER MEET Forty members of the Coalition for a Free South Africa, all wearing black armbands, most of them fasting, gathered last night in Wallach Hall’s Malcolm X Lounge to hear campus Catholic Chaplain Fr. Paul Dinter encourage their gesture of solidarity with South Africa blacks suffering under the legal system of racial discrimination, apartheid.

Leader Danny Armstrong said the fasts were “A symbolic sacrifice for others who are suffering. We hope that our University will have the courage and integrity to follow suit.’”

“Fasting,” noted Dinter, “has a power in and of itself in a selfish and apathetic society.”

—Columbia Daily Spectator March 28, 1984

33 34 33 34 April 2, 1984

The Board of Trustees, Columbia University 202 Low Library Columbia University New York, New York

To the Board of Trustees, Columbia University:

We, the members of the Coalition for a Free South Africa, in response to your apparent belief that a solid return on one’s investment is more important than human life, are taking a decisive step—a desperate step, if you will—in hopes that your consciences will not allow you to be placed so deep in the camp of financial gain and so far removed from the road of moral right. We [are] fasting as a demonstration of our absolute determination to do everything in our power to help the people of South Africa.

For your part, we are not asking for any sort of commitment. No action. No involvement of any sort. No fighting for what is right, but simply an agreement not to aid those who so clearly are not right. We urge the Board of Trustees to begin a policy of divestment from all corporations that support and operate in South Af- rica.

Sincerely,

Danny Armstrong Coalition for a Free South Africa

35 36 35 36 DIVEST RALLY GETS NASTY Protestors [sic] pound on Low doors

A protest organized by the Coalition for a Free South Africa took an unusually violent turn yesterday, as more than 75 students shouted and pounded on the closed front doors of Low Library during a meeting of the university’s Board of Trustees.

The protest began in an organized fashion, but at about 2:30PM the demonstrators turned away from the campus and faced the front entrances of Low, vehemently and physically directing their anger to the university trustees, who were meeting inside. As chants of ‘Trustees, you know, South Africa stocks have got to go’ and ‘Divest now,

37 38 no, we won’t go away,’ ripped through the campus, many of the protesters pounded their fists on the front doors, which had been closed by security as a precautionary measure. One student climbed up to the door’s transom and beat on the glass.

…At one point, Vice-President for Student Services Phil Benson walked into the thick of the protest and… ’requested’ that the students cease pounding on the doors.

According to Danny Armstrong, head of the Coalition for a Free South Africa and one of those who was shouting and banging on the doors, Benson asked the protesters to stop hitting the doors. Armstrong said that he replied, ‘We have the right to protest for right.’

…When Benson failed to stop the students from protesting, he quickly walked away from the fracas. He would not comment on the demonstration, but when a reporter asked for a statement, he replied, ‘You want a quote? It’s none of your fucking business.’

—Columbia Daily Spectator April 3, 1984

37 38 The fast attracted the quiet support of students who were apathetic toward the issue of divestment. In Broadway magazine, student Julius Genachowski wrote, “The fasting for divestment last week was so important—it made us feel guilty….The vigil for divestment was not intended to end our selfishness, and I’m sure it alone won’t. But it probably lifted a few of us out of the apathy trap. And that’s a start.”

During the week of the fast on March 28, there was a U.S. presidential debate between candidates for the Democratic nomination. Walter Mondale, the former vice president to Jimmy Carter, was the frontrunner and eventual nominee, but civil rights leader Reverend Jesse Jackson captivated Democrats and black Americans with his trailblazing run at the nomination. Former U.S. Senator from Colorado Gary Hart was the third debate participant. The candidates and the media converged on Low Library for the debate. Coalition members stood on the steps of Low singing anti-apartheid songs and chanting divestment slogans. Reverend Jackson called on American companies to leave South Africa during the televised debate. Coalition members, watching on television, cheered.

As the Trustees dug in, the Coalition and its supporters became more aggressive in our demands that the university divest. On April 2, 1984, a rally was held outside the trustees’ meeting. The Spectator quoted Barbara Ransby as telling the crowd: “These people [the trustees] apparently think their supreme wisdom is greater than the wisdom of the majority of the people on this campus.” Rally attendees no longer stood back a respectful distance from the entrance of Low Library, chanting. At this rally, we converged on the glass doors, angrily shouting and pounding on them. At one point, a crack appeared on one of the glass doors. We were no longer talking nice and leaving.

39 40 On April 26, 1984, the Spectator announced that the University Senate Ad Hoc Committee on Investments would not deliver a final report with its recommendation to the Board of Trust- ees. College Dean Robert Pollack who headed the Committee, sought unanimity from the Ad Hoc Committee members. Senator Barbara Ransby stood firm on the demand that the trustees commit to divestment. Dean Pollack and other committee members were prepared to present to the trustees a recommendation to freeze investments, which Pollack suggested would eventually lead to total divestment. There was a great deal of back and forth between senators and Pollack. I met with Dean Pollack and Senator Stuart Garcia, as well as with Barbara and Coalition members.

This issue of a freeze versus demanding divestment was the first and only disagreement I can recall having with Barbara. I advocated for a freeze. A key concern in my mind was if we held out for divestment, who would carry on the work next year? Barbara was graduating and going on to the University of Michigan. I was graduating and eventually going to Zimbabwe for a year. I knew what it took to build the support we had on campus. Organizing, meeting, and preparing every day; I had done it for three years. We built support by having events nearly every two or three weeks. We had a small nucleus of committed members. We could pull numbers of supporters for a rally or a speaker, but the work of the Coalition was done by a small group—posting flyers, standing at tables, and using their personal money, when necessary, to cover expenses. I could always count on Greg Smith and Greg Butler (“the Gregs”) and a few others. Others drifted in and out. I had learned early that supporters/helpers were in a revolving door. Who would do the day-to-day work next year? This concern was a major reason I felt a freeze would be advantageous. We got something.

39 40 Barbara’s position, according to the Spectator (April 30, 1984) was stated by her as follows: “It is wrong for us not to deal with the crux of the controversy. The only recommendation is one which points us in the direction of divestment. To call for a freeze does not mean divestment, it does not lead to divestment, and it is not sufficient…it is a contradiction to say that it’s unethical to purchase more stock in these companies, but that it’s okay to keep what you have. Basically, I don’t think a freeze is enough. It isn’t a step toward divestment.”

I failed to grasp the depth and breadth of student support for divestment. In one Coalition meeting, as we debated to agree to a freeze or stand firm for total divestment, I recall a new student supporter, whom I did not recognize, gleefully express his excite- ment for the issue of divestment and saying how committed he was to go all out next year organizing. I could only think, “I have heard that before….and what happens when midterms hit or a paper is due?” The revolving door was in my mind. To continue to demand divestment would require a committed group who were willing to sacrifice. I did not see it.

I misjudged. Barbara was correct in holding out for divestment. Students were committed and willing to sacrifice and organize. Holding out for divestment was the principled stance. Some- times you just have to have faith; Barbara had it. In response to lacking unanimity, Dean Pollack delivered an “interim report” to President Sovern. In delivering the interim report, Dean Pollack asked President Sovern “to ask the trustees to impose a freeze in investments in companies operating in South Africa as a sign of good faith to my committee as we continue next year” (Spectator April 30, 1984). On April 27, 1984, President Sovern agreed to recommend that the Trustees freeze investments.

41 42 41 42 THE BLOCKADE

I graduated from Columbia in May 1984. My tenure of leadership was over. I had developed a relationship with alumnus and former Columbia basketball player Franklin Thomas, who at that time was the president of the Ford Foundation. I wrote to him and asked the Foundation to award me a grant to teach in a school in Zimbabwe in order to see firsthand how that nation, just four years from independence, was preparing its youth for the future. Zimbabwe, formerly known as Rhodesia, had become independent on April 18, 1980, following a twenty-year civil war between whites and blacks, and had a system of government similar to apartheid.

I received the Ford grant to study youth development in Zimba- bwe for nine months. A professor from City College promised to secure a job for me teaching in a school in Zimbabwe and a place to live. The night before I was to leave for Zimbabwe, the City College professor told me he failed to secure a job and accommo- dations. I was devastated. I returned to campus from City College, and I bumped into Coalition member Penny Andrews a law student. She asked me what was wrong. I explained that I was to leave for Zimbabwe in the morning, but my living arrangements

43 44 were not made as promised. Penny told me she had a friend, Kirk White, in Zimbabwe. She gave me his address and a postcard to give him, explaining who I was and asking if I could stay at his place “for a night or two.” The next morning I traveled to London heading to Zimbabwe with only that postcard for a nine-month- stay.

Once in Zimbabwe, I was able to conduct my research on youth development. The government asked that I promote basketball throughout the country as well. Later, I decided I wanted to venture into South Africa to see apartheid firsthand.

I first traveled to Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, where Penny Andrews, who gave me the postcard, had family. Then I took a bus to go to Johannesburg, South Africa. I was the last one to board. I had organized protests against South Africa, but now I was going. It was going to be made real, not some far distant land or problem. As I boarded the bus, it was full. All the occupants were white. Everyone seemed to be staring at me. My eyes darted about, looking for a friendly face. I saw an elderly black man in the back. He saw me and gave me a thumbs-up. He pointed out a seat next to him. I quickly went toward the back and sat next to him. I listened to musician Gil Scot-Heron’s classic anti-apartheid song “Johannesburg” as we drove across the border into apartheid South Africa.

I stayed with a Coloured family in a Coloured section of Johannes- burg, which was required under apartheid. (“Coloured” was the designation for people of mixed race under apartheid law.) Pen- ny’s family in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, made the arrangements for me to stay with their friends in South Africa. The family in South Africa wanted to take me to see the tourist sites. I made clear that

43 44 BISHOP DESMOND TUTU Johannesburg, South Africa April 1985

I was not there to see tourist sites, but I wanted to go to Soweto and meet political activists. My mother made me promise before going that I would not start any protests while in South Africa. I figured a few meetings would not hurt. After meeting with local activists, I was told a car following us carried the secret police.

One morning, I woke up and turned on the radio. The announcer said, “Students at Columbia University in New York City, USA, had taken over a building in protest over the school’s investments in South Africa…details at noon.” What? Did I hear right? I jumped out of bed and got the morning newspaper. The story about the Columbia student protest was on the front page.

I called the offices of the Spectator…collect.

45 46 Sowetan Johannesburg, South Africa April 9, 1985

I told them that what was happening on campus was being reported all over South Africa. The Spectator editor with whom I spoke with told me that Columbia’s president, Michael Sovern, had announced that Bishop Desmond Tutu, whom Columbia had given an honorary degree to on August 3, 1982, was against the students’ action. I told the Spectator representative that I was scheduled to meet with Bishop Tutu later that afternoon and I would ask him where he stood on the issue of divestment and the protest.

That afternoon I met with Bishop Tutu at his Johannesburg of- fice, where we discussed the Columbia situation and President Sovern’s declaration that Bishop Tutu would be against the student blockade. Bishop Tutu affirmed his support for divestment and the students’ action. He told me he was doing an interview

45 46 by telephone with a radio station in New York City that afternoon. He said he would share his support for the students during that interview.

Now the students could point to Bishop Tutu as a supporter of divestment. His declaration discredited the argument that divestment would hurt black South Africans. The trustees found themselves on a lonely island as the sea of support for divestment surrounded them from campus to South Africa.

The summer of 1985 edition of Columbia College Today magazine reported on the blockade with the magazine’s cover heading “The South African Dilemma.” One of several articles regarding the issue of South Africa was written by Tom Mathewson, who summarized the blockade:

“Columbia students who blockaded Hamilton Hall for three weeks in April focused international attention on the growing revulsion of Americans toward the South African system of racial separation known as apartheid.

The blockade began on April 4, a day of nationwide campus protesting calling on universities to divest their stock port- folios of holdings in companies that do business in South Africa. On April 25th the Columbia blockade ended peace- fully, following a permanent injunction issued by New York Supreme Court Justice Burton S. Sherman on April 22nd. Sixty-four students subsequently faced University disci- plinary charges; 20 voluntarily accepted Dean’s discipline.

Members of the Coalition for a Free South Africa, the group that has led the divestment drive at Columbia since 1981, have vowed to continue their protests, using new tactics, until the University liquidates all of its South Africa-related

47 48 holdings, whose value has ranged between $32 million and $38 million in recent months. Ultimate responsibility for University investment policy rests with the Trustees, who are the legal guardians of Columbia’s $863 million endowment.

The blockade came at a time of escalating violence in South Africa, where more than 300 blacks have died in clashes with police in the past year. It also inspired similar extended protests at other campuses across the country —most notably Rutgers, Cornell, and Berkeley—in a new escalation of a nationwide campaign to pressure private and public institutions to sever economic ties with South Africa...

For the Hamilton protesters, the April 4 blockade was the key act in a spring campaign that began on March 25, when several coalition members began a fast for divestment, consuming only liquids. At nightly meetings the group’s steering committee also planned their act of civil disobedi- ence. Prospects for widespread support for such an action seemed poor: an April 1 rally outside the Board of Trustees’ monthly meeting drew only about 25 supporters.

But on the morning of April 4, the 11th day of the fast and the 17th anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., several hundred gathered at the sundial for a rally staged by coalition organizers, who afterwards led a large portion of the group to the steps of Hamilton Hall, the Col- lege’s principal academic and administration building.

As some coalition members chained the front doors and others posted signs inside Hamilton calling attention to a basement entrance through a maintenance tunnel from Kent Hall that remained open, steering committee mem-

47 48 ber Anthony Glover ’86 announced a blockade that he said would last until the Trustees declared their intention to divest within three years.

A number of protesters knew nothing about a blockade before they were assembled on the front steps of Hamilton, but over 200 immediately endorsed the action and stayed. According to one administrator who observed the first day of the protest, the original group of blockaders consisted

49 50 almost entirely of Columbia students, more than half from the College. No one, however, expected that a group rang- ing from fewer than 50 to more than 300 would be sitting, sleeping, debating, and attracting international attention on those steps for 22 days.”

49 50 DIVESTMENT

On October 7, 1985, the Columbia University Board of Trust- ees voted to divest its holdings in companies doing business in South Africa.

On October 8, 1985, I had returned to Los Angeles from a nine- month stay in Zimbabwe and was enrolled in law school at UCLA. I walked into the bookstore that day and picked up a New York Times and read the headline: “Columbia to Sell Stocks Linked to South Africa.”

A dream that began four years earlier had been realized. No one around me understood my amazement and joy as I read the article. People can help change the world for the better by start- ing where they are, with what they have.

51 52 51 52 CALENDAR OF ACTIVITIES

The listing of activities reflects the entries in Daniel Armstrong’s calendars, flyers, and the Spectator articles.

DATE TIME ACTIVITY October 11, 1981 Film at Barnard’s Altschul Hall. Speakers: David Ndaba of the African National Con- gress (ANC) and Josh Nessen of American Friends Service Committee, who discussed Columbia’s investments and announced an off-campus citywide demonstration. Daniel Armstrong attended. Columbia student Barack Obama also attended. November 9, 1981 7:30 PM Meeting in the law school. Novermber 23, 1981 7:30 PM Meeting. December 2, 1981 9:00 PM Meeting Law Room D. December 7, 1981 Daniel’s calendar note: “Talk to [Professor] Charles Hamilton about agenda, direction of CFSA.”

February 8, 1982 NAACP meeting in Malcolm X Lounge – distributed flyers for February 11 rap session.

53 54 February 11, 1982 9:00 PM Rap session with black and white South Africans. This was the first event organized to raise awareness on campus for what was to become the Coalition for a Free South Africa.

February 18, 1982 Meeting in Carman Hall. February 25, 1982 9:00 PM Film. March 3, 1982 8:00 PM Speaker: Former U.N. Ambassa- dor and Chairman of Columbia’s Department of Anthropology, Elliot P. Skinner / Carman Hall. March 8–14, 1982 “Columbia out of South Africa” flyers posted. March 15, 1982 Filed paperwork for first rally. March 23, 1982 9:00 PM Meeting / Agenda – sheet ban- ners, posting flyers, questions. March 25, 1982 9:00 PM Film: Six Days in Soweto – Carman Hall Lounge. March 29– April 4 1982 Table on College Walk. March 31, 1982 Meeting. March 31, 1982 The president of Italy, Sandro Pertini, spoke at Low Library. He called on Columbia to act on the issue of human rights in South Africa as he said, “Our condemnation extends therefore to the doctorial regimes of Latin America, Southern Africa…Let us register our protest from this free university.”

53 54 April 3, 1982 First rally held in the rain behind Low Library. Five people attended. April 7, 1982 Film: Generations of Resistance (Calendar note: “Discuss unity with Africa”). April 5–8, 1982 Black Students Organization meetings. April 11, 1982 Calendar note: “Picket this week.”

April 13, 1982 8:30 PM Film: Last Grave at Dimbaza. April 18, 1982 Flyer campaign for week. April 22, 1982 2:00 PM Rally held at Sundial on College Walk. April 22, 1982 9:00 PM Sundial, a campus news maga- zines, cover story: “Student Con- sciousness Raising: Apartheid and Armageddon.”

March 29–April 4 Table on College Walk. 1982 March 31, 1982 Meeting. May 7, 1982 Coalition hosted Congresswom- an Shirley Chisholm, who spoke in FBH (Schiff Room) on her experience visiting South Africa 6:00 PM as a member of a Congressional delegation. She said she was given the status of “honorary white.”

55 56 May 19, 1982 At University Commence- ment, President Michael Sovern stated: “[Apartheid is] …the most systematic abuse of law to outlaw a people since Hitler’s Nuremburg Laws.” August 3, 1982 University President Michael I. Sovern ’53 led a Columbia delegation to Johannesburg, South Africa to award an honorary doctorate to Bishop Desmond Tutu. (Source: Columbia College Today) September 1982 Organization’s name changed from The Coalition for the Liberation of South Africa to the Coalition for a Free South Africa. September 8, 1982 Information table on College Walk. September 12, 1982 9:00 PM Meeting. September 17, 1982 Daniel Armstrong met with Dean Bob Pollack to discuss scholarship for a Black South African student. Dean Pollack endorsed the effort in a September 22, 1982 letter. October 8, 1982 Coalition initiated fund raising for a South African scholarship announced in the Spectator. October 14, 1982 8:30 PM Film: Last Grave at Dimbaza – FBH.

55 56 October 28, 1982 Speaker: Author Donald Woods, who wrote the book Biko. Event held in FBH. November 3, 1982 9:00 PM Meeting in Hartley Hall. November 7, 1982 9:00 PM Meeting. November 9, 1982 Coalition member Gregory Butler sent a letter to Anthony Knerr, Vice President of Finance and Treasurer, requesting information regarding investment in corporations with operations in South Africa. November 16, 1982 7:30 PM Film: South Africa: To The Last Drop of Blood followed by speaker David Ndaba of the Af- rican National Congress. Event held in the World Room of the School of Journalism. January 1983 University Senator Barbara Ransby joined the Coalition and proposed a resolution in support of divestment be presented to the University Senate. February 16, 1983 8:00 PM Film: South Africa: To The Last Drop of Blood. Event held in the School of International Affairs. March 20, 1983 Meeting. March 24, 1983 12:00 PM Rally held in support of resolution in University Senate. Rally held at Sundial on College Walk.

57 58 March 24, 1983 According to the Spectator, “Samuel Higgenbottom, chairman of the board of Trustees, called total divestment ‘foolish.’” March 25, 1983 Columbia Daily Spectator editorial endorsed divestment. March 25, 1983 2:15 PM Resolution presented in Uni- versity Senate for divestment of stocks in corporation doing business in South Africa passed without dissent. Resolution presented by Senator Barbara Ransby, along with Senators Stuart Garcia and John Senna. April 4, 1983 1:30 PM Rally on the steps of Low Library held prior to Trustees’ meeting. April 4, 1983 University Trustees met. They decided to have the Executive Committee study the university’s policy toward companies doing business in South Africa. April 11–15, 1983 Coalition members held a week-long vigil from 8:00 am to 8:00 pm outside of Low Library with a banner stating “No More Delays – Columbia Out of South Africa.” April 26, 1983 Rally on Low Library steps demanded President Sovern take a public position on divestment.

57 58 May 3, 1983 The University Trustee’s Executive Committee sent a letter to Daniel and Barbara Ransby inviting them to make a presentation. July 3, 1983 Spectator headline: “Columbia will not divest – Trustees reject Senate’s resolution on S. Africa” Trustees issued a forty-one-page statement defending their position. March 25, 1983 2:15 PM Resolution presented in Uni- versity Senate for divestment of stocks in corporation doing business in South Africa passed without dissent. Resolution presented by Senator Barbara Ransby, along with Senators Stu- art Garcia and John Senna. September 8, 1983 7:30 PM Meeting in Hartley Lounge. September 12–18, Table on College Walk. 1983 September 22, 1983 8:00 PM Film: Six Days in Soweto. September 23, 1983 University Senate meeting. October 3, 1983 Trustees’ meeting and rally on Low Library steps. October 4, 1983 7:00 PM Meeting – Malcolm X Lounge. October 25, 1983 7:30 PM Steering Committee Meeting. October 27, 1982 Meeting.

59 60 November 2, 1983 Meeting. November 16, 1983 Candlelight vigil outside Low Library during the Hamilton Awards ceremony, which honored distinguished alumni. Franklin Thomas, president of the Ford Foundation, honored. Thomas, who is African-Ameri- can, did not support divestment. November 30, 1983 Teach-In. December 8, 1983 Bishop Desmond Tutu spoke at 470 Riverside Drive. December 28, 1983 Meeting. January 29, 1984 Dinner and meeting. February 12, 1984 Meeting. March 20, 1984 8:00 PM Meeting – F.B.H. March 21, 1984 7:00 PM Community Forum: “Fighting Racism from Sharpesville to Har- lem” in F.B.H. March 22, 1984 12:30 PM Rally – supporters urged to wear “Columbia Divest” buttons. March 23, 1984 Senate Ad Hoc Committee on Investment met. Daniel “Danny” Armstrong announced a one-week fast in solidarity with the oppressed living under apartheid. March 25, 1984 Baby shower for Barbara Ransby. March 26, 1984 One-week fast began.

59 60 March 28, 1984 Democratic candidates seek- ing their party’s nomination for president—Walter Mondale, Gary Hart and Jesse Jackson— held a nationally televised debate in Low Library. Divestment supporters gathered on steps outside chanting and singing. Jackson called on American companies to leave South Af- rica. March 29, 1984 7:00 PM Meeting in Malcolm X Lounge. Father Paul Dinter attended and spoke about the power of fasting as a moral statement. March 30, 1984 Fast ended. Meeting in Mal- colm X lounge. April 2, 1984 1:30 PM Trustees’ meeting and rally. Spectator headline: “Divest rally gets nasty – Protestors pound on Low doors.” April 25, 1984 Film: Generations of Resistance.

April 26, 1984 The Spectator announced that the University Senate Ad Hoc Committee on Investments would not deliver a final report. April 27, 1984 2:00 PM University Senate meeting.

April 27, 1984 President Sovern agreed to recommend the Trustees freeze investments. May 7, 1984 Trustees’ meeting.

61 62 June 4, 1984 Trustees’ meeting. October 10, 1984 Law student and Coalition member Penny Andrews gave Daniel a post card and a con- tact where to stay in Zimbabwe the night before he left for a nine-month stay in southern Africa. October 11, 1984 Daniel left New York City for London. October 12, 1984 7:50 PM Daniel left London for Harare, Zimbabwe. October 13, 1984 5:35 AM Daniel arrived in Harare, Zimba- bwe. November 29, 1984 Spectator poll: 59% of students supported divestment. November 29, 1984 The Spectator reported that the student council did not support divestment. March 25, 1985 Coalition members began a fast for divestment. April 1, 1985 Rally outside of the Trustees’ monthly meeting. April 1985 Daniel traveled to Johannes- burg, South Africa, from Zimbabwe. April 4, 1985 Blockade began following a rally at sundial. April 9, 1985 Sowetan newspaper in South Africa announced Columbia protest.

61 62 April 1985 Daniel met with Bishop Des- mond Tutu to discuss apartheid and the student blockade at Columbia. April 25, 1985 Blockade ended. October 7, 1985 Columbia’s Board of Trustees voted to divest from apartheid South Africa. October 8, 1985 The New York Times announced Columbia’s commitment to divest from companies doing business in South Africa.

63 64 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Daniel Armstrong is a dream coach, author, and motivational speaker. He’s widely recognized for his work within the American education system, providing empowerment programs to educators, adminis- trators, and students through his Find A Tree program.

Daniel’s mission is to inspire and mentor both youth and adults to pursue and actualize their dreams. Daniel Armstrong earned his Bachelor of Arts degree in Political Science from Columbia University in New York City. At Columbia, Armstrong was the founding chairman of the Coalition for a Free South Africa, an organization whose four-year campaign resulted in Columbia divesting from corporations operating in apartheid South Africa. Armstrong earned his Master’s degree in Business Administration and Juris Doctorate both from UCLA. He is also a Ford Foundation Fellow, having studied youth development in Zimbabwe, where he organized a national tour by the Harlem Magicians, an American basketball team. The tour’s opening night game was the largest multiracial gathering, at that point in Zimbabwe’s then brief history, following twenty years of civil war.

For more information on Daniel Armstrong and his Find A Tree program, visit FindATree.com.

63 64 Black Dotted Line = Trim Size

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From a backyard basketball court in Compton, California, to the front line of the movement to end apartheid in South Africa, Daniel Armstrong chronicles his personal experiences as collegiate athlete and political activist at Columbia University in the 1980s. His story is one of initiative, resiliency, and determination, growing from an individual voice speaking out for a noble cause into the Coalition for a Free South Africa, whose divestment campaign inspired anti-apartheid protests on college campuses across the U.S. Armstrong provides an insider’s view of the years leading up to Columbia University’s decision to divest funds from corporations with operations in apartheid South Africa. This inspirational story is as much an account of history as it is a testament to how one person can spark a movement that can help change the world.

6230 Wilshire Boulevard #45 Los Angeles, California 90048-5104 Barcode [email protected] Location & Size 1-866-Find-A-Tree (346-3287) Back 2” X 1.2” 5.5”Facebook.com/FindATree x 8.5” (139.7www.FindATree.com mm x 215.9mm)