Pierre Rosanvallon's Political Thought
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Class Struggles in France 1848-1850
Karl Marx The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 Written: December January-October 1850; Published: as a booklet by Engels in 1895; Source: Selected Works, Volume 1, Progress Publishers, Moscow 1969; Proofed: and corrected by Matthew Carmody, 2009, Mark Harris 2010; Transcribed: by Louis Proyect. Table of Contents Introduction (Engels, 1895) ......................................................................................................... 1 Part I: The Defeat of June 1848 ................................................................................................. 15 Part II: From June 1848 to June 13, 1849 .................................................................................. 31 Part III: Consequences of June 13, 1849 ................................................................................... 50 Part IV: The Abolition of Universal Suffrage in 1850 .............................................................. 70 Introduction (Engels, 1895)1 The work republished here was Marx’s first attempt to explain a piece of contemporary history by means of his materialist conception, on the basis of the prevailing economic situation. In the Communist Manifesto, the theory was applied in broad outline to the whole of modern history; in the articles by Marx and myself in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, it was constantly used to interpret political events of the day. Here, on the other hand, the question was to demonstrate the inner causal connection in the course of a development which extended over some years, a development -
Liberal Catholicism in France, 1845-1670 Dissertation
LIBERAL CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE, 1845-1670 DISSERTATION Presented Is fbrtial Ftalfillaent of the Requlreaents for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By JOHN KEITH HUOKABY, A. £., M. A, ****** The Ohio State University 1957 Approved by: CONTENTS Chapter Page I INTRODUCTION......................... 1 The Beginnings of Liberal Catholicism in F r a n c e ....................... 5 The Seoond Liberal Catholic Movement . 9 Issues Involved in the Catholic-Liberal Rapprochement . • ......... > . 17 I. The Challenge of Anticierlealism. • 17 II. Ohuroh-State Relatione........ 22 III.Political Liberalism and Liberal Catholic la n .................. 26 IV. Eeoncttlc Liberalism and Liberal Catholiciam ..... ........... 55 Scope and Nature of S t u d y .......... 46 II THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE UNIVERSITS.... 55 Lamennais vs. the Unlveralte........ 6l Oniv era it a under the July Monarchy. 66 Catholic and Unlversite Extremism .... 75 The Liberal Catholio Campaign ......... 61 III CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS................ 116 Traditional Attitudes ................. 117 The Program of L*Avaiilr........... 122 The Montalembert Formula* Mutual Independence but not Separation .... 129 Freedom of Conscience and Religion . 155 Syllabus of Errors ........... 165 17 GALL ICANISM AND ULTRAMONTANISM........... 177 Ultramontanism: de Maistre and Lamennais 160 The Second Liberal Catholic Movement. 165 The Vatican Council............. 202 V PAPAL SOVEREIGNTY AND ITALIAN UNITY. .... 222 71 POLITICAL OUTLOOK OF LIBERAL CATHOLICS . 249 Democracy and Political Equality .... 257 ii The Revolution of 1848 and Napoleon . 275 Quarantiem and Ant 1-etatlaae.............. 291 VII CONCLUSIONS.............................. 510 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY............................ 525 ill Chapter X INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the French Revolution the Roman Catholic Church placed itself in opposition to the dynamic historical forces in nineteenth-century France. -
The Fan Affair and the Conquest of Algeria1
The Fan Affair and the conquest of Algeria1 Michael Dudzik2 ABSTRACT The study analyses the domestic political background of the conflict that resulted in the French conquest of Algeria. The author begins at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries when the Paris gov- ernment bought grain from Algerian merchants. Subsequent economic cooperation, including the provision and collection of loans, negatively affected mutual relations. Deteriorating relations were negatively affected by the appointment of Hussein Pasha as governor of Algeria in 1818, and they further worsened after a diplomatic insult against the French ambassador in April 1827. The article analyses developments in both countries, the gradual escalation of conflicts and their response in the European powers and presents the reasons that prompted the French government to intervene. KEYWORDS France, the conquest of Algeria, Charles X, Jules Prince de Polignac, 1830 INTRODUCTION The tense political and social climate in France at the end of the second decade of the 19th century reflected the citizens’ dissatisfaction with the regime of the re- turned Bourbons. King Charles X (1757–1836) promoted absolutism and restrictions on the press and relied primarily on the Catholic Church and the pre-revolution- ary nobility. Together with the Prime Minister, Prince Jules Auguste Marie de Poli- gnac (1780–1847), he tried to divert public attention from the negative response of extremely conservative domestic policy measures to foreign policy, and use the age- old dispute with Algeria, a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, to achieve easy victory and thus raise the prestige of the army and the regime. The study analyses Franco-Algerian economic and political relations after 1818 when Hussein Pasha became Algerian governor. -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change Başak Taraktaş University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Taraktaş, Başak, "Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2050. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2050 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2050 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change Abstract In nearly all authoritarian regimes, democratization finds significant societal support and a number of organized opposition groups struggle for regime change. In some cases—such as in Iran in 1979— opposition groups are able to cooperate with one another and bring down authoritarianism. In others—such as the Assad regime in Syria—groups are not able to cooperate, and the ruler remains in place. Studies that apply cooperation theory on regimes predict that shared grievances about the current government and common interests in changing the existing regime foster cooperation among challengers. Yet, evidence suggests the contrary. This study examines the conditions under which diverse challengers, despite persistent divergence in their ideological preferences, are able to achieve a level of long-term cooperation that can transform the status quo. It uses the case studies of the Ottoman transition to constitutional monarchy (1876–1908) and the French transition to constitutional monarchy (1814–1830), paired according to the least similar systems design, in combination with network theory. -
E Modern World-System IV Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914
e Modern World-System IV Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914 Immanuel Wallerstein UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London 1 Centrist Liberalism as Ideology e French Revolution . is the shadow under which the whole nineteenth century lived. —George Watson (1973, 45) In 1815, the most important new political reality for Great Britain, France, and the world-system was the fact that, in the spirit of the times, political change had become normal. “With the French Revolution, parliamentary reform became a doctrine as distinct from an expedient” (White, 1973, 73). Furthermore, the locus of sovereignty had shiE ed in the minds of more and more persons from the mon- arch or even the legislature to something much more elusive, the “people” (Billing- ton, 1980, 160–166; also 57–71). ese were undoubtedly the principal geocultural legacies of the revolutionary-Napoleonic period. Consequently, the fundamental political problem that Great Britain, France, and the world-system had to face in 1815, and from then on, was how to reconcile the demands of those who would insist on implementing the concept of popular sovereignty exercising the normal- ity of change with the desire of the notables, both within each state and in the world-system as a whole, to maintain themselves in power and to ensure their continuing ability to accumulate capital endlessly. e name we give to these attempts at resolving what prima facie seems a deep and possibly unbridgeable gap of conI icting interests is ideology. Ideologies are not simply ways of viewing the world. ey are more than mere prejudices and presuppositions. -
Planting Parliaments in Eurasia, 1850–1950; Concepts, Practices, And
5 The 22 Frimaire of Yuan Shikai Privy councils in the constitutional architectures of Japan and China, 1887–1917 Egas Moniz Bandeira1 It was indeed a grand political idea whereof even England could be jealous of us, this Council of State, which was heard over all big questions, conserved from the great political traditions of the Empire. … This admirable creation of the Brazilian spirit, which completed the other, no less admirable one taken from Benjamin Constant, the Moderating Power, united, thus, around the Emperor the political heads of the one and the other side, all of their consum- mated experience, whenever it was necessary to hold consultations about an important public interest.2 Joaquim Nabuco (1849–1910) This can be dealt with by a completely new invention of my own devising. When you inquire into the basic principles of our Constitution, you will see that sov- ereignty resides firmly in the imperial house, and that in a crisis His Majesty’s judgment is to be the basis for the final decision. … There must be conscientious imperial advisers who can clearly ascertain the state of the nation and the senti- ments of the people, and in the end secure what is in their best interests. I am convinced that only a Privy Council can provide the place where such advisers may be found.3 Itō Hirobumi 伊藤博文 (1841–1909) Introduction Advisory bodies to monarchs are among the most traditional forms of collective decision-making, but as institutions of modern states, they are among the least conspicuous ones. As monarchs had their powers limited by constitutional gov- ernments or even became symbolical figures in parliamentary political systems, their advisory bodies lost their legislative attributions to parliaments and their executive attributions to the cabinet. -
Review Article French Democracy Between Totalitarianism and Solidarity: Pierre Rosanvallon and Revisionist Historiography*
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Columbia University Academic Commons Review Article French Democracy between Totalitarianism and Solidarity: Pierre Rosanvallon and Revisionist Historiography* Andrew Jainchill and Samuel Moyn University of California, Berkeley, and Columbia University INTRODUCTION No book has affected the study of modern French history in the last twenty-five years more than Franc¸ois Furet’s Penser la Re´volution franc¸aise (translated as Interpreting the French Revolution).1 Furet’s interpretation of the French Revolu- tion and French history more generally, and the revisionism it inspired, are by now well known. This essay interprets the intellectual career of Pierre Rosanvallon— one of Furet’s most interesting students, recently honored by election to the Col- le`ge de France, his nation’s most prestigious academic institution—as an attempt to test the flexibility of Furet’s paradigm for understanding French history and its amenability to new ends. Rosanvallon’s work responds to the most obvious limi- tation of Furet’s project, both interpretive and political: its ambivalence about the democratic project itself. The question Rosanvallon’s exercise prompts, however, is just how fundamental a break with Furet’s model is required to write a history of democracy that corrects for what seems to be an uncertainty about the viability of democracy, especially about its extension. This essay argues that Rosanvallon’s very attempt to operate within Furet’s framework in the name of a more democratic -
Inventaire Des Archives D'edmond Maire
CP/15 et CP/28 Archives d’Edmond Maire (1946-2011 ) Photographie : Gérard Schachmes/SYGMA, reproduction interdite CP/15/1-133 CP/28/1-42 CK/2/1-55 CAV/2/1-30 BZ/1/1-97 Répertoire méthodique établi par Louisette Battais et complété par Marie-Eugénie Mougel, archiviste, sous la direction de Hélène Saudrais, responsable des Archives confédérales de la CFDT Date de diffusion : avril 2017 Date de mise à jour : septembre 2017 INTRODUCTION Identification Référence CP/15/1-133 CP/28/1-42 CK/2/1-55 CAV/2/1-30 BZ/1/1-97 Intitulé Archives d’Edmond Maire Dates 1946-2011 Niveau de description Le niveau de description choisi est l’article. Importance matérielle et support de l’unité de description Le fonds CP/15 se compose de 133 articles répartis sur 106 boîtes et représentant un volume total de 10.87 mètres linéaires. Le fonds CP/28 se compose de 42 articles répartis sur 9 boîtes et représentant un volume total de 0.9 mètre linéaire. À cela s’ajoutent 143 unités photographiques soit 0.06 mètre linéaire, ainsi qu’un fonds audio de 30 articles, qui représente 0.27 mètre linéaire. Enfin, la bibliothèque d’Edmond Maire compte 97 ouvrages (voir annexe 1), et mesure environ 1.2 mètre linéaire. Contexte Nom du producteur Edmond Maire Notice biographique 1 Edmond Maire nait le 24 janvier 1931. Avant-dernier d’une fratrie de sept enfants, il grandit au sein d’une famille modeste et catholique pratiquante, qui fut pour lui tout à la fois un cadre protecteur mais aussi un carcan moral strict. -
The Historical Militancy of Madeleine Rebérioux, 1920 – 2005
The Historical Militancy of Madeleine Rebérioux, 1920 – 2005 Ellen Patricia Crabtree Thesis for the qualification of Doctor of Philosophy School of Modern Languages, Newcastle University June 2016 ii Abstract The thesis critically examines the life of French historian Madeleine Rebérioux (1920 – 2005), through the unstudied connections between academic, political and social engagement. Embedded in militancy through her academic interest in Jean Jaurès and French socialism, Rebérioux’s diverse engagement was remarkable. A leading figure of the anticolonial left in the 1950s and 1960s, Rebérioux was excluded from the French Communist Party in 1969 before later becoming president of the Ligue des droits de l’homme in the 1990s. I have developed the epistemological term ‘historical militancy’ – namely the transaction between being a professional historian and being a social movement activist – in order to assess Rebérioux’s copious archives, bequeathed to the French state after her death. How did Rebérioux’s activism shape her historical interpretation of the past? Likewise, to what extent did Rebérioux’s nuanced view of history frame injustice in her intellectual interventions in French society? Using three case studies, the research scrutinises how Rebérioux used collective action as a vehicle for militancy: from ephemeral anticolonial groups like the Comité Audin, academic activist networks such as the Collectif intersyndical universitaire and action during May ’68 through to well-established national organisation the Ligue des droits de l’homme. This critical analysis of Rebérioux’s archival papers indicates, for the first time, how Rebérioux sat at the heart of a complex web of overlapping campaign- networks. Her activism forms an unbroken thread woven into polemical political moments of the Fourth and Fifth Republics, offering a unique window on historians’ practical engagement outside of their professional academic discipline as well as a new understanding of the culture of left-wing political militancy. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses Intellectuals and the Politics of the French Socialist Party since 2002 MORGAN, HARRIET,LYNNE How to cite: MORGAN, HARRIET,LYNNE (2017) Intellectuals and the Politics of the French Socialist Party since 2002, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11943/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 1 Intellectuals and the Politics of the French Socialist Party Since 2002 Harriet Lynne Morgan Abstract There has historically been a deep, if unstable, connection between intellectual culture and the French socialists. However, in the 1980s and 1990s historians were arguing that the decline of confidence in Marxism, the nature of François Mitterrand’s politics, the growth of expertise and professionalization, the rise of the mass media (especially television) and the more educated nature of the public, were breaking down historic intellectual models. -
Where Monarchists Are Hidden in the US
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 9, Number 44, November 16, 1982 1968 in a bid to restore the sovereignty of the pre-World War II Royal House of Savoy, whose existence became known during May 1981 in a scandal that brought down the Italian government. Propaganda-2's vast financial strengthis based, ultimate Where monarchists ly, on two gigantic insurance companies, Assicurazioni di Venezia and Assicurazioni Generali. On Wall Street, both Lazard Freres and Lehman Brothers are tentacles of this are hidden in the U.S. network. In Geneva, the Rothschild's, in Munich, the Wit telsbach bank Merck und Fink, and in Scandinavia, the Ham by Kathleen Klenetsky brointerests, participateas shareholders in these vast ventures. This network commands the largest single flight capital operation on the globe. In recent years on average, up to $50 Over the past year, the United States has been inundated by billion annually has been funneled by this network past bank visiting British and European oligarchs. In the last two weeks ing authorities, central banks, and customs throughout Latin alone, Americans have played host to Prince Charles-who America and the Mediterranean. With the cushion of so much descended on Montezuma, N .M., to preside over the opening "sucker money" under their control, the P-2 financial inter of his pet project, the United World College of the West ests can safely deploy the basic investments of their primary and to his father, Prince Philip, presently embarked on a tour shareholders, and substantially reduce all risk. to preach the need for population reduction and "living with There are several hundred smaller institutions run by the less".to audiences in Chicago, Texas, and elsewhere.