CF-130--Chapter 2
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European Influences in Moldova Page 2
Master Thesis Human Geography Name : Marieke van Seeters Specialization : Europe; Borders, Governance and Identities University : Radboud University, Nijmegen Supervisor : Dr. M.M.E.M. Rutten Date : March 2010, Nijmegen Marieke van Seeters European influences in Moldova Page 2 Summary The past decades the European continent faced several major changes. Geographical changes but also political, economical and social-cultural shifts. One of the most debated topics is the European Union and its impact on and outside the continent. This thesis is about the external influence of the EU, on one of the countries which borders the EU directly; Moldova. Before its independency from the Soviet Union in 1991, it never existed as a sovereign state. Moldova was one of the countries which were carved out of history by the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in 1940 as it became a Soviet State. The Soviet ideology was based on the creation of a separate Moldovan republic formed by an artificial Moldovan nation. Although the territory of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic was a former part of the Romanian province Bessarabia, the Soviets emphasized the unique and distinct culture of the Moldovans. To underline this uniqueness they changed the Moldovan writing from Latin to Cyrillic to make Moldovans more distinct from Romanians. When Moldova became independent in 1991, the country struggled with questions about its national identity, including its continued existence as a separate nation. In the 1990s some Moldovan politicians focussed on the option of reintegration in a Greater Romania. However this did not work out as expected, or at least hoped for, because the many years under Soviet rule and delinkage from Romania had changed Moldovan society deeply. -
Difference in Media Representation of Immigrants and Immigration in France and Russia
Difference in media representation of immigrants and immigration in France and Russia By Evgeniia Kholmanskikh Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Prof. Marina Popescu Word Count: 13,567 Budapest, Hungary CEU eTD Collection 2015 Abstract This thesis studies the differences in media coverage of immigrants in Russia and France. Its objective is to determine whether the media in different countries portray immigrants differently and to provide insights about the underlying reasons. I accomplish the analysis by a means of content analysis of a range of articles published in representative French and Russian periodic press between April 2014 and April 2015. In total, the newspapers chosen for the analysis provided more than 950 references about the immigrants over the indicated period. The main result is that French media representation of immigrants is more homogenous and more positive than Russian. The more homogenous representation is rather surprising conclusion taking into account a more diversified media ownership and less censorship in France. A partial explanation of this phenomenon longer history of the public discussion on the immigration-related problems, which leads to the formation of the prevailing point of view in a society. The more positive representation of immigrants in France may be due to subtle press dependency on the government reinforced by the recent violent clashes and terrorist attacks involving immigrants. As a result, the French government, in pursue of promoting a more tolerant attitude in the society toward immigrants, can skew the representation of immigrants to a more positive side through indirect influence on the media. -
Moldova's National Minorities: Why Are They Euroskeptical?
Moldova’s National Minorities: Why are they Euroskeptical? Marcin Kosienkowski William Schreiber November 2014 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2014 ISBN: 978-2-36567-330-3 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection of articles dedicated to the study of Russia and other former Soviet states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs April 23, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. U.S. and Moldovan experts have expressed concern about whether Russian President Putin’s annexation of Crimea and attempted destabilization of eastern Ukraine presages a similar effort toward Moldova, including Russian recognition of the independence of Transnistria. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties to the then-ruling Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) formed a governing coalition that pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration with the European Union. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically connected big businessmen. New parliamentary elections are expected to be held in November 2014. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Moldova’s GDP grew by a rapid 8.9% in 2013, spurred by strong consumer spending and a good agricultural harvest, rebounding from a drought the previous year. -
A/HRC/19/60/Add.2 General Assembly
United Nations A/HRC/19/60/Add.2 General Assembly Distr.: General 27 January 2012 Original: English Human Rights Council Nineteenth session Agenda item 3 Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development Report of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, Heiner Bielefeldt Addendum Mission to the Republic of Moldova* Summary The present report contains the findings and recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief on his mission to the Republic of Moldova, from 1 to 8 September 2011. In the report, the Special Rapporteur gives an overview of the international human rights standards, the domestic legal framework on freedom of religion or belief and the religious demography in the Republic of Moldova. Subsequently, he addresses issues of concern for his mandate relating to the general situation of freedom of religion or belief in the country, including the privileged status of the Moldovan Orthodox Church; manifestations of intolerance; freedom of religion or belief in public school education and conscientious objection to military service. In his conclusions and recommendations, the Special Rapporteur expresses his appreciation for the fact that the Moldovan society has been, and continues to be, in a process of rapid transformation, which includes, inter alia, the development of a sustainable human rights culture in the country. The implementation of human rights standards ranks high on the Government’s agenda, and significant progress has been made. This includes freedom of religion or belief, a human right by and large respected in the Republic of Moldova. -
Exporting Unemployment: Migration As Lens to Understand Relations Between Russia, China, and Central Asia
Exporting Unemployment: Migration as Lens to Understand Relations between Russia, China, and Central Asia M.A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Joseph M Castleton, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Morgan Liu, Advisor Goldie Shabad Copyright by Joseph M Castleton 2010 Abstract The post-Soviet triangle of relations between Russia, China, and Central Asia is an important but underappreciated relationship, and is the focus of this paper. The formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2001, comprising Russia, China, and Central Asia, was regarded by many in the West as a bloc similar to the Warsaw Pact. In reality, the creation of the group symbolizes a relationship more locally invested and more geared toward balancing conflicting national interests in the region than with competing against the West. The SCO, however, cannot alone explain the complexities of Russia, China, and Central Asia’s relationship. The triangle is a culmination of bilateral dealings over national and regional interests. The real work is not accomplished via multilateral forums like the SCO, but rather through bilateral interaction. Understanding the shared and conflicting interests of these nations can shed light on various factors influencing policy at the national and regional level. One key to understanding these influences is looking at Russia, China, and Central Asia’s relationship through the lens of migration. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia quickly became the second most popular destination for immigrants in the world behind the United States. -
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The European Proceedings of Social & Behavioural Sciences EpSBS Future Academy ISSN: 2357-1330 http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2017.07.03.57 MEPDEV 2nd: 2016 Central & Eastern European LUMEN International Conference - Multidimensional Education & Professional Development. Ethical Values IDENTITY CRISIS: MOLDOVAN IDENTITY AND MACEDONIAN IDENTITY Ancuța Negrea (a)* *Corresponding author (a) Valahia” University, Târgovişte, Romania, [email protected], [email protected] Abstract Claiming a language means reclaiming its identity roots: it is hard to identify in a culture in which one does not possess the language in which it is expressed. That is why, this article concentrates on the cultural and linguistic security of a certain community that may be compromised due to competition with another language, in which case the will to protect the language and culture takes root in the public consciousness (it is the case of the competition between Romanian and Russian on the Moldovan territory). Having to resort to alternating the linguistic codes, Romanians over the Prut, as those in the south of the Danube (Macedonians) have kept generation after generation, their "home" identity consciousness. In the traditional society the identity of a person is predestined and is based on some criteria: place of birth, family, social class, religion, etc. and usually remains unchanged throughout life. The concept of identity and belonging in the globalization era was enriched by new meanings. Social mobility leads to the dissolution of the traditional model based on the hereditary principle. The search for identity is a recent phenomenon. Today, cultural identity cannot be conceived as being inherited from the family but acquired since the early years, in the process of socialization and literacy. -
What Does It Mean to Be a Kin Majority? Analyzing Romanian Identity in Moldova and Russian Identity in Crimea from Below
Eleanor Knott What does it mean to be a kin majority? Analyzing Romanian identity in Moldova and Russian identity in Crimea from below Article (Published version) (Refereed) Original citation: Knott, Eleanor (2015) What does it mean to be a kin majority? Analyzing Romanian identity in Moldova and Russian identity in Crimea from below. Social Science Quarterly, 96 (3). pp. 830- 859. ISSN 0038-4941 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.12193 Reuse of this item is permitted through licensing under the Creative Commons: © 2015 John Wiley and Sons CC BY 4.0 This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/63888/ Available in LSE Research Online: Online: November 2015 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. What Does it Mean to Be a Kin Majority? Analyzing Romanian Identity in Moldova and Russian Identity in Crimea from Below∗ Eleanor Knott, London School of Economics and Political Science Objective. This article investigates what kin identification means from a bottom-up perspective in two kin majority cases: Moldova and Crimea. Methods. The article is based on 50 fieldwork interviews conducted in both Moldova and Crimea with everyday social actors (2012–2013). Results. Ethnic homogeneity for kin majorities is more fractured that previously considered. Respondents identified more in terms of assemblages of ethnic, cultural, political, linguistic, and territorial identities than in mutually exclusive census categories. -
Comparison of Language Policies in the Post-Soviet Union Countries on the European Continent Martin Riegl1, Tomáš Vaško2
Comparison of Language Policies in the Post-Soviet Union Countries on the European Continent Martin Riegl1, Tomáš Vaško2 Abstract: Language was one of the most important identity markers and played a crucial role in all the countries of the former Soviet Union. Governments of the newly independent countries were pressed by their ethnic constituencies to pass language laws and new constitutions in favor of the dominant national or ethnic groups. Governments of post – Soviet republics could accept the status quo of the Russian language or make the majority language the only official language of the state and face the national movements of minority groups. New constitutions and legislation severely affected the status of minority languages. Language became a politicized key component in both nation and state-building processes. As the consequence of language policies, minorities received a dramatically smaller share of government, public service and media positions than their share of the population. Thus, very visible ethno- language cleavages arose in all surveyed countries. The main conclusion of our article is the special classification of language policies in post-Soviet European states. We differ between two clean types: inclusive language policy and exclusive language policy. From these two basic types several other sub-categories are derived. Keywords: Quasi-states, language policy, de facto states, failed states, majority language, minority language rights, identity, CIS, USSR, The Baltic States, Moldova, PMR, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, South Ossetia, Abkhazia. Introduction Language and national affiliation undoubtedly belong to the dominant themes of the political development of transforming countries in the European part of the former Soviet Union. -
Migration As a Security Threat to Russia Case Study
MIGRATION AS A SECURITY THREAT TO RUSSIA CASE STUDY: CENTRAL ASIAN IMMIGRATION By Shamsiya Rakhimshoeva Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Matteo Fumagalli Word Count: 14410 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016 Abstract The era of globalization has led to the highest number of migrants in the history of human existence and Russia has become one of the biggest migrant receiving countries in the world. Because of this, large inflows of immigrants created a high degree of anxiety within Russian society. Central Asian (CA) immigrants, particularly from Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are perceived as a security threat to Russian communal identity. Therefore, this study examines the influx of CA immigrants to Russia, identifies the role of state officials, media and public in framing the debate and its impact on migration policies. The study employs Copenhagen School’s securitization and societal security concept together with its critics to provide a holistic approach of the securitization of immigration to Russia. The findings of the study show that securitization is conducted not only through speech acts, but also through media images defended by Williams, which have strong implication on the acceptance of the issue by the referent object. Immigration security dilemma together with societal security concept provides a comprehensive approach in explaining the unwelcoming attitude of host societies toward immigrants. The analysis of speech acts and media images shows that the securitizing agents use the words “we” and “they”, to strengthen Russian communal identity, and frame migrant identity as an existential threat. -
Russia's Imperial Encounter with Armenians, 1801-1894
CLAIMING THE CAUCASUS: RUSSIA’S IMPERIAL ENCOUNTER WITH ARMENIANS, 1801-1894 Stephen B. Riegg A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Louise McReynolds Donald J. Raleigh Chad Bryant Cemil Aydin Eren Tasar © 2016 Stephen B. Riegg ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Stephen B. Riegg: Claiming the Caucasus: Russia’s Imperial Encounter with Armenians, 1801-1894 (Under the direction of Louise McReynolds) My dissertation questions the relationship between the Russian empire and the Armenian diaspora that populated Russia’s territorial fringes and navigated the tsarist state’s metropolitan centers. I argue that Russia harnessed the stateless and dispersed Armenian diaspora to build its empire in the Caucasus and beyond. Russia relied on the stature of the two most influential institutions of that diaspora, the merchantry and the clergy, to project diplomatic power from Constantinople to Copenhagen; to benefit economically from the transimperial trade networks of Armenian merchants in Russia, Persia, and Turkey; and to draw political advantage from the Armenian Church’s extensive authority within that nation. Moving away from traditional dichotomies of power and resistance, this dissertation examines how Russia relied on foreign-subject Armenian peasants and elites to colonize the South Caucasus, thereby rendering Armenians both agents and recipients of European imperialism. Religion represented a defining link in the Russo-Armenian encounter and therefore shapes the narrative of my project. Driven by a shared ecumenical identity as adherents of Orthodox Christianity, Armenians embraced Russian patronage in the early nineteenth century to escape social and political marginalization in the Persian and Ottoman empires. -
Ethnicity and Equality in Post-Communist Economic Transition : Evidence from Russia's Republics
ETHNICITY AND EQUALITY IN POST-COMMUNIST ECONOMIC TRANSITION : EVIDENCE FROM RUSSIA'S REPUBLICS Donna Bahry Vanderbilt University The National Council for Eurasian and East European Researc h 910 17 th Street, N.W . Suite 300 Washington, D .C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM ProjectInformation* Principal Investigator : Donna Bahry Council Contract Number : 814-07g Date : March 18, 200t Copyright Informatio n Scholars retain the copyright on works they submit to NCEEER . However, NCEEER possesse s the right to duplicate and disseminate such products, in written and electronic form, as follows : (a) for its internal use; (b) to the U.S. Government for its internal use or for dissemination to officials o f foreign governments; and (c) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Ac t or other law or policy of the U .S. government that grants the public access to documents held by th e U.S. government. Additionally, NCEEER has a royalty-free license to distribute and disseminate papers submitte d under the terms of its agreements to the general public, in furtherance of academic research , scholarship, and the advancement of general knowledge, on a non-profit basis. All papers distributed or disseminated shall bear notice of copyright . Neither NCEEER, nor the U .S . Government, nor any recipient of a Contract product may use it for commercial sale . The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council fo r Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. Department of State under Title VIII (The Soviet-East European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended) .