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Leonid Brezhnev in Soviet Moldavia, 1950-52: the Making of a Gensek? Mark SANDLE, Igor CAȘU

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Leonid Brezhnev in Soviet Moldavia, 1950-52: the Making of a Gensek? Mark SANDLE, Igor CAȘU 106 PLURAL Vol. 4, nr. 2, 2016 Leonid Brezhnev in Soviet Moldavia, 1950-52: the making of a GenSek? Mark SANDLE, Igor CAȘU Abstract This is the first article dealing specifically with Brezhnev in Soviet Moldavia. The article draws mainly on recently disclosed files from the Archive of the Social-Political Organizations of the Republic of Moldova, the former archive of the Central Committee of Communist Party of Moldavia. The authors are trying to understand the importance of the period when Brezhnev served as First Secretary of Central Committee of Moldavia from 1950 to 1952 for his subsequent career. In order to understand better the results of Brezhnev’s rule in Moldavian SSR and the impact on his leadership style, the authors discuss the previous career of Brezhnev as well as the activity of the previous First Secretaries in Soviet Moldavia. One of the main results of Brezhnev period in Moldavia was the consolidation of kolkhozes. In a broader sense, since this period at least, Brezhnev favoured quantity over quality. Key-Words Brezhnev, Soviet Moldavia, Western Borderlands, Bessarabia, Transnistria, Nikolay Koval, collectivization, consolidation of kolkhozes 1. Introduction Leonid Il’ich Brezhnev’s rise to power has been somewhat understudied. He did in fact have a long and interesting journey – both politically and geographically - from Ukraine to Moscow and the unseating and removal of Khrushchev in 1964. This paper will explore the type of Republican Party leader he was, by examining in detail his time in Chișinău between July 1950 and October 1952 when he was head of the Communist Party of Moldavia (CPM), just prior to joining the Central Committee in Moscow after the 19th VKP (b) Congress. A variety of sources – newspaper, archival (communist party and KGB) and memoir accounts – were consulted. His time in Moldavia was short and tends to get rather brushed over in the bigger story of his rise to power, given the extended amount of time he spent in Ukraine at Dnepropetrovsk and the importance of the so-called “Dnepro mafia” in subsequent events during Brezhnev’s time as General Secretary. However, he became First Secretary of the Moldavian SSR (MSSR) at a critical moment in the consolidation of the rule of the CPM, and had to oversee some key developments in terms of agriculture, internal security, political organisation and ideology. Brezhnev was charged with twin tasks: completing the drive to Sovietise the Western republics of the USSR after the Great Patriotic War, and also implementing the postwar policy Leonid Brezhnev in Soviet Moldavia, 1950-52: the making of a GenSek? PLURAL 107 priorities of the centre as Stalin sought to reform the system. His leadership of the republic during these 26 months was sufficient for him to get the call to go to Moscow to join the new all-Union Central Committee at the 19th Party Congress in 1952. Brezhnev’s tenure as First secretary of Soviet Moldavia was a key moment in his journey from provincial to national leader, for a number of reasons. Even though in some ways the MSSR was less important in terms of population and economic potential than Dnepropetrovsk, it was a politically significant move, as it placed Brezhnev at the level of being a republican party leader, ruling a whole national republic. This gave him the opportunity to be noticed by the key people in Moscow, to prove he was a reliable figure, able to implement the diktats of the centre, and so take the next step on the ladder. He also made significant political connections in Chișinău with individuals - notably Konstantin Chernenko, Nikolai Shchelokov, Sergei Trapeznikov and Semyon Tsvigun [his wife’s brother-in-law] – who were very important in shaping elite politics within the CPSU, MVD and KGB after 1952 and right up until 1985. Studying Brezhnev’s rule in Moldavia helps us to understand more about Brezhnev and his modus operandi. But analysing his time there also throws interesting light on what it means to be a party First Secretary in “late Stalinism”, the pressures they were under and what was required to be deemed a successful Republican leader. Moreover, this study will illuminate something of the dynamics of late Stalinism itself, of the system on the eve of Stalin’s death and the transition to the post-Stalin era. 2. The Brezhnev “problem” The underreported story of Brezhnev’s rise to power is part of a larger puzzle surrounding the life and times of Leonid Brezhnev. He remains something of a mystery. Brezhnev, up until recently, was deeply under-researched when compared to almost all the other Soviet leaders (save Andropov and Chernenko of course). This has always been something of a puzzle, given how long his tenure was and how much happened in the Soviet bloc during the period 1964- 82. So why has he been so forgotten and overlooked?1 1 The best review of the historiographical treatment of Brezhnev is Edwin Bacon, “Reconsidering Brezhnev”, E. Bacon and M. Sandle, eds., Brezhnev Reconsidered, (Basingstoke, Palgrave 2002), 1-21. Otherwise, the authors of this article have not yet had the opportunity to examine Brezhnev’s personal papers for this particular time period, or explore his tenure as First Secretary from the perspective of Moscow. See A.S. Stepanov, A.V. Korotkov, eds., Leonid Brezhnev. Rabochie i dnevnikovye zapisi, vol. 1-3 (Moscow: IstLit, 2016). 108 PLURAL Vol. 4, nr. 2, 2016 Part of the answer is we believe to do with the timing of Brezhnev’s tenure within the context of the longue durée of Soviet history. Brezhnev followed quickly after the colourful and quirky Khrushchev, and was followed rapidly by the momentous chaotic events of perestroika and Gorbachev and the collapse of communist rule. Scholars were, understandably, drawn to the sound and fury of The Collapse, or to the Great Patriotic War, or the 1930s or 1917. Brezhnev - and his era - seemed somehow monochrome, insipid and frankly rather dull by comparison. Another reason for Brezhnev’s marginalisation is that a consensus emerged fairly early on about the man and his tenure, and has proven to be remarkably resilient. The reforming discourse of the Gorbachev reign declared the Brezhnev years to be an “era of stagnation”, and this discourse dominated the interpretations of the Brezhnev era for quite some time. Gorbachev’s deployment of the stagnation thesis was clearly generated by the need to justify radical surgery to heal the ailing patient. But the end result was to “fix” a picture of Brezhnev – the ailing, decrepit leader presiding over a decaying superpower – in the minds of many. Finally we think that Brezhnev’s marginalisation had something to do with a lack of source material too.2 Gradually though this is starting to change, although change is still slow and rather fitful.3 One of the sources for change has come from a growing realisation that the public opinion in post-Soviet Russia seem to reject the stagnation thesis, and instead identify Brezhnev as their most popular leader in the twentieth century. This “nostalgic turn” to Brezhnev began towards the end of the 1990s and the start of the 2000s, as Russia struggled with the turn towards marketization, and the “stable” Brezhnev years looked more and more like a “golden age” for your average Soviet worker and consumer. But even in the intervening period since the turn of the century, Brezhnev continues to be popular. Interestingly, the popularity also extends to Brezhnev as leader, not just the era of full employment, low prices, (slowly) improving living standards and global prominence. A May 1993 Levada Centre poll had Brezhnev at 56% (positive feelings towards him) - beating Lenin at 55%, Stalin at 50%, Nicholas II at 48%, Khrushchev at 45%, Yeltsin (22%) and Gorbachev (20%).4 Another source of change is the emergence of new bodies of source material, notably a raft of memoirs and biographies. These came in two waves. In the early 1990s a large number of memoirs emerged from those who worked closely with him, or were associated with him. They give insights into his work style, personality, 2 Bacon and Sandle, Brezhnev Reconsidered, 1-21. 3 For a good overview see, Donald J. Raleigh, “Russia’s Favourite”, Russian Studies in History, vol. 52, 4 (2014), 3-11. 4 Raleigh, Russia’s, 4. Bacon and Sandle also has some interesting polling data from the 1990s. Leonid Brezhnev in Soviet Moldavia, 1950-52: the making of a GenSek? PLURAL 109 habits, relations with subordinates and so on. A number of Russian biographies were published at this time, and they in essence maintained the stagnation thesis around Brezhnev. Later accounts and memoirs have sought – in line with the nostalgic turn – to emphasise stability and to provide a more rounded, sympathetic portrayal of Brezhnev.5 TV documentaries and miniseries have added to the growing positive depictions of him.6 Academic treatments of Brezhnev remain frustratingly thin on the ground, for now.7 Outside of Bacon and Sandle (2002) and Thompson (2003), very little has been written until fairly recently.8 Work is now being done by a number of people on an academic biography, and on publishing his diaries/work notes by scholars at the German Historical Institute in Moscow and RGANI. Many more panels at conferences now include treatments of Brezhnev and his era, and so the signs look hopeful that he will no longer be the neglected leader of the USSR.9 5 Some notable biographies of Brezhnev include: Serguey Semanov, Brezhnev: pravitel’ ”zolotogo veka”’ (Moscow: Veche, 2002); Aleksandr Maisuryan, Drugoi Brezhnev (Moskva: Vagrius, 2004); Leonid Mlechin, Brezhnev (Moskva: Molodaya Gvardiya, 2008); Aleksandr Khinshtein, Skazka o poteriannom vremeni.
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