LAURIER AND THE LIBERAL PARTY, 1896-1911:

A STUDY IN FEDERAL-PROVINCIAL PARTY RELATIONS

by

MELVA JEAN DWYER

B.A., University of British Columbia, 1943

A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of

the Requirements for the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

in the Department

of

HISTORY

We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

October, 1961 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of

the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of

British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely

available for reference and study. I further agree that permission

for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be

granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.

It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for

financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.

Department of

The University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada.

Date ABSTRACT

A study of the British Columbia Liberal party during the

Laurier period from 1896 to 1911 reveals the political immaturity

which still existed in the western Province. By 1896 conviction

was still lacking that party politics was the most acceptable method

of governing the Province. Although both Liberal and Conservative parties were organizing, the majority of the population were un•

interested in importing Eastern political.quarrels; they felt that personal rule was superior for British Columbia. In consequence,

when Laurier called the Liberal National Convention in 1893, British

Columbia sent no delegates. The Liberal organization, founded in

the province in 1887, was loathe to show too great interest in a

Dominion gathering.

Prior to 1896 the representatives sent to Ottawa from British

Columbia had all professed to being Conservatives but with Laurier's^

coming to office four of the six British Columbia members called

themselves Liberals. Until 1908 the Liberals sent a majority to

the federal House from the western Province. But the 1908 and 1911

elections saw a complete annihilation of the Liberal cause.

Within the Province the Liberals fared even less well. Before

1903 the provincial government was organized on the basis of personal

factions which eventually resulted in great instability. In 1903

party politics were accepted by Richard McBride, the Conservative ^

leader; from that time the Liberals remained in Opposition. At no .

time were they able to gain a majority during Laurier's regime and

by 1911 they were all but eclipsed, having only one member in the /

British Columbia legislature. To explain this rather peculiar situation, since the Province

had gained a reputation for opportunism, we find that in British

Columbia the Liberal party seemed to be plagued by dissension from its inception. At no time, from 1887 to 1911, was there complete unity of purpose within the provincial organization. This quarreling and uncertainty of party philosophy disrupted party ranks and pre- vented intensive election campaigns which might have won their support.

Lack of a clear cut Liberal philosophy in British Columbia also resulted in problems every time that federal appointments were considered. Laurier discovered that it was impossible to make any federal appointment whicfo' would satisfy all provincial Liberals.

Delays occurred which the British Columbia electorate failed to understand. At the same time, compromise candidates were frequently

selected in an attempt to satisfy the majority.

British Columbia, it appeared, was not ready to accept the

federal principle of working for the good of the whole rather than of the individual Province. This was demonstrated in the attitude

adopted by the Liberals in the problem of Asiatic immigration and

the demand for Better Terms. British Columbia politicians believed

that the provincial position was unique and deserved separate treat• ment; geographical location and topographical difficulties were among

the arguments used to support their claims. Laurier discouraged

this attitude, to him, the federal union was of prime consideration.

As a result, there was continual controversy between federal and provincial authorities and the cause of did not prosper.

Towards the end of the term some of the British Columbia Liberals began tc understand the meaning of the party system—to accept

the party philosophy and fight for it against all oddsT-but not until 1916 were the Liberals able to form the government. iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Without the understanding and encouragement of

Mr. Neal Harlow, former University Librarian, this thesis could not have been attempted. At the same time, the con• tinued support from Dean Soward, Head, Department of History, has been greatly appreciated. The kind cooperation of

Willard Ireland, Provincial Archvist and Provincial Lib• rarian and his assistant, Miss Inez. Mitchell, is also grate• fully acknowledged. But without the advice and assistance of Dr. Margaret Ormsby,. Department of History, who was always ready to give critical aid whenever it was requested, this work would never have been completed. To these individuals and to all my friends and colleagues who have given me their understanding, I wish to acknowledge my sincere appreciation. V TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

1 Laurier Liberalism 1

2 Federal party organization 13 3 Provincial party organization 2l±

4 Some problems in federal-provincial relations 1896-1911: federal appointments 48 a) cabinet members lr?

b) ' senators 56

c) judiciary 58 d) lieutenant-governor 60 5 Some problems in federal-provinci al relations 1896-1911: Asiatic immigration 71 6 Some problems in federal-provincial relations 1896-1911: Better Terms and Tariffs 89 a) Better Terms 89 b) Tariffs 100 7 Conclusion 108

APPENDICES

1 Official Report of Liberal Convention, 1893, Resolutions 117 2 Constitution and Resolutions of B. C. Liberal Association, 1907 122 3 Act Admitting B. C. to the Union, Section II 12I4. 4. Formation of Liberal Association, District

of Victoria, 1887 125

5 Liberal platform, 1897 126

6 Opposition Party Circular issed by C. A. Semlin 128

7 B. C. Liberal Convention Platform, 1902 130 vi

8 B. C. Liberal Association Manifesto, 1903 132 9 Memorial from Provincial Rights Association 133 10 Letter to Rodolphe Lemieux from Count Hayashi 135

11 Act Admitting B. C. to the Union, Sections I-III 136

12 Interprovincial Conference, 1906, Letter Gouin to McBride 137

13 British Act, 190? 138

11+ Customs Tariff Act, 1897, Section 1? and Schedule D ll+O

15 Western Farmers' Delegation to Ottawa, 1910 llj.

FOOTNOTES 1^2

BIBLIOGRAPHY 160 vii

PLATES

All photographs were reproduced from the collection of the British Columbia Provincial Archives, Victoria, B. C.

..

PLATE PAGE

I Sir , Prime Minister, 1896-1911 viii

II British Columbia Federal Liberal Leader,1896-1911 lka

III British Columbia Premiers, 1896-1900 35a

IV British Columbia Premiers, 1900-1911 36a

V British Columbia Provincial Liberal Leaders 1896-1909 kOa

VI British Columbia Provincial Liberal Leader 1909 hi a

¥11 John Oliver's Railway Policy, 1909 45a

VIII British Columbia Liberal Senators, 1896-1911 57a

IX British Columbia Lieutenant-Governors, 1896-1906 6la

X British Columbia Lieutenant-Governors, 1906-1911 67 a

XI Political Cartoons, 1903, 1907 88a viii

PLATE I

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, , 1896-I911

National Liberal Leader 1887-1917 CHAPTER I

Laurier Liberalism

"I am one of those who believe that in all human affairs

there are abuses to reform, new horizons to discover, and new

forces to develop,Sir Wilfrid Laurier made this statement at

Quebec City in 1877 when he spoke on Political Liberalism. To him, Liberalism was progressive and changing; a way of life which

sought to better the lot of the majority of mankind. On the other hand, Conservatism tended to be content with the past, often dis• regarding the need for change or reform. Laurier considered that

the Liberal party was pledged to work for the right of the

individual to enjoy freedom in civil rights such as language,

religion, and education unless such freedom encroached upon the rights of others. With this as a basic principle, the Canadian party emerged as the staunch supporter of provincial rights, minority groups, and the underprivileged.

The desire for autonomy on the part, of a province or group was not permitted to weaken the Dominion. Laurier rejected the

theory of provincial supremacy and demanded federal unity on

occasions when he considered that the welfare of the nation was

at stake. Inevitably clashes occurred between federal and pro• vincial authorities in the interpretation of the powers designated

to each by the British North America Act. When controversy deve•

loped Laurier, as Prime Minister, attempted to arrive at a com• promise. He envisioned, for the future, a united Canada,, with a

degree of autonomy within the British Empire. When British Columbia

attempted to force acceptance of her anti-Asiatic legislation from 1897 to 1908, Laurier repeatedly urged disallowance of the provincial acts. He considered that the British Columbia'policy ,was a threat to the peaceful relations which existed between Canada, Great^Britain and Japan. By aiming to suppress a minority group, the Province was undermining the democratic principles of the right of the individual to protection.

f Laurier, although spokesman and leader of the Canadian Liberal party fro?nl887 to 1917> was not the founder of the movement; there had been reformers in Canada from the 1820's. The Reform movement

in Canada had gained ground during the l820»s and f30!s under the

leadership of and Louis-Joseph Papineau. Disgusted by the control exercised by the and the Chateau Clique, they demanded the adoption of more democratic government through reform. When it seemed that such reform could not come peacefully, the more radical members resorted to open rebellion, - advocating separation from Britain and the adoption of an American form of government.

Seeds from these movements continued to survive into the next decade. The more moderate reformers now came to the front and gained sufficient support to form the first party ministry in l8k8, under their leaders, and Louis-Hippolyte Lafontaine. However, the moderate reformers did not succeed in satisfying the demands of the electorate long; by l8i>k more radical groups in both Canada East and Canada West were showing their strength. The "Clear Grits" of Canada West demanded "cheap, simple government ... which aimed at popular democracy and the destruction of inequality in either church or state." "Les Rouges" in Canada East wanted - 3 - universal suffrage and secular education but at the same time, demanded protection of their French-Canadian heritage. In l8£8, the leaders of the two reform groups, George Brown and Antoine- Aime Dorion, agreed to form a coalition to oppose John A, Macdonald and the Conservatives. They were willing to try to work out a system of representation by population which would give adequate protection to the rights of French-. This coalition was to be short lived. The political situation in Canada was gradually reaching a deadlock as it became increasingly impossible for the government to retain the majority in both English and French sections of the united Canadas. By 1864, both Conservative and Liberal leaders saw the value of a federal union which would delegate certain privileges to the central government but would permit the pro• vinces to control their own affairs in matters of local interest. Brown and Macdonald agreed to sink their differences to work for a federal union of all the British provinces; Dorion would not cooperate. He considered that such a union with a strong central government would sound the death knell of French-Canadian autonomy. Brown worked whole heartedly for Confederation but as soon as it was an accomplished fact he withdrew from active politics. After Confederation the Liberals were still not a united party. Some of the Reformers- decided to remain with the Conser• vatives under Macdonald1s leadership but most of the Clear Grits wanted to form the Opposition. Alexander Mackenzie became leader of the Liberals; Dorion remained Liberal leader in Quebec. Each Reform group still had its own ideas as to what the Opposition policy should be; the only real unifying force was that of opposing Macdonald's government. Mackenzie desired , reciprocity with the United States, and annexation of the North

West territories; Dorion demanded racial and religious toleration; while Joseph Howe, Reform leader from Nova Scotia, demanded better

terms for the Maritimes. With such diversity, it was not until

I87O that the Opposition began to form a united party under the leadership of Mackenzie. The principles supported by Mackenzie

as Liberal leader became, "free trade, a low-cost economy, reci• procity, maintenance of the British connection, and Canadian

control of purely Canadian affairs."^ This platform was further

expanded by Mackenzie when he succeeded in forming the first

Liberal ministry in 1873.

During the years that Canadian Liberalism was struggling

to organize, theBritish Liberals had been active in instigating

reforms. Through the efforts of a combination of Whigs and

Radicals the Reform Bill of 1832 had been passed in Britain and

a series of reforms initiated which witnessed the emergence of

the middle class as the controlling force in British politics.

The fifty years after 1832 saw gradual extension of franchise,

with the acceptance of the theory of universal^suffrage; adoption

of free trade; improvement of working conditions through legis•

lation; extension of religious toleration and other reforms aimed

at the protection of the individual in a democratic society.

To Laurier, the ideal form of Liberalism was found in Great

Britain: "Look at the work of the great English liberal party. The

reforms they have carried out, the abuses they have suppressed " 5 " without violence, without commotion, without disturbance."^" The essence of British strength lay in the fact that Liberal politi• cians had recognized the need for reform and achieved it before the people had been forced to resort to bloodshed to obtain it.

In most European countries revolutions had been necessary to gain reform and the true spirit of Liberalism had been lost. "They

(leaders, of European, revolutions) are not Liberals they are

Revolutionists. Their principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society."^

Just as the British Liberals distrusted violence as a means of achieving success so did Laurier; as Prime"Minister he was careful to avoid legislation which might cause open revolt.

He considered that diplomacy and compromise were far more effec• tive weapons than legislation passed at the heat of an argument.

Laurier entered the field of provincial politics in 1871; therebhe quickly displayed his ability as a speaker. As an

Opposition member under the leadership of Henri Joly de Lotbiniere in the Quebec provincial legislature he attacked the lack of indus• trial development which caused Canadian labourers to emigrate to the United States to seek employment; he deplored the lack of a progressive educational system; he considered dual representation, as then in existence, faulty since it tended to subordinate pro- 6 1 vincial issues to federal policy. In July, 1877, he assumed leadership of the Quebec provincial liberal party; just prior to this he had given his famous lecture on Political Liberalism in

Quebec City. Three months later he entered Mackenzie»s federal cabinet as Minister of Inland Revenue. - 6 -

Mackenzie's government was defeated in less than a year and once more Laurier became a member of the Opposition. Edward

Blake was party leader. Mackenzie had been a firm believer in free trade and "laissez-faire," but Blake did not see the prac- . ticability of such a stand. In a speech made at Malvern in 1887,

Blake•stated,

No man, I care not how convinced an advocate of absolute free trade for Canada he may be, has yet suggested a practical plan whereby our great revenue needs can be met otherwise than by the continued ^im• position of very high duties on goods similar to those we make or can make within our own bounds or on raw material.7

When, shortly after issuing this statement, Blake, for the second time, went down to defeat in a federal election campaign, he decided to relinquish the party leadership. His personal choice as his successor was WilfredyLaurier.

In 1887 the party caucus chose Laurier as national leader.

In his own province Laurier already had won considerable respect by his ability to organize the Liberals; he had also overcome much of the:opposition that Roman Catholic clergy had felt towards

"Le Rouge." He was known to be a man of high principles as well as an excellent orator, but even he doubted the wisdom of selecting for the national party leader a French-Canadian. Yet he had been favoured as the man most likely to succeed by Blake, and the caucus had given his selection its approval.

From the time of his acceptance of the leadership, Laurier's career, according to J. S. Willison,

was remarkable for consistent and unchanging d'evotion to three great objects; the assertion and maintenance of the principles of federalism, ardent - 7 -

and unflinching championship of civil and religious freedom, patient and courageous resistance to the denationalizing tendencies of racialism, sectarianism and provincialism.

Laurier's first federal election campaign as leader of

the Liberal party was fought in 1891. The issue was unrestricted reciprocity with the United States; on this stand he went down to

defeat. After the unsuccessful campaign, Laurier began to look

to reorganization and to a new policy to strengthen the party.

He summoned the first national Liberal convention to meet in |

Ottawa in June, l893» Although in the United States the party

convention had been accepted as the best method of selecting a

candidate and arriving at party platform, until now, no national party convention had been called in Canada. But, to

Laurier, a party convention could serve a dual purpose: it was

an ideal means of uniting the diverse elements of a party and,

at the same time, providing party members with an opportunity

to become better acquainted with their leader.

Those in attendance at the Ottawa convention were the Liberal members of parliament and Liberal candidates who had been defeated

in the elections of 1891. There were also five delegates from each

Liberal association. In those instances where an electoral dis•

trict was entitled to representation of more than one member in

the House of Commons, the number of delegates was five, times the

number of its representatives in the House. A special invitation

was extended to the Liberal press throughout the country to be

present.9 ^.1 the provinces of Canada were represented with the )

exception of British Columbia. In that province, party lines had

not yet been drawn and hence there was no active Liberal organization in existence. But a group of Liberal party followers sent a telegram to the convention which stated, Although not represented British Columbia takes warm interest in the proceedings of the Liberal Con• vention. Sentiment here favours a policy of freer trade relations with Great Britain and her colonies, especially , and reciprocity of trade with all other nations.l^

During the course of the convention, Laurier reaffirmed his faith in the doctrines of the school of British Liberalism. But above all else he stressed that he was a Canadian and as such he would always work for what he considered to be the general wel• fare of the Canadian people. At the close of the sessions the meeting expressed its entire confidence in Laurier as, leader of the party. 11 The new program, consisting of ten resolutions, was intended to strengthen the Liberal party and assist it to get back into power. The delegates, emphasizing the necessity of having a tariff for revenue purposes, dropped unrestricted reci• procity and at the same time condemned the Conservative policy of high protection as "radically unsound, and unjust to the masses of the people. "-^

That Liberals still maintained their faith in some form of reciprocity was shown by the second resolution passed by the

Convention. In this, the benefits which Canada would receive from a well conceived reciprocity agreement with the United States we*se stressed; the only Items specifically mentioned for inclusion were manufactured goods.

The 1893 meeting criticized the Conservative government for permitting the mismanagement of public funds. In 1891, the - 9 -

Department of Public Works, under Hector Langevin had come under censure. A parliamentary enquiry disclosed that the entire

Department was corrupt, but L8(ngevin was not considered to be completely at fault. He was permitted to retain his cabinet position despite opposition from the Liberal party. Laurier be• lieved that all cabinet ministers should be above reproach if the government expected to retain the faith of the electorate. Not only did the Canadian people themselves suffer from corrupt government but the relations which Canada enjoyed with other countries were weakened if the honesty of the Canadian officials was in question.

The Liberals also attacked the Franchise Act of 1885. This act had been passed by Macdonald for the purpose of creating uniformity of franchise in the Dominion. Prior to 1885 each province had regulated Its own franchise; the 1885 act made pro• perty qualifications the basis for establishing the electorate

throughout the country. Some consideration was given for indivi• dual difference in the provinces but the purpose"of the act was uniformity. By the same legislation the preparation of voters' lists became a federal matter instead of provincial. A federal

government appointee called a revising officer was to be responsible

for the lists in each district; most of these men were to be judges.

In 1885» the Liberals had objected strenuously to the passage of

the act; vthey considered that it was an infringement of provincial

rights and an attempt by the Conservatives to gain an unfair advan•

tage in future elections. By l893> they felt that the act was in need of drastic revision. The Representation Act of 1892 was also attacked by the

Convention. This was a redistribution act passed to make the necessary changes in the distribution of seats as a result of the

1891 census. The Liberals declared that the legislation did no• thing but gerrymander the electoral divisions to give the Conser• vatives the advantage. The 1882 act for the same purpose had created tremendous controversy when it had been passed, since many electoral districts were established with purely arbitrary boundaries. The only possible explanation for the 1882 act had been the Conservative party's desire to ensure reelection. The

1892 act had been managed on much the same basis with fewer changes being made .since the increase in population was less than in the previous decade. Laurier and the Liberals urged that a committee representing "both parties be established to draw up the boundaries but the Conservatives had refused to consider the sug• gestion. The Convention reiterated the Liberal criticism of the two Representation Acts.

One of the last resolutions passed by the Convention was to urge the necessity of Senate reform. The Liberals attacked the Senate on the grounds that it was entirely divorced from the will of the people because the members were appointed and not elected. They also considered that since Macdonald had been j appointing none but Conservative members the Upper Chamber did not represent a true picture of Canadian politics. Reform was advocated to bring the Senate more closely in line with the Liberal interpretation of the Senate's position in a federal system. The

Liberals felt that the electorate should have greater control over the Upper House. The final resolution suggested the need for a Prohibition plebescite~ to see if the Canadian people desired a federal Pro• hibition Act. The Canadian Temperance Act of I878, passed by

Mackenzie, provided for local elections on the liquor question on petition by the voters. The British North America Act, in

Section 92, had specifically given the provinces the right to control liquor sales while the federal government controlled the manufacture of liquor. By 1893, a strong temperance movement had developed in the United States which had also gained much support in Canada, many of the Liberals were in favour of some method of prohibition and the Liberal party favoured a federal law rather than continuing to rely on local legislation.

Between 1893 and 189& the Liberal party was able to consoli• date its position. The delegates from the convention had returned to their constituencies filled with enthusiasm for the new leader and the platform. The Conservatives, on the other hand, were having increasing difficulty in finding a leader to replace

Macdonald. In the federal elections of 1896 Laurier gained a sweeping victory; winning 122 seats out of a total of 213. The

Conservatives obtained only 88 seats and for the first time since I878 they formed the Opposition. In British Columbia four Liberals were returned out of a total of six members.^3

With Laurier's acceptance, in I896, of the office of Prime

Minister, the Liberal party entered a new phase in its development.

The party, after eighteen years in opposition, was eager to imple• ment its policies. Quarrels which prior to victory had disrupted party unity were now forgotten. - 12 -

In selecting his first Cabinet, Laurier had so little

trouble in finding able men that he was faced with "an embar• rassment of riches.""1"^ The Liberals while in Opposition had

declared that a cabinet should be small so Laurier felt bound to hold by his opinion. Consequently he found it impossible to supply positions for all those party members who had hoped to be represented in the Cabinet. "When all the posts were filled,

there were seventeen ministers, including two without portfolio, or one ministerial place for every seven Liberal members. Even

so, many of outstanding ability and service could not be included.

Only one Minister was named from the West; Clifford Sif ton was ap• pointed Minister of the Interior in November, 1896, upon settlement of the Manitoba School Question. Laurier hoped to satisfy all

elements of his party in his choice of executive members. He had chosen a Cabinet which, in terms of ability, was possibly the

strongest in the history of the young Dominion. But Liberals in

British Columbia were disappointed that no appointment had been made from their Province. This dissatisfaction created almost

immediate friction between the federal Liberal and the British

Columbia Liberal parties. - 13 -

CHAPTER II

Federal Party Organization

i

"A political party, however lofty its principles, is as sounding brass unless it can achieve power.""^ But to continue in office, a party must not only develop a platform which will j appeal to the majority of the electorate but also have an organi• zation which will keep the voters in line and make them aware of party policy.

In 1896 the Liberal organization was still so nebulous that many people considered that the Liberal victory was due to a happy combination of circumstances more than to any strength of organi•

zation. After the death of Sir John A. Macdonald the Conservative party suffered from lack of leadership; the country was in the grip of an economic recession.

Prior to the Liberal victory in 1896, "big business" favoured

the Conservative party, Little financial backing for the Liberal party organization was therefore readily available. Once in power, however, and in control of patronage, the situation changed. The

Canadian Annual Review in several instances lists names of company

directors who gave support to the Liberal party after 1896.

On a national level the whole system of party organization was still considered to be "the exclusive domain of the party

leader and his parliamentary cohorts." A National office,

although maintained at Ottawa, did little in the way of organi•

zational work and an official party organ was not issued until '

1913. The National Liberal platform,, accepted in l893v, was modi•

fied as required by discussions between Laurier and members of his - Ik -

cabinet or the party caucus; no further national conventions were j

called by Laurier. The provincial organizations continued after

1893 to be the working units of the party; in matters of party

opinion and policy the national leader retained the director's

seat.

Laurier was fully aware of his importance to the party organization.' When Senator Templemanl^ tried to impress upon 1 him the necessity of appointing a cabinet minister with portfolio

from British Columbia, Laurier informed him,

In these matters, the judgment of the Prime Minister is the judgment of an Umpire. You wilLI 1 believe, credit me with a sincere desire of doing fairly by all sections of the country and by all my friends. It is always very difficult, however, to satisfy them all at the same time, though it is possible with some patience to arrive at that end. 20

Party organization on the national level was most active

immediately preceding an election. Between 1896 and 1911 there were five occasions when the national machinery was calDe d into

action. On four of these occasions, in 1896, 1900, 190k and 1908,

the Liberal party was successful in being returned to power, but whether the victories were due to the party having a more efficient

organization than that of the Conservatives is doubtful. Rather,

they seem to be related to the strength of Laurier's personal

leadership and the good fortune of being in office during a period

of general economic prosperity.

The same party machinery could be used for both federal and pro•

vincial elections. The federal provincial party leader was chosen I

by the members of his party who had been elected to the federal legis•

lature. William Templeman, who was selected as the provincial PLATE II

British Columbia Federal Liberal Leader 1896-1911

Honourable William Templeman

Senator 1897-1906 Minister without Portfolio 1902-1906 Minister of Inland Revenue 1906-1911 Minister of Mines 1907-1911 -15 - leader In British Columbia in 1896, was to be retained in the ^ position of provincial Liberal leader on the national level until

1911 and the defeat of the Laurier government. During this time he attempted to act as interpreter, within the province, of the federal Liberal policy and at the same time as informant to the federal party of activities among the British Columbia Liberals.

During the sessions in Ottawa he was responsible for retaining the votes of the British Columbia Liberal members for the govern• ment and for maintaining a watching brief on affairs which touched on the Province's interests; at times he was calle d upon by Laurier to offer advice on provincial affairs.

Between sessions, when he was in British Columbia, Templeman spent much of his time tryjng to interpret dominion policy to the electorate of the province. He visited not only sections of his own constituency but often travel3e d extensively through the pro• vince to receive delegations who wanted to press some point home to the federal authorities. In presenting to Laurier, in 1902, | the provincial case for having a Minister with Portfolio,

Templeman explained so me of his difficulties.

The position of a Minister without portfolio, when there is only one minister from the Province is not a very easy one, a very great deal is expected of him and he is not in a position to do much ... I am in Victoria three or four weeks and every moment of that time has been given up to questions relating to departmental and political affairs and I can_see several months of the same kind still ahead.

At.this time his attention was occupied with such matters

as conditions at the Marine Hospital, a grievance on the part of

the Cowichan Indians concerning their land, thelharmful effect

of the tariff on the lumbar trade, and various problems relating - 16 -

to the fishing industry. "With all the mi)nor questions that a politician has to consider, I cannot get away from this work if

I tried, and having no authority to deal decisively with those

that would permit of such a course, I can only promise to inves- I 22

tigate, and report to the ministers concerned."

The most important unit in the provincial organization was

the poll or riding association. It was here that the party's policies were kept before the attention of the local members.

The poll organization, immediately prior to an election, was- res• ponsible for obtaining the voters' list and examining it to assess

the strength of the party. The poll organization paid particular

attention to those persons vho were considered to be doubtful in

their party affiliation and tried to persuade them to give support

to the Liberal candidate.

The local association assumed the responsibility of furnishing

transportation to take the voters to the polls on election day.

Since the transportation companies in British Columbia were known

to furnish financial backing to the Conservative cause, the Liberal

candidates suspected that much could be done to prevent the arrival 23

of their supporters at the polls. Hewitt Bostock, campaigning in ^

the Yale-Cariboo district voiced this opinion when he wrote to

Laurier in June, 1896. The C.P.R. has so much power in this country from ^ East to West and the B.C. Express Co. from Ashcroft to Barkerville and Lillooet, and the steamboat companies in East and West Kootenay that there is room for an immense amount of work to be done about polling day in stopping my voters from getting to the Polls and in taking Mara's (his opponent) voters there. 4 •\ This problem was no doubt worse in some places than in others but - 17 - the local organizations had to be on the alert everywhere if they did not want to find a large portion of the doubtful voters turning up at the opposition booths.

Political patronage was an extremely important weapon during ' this period in Canada. The Conservatives, under Macdonald, had been accused by the Liberals of using every type of patronage pos• sible in order to secure votes. The Public expected the Liberal party to be equally willing to pay for services if it wished to secure favours. Laurier did not really believe in the patronage system in politics but soon found that if he wanted to remain in power for long that a certain anount of patronage was necessary. , f

One method of distributing patronage in the local organization was through the appointment of scrutineers and other election officials. Good party workers could be assured of a paying job at least on election day. .'>.-?n !

Sometimes the, men hired for these positions were dishonest. I

In the federal elections of 1908 an incident occurred in the

Kootenay area where the returning officers apparently absconded with the funds sent from Ottawa to pay for the election expenses. When John Oliver 25 wrote to Laurier stating that this was' one of

the causes for local complaints against the government, Laurier replied, "The fault is not with the Government: it seems to be with the character of the men who were selected as Returning Officers.

In many cases complaints came to me when in fact the money had been

in the hands of the Returning Officer for many weeks."^^

One of the dangers of the patronage system was the Impossi• bility of keeping complete control of the activities of all persons - 18 - who supposedly were party followers; this was so, especially in the province of British Columbia, where the prospect of personal gain was one of the main reasons for an individual giving support to a political party.

To obtain membership in a provincial or local party associa• tion was generally a simple matter: willingness to give some time to party affairs was one of the chief requisites. When a member• ship fee was charged it was frequently only twenty-five cents and '27 very often this sum was not collected too regularly. Their slim resources made it necessary for political parties to seek'financial support from business firms or individuals whose philanthropy often was based on the hope of winning a government contract.

Generally, in the provincial party organization, there were , two larels of association above the local organization! the elec• toral district associations and the provincial body. These two groups became particularly active at the time of a provincial election; generally the same executive plunged into the work of carrying on the campaign for a Dominion election. The executive of a district association was ordinarily selected at a convention of delegates from the local groups. These executive officers, plus a fixed number of delegates from each local association were, in turn, able to attend a provincial convention if one was called.

To select candidates for a federal election, it was custo• mary to call a convention of electoral districts At; this: conven- . tion, nominations were made, votes were cast and the official candidate chosen. The successful candidate was then expected to carry on an active campaign throughout his own district. Most of - 19 -

the funds for these tours were often supplied hy the candidates \

themselves. Bostock referred to this custom in a letter to

Laurier in 1895• "Of course in the event of my running, the

question I askdd you in my last letter as to the Provincial com• mittee being able to obtain funds from the East to help in the

election will not apply as I am prepared to stand my own expenses."

Very frequently no provincial conference was called before a

federal election; in this case it was usual for the party platform

to be announced at the district conferences where the candidate

was chosen. Unless all the candidates were in total agreement with ^

Ottawa this meant that there was a certain disunity within the

province. If, However, a provincial conference was called by the

executive, the final announcements about platform and campaign

procedures were made at the time. It was also at the provincial /

meeting that a party organizer was selected if one was needed. '

In 1898, R. L. Drury^ was appointed by the executive of the 30

British Columbia Liberal Association^ to be provincial organizer.

Although Drury's appointment was made prior to a provincial election

he was expected to act in the same capacity for the next federal

campaign. Often, however, there was no organizer in British ^

Columbia for either provincial or federal elections.

The provincial organizer was responsible for issuing cam•

paign literature; supplying speakers for meetings throughout the

province; dispensing campaign funds and working with organizers

or campaign managers in the electoral districts. During most of

Laurier's period in office, little thought was given to the employ•

ment of a paid, full-time organizer for the province of British j

Columbia who would take charge of federal campaigns as liaison between - 20 -

Ottawa and British Columbia Liberals. Practically all the other provinces had such an official. In 1910, Templeman received the following letter from a Victoria supporter.

All we want is sufficient funds to engage an organizer similar to Saskatchewan. Manitoba has recently engaged their man and Alberta is, I believe, doing likewise. The man and the money can be found and the work is necessary ... Money could be saved and more and thorough work accomplished by attending to the organization as we went along rather than by putting everything off till an election was in sight.31

During a federal campaign, some of the Cabinet members frequently visited the more distant provinces to assist the local candidates. But, in 1896, Bostock reported that there was no need of importing speakers from the east for his constituency, since,

"Conservatives imported E. King Dodds from here. And the 32 people have resented it." A few years later, when no eastern members visited the Province on the eve of the 1908 federal election, there was general feeling that British Columbia was being neglected. During the last half of his term, Laurier was repeatedly asked to visit the west or to send a representative from Ottawa who would help turn the tide for the Liberals. In 33 this vein R. G-. Macpherson wrote to the Prime Minister in September, 1908:

We will all be sorry if you cannot make the trip West, but it seems that the time may be too short for you, Mr. Fielding, and Mr. Lemieux to come. You would certainly do an immense deal of good as no Ministers have visited the West in a. campaigning way since the Liberals came into power.

Letters written by Templeman and other provincial Liberal supporter

Indicate that it was felt that in British Columbia, although the - 21 - strength ef the federal organization was centred in Ottawa, the provincial organization carried the greater burden during election ^ campaigns. Iiideed, the strength of the party with the province for the federal as well as for the provincial elections depended upon the efficiency of the organization of the local units.

Because of weak organization in some provincial areas as well as general public opposition to the proposed reciprocity agreement with the United States, the Liberal party found itself, in 1911, completely routed in the federal elections. British Columbia failed to return a single Liberal member; here the provincial party organization had been completely ineffectual.

One reason for the lack of support for the Liberals in 1911 was the fact that Laurier did not make as effective use of the press in British Columbia as did the Conservatives. From the be• ginning of party politics, control of the press has been one of the methods employed by political parties to influence public opinion. No newspapers in Canada have been owned by national parties but many have been owned and edited by prominent politi- cians.-^ The Toronto Globe had been famed from the beginning as a liberal newspaper. In every papers with strong party affiliations have always existed; British Columbia has been no exception.

Two of the leading provincial Liberals owned controlling interests in newspapers for some time during Laurier's period;

Bostock founded The Province, Templeman was the major shareholder of The Times. Conservative supporters were equally involved in the newspaper business, for four years from 1902 to 1906, owned the Victoria Colonist. - 22 -

Despite the recognized support given to the parties by the press, Laurier disclaimed any form of government control over any

newspaper in the Dominion when approached by Bostock in 1898.

The Government has no organ anywhere, as you know. The only thing that we can do for friendly newspapers is to give them what little patronage in the way of advertisements we may have at our disposal, but we / have made no arrangement with anybody whereby some _, particular paper is to be authorized to speak for us.

The Daily World, which was the cause of Bostock's complaint,

was Conservative in 1898 but becamearecognized Liberal organ during

Laurier's term. Yet there was a steady decline of newspapers in

British Columbia which gave support to the Liberal cause. In 1909,

Oliver wrote that the Conservatives controlled 80 per cent of the newspapers of the Province, a situation which had helped to bring

about the defeat of- the Provincial Liberals in the 1908 federal

elections:-^ only two of seven members returned to Ottawa were

Liberal.

To remedy the difficulty, the British Columbia Liberal

leaders urgently requested funds from Eastern Canada to help estab•

lish newspapers in Vancouver and Nelson. Laurier repudiated the

idea that financial backing should be expected from the East des• pite his agreement with Oliver that more Liberal newspapers were

required. When the British Columbia Liberal leader suggested that

Duncan Ross-^ had been promised assistance in 1908 to establish a

newspaper in Vancouver, Laurier replied, "...I told him very

frankly that under existing circumstances it would not be'possible

for us to raise any money in the East and that it was a case where 39

British Columbia wealthy as it is, could certainly supply funds."

Despite the recognition of the importance of a controlled - 23 - press at election times in both the federal and provincial fields,

Laurier hesitated to give open support to local organs. He con• sidered that provincial Liberal associations, by financing their own"newspapers, would gain in strength and unity. The Prime Mini• ster saw that federal support of the provincial press would lend

Itself to criticism. It would be very easy for the Conservative,1.;

Opposition to claim that the Liberals were infringing on provincial rights. The Liberal party still considered itself the champion of the provincial cause despite Laurier's growing determination to build a strong federal union.

Yet, if some support had been given to the requests for ) assistance to establish newspapers in British Columbia the course of defeat which was begun in 1908 and completed in 1911 might have been avoided. A party which neglected or made an enemy of the press had great difficulty in retaining office. This was proven conclu•

sively at the expense of the Liberals.

Dafoe once declared that, "The Laurier government died in 19H» not so much from the assaults of its enemies as from hardening of

its arteries and from old age."^ The almost complete disregard

of the use of the controlled press along with the lack of unity

and organization which existed within the provincial branch of the party spelled ruin for the Liberals in British Columbia. ; The time had come in the political history of the most westerly province

for a reassessment of party policies if the two party system was to

continue in existence. - 2k -

CHAPTER III

Provincial Party Organization

Geography has been a major force in the development of ' political parties in British Columbia. The problems created by

the geographical factors present in the Province have influenced every stage of provincial growth; the period of party development has been no exception. Prom the fur trade era the isolation of

the region from the rest of Canada and Europe has had an effect on many aspects of life in the area. The fur companies, with head•

quarters in and England experienced difficulty in getting men and supplies to the western posts and, in turn, had problems

shipping furs to market. Men in the western posts became more I self- sufficient than those in less isolated regions; larger posts had to be established to provide supplies over longer periods.

Later, during colonial days, difficulties of communication between Great Britain and the two west coast colonies resulted in many disputes and misunderstandings developing between the Governor

of British Columbia and Vancouver Island and the Colonial'Office in

London. Officers In the Colonies found delays in communication

intolerable and usually proceeded with their plans before receiving

authorization from Britain. Governor Douglas was, on more than one

occasion, reproved for making policy decisions before he had received

instructions from the Colonial Office. In 1862 and 1863 when he

continued with his arrangements to borrow money for road building without obtaining the necessary confirmation from London, he was

sharply reprimanded.

To overcome the difficulties created by distance it1 was agreed - 25 - by the terms of the Act of Union^ in 1871 that a railway was to be completed within ten years to connect British Columbia with the rest of Canada. Frequent disputes arose between Province and

Dominion when unforeseen delays occurred in construction. During

this period, British Columbia politicians were noted for a single mindedness of purpose which earned for them a reputation of being opportunists. They were expected to press provincial interests

irrespective of loyalty to any party in power. Locally, it was

argued, that the elected representatives owed greater loyalty to

their Province and their constituents than to any political philosophy. In 1876, during the Mackenzie regime, The Colonist was vocal on the subject.

It is well that the people of this Province should deprecate every attempt that may be made to import political strifes and heartburnings which now agitate the minds of the people of the Eastern provinc.es, and give our public men to understand that in dealing with Canada they must know neither Grits nor . All B. C. asks is justice. She seeks alliance with neither political party in the East ... To us the Ottawa govern• ment is Canada. With that government we must deal if we deal with Canada, and it would be the height of un• wisdom for British Columbians - "whose politics are the railway," - to suffer our ministers to let our greatest and best interest languish and die whilst ; they engaged in political squabbles in which the inhabitants of the Pacific Province have as much interest as the man in the moon.4-2

From 1871 to 1896 all the members elected to the federal house from British Columbia were said to be from the Conservative party. Not until I896, when a Liberal victory seemed assured and

the transcontinental railway was an accomplished fact, did British

Columbia return four out of six members to Ottawa who called

themselves Liberals..^

This sign of support did not mean that the Liberal party -fe&d- - 26 - had gained a secure position In the Province. Many of the older residents ofBritish Columbia remembered the period of Alexander

Mackengie's administration from 1873 to 1878 as one when the

interests of the Province had been betrayed. Mackenzie had opposed

the railway clause of the Terms of union on the ground that it was

"Impossible of fulfilment."^ He rejected the idea that a commer•

cial company should be granted large tracts of land as a subsidy for building the railway; "it would place an excessive amount of

the Dominion's patrimony in the hands of speculators. "^ But by

1896, British Columbia was willing to forget the previous Liberal

term and give support to Laurier in his efforts to establish freer

trade and promised western development.

Yet the geeling persisted that British Columbia was divided, both geographically and philosophically, from the rest of Canada

and as late as 1909 this was given as the explanation for the poor

showing made by the Liberals in the federal election of 1908.

P. C. Wade^ informed Laurier that the Province's position on the

other side of the mountains meant that Ottawa influence was very

weak and that American influence was much stronger.^ The natural

trade and communication routes all tended to strengthen the north-

south attachment.

Geographical separation from the rest of Canada underlay

the characteristic dislike of British Columbians for anything

appearing as interference on the part of Easterners in provincial

affairs. When Malcolm Cameron^ visited British Columbia in 1863

he was informed that eastern politics and eastern political parties had no place in the western colony; Most of the people who settled

in British Columbia distrusted anything resembling interference by - 27 - the federal government and were particularly jealous of their right to look after their own political affairs. In I87O, when the subject of union with Canada was being discussed in the local legislature, controversy developed over the need to introduce responsible government. Dr. Helmcken, one of the political leaders ^ in the colony,opposed responsible government on the grounds that

"the country was not prepared for it, the people did not in reality desire it, and that it meant office spoils and corruption - govern• ment by and for professional politicians."^

The jealousy between the Mainland and the Island which plagued the early political life of the Province was another creature of geography. The provincial.Liberals habitually regarded the Province as being separated into two rival camps, Mainland and

Island, both of them competing for any spoils of office. When

Senator Templeman was appointed Minister of Inland Revenue in 1906, considerable discussion took place in the Province concerning the choice of successor. R. G-. Macpherson pointed out to Laurier that

Templeman represented Vancouver Island and that the appointment of

George Riley,5® who also lived on the Island, would meet with oppo- sition. Laurier, in replying, showed a total lack of understanding of the local sectional rivalry. "There are no territorial divisions in British Columbia so far as the Senate is concerned though I must beg to have some latitude in a matter as to which I cannot take geographical considerations alone but other considerations."

Prom l871 to l89h the majority of representatives in the ^

British Columbia legislature were from Vancouver Island. . As a result, many politicians in the Province believed that the Island- - 28 - had a claim on the major portion of federal appointments. But in

1894, a Redistribution Bill divided the thirty-three seat house in such a way that nineteen representatives came from Mainland con• stituencies and the remaining fourteen from the Island. Future changes in 1902 increased the legislative seats to forty-two but the Island retained only twelve of them. No one could claim here• after that the Island was exercising undue influence in the British 53

Columbia political scene. The quarrel remained alive only when federal-provincial appointments were being considered. Yet

sectional rivalry within the province tended to weaken the unity ^> of both political parties.

Although party lines were not drawn in British Columbia until 1903, considerable party activity occurred in the province as early as 1871. In September, 1871, The Dally British Colonist made rather scathing remarks about an. attempt to form a Liberal party organization. .» Who and what is the so-called Liberal party? An | attempt was made to form a party but only 9 members appeared and another meeting was not called. We do not, of course, pretend to assert that the Liberal party is a myth; but we are of the opinion, that, if such an organization has been formed, the people of the Capital City should not be left in ignorance of its objects, its principles, and its controllers.54 From this, and subsequent unfavourable comments, it was apparent

that many electors in the Provinee <4id not see any reason for

introducing the party system.

This attitude became fixed with those who held office in

British Columbia during the next thirty years. In the provincial legislature division between groups was drawn on Mainland-Island - 29 -

lines rather than on party lines. This division originated in

I87I when Premier McCreight, in selecting members for the first provincial cabinet, chose one member from the Mainland and two

from the Island. Proportional representation in this form was to

iemain the pattern for some years.

The delay In organizing political' parties within British

Columbia was largely due to the attitude of distrust which had """"

developed. Personal rule seemed preferable to the majority of the

electorate. Nevertheless, some of the tools adopted by political

parties were accepted in British Columbia prior to the adoption of

the party system.

In I878 a political convention of about thirty invited

electors met in Victoria "to select two candidates as bearers of

the Liberal-Conservative banner at the ensuing commons election."

This appears to have been the first time in British Columbia that

candidates were formally nominated before an election. Prior to

I878 a candidate had announced himself by inserting newspaper

notices in which he stated his policies and solicited votes. The

convention became in time the accepted way of selecting candidates

In 1882 a convention met in Victoria, this time to nominate oppo•

sition candidates for the pncwincial election; by I89I4. conventions

were held throughout the Province.-^

The provincial determination to avoid party lines seems

apparent in the designation of Liberal-Conservative as the term

describing the candidates for the 1878 election. By this time,

there was no such party in the federal field and it was only in

British Columbia that such compromise candidates existed. - 30 -

During the l880's local opposition to the policies of the

British Columbia government created sufficient dissatisfaction to permit the formation of an organized Opposition. A Liberal Asso• ciation appeared in Victoria in 1887. The Colonist had already commented on the fact that pwsonal rule was no longer adequate in provincial affairs. "A candidate will have not only to possess a code of principles but he will have to show that he has the physical courage and mental capacity to urge them at all times 57 and against all odds."

The formation of a party organization in British Columbia pointed up the fact that a decided change had occurred in the minds of at least some of the citizens. In 1871, few if any, had seen any advantage in having political parties, but by 1887 many residents felt that party lines were a necessity.

The inaugural meeting of the Victoria Liberal Association was held in February, 1887, prior to a federal election. A party platform was adopted consisting of thirteen planks^ and an executive was elected. To assist in defraying expenses a twenty- five cent membership fee was levied. A committee of fifteen was named to organize the forthcoming federal election campaign.

Dr. G. L. Milne^ was selected as the candidate to carry the party honours for the district.

The platform adopted by this Liberal convention reveals the

fact that agreement then, existed between the aims of the British

Columbia Liberal party and the national Liberal party. But, even

so, maintenance of provincial rights was stressed as the first

objective in the program. Representation for the Province in the - 31 - federal cabinet w§.s requested, and this demand appeared as a j plank in all future platforms until 1906 when a ministry was finally given to a British Columbia member. The admission duty free into Canada of raw material to .be manufactured within the country was supported in principle; reciprocity with the United

States was likewise declared to be advantageous. Canada's power to negotiate commercial treaties with foreign nations, a right first supported by Mackenzie, was now favoured by the British

Columbia party. Protection of the natural resources of the country from speculators was urged. It was suggested that' the distribution of land grants, timber limits, coal fields or sub• sidies to railways should be more carefully supervised. In every instance the bona fide settler was to be given priority over the land agent or speculator. Thus, from the inception of the party in British Columbia, the Liberals combined support of the philo- ) sophy of the federal party with the assertion that provincial j rights be protected.

By 1896, the provincial Liberal party had gained sufficient ground to return to Ottawa the majority of members from the Province.

In this switch from all-Conservative support, provincial habit of transferring allegiance to a party likely to gain power was evident^

The Conservative fortunes seemed so dim in 1896 that British Colum• bians felt that they would gain by supporting the Liberal cause.

Within the next year a number of Liberal Associations had become active, in the Province and at the instigation of Senator!Templeman f and. Hewitt Bostock, the first provincial Liberal convention was called. But party lines had still not been accepted - 32 - in provincial affairs as Bostock pointed out to Laurier:

It was to bring together the different Liberal organizations of the Province and to give them a common head and a centre from which to work then when the Provincial Elections come on without necessarily running the elections on party lines which would be objectionable to a large number of people in the province the liberals in each district will do their best to see that a Liberal is nominated in each dis• trict in opposition to the present government and if they hang together they can elect their nominee in most cases then when the members are returned |hope , to find a liberal majority in the house and then they can elect their own leader.°°

Criticism was expressed both at Vancouver and Nahaimo of what was considered to be high handed action on the part of the organizers of this convention. The Nanaimo Association, meeting on October 6, passed the following resolution:

That the Liberal Association of Nanaimo having 1 read the notice sent calling a convention of Liberals at on October 8, 1897» deem it most inadvisable to hold a convention of the Liberals of this Province at this time and especially if Dominion party politics are to be introduced in the provincial elections.ol

In many areas of the Province the fear of introducing federal politics into provincial affairs still loomed large enough to be considered a danger and in the case of the Nanaimo Association the feeling was probably linked with the jealous attitude which prevailed toward the Mainland. In spite of the opposition of several groups, the convention was held on October 8th as' origi• nally scheduled. One hundred and fifteen were present when the roll call was taken and all declared themselves to b'e Liberal in philosophy.

An executive for the Provincial organization consisting of president, vice-president, secretary and treasurer was chosen, - 33 -

these men were to meet with a vice-president from each Dominion

electoral district and three executive officers from each provin•

cial district to determine future party policy. Senator Templeman,

provincial leader of the federal members, was elected president of

the newly created organization. The Victoria Daily Colonist re- - 62 ported that a platform of seven major clauses was adopted.

This platform of the British Columbia Liberal Association

stressed once more provincial interests. At the same time, a

suggestion was put forward for the first time which was far ahead

of anything yet considered by the federal Liberal party: the first

clause of the platform approved a policy directed towards the J

ultimate ownership by the government of railways. At this time,

Laurier and the federal Liberal leaders did not advocate such

government ownership.

The British Columbia Liberals also clarified their demand

made in 1887 at Victoria that land be made readily available to

bona fide settlers rather than to speculators or as ^subsidies to

construction companies.

Clause two, which dealt with the redistribution of seats in

the ' provincial legislature emphasized the need of giving sparsely

populated areas a proportionately larger representation than the

more populous districts. This demand arose from the fact that in

the interior of the Province such electoral districts as Yale-

Cariboo and Kootenay were very large in territory but had small,

scattered populations.

Taxation changes in the mining industry, which was once more

a major industry in the Province, were urged. Likewise, protection

of the forest wealth of the Province was considered to be of prime 1 - 3k - imp'ortance. This policy was also supported by the federal Liberal party. The provincial body advocated a controlled sale of timber limits and a reforestation program.

A clause which was of purely local interest had to do with

Oriental labour. The British Columbia party wished to discourage by all constitutional means the immigration into, the Province and the employment in it of Asiatics. Here the point of view of the provincial Liberal party ran counter to that of Laurier and the federal party. The protection of minority groups was considered by Laurier to be one of the basic Liberal ideals.

Striking at the unnecessary squandering of provincial revenue

and the awarding of road contracts as a method of patronage (a practice followed by the Turner government, then in office), the platform urged a fairer method of awarding such.contracts.

Finally, the convention called for honesty and progress in

the development of the resources of the Province. By 1897, pro• gress in British Columbia had practically come to a halt as a result of frequent changes in the government and a perennially unbalanced budget. The Liberals advocated the exploration of provincial resources with the construction of adequate transportation facili•

ties to develop the wealth of the interior regions. The party

considered that by these methods development would be inevitable.

The first provincial Liberal platform served as a model for

some years. Local Liberal Associations were bolstered by; the adop•

tion of a common policy--but some dissension still existed within

the party organization. And in the legislature at Victoria, ) personalities rather than political ideology continued to rule. • ; , - 35" -

By 1898 the convention had become accepted in British 1 I i Columbia as the method of selecting candidates for provincial and federal elections. Advantages were also seen in appointing election committees to look after campaigns in urban centres.

But party lines were still not recognized in the provincial field.

The I898 elections were fought on a non-partisan basis with

C. A. Semlin,^ leader of the Opposition issuing a manifesto.^

Prom Seralin's manifesto it would appear that the Opposition in British Columbia was in reality Liberal in philosophy.' None of the eight points in his platform ran counter to those of the

1897 Liberal convention. If the provincial leaders had been willing to forget personalities and support the platforms worked out by the/ provincial associations the instability which resulted from their failure to accept the two party system would have been avoided.

But apparent fear of the introduction of Dominion political issues was one of the major reasons for this short sighted policy accordin to Semlin in the preamble to the opposition circular.

The committee believes that it will have the support ^ of a very large majority of the Provincial voters ..., in its view that it would be extremely detrimental to the interests of the whole Province at the present time to introduce Dominion political issues into the discussion of the Provincial affairs.6^

The adoption of a party platform on a provincial level had been one more step towards the acceptance of party principles but

the final acknowledgement of the wisdom of the two party system did not occur until 1903.

! At a Liberal Association meeting held in Vancouver in 1900,

Joseph Martin,00 then endeavouring to secure the provincial Liberal leadership, supported the adoption of party lines. But many of the 35a PLATE III

British Columbia Premiers 1896-1900

Honourable John H. Turner, 1895-1898

Honourable Charles A. Semlin, I898-I9OO - 36 - leading Liberals were fearful of selee'ting Martin; he had proven to be a storm centre on more than one occasion both before and after his arrival in the Province from Manitoba. The motion to adopt party lines for the next election was defeated. A member of the Vancouver Liberal Association executive, James MacQueen, who reported that he personally supported party lines but feared that Martin's personality would interfere with the proposition, stated that in consequence he voted against the acceptance of party politics.^7

A second provincial Liberal convention was called in Vancouver on January 30, 1902, to again consider this vital question of party lines. Electoral districts were represented by three delegates for each member of the provincial Legislature. Other delegates included the Liberal members of the House of Commons; Liberal candidates defeated in the 1900 Dominion election; Liberal members of the local Legislature; officers and members of the executive of the provincial Liberal Association and, finally, the Liberal managing Aft editors of the newspapers that supported the Dominion government.

It was hoped that some of the quarrels which had arisen over dele• gate credentials at previous Liberal meetings would be avoided.

But the opening session saw controversy develop on two points immediately: the authority of the executive to appoint its members as delegates and the presence of the press. Finally, after hours of discussion and delay, the executive and press were expelled by a majority vote. The delegates who remained elected G. R. Maxwell^ as president of the Provincial Association and Joseph Martin as Pro• vincial Liberal leader. A unanimous resolution was adopted to suppor party lines and a platform of twelve planks accepted.?0 \ 36a

PLATE IV

British Columbia Premiers 1900-1911 r

Honourable James Dunsmuir 1900-1902

For photograph see Plate Honourable Joseph Martin, March 1, 1900-June 14, 1900,

I Honourable Richard McBride, 1903-1916

Honourable Edward G. Prior,1902-1903 Conservative This platform restated the aims of the 1897 Liberal con- vehtion; at the same time, it recognized the fact that there had been rapid economic expansion in the Province. Government owner- ^ ship, not only of railways, but of all public utilities now became the aim of the party. This demand was even more advanced than the

Liberal resolution of 1897 in which only railways had been suggested as needing to come under state control.

By 1902 the desperate need for further railway development was apparent. The Liberals advocated immediate construction of a number of short lines to serve the still inaccessible areas in the' Province.. At the same time, they again demanded that cash and not land should be used for subsidies to all construction companies. •

For the first time the party requested government legis• lation to establish dyking and drainage systems so that large acreages of the lower Fraser Valley might be brought under culti• vation and the increasing population in the area could be supported by agriculture. John Oliver was interested in this problem since his land, at Mud Bay required dyking, but instead of subscribing to a government or municipal program he preferred to have the project remain independent of all government sponsored schemes.'^

At this time the Liberals were closely connected with the ^

Labour movement in the Province. In fact, Ralph Smith,^ a strong

Labour spokesman, was one of the leading Liberals in British Colum• bia during most of Laurier's term of office. This close coopera• tion between Liberal and Labour was reflected in three clauses of^ the 1902 platform. Point seven demanded that the government protect the mining industry against combines and trusts, and if necessary, - 38 - build and operate smelters and refineries. Clause eight repeated the previous provincial policy on Oriental immigration, while clause nine requested the government to adopt compulsory arbitra•

tion to prevent strikes and lockouts.

These additions to the British Columbia Liberal platform were, in most cases, more radical in their nature than those of ^ other Liberal organizations in Canada. Despite their advanced ideils, however, the Liberals could not gain a large following ^ in the Province. This was because oficontinual squabbling'among the party leaders. Disunity destroyed confidence.

. That Laurier was fully aware of the situation, in British

Columbia is apparent in correspondence between the Prime Minister 1 73 and members of the provincial party. To W. W. B. Mclnne s he wrote, on February 21, 1902:

The course which I have invariably followed, up to this time, in British Columbia, has been to leave my friends absolutely free to act as they please and to organize according to their own inclinations. That! this is a work which it'must take some time to do, I j recognize freely. Unfortunately the Party seems to be torn by dissensions. There are .still wheels with• in wheels and rings within rings and the best thing which must be done is to have the work of organization thoroughly accomplished. It would not be advisable, in my estimation, at this moment, for the Federal Government to interfere at all. In the present con• dition of things, it would certainly be dangerous for us to take an active part in your political affairs.74

In much the same vein he wrote to Joseph Martin, steadfastly

refusing to take any side in provincial party quarrels.75 Whether

this stand was justified is difficult to decide. Laurier believed

the provincial groups should be allowed complete freedom to organ•

ize themselves, but British Columbia had little political experience

and was remote from the central office at Ottawa. A show of leader- - 39 - ship at this time by Laurier or by some member of the federal cabinet might have assisted in uniting the British Columbia party.

If unity had come in 1902 it could well have led to victory in the 1903 provincial elections when1party lines were drawn for the first time. As it was, the Liberal cause was defeated and the Conservatives, under Richard McBride, were given the task of forming the first one-party cabinet in the' Province. The Liberals could not furnish the stability and leadership needed in*.a Province which had seen five ministeries from 1895 to 1903; for these reasons they remained She. official Opposition until 191b.

Richard McBride became premier of British Columbia on

June 2, 1903. Probably on the advice of Lieutenant-Governor

Henri Joly de Lotbiniere the new premier decided to adopt party lines. Joly de Lotbiniere felt that the party system was the only method of governing a democratic country, "Avec notre systdme

Parlementaire anglais il faut absolument la Discipline de partis.

C'est une utopie que de reaver un gouvernement parlementaire stable j la ou ceux qui le supportent refusent de prendre la responsabilite' de ses actes."^ Sir Henri Joly had been most disturbed by the political instability in the Province from the time of his arrival in 1900; he felt that it was his duty to do everything possible to encourage sound organization in the government. ,

In reality, the Conservative party of 1903 was little more / ,| unified than were the Liberals; it remained for McBride and his aides to gain united support. It speaks well of McBride'is abilities that he was able to retain control of provincial affairs for thirteen years. - ko -

After the 1903 elections the Liberal strength in British

Columbia continued to decline. The party leaders tried to whip

up enthusiasm but because of quarreling within the party and the

growing distrust of the federal Liberal policies on such matters

as Alien immigration, Better Terms, and Reciprocity, they were

repeatedly faced by defeat.

Joseph Martin still believed himself to be the provincial

Liberal leader although the 1902' and 1903 provincial conventions

had both refused to give him unanimous supports For all intents

and purposes the Liberal party carried on the election campaign

during the summer of 1903 without a leader. ' !

When McBride and the Conservatives gained control, Laurier

wrote to Charles Lugrin?? that in his opinion the Liberal'cause

would always be doomed unless the Party would organize behind an

acknowledged leader.^0" On October 19th, 1903, the Liberal member

of the provincial house called a caucus to elect a provincial --—

leader. After four ballots, J. A. Macdonald,^ member from

Rossland, was elected to this office. In commenting :upon the

choice, the Lieutenant-Governor wrote on January 17th, 190k, "I

am very favourably impressed with the leader of the Opposition,

Mr. Macdonald, who shows firmness and moderation in the control o

his followers, and I hope that he will be able to keep up in the

course he has started.

Lieutenant-Governor Joly de Lotbiniere, who had urged the

acceptance of party government in the Province, was justly proud

of the results as he wrote to his son in February, 190k, on the

prorogation of the first session under the new system. l+Oa PLATE y

British Columbia Provincial Liberal Leaders 1896-1QOQ

t

Honourable James Alexander MacDonald

Leader of Liberal Opposition 1903-1907 Chief Justice 190?-

L Honourable John Oliver

Leader of Liberal Opposition 1907-1909 Liberal Premier 1918-1927 - IP- - , /•' A/ Last night, I had the satisfaction of prbroging Parliament after a successful session. The result for British Columbia, from the: adoption of party discipline, instead of guerilla warfare - The Government feel that they haveilTTorce- at their back, on whom they may rely for carrying on what they consider sound legislation, and that they are not at the mercy of a few men, disappointed in their hopes of forcing their \claims for personal f advantage - I never so well realized as I do now, the value of discipline."1 j

Almost for the first time since/Confederation] British

Columbia had a stable provincial government. McBride and his party managed to bring order out of chaos in provincial finances /

and by 1905 the budget was balanced for almost the first time

since Confederation. The Opposition could find little to criti•

cize during the first few years of McBride's ministry. Yet the

local Liberal Associations kept in fairly active contact with

federal leaders in hope that the provincial party could benefit

from federal policies. Federal, rather than provincial matters,

loomed largest for a time on the Liberal horizon. The British

Columbia party hoped to gain favour by supporting Laurier but its members frequently encountered considerable opposition within provincial ranks since Laurier's policies often ran counter to what was thought to be British Columbia's interests.

J. A. Macdonald remained provincial leader until 1909, at '

which time he was appointed to the judiciary; John Oliver from

Delta then became the new leader. From 1902 to 1909 the British

Columbia Liberal platform remained almost unchanged. The principles

which had been adopted in 1902 were reiterated at each provincial meeting. Unfortunately they held little appeal when placed against

the concrete achievements of McBride and the Conservatives. In

fact many Liberals found themselves in the position of supporting l|la PLATE VI

British Columbia Provincial Liberal Leader 1909-

L J Honourable Harlam Carey Brewster

Leader of Liberal Opposition 1909-1916 First Liberal Premier 1916-1918 - k2 - the Opposition when provincial rights seemed to be threatened. j

They felt that Laurier and the federal party were not in sympathy with the problems of the west.

Not only did the Liberals find themselves in opposition to the Conservatives but soon also to the Socialist Labour party which had become very strong in the mining areas of the Province. In a country with a sparse population this drastic splitting of votes meant disaster for the Liberals. Senator Bostock summarized the situation as it existed in the Kootenays in 1906 when he wrote to

Laurier that in places like Rossland where the Canadian Pacific

Railway supported the Conservatives and the labourers the1 Socialists, Op the Liberals were in ~a poor position indeed. ^-

In addition, strife continued within the ranks of the party.

Joseph Martin had announced his withdrawal from politics after his defeat in 1903 but in the following year, E. A. Haggen, editor of the Kootenay Mail wrote to Laurier warning him of Martin's hostility to federal Liberal principles: "Not that I fear he would do the party much harm but he has an ardent following in the Liberal party which he might alienate from us ..." ^ Eventually, in 1909, Martin withdrew from **ritish Columbia politics to try his fortune in

Great Britain but this was not before he and his friends had suc• ceeded in weakening the provincial Liberals through continual bickering.

By 1907 the Liberal leaders felt that complete reorganization^ was necessary: in October a provincial convention was consequently held in Vancouver. Laurier was asked to attend but he could not do

so. At the Vancouver convention some concrete decisions were made

and a new constitution was adopted. The aims of the Association - k3 - were stated as being: "to unite the Liberals of this district so that they may the better study and understand the policies of

Canada and the platform of the Liberal party. "^ John Oliver was j elected as president, and an executive of fifteen from all regions of the Province except the Kootenays was chosen.^5

Resolutions emanating from this convention were addressed to both federal and provincial governments. They requested an early solution to the problem of Asiatic . The federal government was asked to hasten the passage of a Natal Act in order to put a successful end to the problem. The provincial authorities were, at the same time, asked to repass an act excluding

Asiatics which the Lieutenant-Governor had refused to sign. But these resolutions did not represent the unanimous opinion of the conference: the Liberal leader, Macdonald, reported to Laurier that he did not wholly agree with them but that he had been'overridden by the majority.

A majority of the Liberals in British Columbia openly opposed ^

Laurier's policy on Asiatic immigration. Laurier hoped to solve the problem by diplomacy and to avoid legislation which might create international conflict; both Great Britain and Canada had ^ treaties with Japan which permitted free access of Japanese nationals to their countries. The Prime Minister saw the provincial stand as dangerous to the Dominion. Laurier considered that since the British

Columbia Liberals were aware of the federal policy they should agree to support it despite the Conservative, demand for the passage of a

Natal Act. But, as shown by the 1907 Liberal convention, most of the provincial Liberals favoured such an Act since they saw the - kh - problems as purely provincial and refused to understand the federal or international implications.

At the same time, although denying Laurier's policy on

Asiatic immigration, the British Columbia Liberals retained their

faith in the Prime Ministers's ability as a leader. At almost every party meeting letters and resolutions were sent to Ottawa expressing satisfaction with his leadership. At this time, the man, if not his politics was supported by the British Columbia Liberals.

The provincial party had not yet accepted the true meaning of party politics; only those elements of the federal philosophy which they

saw as a benefit to British Columbia were considered to be worthy of support.

Laurier, for his part, considered that British Columbia

Liberals should be willing to uphold federal policies unanimously \

and this would help them to gain unity within their ranks. For- the resounding defeat of the Liberals in the province in 1908

federal election, Macdonald blamed the federal policy on Asiatic

immigration. Laurier, on the other hand, considered, "It was

impossible to win, Oriental question or no Oriental question, in

New Westminster where the two rival factions of Jardine and Kennedy were at war as they were. It was also impossible to win in Vancouver,

with Mclnne s and Martin both rushing to the front, keeping away other

candidates, and, being in the saddle fighting like cats and dogs."^

Laurier based his entire criticism of ,the situation which pre•

vailed in British Columbia on the quarrels within party ranks. To him there could be only one party philosophy, the federal Liberal platform and only one party leader, himself. As long as British

Columbia Liberals continued to acknowledge him as their leader he felt that they should willingly support his policies. He had no patience with the British Columbia desire to accept only those parts of the program which were most appealing to the Province.

The election of 1909 was the last provincial election in

British Columbia during Laurier's regime. At this time the Con- )

servatives almost wholly eliminated opposition in the Legislature./

To the forty-two member house only four non-Conservatives were returned: two Liberals and two Socialists. Oliver, provincial

Liberal leader, and his lieutenan^ Wadej were both badly defeated.

Oliver had decided to fight the election campaign by

attacking McBride's railway policy. The agreement made by the

Premier with Mackenzie and Mann to construct a railway through

the Yellowhead Pass to Kamloops and thence to the coast, opened little new territory. The Liberal leader urged, that If elected,

the Liberals would build transportation lines to districts which

still lacked direct communication with coastal regions. To support his program, Oliver prepared a large map which outlined his pro• posed routes.®7 The Conservatives took much delight in deriding

the whole scheme as impractical; despite the Liberal'leader's

recognized honesty, the British Columbia electorate did not endorse

the Liberal platform. Oliver had requested assistance from Laurier

in the form of assurance that the would

back his railway proposals. Laurier refused to consider anything more than moral support; this proved insufficient.^ The Province was enjoying a period of unprecedented prosperity which made a change of leader seem unnecessary to the majority of voters.

Poor leadership, disorganization and strife were all given PLATE VTT

The Liberal Platform, 1909

John Oliver's Railway Policy

Prom: The Vancouver Province, November 22, 1909, p. - k6 - as reasons for the resounding defeat of the Liberals. But another element was equally important. The Liberal party had little or no support from the press. Campaign funds were also in short supply J

In contrast, In Vancouver alone, an estimated $60,000 was expended by the McBride government within a few days of the elections.^

After the 1909 elections it was apparent, that whatever the cause of defeat, a complete reorganization of both party machinery and philosophy was necessary. When Laurier visited the province in 1910 much enthusiasm was aroused;/ resolutions of loyalty were passed in all constituencies. Yet the feeling of personal loyalty had almost totally disintegrated within six months. For the Prime

Minister's determination to enter into a reciprocity agreement with the United States was unpopular with British Columbia. Indeed, a large number of the provincial Liberals now became supports of ^~

McBride. They saw reciprocity as constituting one more attack on the welfare of British Columbia. John Jardine,^0 one of the two

Liberal members in the provincial legislature, moved to the Con- j servative side early in 1911 and left H. C. Brewster^ as lone representative of the Liberal cause. Jardine's defection removed one of the most discordant elements from the party roster but his departure did little to gain public support for the Liberals. It was too widely known that the party was weakened by continual jealousy.

In the federal campaign of 1911, Oliver, although defeated in the provincial elections carried on an active program in support of Laurier and reciprocity. Despite the feeling by most Liberals that the farmers of British Columbia would suffer greatly from reciprocity Oliver disagreed. He argued that "what was good for - k7 -

Canada would be good for them all, and it would open a broader market for them in the United States. His arguments were not

sufficiently convincing and British Columbia returned no Liberals

to the federal house.

Nevertheless, the fact that Oliver, along with other Liberal

leaders agreed to fight an active campaign in support of reciprocity

was a sign that a core of the British Columbia Liberal party was beginning to realize the true meaning of party politics. For the /

first time, the national rather than the local significance of

the Liberal policy was being exploited.

But the cause of Liberalism in British Columbia, both in the provincial and federal arenas was eclipsed by the popularity of the

Conservative success. Five more years were to elapse before the

Liberal party was able to convince the electorate that its platform

was the best for the Province. In 1916 Brewster was elected

premier to bring to an end thirteen years of Conservative rule. - k8 -

CHAPTER IV

Some Problems in Federal-Provincial Relations 1896-1911: Federal Appointments'

Although British Columbia had not yet accepted*the philosophy

of party politics in provincial affairs when Laurier became Prime ^

Minister in 1896, the Province felt that she had demonstrated her

loyalty by returning a majority of Liberal members to the Dominion

House. Some favoured treatment from federal authorities seemed

fitting.

Laurier did not subscribe to the theory that the federal

government should be forced to curry favour in the province. On more than one occasion he refused to use his influence to secure

appointments for persons whose only qualification for office was

that they were loyal party supporters. To Laurier, if a man were

to be given a position of authority, he must be something more than

a party follower. This attitude was demonstrated when the Prime

Minister selected his first cabinet. He chose men who were

experienced in politics; who possessed outstanding ability to lead

others (there were five former provincial premiers in his first

cabinet); and who had worked extensively in the formation of the

Liberal party. It was difficult for any member from British

Columbia to meet these standards. The Province had not provided

sufficient political experience to train leaders with these

qualifications.

During the first few years of his term of office, Laurier met

with considerable frustration whenever he attempted to mae a federal

appointment for British Columbia. Negotiations between the Province

and the federal authorities.frequently took several years to complete - k9 -

The chief difficulty was the apparent inability of the Provincial

Liberal party to support only one candidate for an office.

of conflicting recommendations was sent to Laurier whenever an

appointment was imminent. As a result, delays occurred as the

Prime Minister attempted to verify the statements by consulting with the British Columbia members at Ottawa or the provincial

Liberal organization. '

When Laurier announced his final cabinet appointments in l89o considerable disappointment was felt in British Columbia ^ because no one was named from the western Province; only Clifford

Sifton represented the area west of the Great Lakes. This situation

was tragic for the British Columbia Liberals since they had boasted

that if the Liberals succeeded in gaining office British Columbia

would have cabinet representation. This belief had been fostered by Laurier on his visit to British Columbia in 189k; he had hinted

rather broadly that cabinet representation would be forthcoming if

the Liberals were successful in the next elections. The Conser• vatives had succeededgih having E. G. Prior appointed Controller I

of Inland Revenue late in 1895; equitable treatment was expected

from the Liberals.

The demand for cabinet representation was linked with the case j

presented by British Columbia for Better Terms. British Columbia

argued that the amount contributed by the Province to the federal

revenue was proportionately larger than amounts from other provinces

which meant that cabinet membership should be given recognition.

To help drive home the point to Laurier, Templeman told him, "Although no province has a constitutional right to demand representation in - 50 - the cabinet, which may be formed without geographical lines, the interests of the Dominion as a i

Several Liberals in the Province had considered themselves suitable candidates; of the names proposed, William Templeman,

Hewitt Bostock, George Maxwell, W. W. B. Mclnnes and Joseph Martin all had spokesmen who wrote glowing letters of support to Laurier.

But the petty wrangling which split the party during the first twenty-five years of its existence weakened the chances of any

British Columbian being selected.

Since the British Columbia party could not decide on a single candidate, the Prime Minister refused to consider any. Bostock, whose advice Laurier frequently sought and followed, suggested that

Laurier delay making an appointment until he could ascertain the feelings of the people in all parts of the Province; in particular, he strongly advised him against appointing either Senator Mclnnes or his son, "It would be absolutely fatal to the Liberals here in the near future."^

Further justification for cabinet representation advanced by British Columbia's leaders was the rapid growth in the population of the Province. The official census figures reveal an increase of over 80 per cent in the population of the Province between 1891 and

1901 as it increased from 98,173 to 178,657.9^ The region west of the Great Lake s was the fastest growing area of Canada. Laurier knew this and admitted the validity of British Columbia's claim.

But he wanted to await the full census returns- before making a redistribution of parliamentary seats and possible increasing the size of the cabinet. At the same time, he hesitated to name anyone - 51 -

from the western Province who did not have the unanimous support 'I

of the provincial party. To Auley Morrison7 he wrote,

With regard to the representation of British Columbia in the Cabinet, I have it in mind all the , time, and I hope that at an early day I will be able ' to give satisfaction to your province. I must say, however, that the action of our friends in the West, failing to agree upon one man as their representative has .not so far helped to attain my object. 97

The cabinet appointment which British Columbia sought was

that of Minister of Marine and Fisheries. Late in 1901 an ideal

opportunity arose for Laurier to satisfy the provincial demand; the portfolio became vacant on Sir Louis Davies being elevated to the

Supreme Court. Then, on the death of Richard Dobell from Quebec,

Laurier decided in February, 1902, to make Senator Templeman a member of the Cabinet without Portfolio; to British Columbia's

disappointment he gave the Ministry of Marine and Fisheries later

in the year to Raymond Prefontaine of Quebec.

Instead of the appointment of Senator Templeman meeting with

approval in British Columbia, it was severely criticized. Two com• plaints were made: in the first instance it was felt that since

Templeman was already a Senator he should not have been named to

the Cabinet, and secondly, that British Columbia was entitled to have more than a Minister without Portfolio who had no department

to administer.

Senator Templeman consequently, in December, 1903, after the

resignation of A. G. Blair, Minister of Railways and Canals, wrote

to Laurier to urge that British Columbia be given a ministry, pre•

ferably that of Marine and Fisheries. But Laurier was not at all

receptive to the idea of making the changes in the Cabinet which

would be required to make a British Columbia appointment. - 52 - . ,

It is true that at this moment, there is a port• folio vacant by the resignation of Blair but the very j manner in viiich his resignation has taken place makes it encumbent to take his successor in the Cabinet from the province he represented. I hope that you share also in this view. If you think differently, I would like to have your opinion, but whatever it may be, for my part, I feel very strongly that under existing circumstances no other course is left open.^o

When H. R. Emmerson of New Brunswick was appointed to the

post in,; January, 190k, members of both the Liberal and Conservative

parties rose in protest in British Columbia. The press of the

Province, which was following affairs in Ottawa closely, bitterly

criticized the government. Senator Templeman again corresponded

with the Prime Minister; to him Laurier justified his decision on

thB basis of parliamentary representation. There were thirteen

members in the House of Commons from New Brunswick, he said, but

only six from British Columbia: "it will not always be so, because

the center of political gravity is now displacing and going towards

the West. But at this juncture this consideration is one which

cannot be well ignored.u<^

Despite disappointment over failure to receive cabinet repre•

sentation British Columbia returned a solid Liberal slate to Ottawa

in 190k. The Redistribution Bill passed after the 1901 census had

given the western Province seven members. This seemingly whole•

hearted support of -hhis party did not, however, convince Laurier that

any change should be made immediately in his cabinet. He considered

that the strength of the Liberal party was in the east and that the

west still had to prove itself.

British Columbia's dissatisfaction with the situation is

shown in a letter written by Duncan Ross to Laurier in-August, 1905. - 53 -

'.'British Columbia went solidly for the Liberal , party because her people liked the broad and com- ' prehensive general policy of your Government, but at the same time there was a strong feeling that so far as matters particularly affecting this Province were concerned, it was getting no "squarer" deal from the Liberal Government than it received from the Government .... As Western Liberals how can we defend the personnel of your cabinet from a geographical standpoint? The Provinces west of Lake Superior have practically only one represen• tative in a cabinet of 15 or 16 members. Senator Templeman is a member of your cabinet, it is true, but the position he holds rather aggravates the injustice of which the west complains. In the days prior to 1896, the Liberals of British Columbia criticized the conservative government because this province did not receive what we considered fair treatment at the hands of the Dominion Government. We demanded full cabinet representation and we j sneered when a controllorship was offered Colonel Prior as a sop to public opinion in this province. After nine years of Liberal rule we have a cabinet position in name only.100

Many of the Liberals in British Columbia rallied to support

the ciaims of Templeman for a portfolio. Even some Conservatives were willing to see him given a department. But it was not until

February, 1906, four years after being created Minister without

Portfolio that he was named Minister of Inland Revenue. In the j

following year, upon creation of the Department of Mines, he was

given this appointment as well.

Templeman was a member of the Senate at the time he was named Minister of Inland Revenue; Laurier stipulated that he must represent a constituency. On the advice of the Liberal party

in British Columbia it was decided to hold a by-election in Victoria

City, then represented by George Riley. To create the required |

vacancy in the constituency, Riley was appointed to the Senate.

Laurier had previously received assurance from Conservatives as ^

well as Liberals that no opposition would be given to Templeman. - Sh -.

Trouble soon developed within the ranks of the provincial

Liberal party. Both Senator Templeman and George Riley resided in

Victoria; and Laurier had chosen to ignore Senator Templeman's warning that the Island must not receive all the political plums.

The unity which had been displayed in campaigning for a cabinet minister was soon shattered.

An editorial in The Vancouver Province written at the time of

Senator Templeman's appointment expressed the Mainland's opinion.

Templeman is at least familiar with the interests i and problems of Victoria but of the requirements of I the Mainland he has little, if any more acquaintance than have the ministers from the Maritime Provinces. What people of British Columbia desired was that an elected member from the Mainland should be given full representation in the Cabinet.101

In view of this criticism which proved to be prevalent in the pro• vince, it is not surprising from this time forth, Templeman lacked the itfhole hearted support of the provincial Liberal party. As cabinet minister he soon found himself in opposition to the British

Columbia Liberals on those occasions when it was necessary to discuss provincial-federal relations. In the election of 1908, he was defeated in his Victoria riding where the electorate con• sidered that the provincial stand on alien immigration, better terms and other contentious subjects could be supported by a Conservative as well as by a Liberal.

Laurier was at a complete loss to understand British Columbia' defection in 1908: he had not anticipated the possibility of Temple- man's defeat. Of growing discontent in the western province he had been warned by several leading Liberals, but he had not taken the warning seriously. To a party follower in British Columbia he - 55 - expressed his reaction immediately after the election.

Templeman should have been elected easily in Victoria and his defeat is still a mystery to me. it emphasizes a fact however which is only too obvious, and this fact is that the Liberal party ha_s lost ground simply from want of courage to fight the issues and give battle to the enemy upon the lines laid down by us here at Ottawa.

Laurier blamed the weakness of the provincial party organi• zation for the defeat; on the other hand, provincial leaders blamed the federal government's lack of concern for British Columbia's interests. The truth of the matter seems to be that in British

Columbia the voter still preferred to support an individual rather than a party philosophy.

The wisdom of choosing Templeman as British Columbia's cabinet representative may well be questioned. At no time did he enjoy the complete support of the Liberals from the Mainland. But he was the Liberal leader in British Columbia who aroused least controversy and, in fact, he was a compromise candidate. After

Bostock's retirement from active politics in 1900 Laurier seemed to feel that Templeman was the soundest Liberal of the Province.

Although Templeman was defeated in the 1908 Federal elections, both the British Columbia Liberals and Laurier wished to retain him in the cabinet. To do this, William Sloan10^ resigned from Comox-

Atlin to permit a by-election; Templeman won by acclamation. During the interval when the Minister's position was in doubt, the Colonist caustically remarked, "Mr. Templeman should resign the Liberal party leadership since it has been demonstrated he is no leader .... Mr.

Templeman's presence as a cabinet minister has been of no benefit

to this province as a province."1^ - 56 -

The Senate, or Upper House In the Canadian government, has neverrhad the power or authority of the House of Commons. When

Macdonald and the other leaders of Confederation decided on the usefulness of the second house they felt that the prime purpose would be for the Senate to act as a check and balance to the House

of Commons. The Canadian Senate was not to have the authority of

the American Senate nor were the members to be elected, but instead,

the'Senators were to be appointed for life by the Prime Minister.

Because of this method of appointment it was not long before naming members to the Upper House was one of the best methods of distri• buting patronage. Macdonald established the precedent of using

Senate appointments as political rewards so Laurier was expected

to do likewise when he took office. During his entire term of nineteen years, Macdonald appointed only one Liberal and one

Independent; Laurier named only Liberals.

At the time of their victory in I896, the Liberals promised

that Senate reform would be one of the aims of the party. This was

never attempted; Laurier found that the system of appointment permittee

opportunity for patronage which he considered acceptable. Further• more any attempt at reform would most likely have created diffi•

culties with Quebec and the Maritime Provinces. Quebec, enjoying

a constant twenty-four members, would look askance at any attempt

to alter this number. To Quebec, the Senate represented protection of the French-Canadian minority. On the other hand, the Maritime - 57 -

Provinces found in the Senate a degree of equality with the rest

of Canada which, due to a dwindling population, was soon to be possible nowhere else.1^

When Laurier came into office he found that as a result of

the exceptionally long period of Conservative rule in the country

the Senate was almost one hundred per cent Conservative. By the

end'of 190k, just over half of the eighty-three Senators were

Liberals.

By Section 8 of the Order in Council of 1871 admitting |

British Columbia to the Dominion, the Province was allowed three

Senators. This number remained unchanged until 1915 when an

amendment to the British North America Act increased the total j membership of the House to ninety-six and gave each of the four

western provinces six Senators.

Shortly after Laurier took office it became apparent that

a new Senator would have to be named for British Columbia. In

I896, the three British Columbia members were: William John Mac-

Donald, James Reid and Thomas R. Mclnnes.Of these men, the

first two were acknowledged Conservatives, Mclnnes, however, declared

himseli to be an independent with a strong leaning toward Liberalism.

The office of Lieutenant-Governor was to become vacant in the Pro•

vince in 1897; to fill it Laurier considered that Senator Mclnnes with his experience in the Canadian legislature and his legal

training would be a most suitable candidate. Mclnnes1 appointment j

to the Lieutenant-Governorship created a Senate vacancy.

On November 18, 1897, Templeman was named to the Senate.

Correspondence between Laurier and British Columbia Liberals shows I

that Templeman, whose name had been put forward for the position of 57a

PLATE VIII

British Columbia Liberal Senators

Senator Hewitt Bostock, 190k-

x

Senator William Temoleman, 1897-1906 1

for picture see Plate Senator George Riley, 1906- ' - 58 -

Lieutenant-Governor, was promised the first cabinet position

available, for British Columbia if he would accept the Senatorship

in 1897.109 '

Since the British Columbia politicians, irrespective of their

ability, were always eager to seize available offices, Senate

appointments created some problems. The usual quarrel between the

regions of the Province reared its head whenever a political appoint ment was made. In 1901, the Grand Forks Liberal Association urged

that the next Senator be selected from the Kootenay region which

had never been represented.^Q But Laurier always ignored geo•

graphical claims in making appointments, naming only men he knew

had given continued support to the Liberal cause. After the death

of Senator Reid in 190k, Bostock, a party stalwart, was appointed

to the vacancy and in March, 1906, Riley replaced Senator Templeman.

Both men had been active in organizing the provincial Liberal

Association. No further appointments to the Senate were made from

British Columbia, since Senator W. J. MacDonald remained in the

Upper House until after 1911. From 190k until the end of Laurier's

term British Columbia's representation in the Senate was comprised

of two Liberals and one Conservative.

Every! federal appointment created discussion and difficulties

in British Columbia. When the Minister of Justice was called upon

to name members to the provincial judiciary, he stumbled upon the

same problems as Laurier in appointing to the cabinet and the

Senate. As early as September, 1896, Laurier was warned that British Columbia did not relish the appointment of non-residents to judicial posts. Aulay Morrison expressed the hope that a local man would be appointed to the Victoria judiciary where a vacancy had occurred.111 Geographical jealousy crept into any discussion concerning judicial appointments. When H. Dallas Helmcken wrote to support 112 Gordon Hunter for the Chief Justiceship, he stressed three points in Hunter's favour: he was a resident of the Mainland, he was a resident of the Province and he was a strong Liberal suppor• ter.1"^ Less stress was placed upon his judicial ability. After almost two years of negotiations, instead of Hunter, Laurier appointed A. J. McColl11^ to be Chief Justice. In pressing the case for Hunter, Morrison used an argument which had not been previously mentioned in any of the correspon• dence over appointments. Writing to Laurier to support the choice 11^ of Hunter over Archer Martin, ^ another candidate for the position, he stated: Now in our province we have always had a Judge of the Roman Catholic faith until the present. Mr. Martin not only is not a Roman Catholic but is very pronounced the other way and parenthetically I may say that impetuousity of youth ordinarily is another trait of this young man which should unfit him for judicial position .... Mr. Gordon Hunter who on the, other hand, has acted as counsel with the late for the Church, would be acceptable to 'that wing of our party in the province.11"^ Consideration of the religious affiliation of a proposed appointee does not appear to have entered largely into the choice of British Columbia public officials, although Edith Dobie, in her study of political parties in the Province, states that, "an aristocratic conservative tendency in political life may have been related to religious trends.ull7 it is more certain that there were times when - 60 - religion played a considerable part in the making of provincial

appointments. The provincial Conservative party tended more largely

towards membership in the Anglican church than did the Liberal party.

The appointment of a Lieutenant-Governor for the province of

British Columbia proved the most troublesome appointment which

Laurier had to make throughout his term of office. Very shortly

after Laurier's election, Lieutenant-Governor Dewdney's period of

office expired. This necessitated the Prime Minister making an

immediate assessment of the candidates for the position; as usual

there were a great many aspirants. Both Macdonald and Laurier re•

garded the office of Lieutenant-Governor as one of political and

constitutional importance; to them the Lieutenant-Governor was a

federal officer not a social figure. The qualifications for the position were political experience and some knowledge of consti•

tutional practice and constitutional law, not an established social

reputation.11^ !

Since appointment to a lieutenant-Governorship was one of the highest awards in the patronage system, Laurier found it very dif•

ficult to' find a candidate among the aspiring British Columbia

Liberals who met his own ideals of suitable qualifications.

Political organization in the Province was too young in 1896 to have furnished a training ground for many. According to Templeman,

who was directly concerned with the problem, there were three names meriting consideration: Dr. G. L. Milne, Senator T. R. Mclnnes and his own.119 Templeman considered that he was as well qualified as - 61 - the other two. That he did have considerable support is attested to by the many letters which were sent to Laurier on his behalf during the spring and summer of 1897. One of the most vigorous statements in support appeared in the Nelson Economist in

August, 1897: ]

The Economist not being in sweet accord with the Liberal government has refrained from discussing this matter (appointment of Templeman as Lieutenant-Governor) but there can be no harm in endorsing the position taken by the provincial papers of all shades in poli• tics. The Liberal party has always boasted of Its ready response to the universal voice of the people, and it will now be seen whether there is anything in its profession. Nine-tenths of the people of this Province have expressed themselves as being in favor of Mr. Templeman's appointment to the office of Lieutenant-Governor; will the Liberal party ignore the desire of the people and appoint someone else?... Will B. C. be made the dumping I ground for the political refuse of the Eastern Provinces?120

Considerably lobbying also took place for the other candidates.

As it happened, Laurier knew Senator Mclnnes personally and Mclnnes was able "to gain tremendous support from his friends in Ottawa.

Eventually the Prime Minister decided to favour Mclnnes whom he ' felt possessed the necessary qualifications and parliamentary experience.

Senator Mclnnes had first been selected as a Conservative supporter to the Senate by Macdonald in 1882. Then, prior to

Laurier's election, he switched his allegiance to the Liberal party to support unrestricted reciprocity. After this policy was dropped as impractical and unpopular, he continued to ally himself with the Liberals. Laurier named him, in November, 1897, Lieutenant-

Governor of British Columbia; at the same time Templeman was appointed to the Senate and privately promised the first cabinet 61 a

PLATE ix

British Columbia Lieutenant-Governors 1896-1906

Lieutenant-Governor Sir Henri Joly de Lotbiniere, 1900-1906 - 62 - position.that became available for British Columbia. By these two moves the Prime Minister hoped to please the majority of the provincial Liberals.

The wisdom of the Prime Minister's selection was soon being questioned, for it became apparent that Lieutenant-Governor Mclnnes was' connected too closely with the political life of British

Columbia to maintain the position of neutrality demanded by his office. In July,1898, a crisis developed when, as Lieutenant-

Governor, he refused to. approve several Orders-in-Council passed -i p-i by Premier John H. Turner. Mclnnes claimed that the provincial election just completed, in which, uoth the Government and Opposition had won equal support constituted a want of confidence vote in the

Turner administration. On the other hand, Premier Turner argued that he should not be dismissed since there were still two seats., to be heard from, and these were bound to provide support for the government. He also felt that he should be permitted to meet with the legislature to disprove the Lieutenant-Governor's, contention.1^

Mclnnes refused, however, to change his course. He invited Robert

Beaven1^ to form a government: this proved impossible for Beaven.

Charles Semlin, leader of the Opposition under Turner, was then called upon. He was able to organize a ministry, vrhich, as it turned out, remained in office eighteen months. By that time the weakness of the Semlin administration once more was 'so apparent that the Lieutenant-Governor threatened to dismiss the ministry.

Some Liberals in the Province felt that Mclnnes had' assumed \ too much authority; they appealed to Ottawa to prevent him from carrying out his plan. Laurier instructed the Secretary of State,

R. W. Scott, to communicate with Mclnnes advising him as to his - 63 - powers and duties as a Lieutenant-Governor.12k Semlin's dismissal, j however, had already occurred.

Mclnnes now turned to Joseph Martin to form a government.

Martin's unpopularity was so great that he found it impossible to gain sufficient support. He delayed summoning the legislature hoping- to hold an election in June, 1900, when the new voters' lists would be revised and published. This obvious move to mark j

time proved so unpopular throughout British Columbia that Liberals and Opposition alike flooded Ottawa with complaints.

Federal intervention in provincial affairs was not to Laurier's liking but he now felt justified in his action. When Mclnnes rejected his advice not to dismiss Semlin, he removed the Lieutenant-Governor

from office, since he felt that if the political situation in British

Columbia deteriorated further, stability throughout the whole

Dominion would be affected.

By 1900, the Province was divided into rival camps which

supported the Lieutenant-Governor or opposed him. Laurier heard ^

from both sides. The Provincial Rights Association sent a long memorial to Ottawa requesting the Lieutenant-Governor's dismissal.-^5

Vancouver and Victoria Liberal Associations sent resolutions sup• porting his actions. Many critics suggested that the Lieutenant-

Governor was working for the interests of his son W. W. B. Mclnnes

who desired the cabinet position in the provincial legislature which had been supposedly promised by Martin.x^

The Lieutenant-Governor himself felt that his own actions were

justified. He believed very strongly in his own personal ability

to direct' the destiny of a Province which was beginning to benefit -6k -

from economic progress. Professor Saywell also feels that Mclnnes,

"had a very unusual, and mistaken impression of the power and

influence of a Lieutenant-Governor."!27

Despite the Lieutenant-Governor's tremendous unpopularity

in British Columbia, Laurier's dismissal was criticized. In June,

1900, the Prime Minister wrote to R. L. Drury to defend his

decision.

We must have constitutional government in all parts of the. Dominion, and in this, I am sure you will agree with me. The ordinary methods of res• ponsible government ought not to be departed from. This must be determinedly set down as the principles of the Liberal party.to which all Liberals will give their adherence without regard to party expediency.12°

Laurier immediately made another appointment. Explaining his

1 action, he wrote to D. J. Munn ^ Gf the Vancouver Board of Trade

on June 25, 1900. '.

We came to the.conclusion that so long as he (Mclnnes) was in office, business interests would

: be jeopardized and that the province would make no progress. His action since he has been in office more than justified his dismissal, and we have acted accordingly. I gave him the opportunity of resigning, which would have been more pleasant for everybody. To this our friend would not agree. Then came the ques• tion of his successor. At first, our inclination would have been to appoint a man from the province, but we could not select anybody there who had not been identified with the bitter strifes which have recently taken place. We thought it preferable to appoint a man of national record, to appoint a man : of national reputation and whose record for honesty, fairness and Impartiality is well known. We found such a man in the person of Sir Henri Joly de Lotbiniere. Sir Henri is a French-Canadian of Huguenot descent and a protestant by faith. There is no more honest man living. I have great hopes he will prove a success. 130.

In this instance the Prime Minister had shown a spirit which many did not realize that he possessed. It was often said1 that he

was too soft spoken and too much a lover of peace to be.willing to - 65 - use the full power of his office. But if the occasion warranted it,

Laurier could be as determined as anyone. Only by firm action, he realized, could he hope to gain respite from the usual petty strife I which accompanied every appointment he made in British Columbia'.

The Prime Minister considered that Joly's wide political experience in both provincial and federal fields fitted him admir• ably for the position in British Columbia. But the provincial

Liberals did not seize the opportunity of benefitting from the

Lieutenant-Governor1 s experience, instead, they criticized his

appointment on the grounds that he was from Eastern Canada and they refused to cooperate from the beginning.

On his arrival in British Columbia in 1900, Joly was much concerned by the political instability that he found in the Pro• vince. The correspondence between him and his son, Edmond, indicates .

the Lieutenant-Governor's faith in the two party system; he could not visualize a democracy without it. When McBride succeeded in

forming his first Conservative cabinet, Joly hastened to congratu• late him. The Lieutenant-Governor considered this as the culminating point of his term of office.

By virtue of their defeat in the provincial elections of 1903,

the Liberals were forced into the role of Opposition; many of the party thought that Joly was favouring the Conservative cause. Before

the Lieutenant-Governor's term expired in 1905, the provincial

Liberals were urging an appointment more to their liking. The Con•

servatives, on the other hand, asked Senator Templeman to forward

a petition requesting an extension of Joly's jberiod of office. In

forwarding the petition, Templeman took the opportunity to tell

Laurier that the Lieutenant-Governor had made himseLf popular with - 66 the Conservatives but not with the Liberals who considered that they had been ostracized.from Government House. Templeman con• sidered that this was not entirely the Lieutenant-Governor's fault since few Liberals moved in government circles socially.^1

' The provincial Liberals wanted someone who would favour their party but Laurier was equally determined that the appointee would be someone who would exercise a considerable degree of impartiality. The petitions which were sent to the Prime Minister stressed one particular fact: the new man should be from British !

Columbia. The names forwarded with the greatest frequency were those of Senator Templeman and George Riley. Rumours were always arising; at one time it was reported that George Ross, former

Premier of Ontario, might be considered for the office. In this connection The Vancouver Province commented, "It would be too bad if local dissension made the gubernatorial office an easy one for j an ambitious and perhaps undesirable easterner to obtain."132

Laurier found that as usual British Columbia Liberals could not settle on one candidate. The Prime Minister was willing to make an immediate appointment but he also wanted to be assured that

any one he might select would have united support. That he was aware of all the ramifications of the problem is shown by his letter to Senator Templeman.

I am sorry, though not surprised, that he (Joly) should have given such offence to our friends. It has always been the trouble with our friend to give atten• tion to his opponents more than to his friends if his opponents were nice to him. I am sure that if our friends had been assiduous to him as were the Tories, they would have no cause for complaint, but as they allowed the Tories to fawn on him whilst they attended to their own business, they should bear it philoso-1 phically and still continue to attend to their business - 67 -

without murmuring. Now as to the selection of his successor, my judgment is very strong that Dunsmuir is the man. I am well aware of all that you tell me, that this would be displeasing to the great body of our friends, but in this, they are absolutely wrong, and my advice would be that you should get them together and represent to them how much there is to be gained by neutralizing the powerful ' influences of the Dunsmuir family and possibly making it friendly. Every sensible man would agree to this and therefore, as time went on, everybody would be reconciled to such an appointment. 33

Laurier1s arguments in favour of Dunsmuir did not appeal to the provincial Liberals who distrusted tSie former Premier. During his term of office from 190.0 to 1902 Dunsmuir had worked closely with McBride and other leading Conservatives in opposition to

Martin and the Liberals. In 1901, he had presented British Col• umbia's case for Better Terms to Ottawa but had received no satisfaction, since Laurier refused to recognize the validity of the provincial claim. At the same time the Prime Minister assured

Dunsmuir, "I have no reasons to suppose that you have had other feeling, but feelings of friendship towards this Government, and you may perhaps be aware that I have been myself animated by the same feelings towards yourself. "134-

In 1905, Senator Templeman could not find anyone, who would satisfy both the executive of the Liberal party and the majority of party followers. Finally, late in the year, it was decided to ask

Lieutenant-Governor Joly de Lotbiniere to remain in office for another few months until a suitable person could be located. This decision.was unsatisfactory to everyone and rumours continued to spread that an eastern appointment would be made. At last, in May

1906, Laurier announced that James Dunsmuir1-^ would be the next

Lieutenant-Governor. The appointment was made over the opposition Lieutenant-Governor Honourable Thomas Wilson Paterson, 1909- - 68 - of the British Columbia party whose members were no nearer agree- ment than they had been in the previous year. But Laurier regarded

Dunsmuir as an astute businessman and hoped that as Lieutenant-

Governor he would be a worthy successor to Joly. But the Liberals opposed his appointment as vigorously as they opposed an eastern candidate.

Since Lieutenant-Governor Dunsmuir was not the provincial party's choice, he was attacked at once as being completely unsuitable for the position. The British Columbia Liberals con•

sidered that the Conservatives had scored a victory. Criticism also arose because the Lieutenant-Governor employed Alien Labour

to work in his coal mines on Vancouver Island. Chinese had been

employed by Dunsmuir's father in the collieries in the 1880's and the family had continued to hire Asiatic labourers from that time.

Oriental and other alien immigration had become one of the most

controversial issues in British Columbia. Those industrialists who supported alien immigration were considered to be working

against the economic interests of the Province.

P. J. Deane1^ wrote to Senator Templeman in 1907 to voice his personal disapproval of both Dunsmuir and the action of the

federal Liberals in appointing him.

He (Dunsmuir) has allowed his private interests tc supersede his public obligations. Personally, whilst I am a strong Liberal and with all my heart hope to see Laurier retained in power for the next decade, I would not vote for you or any other Liberal in the coming contest if Dunsmuir be permitted to v flaunt his contempt for the Liberal party in the j face of the people without severe rebuke and the only I dignified rebuke that can be administered is to insist upon his immediate resignation. Ottawa blundering has cost the B. C. Liberal party heavily and given it an almost impossible task in the coming campaign to reelect its present representation. 37 Such criticism was typical of complaints sent to Senator

Templeman and Laurier from all parts of the Province. Hugh Watt, a doctor at Port Steele, who was an ardent Liberal supporter, later blamed the defeat of the British Columbia Liberals in the 1908 federal elections on Dunsmuir's appointment. By 1909 the provincial

Liberals were almost united in their demand that Laurier request the Lieutenant-Governor's resignation. But the Prime Minister, arguing that Dunsmuir was not exceeding his powers by interfering

with the legislation?refused to entertain this idea.

In a letter to Oliver written early in 1909, Laurier justi• fied his stand. At the same time, he pointed out, that as long as the Province supported a Conservative government at Victoria the

Liberals could not reasonably expect preferential treatment from

the Lieutenant-Governor. Laurier compared the Lieutenant-Governor's position to that of the King of England who had to be absolutely

impartial, accepting the advice of his ministers, unless something was proposed which was most harmful to.the general good.-^o*

Lieutenant-Governor Dunsmuir finally tendered his resignation

in the autumn of 1909 after considerable correspondence with Laurier.

The Prime Minister did not urge him to complete his term of office.

Since Dunsmuir's resignation had been pending for some months

Laurier had had time to decide on a suitable replacement. This

time he made the point of consulting with the Liberal members from

1 British Columbia in Ottawa. T. W. Paterson, ^ a former Liberal member in the British Columbia legislature from Vancouver Island

was selected.

The new Lieutenant-Governor had never been involved in the

controversy concerning appointments, but he was an active party - 70 - supporter and considered to be a man of sound political and business judgment. He was also a resident of the Province. In making this selection, Laurier was maintaining his stand that the Lieutenant-

Governor should be above party controversy. The various petitions which had poured into the Prime Minister's office had only served I to annoy him since he considered that the Liberal leaders should ' accept the doctrine that the Lieutenant-Governorship should be above ordinary party patronage. In seeking advice and support he had conferred with Clifford Sifton who told him, "I quite appreciate your point of view in regard to the position in British

Columbia .... It appears, however, that the farther west one goes the less the finer features of diplomacy seem to be in vogue. "-^O

But in Paterson, Laurier had found a man who satisfied all elements, in the Province. An active Liberal and a strong opponent of the-

McBride government he was not criticized as Dunsmuir had been.

During his entire period of office Paterson succeeded in maintaining comparative peace and the Liberal party began to reorganize and unite; controversy over the choice of Lieutenant-Governor, was permitted to die. - 71 -

CHAPTER V

Some Problems in Federal-Provincial Relations 1896-1911: Asiatic Immigration

Immigration is always a major problem in developing a com• paratively new country. In Canada, the first waves of settlement penetrated as far as the Great Lakes and then consolidated in the areas which became the provinces of Quebec, Ontario and the

Maritimes. By 1900, the best land had long been occupied in the original provinces and it was the western regions of Canada which were enticing prospective settlers to the Dominion. During Laurier's period of office an all out campaign was made under Clifford Sifton,

Minister of the Interior, to fill the empty spaces between the

Great Lakes and the Rockies with settlers from Europe, Eastern

Canada, and the United States.

British Columbia, west of the Rockies, was not involved in

the new federal settlement schemes to the same extent as the Prairie regions. From Europe, the Province was not as accessible, even by rail, as the areas east of the Rockies; furthermore, land in British

Columbia was far more difficult than on the prairies to bring under

cultivation. But British Columbia was as interested in immigration

as the rest of western Canada and for some years she had attracted

settlers from across the Pacific.

Prior to the gold rush which began in British Columbia in 1858,

the mainland had no permanent settlement. Much of the area was an unknown wilderness with a few Hudson's Bay Company posts scattered

through the Interior. The only area with permanent population was on Vancouver Island where at Victoria, Esquimalt, Sooke and Nanaimo possibly 1000 whites were engaged in making their living from, coal - 72 - mining, trading, lumbering, fishing or farming.1^1

With the discovery of gold on the Fraser River, population surged into the mainland. The majority of the miners were not interested in permanent settlement, they wanted to make their fortunes and return to their homes. By August, 1858, Governor

Douglas wrote in his report to the Colonial Office, "There are now about 10,000 foreign miners in Fraser's River, and upwards of

3000 of that number are profitably engaged in gold mining."^42

Later in his dispatch, the Governor mentioned the various nationalities represented in this first influx: British, American,

French, German, African and Chinese.

The Chinese who first arrived in the Colony came from

California and Australia where they had been mining. In those regionSj they had not assimilated well into the life of the country, as they tended to remain a separate entity in the community and

send most of their earnings back to their families in . Since

they had a lower standard of living than the white miners they were content to rework claims abandoned by others and for mining com• panies the Chinese worked for lower wages than white miners.

Because of what was considered to be unfair competition for white men California passed restrictive legislation which aimed at driving

the Chinese out of the country. Australia was beginning to do like• wise by 1858.

In British Columbia, Governor Douglas treated the Oriental miner with more toleration and tried to protect him from unjust

discrimination in mining legislation. Douglas felt that this policy was in line with the British system of justice: minority groups

should enjoy full protection under the law. In i860 he wrote to the Duke of Newcastle at the Colonial Office stating that the Chinese were not a desirable class as permanent population but that they were useful as labourers and as revenue producers. In consequence he considered that they should be protected from payment of differential duties.lk3

Although Governor Douglas held these sentiments the white population of the colony was soon agitating for some form'of con• trol over Chinese immigration. The Chinese were charged with creating unfair competition by having a lower standard of living, which permitted them to accept lower wages in mining, road building, packing and other occupations. Despite this agitation, however, little restrictive action was taken before British Columbia entered confederation in 1871.

With Confederation British Columbia accepted the British

North America Act, including among its clauses, those which per• tained to Immigration and Aliens. Section 95 of the Act gave con• trol of legislation on Immigration to the provinces providing that such legislation was not repugnant to any Act of the Parliament of

Canada. At the same time, Section 91 listed Naturalization and

Aliens as coming under the direct jurisdiction of the Dominion.1^

In later'disputes between British Columbia and the federal authori• ties, British Columbia tended to ignore Section 91 and based its claim to power on a broad interpretation of Section 95*

At the first session of the provincial legislation in 1871 1 anti-Oriental legislation was proposed. At that time it was feared that the forthcoming railway construction would involve the employ• ment of much Oriental labour.

The first restrictive legislation, an Act. in 1875 which limited - 7k - the political rights of the Chinese and Indians, took away the right, previously enjoyed under certain conditions, to vote in ^ provincial elections.1^ Several other acts proposed at this time were declared ultra vires by the Lieutenant-Governor and the Supreme

Court of the Province.

Debate on Chinese immigration took place in the House of 1

Commons for the first time in 1878 when a member from Vancouver

Island attempted to have a clause inserted in all labour contracts for the Canadian Pacific Railway construction which would prevent the employment of Chinese labourers. Although many members agreed that the1 Oriental worker did constitute unfair competition for the white labourer, it was considered that any limitation of Oriental immigration would result in a slow down of railway construction.

Canada's population was still too small to supply an adequate labour force for such vast projects as railway construction. As the rail• way progressed the situation was aggravated; 15,701 Chinese entered

li;6 British Columbia between l88l and l88k.

Worried by this heavy influx, British Columbia members at

Ottawa attempted to induce the federal authorities to impose some form of restriction but Prime Minister Macdonald considered it necessary to permit the entry of Chinese labour if the railway was to be completed. He also feared that future trade with the Orient would be seriously endangered if discriminatory igislation was permitted.

On'British Columbia's insistence, a Royal Commission on

Chinese Immigration was appointed in 188k to investigate the whole

subject, "its trade relations, its social relations, and all those moral considerations which make Chinese immigration inadvisable."1^ - 75 -

The Commission's findings did not support the provincial contention that Orientals should be entirely excluded. Moderate restriction was favoured by the Commissioners with careful regu• lation and a head tax of $10 imposed on Chinese at the time of their entering the Province."^0" Opinion in British Columbia was not satisfied with the Commission's findings; continued protests were made concerning the inaction of the federal authorities. Finally, in April, 1885, the House of Commons passed an act imposing a $50 head tax on Chinese and limiting their immigration to one person for every fifty tons of the capacity of the carrying vessel.1^

For a few years these restrictions seemed to be effective; the provincial authorities remained moderately satisfied until 1891.

The 1891 census showed that out of a total population of

98,173 British Columbia had 8,910 Chinese.1^0 These statistics provided the incentive for renewing attacks on federal authorities.

The government was now asked to increase the head tax to $200 and to further limit the ratio of Chinese immigrants to shipping tonnage

British Columbia authorities also requested for the first time that the same limitations be placed on Japanese. But authorities in

Ottawa refused to take any action, arguing once more that future trade might be harmed if further legislation was imposed.

British Columbia finally decided to take matters into her own hands and in 1895 the legislature passed an amendment to the

Provincial Voters Act which declared that in addition to Chinese ^ and Indians, Japanese were ineligible to vote in provincial election

In the following year, the legislature passed a consolidation and amendment of the Electors and Elections in Municipalities Act in which Section 7 stated: "No Chinese, Japanese, or Indian shall be - 76 - entitled to vote at any municipal election for the election of a

Mayor, Reeve, Alderman or Councillor."l£2 White population of the Province hoped that by limiting the civil rights of the Oriental an element of control would be exercised on the numbers of Asiatics entering the Province. If Ottawa would not protect I British Columbia, she would protect herself. This was the situation in British Columbia when Laurier assumed the office of Prime Minister. The provincial Liberal Associations were as determined to control the Asiatic immigration as any other element in the province, and since 1887, every plat• form of the provincial Liberal party had included a demand for the restriction of Oriental immigration. With a Liberal administration in office in Ottawa it was hoped in British Columbia that a change in attitude on the part of the federal government would be forth• coming. Laurier had professed himself to be a strong supporter of provincial rights; to the minds of the majority of British Columbia legislators Oriental immigration was purely a provincial affair which could be regulated locally. But it soon became apparent that Laurier felt otherwise. He saw in the Oriental problem a possible danger to cordial relations then existing between Canada and Great Britain and their ally Japan. On the basis of imperial interest, the Prime Minister argued that British Columbia had no right to consider the matter as one of purely provincial significance. By 1896, British Columbia was sharing in the general economic development of Canada: mining was being extended, new railways were being constructed, the forest and fishing industries were expanding. But many industrialists considered it impossible to develop these industries quickly without a supply of Oriental labour. Sir William - 77 -

Van Home commented on the British Columbia problem in 1896 when he wrote to the editor of the Vancouver World,

In British Columbia nature has provided extra• ordinary resources, but it has at the same time opposed extra ordinary obstacles to their develop• ment. An abundance of cheap labour is absolutely necessary to the rapid progress of the country. It can only be had from China and to a small extent from Japan. I firmly believe that I am well within the mark in saying that for every three Chinese labourers brought in, a demand will be created for one white working man for employment in capacities better than ordinary labour with pick and shovel.153

This same opinion was voiced by those employers in the

Province who required a large labour force. But different views were held by workingmen who feared competition from cheap labour.

By 1896, the Trade Unions were becoming very active in the Province, so active that in a few years their opponents claimed, "British

Columbia is at present being tyrannised over by American Trade

Unions l"1^

When Laurier gave no indication of willingness to give

British Columbia the hoped for assistance in solving the Oriental immigration problem, the 'British Columbia legislature decided to take matters into Its own hands. In 1897 an Alien Labour Act-^5 was passed which prohibited the employment of Chinese and Japanese- on works authorized by the provincial government. The federal authorities promptly disallowed the act on the ground that it vio• lated international treaty rights. During the following year a

Labour Regulations Act, l898,"^6 having the same purpose|was passed; it met a similar fate.

A tug of war between British Columbia and Ottawa had started.

The provincial government persisted in believing that it had the right to legislate on Oriental immigration; Ottawa considered that - 78 -

the jurisdiction was federal rather than provincial I since it

involved the nationals of Japan, a country with whoni Great Britain had had a trade agreement since l89k. Federal officials pointed

to the clauses in the British North America Act for their authority.

Joseph Martin, always most outspoken when he believed the

federal authorities at fault, wrote to Laurier in 1899 to warn the

Prime Minister of the powerful feeling in British Columbia against

Orientals. "If your Government undertake to disallow these Acts

(British Columbia's anti-Oriental legislation) you can count upon

every constituency in British Columbia going against you at the next elections. In addition you would alienate all the labour unions and the labour vote generally in other Provinces.

Laurier's first concrete effort to solve the problem was made in June, 1900, when, after repeated demands from British

Columbia he raised the head tax on Chinese from $50 to $100 by an

amendment of the federal act pf 1885; but he would not consider

applying the measure to the Japanese.

By this time, however, many people of the Province demanded

total exclusion of the Oriental. British Columbia's leaders sug•

gested that this could be done by either one of two methods; by

increasing the head tax to $500, or by passing an act similar in

its provisions to the Natal Act which debarred Asiatics by means of

an education test. In Natal, where such an act had been passed in

1897, it had proven most successful in excluding East Indians.

The British Columbia Trades and Labour Council, along with a

large number of private groups, in May, 1900, urged the federal

government to establish a commission to investigate the whole Orien•

tal problem. Unrestricted Japanese immigration was now considered to be more threatening to the welfare of British Columbia's economy and workers than Chinese.1^ A general impression pre•

vailed that the Japanese were more aggressive than the Chinese and were more interested in bringing their families into the country

to establish permanent homes.

To' satisfy these continual demands, Laurier announced in

June, 1900, that he would appoint a Royal Commission to investigate 1

the whole matter of Chinese and Japanese immigration. Names of

suitable members for. the commission were immediately proposed to

the Prime Minister by groups of interested persons in the Province.

Determined to have a strong commission and one which would command respect, Laurier sought Bostock's advice.1^ The men recommended by Bostock proved to be acceptable to Laurier; he therefore appointed

Roger Clute, as chairman; Ralph Smith and Duncan J. Munn, as members;

P. J. Deane, as secretary.

The appointment of Smith to the Commission was criticized by

Japanese residents who considered him to be too strong a supporter

of anti-Oriental legislation. ot Smith himself considered that

because of his strong labour affiliation he should not remain a member of 0. thee Commissi on; he therefore resigned. His position was

taken by Christopher Foley,a labour union leader at Rossland.

Laurier was determined to keep a trade union man on the Commission,

although the opposition of organized labour to Asiatic immigration

was well recognized.

The Royal Commission began its investigations in October, 1900,

by paying a visit to Washington, D. C. vihere the members studied the

whole history of Oriental immigration to the United States. The

first hearings were delayed by Smith's resignation, until March,

1901, when they opened at Vancouver. The Chinese and the Japanese - 80 - questions were treated separately for the Commissioners considered that they! were dealing with two distinct problems. Upon completing the British Columbia tour, the Commissioners visited Seattle,

Portland and San Francisco, the major centers of oriental settle• ment on the Pacific coast.

After examining every aspect of Chinese life in British

Columbia the Commissioners decided that the Chinese did not assi• milate well, that they afforded unfair competition for white labour, and that it was to the advantage of British Columbia and the Dominion to have the Province contain British stock. The report issued in

1902 declared that British Columbia residents almost unanimously supported greater restrictions and recommended that further immi• gration of Chinese labourers be prohibited by treaty supported by | suitable legislation; until this could be done, the capitation tax should be increased from $100 to $£00.lA4

In connection with Japanese immigration, the Commissioners found that the Japanese government had voluntarily taken action in

1900 to prohibit the emigration of Japanese labourers to the

Dominion. As long as the Imperial Japanese government was willing to do this, the situation would be controlled; but if at any time unrestricted immigration into Canada was allowed, the Report re• commended that effective measures be adopted by the federal govern• ment to control the members of Japanese labourers who entered the country.1^ \

Laurier accepted the recommendations contained in the Report.

In 1903 the federal government, therefore, increased the capitation

tax on Chinese immigrants to $£00 as recommended, but took no action 1 with respect to the Japanese. Laurier had allowei six years to - 81 -

elapse before agreeing to a method of control. Most of the people

in British Columbia considered that such delay was unnecessary; j because of it they were already turning against the Liberal party

to give support to the Conservatives.

Although limitation of Chinese immigration was achieved by

the 1903 Canadian legislation, Japanese immigration was still un•

checked. Before the Royal Commission had begun its sittings in the

fall of 1900, the British Columbia legislature had decided on August

31, 1900 ^ to pass an act,, the equivalent of the Natal Act} for pro•

vincial leaders did not trust voluntary restrictions by the

government of Japan. An Act to Regulate Immigration into British

Columbia, 190Q, included an education test:

The immigration into British Columbia of any person who, when asked to do so by the officer appointed under this Act, shall fail himself to write out and sign, in the characters of some language of Europe, an appli• cation to the Provincial Secretary of the Province of British Columbia, to the effect of the form set out in. Schedule "B" to this Act annexed, shall be unlawful.IoD

It was argued in British Columbia that the Natal Act, having

been allowed to stand in other parts of the British Empire, should

be permitted in Canada. The Japanese government, however, had an

entirely1 different point of view—it demanded that the Dominion

disallow the provincial legislation.Not only did S. Shimizu,

the Japanese consul in Vancouver, make representation to Ottawa,

but Count Hayashi, the Japanese ambassador to London, asked the

British Foreign Office to have the act disallowed. After examining

the British North America Act, Joseph Chamberlain, the British

Colonial Secretary, declared that the Act did not give a provincial

legislature the power to impose restrictive legislation on immi- 1 gration;. he inferred that the federal government should disallow --82 - the British Columbia act of 1900. DO Laurier, upon receipt of the dispatch 'from Chamberlain, advised the Japanese consul that the i act would be disallowed.

By 1900, Japan had emerged as the most powerful nation of the Pacific. Great Britain who wished to safeguard her interests in the East, considered that an alliance with Japan would be bene• ficial; in 1900, talks were begun to try to establish an alliance.

These discussions culminated in 1902 with the signing of the Anglo-

Japanese Alliance which was to run for three years; in 1905 it was renewed.

British Columbia's action in legislating against the immigra• tion of Japanese nationals was considered to endanger the friendship ^ between Britain and Japan; Laurier was determined that Canada should not be blamed for disrupting Anglo-Japanese relations, he remained firm in his stand that any British Columbia legislation which dis• criminated against the Japanese should be disallowed. In defending his action, he held to three arguments: Canada and Japan, facing one another across the Pacific, should remain on friendly terms; the

Japanese;government had itself restricted immigration which should be sufficient assurance for British Columbia; finally, Canada hoped to increase her trade with Japan in the near future so must maintain friendly relations.1°9

Despite Laurier's arguments, the British Columbia legislature j repassed their Immigration Act in 1903; 1905; 1907 and 1908. Ten- sion mounted between federal and provincial governments. Since

Laurier informed neither the provincial Liberal party nor the British

Columbia, government concerning the British attitude to the provincial legislation, it was thought in British Columbia that the Prime Ministei - 83 -

and the federal Liberals were entirely responsible for the dis- |

allowances.

The problem was further aggravated because some eight or nine 1

months always elapsed between the passage of British Columbia

legislation and disallowance by Ottawa. During the months that

the British Columbia Immigration Act was in effect the anti-Asiatic

clause was rigidly enforced. The only way this awkward situation

could be avoided was by the Lieutenant-Governor employing his

privilege of reservation. Lieutenant-Governor Dunsmuir did this

in 1907 which proved to be a most unpopular move; he was accused of

interfering with the working of responsible government. Laurier,

who was thought to be encouraging Dunsmuir, was considered to be

meddling in provincial affairs. Macdonald and other British Colum- j

bia Liberal leaders urged Laurier to permit passage of the British

Columbia'anti-Oriental legislation.

The continued development of Japan as a Pacific nation

influenced the attitude of federal authorities; prior to 1902, there

had been little intercourse between Japan and Canada but with the

successful completion of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Canada began

to consider the feasability of entering into trade relations with

the Asian country. In 1906 a convention was concluded which applied

to commerce and navigation between Canada and Japan; in January, JL907,

^ this became a formal treaty.

With these developments taking place it was natural that

Laurier should consider British Columbia's insistence on anti-

Asiatic legislation most unfortunate. The Prime Minister hoped to

reach a compromise by which British Columbia would be willing to

accept the federal assurance that should Japan decide to lift her - 8k - voluntary restriction on immigration begun in 1900, then, res-

tnictlve'legislation would be passed by the federal government.

Laurier considered that this would be the ideal solution to the problem.

But in 1907 the flow of Asiatic immigration began to increase

and British Columbia immediately saw herself at the mercy of un•

controlled Alien immigration. The federal authorites were accused

of doing nothing to solve the problem, while, at the same time,

they refused to permit the Province to take restrictive measures.

Many heated meetings were held in Vancouver, Victoria and New

Westminster at which accusations were hurled against the federal .

government. Robert Macpherson, M.P. from Vancouver was particularly outspoken against the Japanese. Laurier felt called upon to re• primand him for his attitude.

I would like you and our friends to remember that Japan is an ally of Great Britain and that we have a treaty of commerce passed with that country recently with the approval of everyone In Canada and that moderation of language would at the present time be more than useful. 1(0

Macpherson's speeches were made early in the summer of 1907 when ships were arriving in Vancouver with great numbers of Asiatics on board. He declared that the Japanese government intended to

swamp the white population; this, indeed, appeared to be the case,

for during the first ten months of 1907 no less than 8,123> Japanese

entered Canada.171 it was not only the increase in the numbers of

Japanese which worried people; Chinese also began to arrive in

increasing numbers.

The $500 head tax which had discouraged Chinese immigration when it was enforced in 1903 no longer seemed a handicap.1 Due to a shortage of labour in the Province the Chinese workman could soon earn enough to compensate for the amount paid to enter the country.

A third Asiatic group, the East Indians had decided that

British Columbia's climate and industrial potential provided a suitable locale for settlement. This group had begun to arrive in very small numbers in 190k but by 1908 its numbers had increased to just over 5000. East Indians were looked upon with even more dis• trust than the two Oriental groups, their strange customs' and dress

set them< even more apart from the rest of the population than the

Chinese or Japanese. Particularly in the lumber industry they offered competition" for the white worker which was quickly resented. The

British Columbia Trades and Labour ©ouncil saw Mongolian labour as a distinct danger to its own organizational efforts. By 1900 all

Labor Party programs in the Province included demands for anti- f

Asiatic restrictions.Labour agitation against Alien labour increased in intensity. .

During the summer of 1907 an anti-Asiatic Exclusion League was formed in Vancouver by Labour agitators who had come to British

Columbia from the United States. At a public meeting attended by the provincial Liberal and Conservative leaders resolutions urging the immediate control of Oriental immigration were formulated. By

September, the situation was so tense that when rumours were spread that a large number of Japanese were arriving on September 8, riots broke out in the Chinese and Japanese sections of the city.

This mob violence brought the whole question of limitation to a sudden1head. What had hitherto been considered a local problem now assumed national and international proportions. The rioters' actions were condemned by most Canadians who believed that minority - 86 - groups should be protected by law. Laurier and the federal govern• ment were perturbed by the trouble since they feared that the

Japanese authorities would make an international issue of the situation and demand cancellation of existing treaties. Tb^solve the problem as quickly as possible the Prime Minister appointed |

W. L. Mackenzie King, Deputy Minister of Labour, as commissioner to investigate the losses suffered by the Japanese in the riots.

At the same time he announced that Rodolphe Lemieux, Minister of

Labour, would go to Japan to discuss immigration problems with

the Imperial government at Tokyo.

But British Columbia Liberals were determined to force

Laurier's hand. At a provincial convention held in October, 1907, resolutions were passed which pointed out the danger of Oriental immigration to the economy of the Province and requested immediate legislative action to prevent further Asiatic immigration.

Laurier's reaction to the 190? convention was vigorous; he

denounced the impatience of the provincial Liberals.

I do not mean that we should have unrestricted 1 Japanese immigration, because I know that this would ' provoke constant trouble with the white element in British Columbia, but I insist upon it that a res• tricted immigration must be brought about by diplomatic action. This is what we are trying to do. Our friends, however, do not seem to realize this and they have simply allowed themselves to be dictated to by the unreasoning elements which are quite regardless of the consequences to the country and themselves.173

Laurier was determined that the problem should be solved by diplomacy; the existing alliances made any other method dangerous.

By the Canadian trade agreement Japanese nationals had obtained full liberty to enter, travel, or reside in Canada; Laurier could not see how the country could now legally consider legislation which - 87 - '

would limit Japanese entry. The only method of control, he argued,

was by a "gentleman's agreement" worked out by both countries

through discussion. Upon Mr. Lemieux's return to Canada in

January, 1908, announcement was made in the House of Commons of

such' an agreement. A letter written by Viscount Hayashi,' Japanese

Foreign Minister, to Lemieux was read in which the Japanese govern• ment undertook to control immigration to Canada and would "give, care•

ful consideration to local conditions prevailing in Canada ..."^"^

British Columbia was not pleased with the agreement. Its

citizens considered that anything less than legislation or treaty

was dependent upon the vagaries of human nature. What guarantee

was there to prevent the Japanese authorities from suddenly changing

their minds and ignoring the agreement? To remedy -this defect

legislation with the education test was revived in February, 1908.

When the legality of this act was tested in a few weeks time, Chief

Justice Hunter declared it to be contrary to the terras of the 1 nc

Japanese treaty and therefore inoperative.

In the opinion of the provincial leader J. A. Macdonald, the

British Columbia Liberal party was now in a most difficult position.

Liberals, no more than the Conservatives or Socialists, wished to

permit unrestricted Oriental immigration but, at the same time, if

party affiliation was to mean anything the Provincial liberals were

obliged to support the federal stand. In other words, they would

have to recognize the justice of disallowing the British Columbia

legislation. Seeking a compromise, Macdonald urged the federal

government to allow the provincial legislation to stand.

Laurier failed to countenance this suggestion. He preferred,

he said, "to risk some and even a good deal of unpopularity and

follow the right course.-^77 That the issue of Asiatic immigration had made Laurier and the Liberals most unpopular in the western province was apparent when the results of the 1908 federal elections were announced. Of the seven federal members from British Columbia only two were now

Liberals. Templeman, Minister of Inland Revenue and Mines, was j defeated. He was the only cabinet minister who was not returned in the whole of Canada.

Laurier was not able to understand British Columbia's atti• tude. He could not see why compromise and diplomacy were unaccep• table when the desired results were obtained. He tended to blame the weakness of the provincial Liberals in not presenting a firm enough stand against the Conservatives.

I do not understand that our policy on the Asiatic ^ question could have been against us, because the fact is that we have successfully checked Asiatic immi• gration: the Chinese by legislation, the Hindoos by administrative action; and the Japanese by negotiation. If the people will not appreciate that action we cannot help It, but It seems to me that if not now, at least later on, they must give us credit for it.lTo

For the remainder of Laurier's term the problem of Japanese immi• gration continued unresolved; Laurier maintained his stand that the federal government must abide strictly by the terms of the Japanese treaty.. In 1911, when the 1906 commercial agreement was re• negotiated for a further two year period no change was made in the immigration policy. In British Columbia it was felt that the Liberals had never understood the problem of the Province. As a result, in both federal and provincial elections, the Conservatives were given almost complete support. ^ PLATE XI

Political Cartoons, 1903, 1907

Liberal Party Asiatic Immigration Policy. From: The Victoria Daily Colonist, September 29, 1903, p. 2

Liberal Hopes for Victory. From: The Vancouver World, January 29, 1907 - 89 -

CHAPTER VI

Some Problems in Federal-Provincial Relations 189b-1911t Better Terms and Tariffs

By the terms of the Act of Union1?9 admitting British Columbia to the Dominion of Canada the net debt of the Province was assumed by the federal government and annual grants amounting to $216,000 were promised. These arrangements seemed to be very just to the

British Columbia leaders in 1871. For the first six months after joining Confederation the new Province was able to live within its

lo> budget; thereafter, deficits became customary. 0 gut "instead of curtailing expenditure, it psferred to gamble upon the advent of good times with construction of the Pacific railway, and to keep

itself afloat by borrowing and.by drawing uppn its debt credit at -i Q-t

Ottawa."-10± When an adjustment was made to the debt allowances of all the provinces by Macdonald in 188k, British Columbia still con• sidered that the financial arrangements were satisfactory. Until after the completion of the railway not too much thought was given to the British Columbia Finance Minister's inability to balance the budget. The local government rather than the terms of.union was blamed.182

When complaints concerning the financial arrangements were

first raised by British Columbia> the Eastern provinces and the federal government pointed to the tremendous expense involved in building the

Canadian Pacific Railway, which, it was claimed, had been constructed solely for the benefit of the western Province. British Columbia, on the other hand, argued that the railway had been built to further the interests of Canada and as such it was a national undertaking.l8^ - 90 -

British Columbia began to assert a right to Better Terms with

Ottawa by demanding a more equitable division of the revenue derived from the Chinese head tax. According to An Act to Restrict and

Regulate Chinese Immigration into Canada passed in 1885, one-third of the capitation tax collected was to go to the Province and two- thirds retained by the Dominion. In January, 1897, Premier Turner wrote to Laurier to suggest that British Columbia was entitled to a larger share of this tax. He pointed out that since most of the

Chinese remained in the Province, the Province was put to the expense of furnisHLng police protection, health services and other amenities; the cost of these far exceeded the revenue.18^-

Only a year or two before Turner made his suggestion, a demand had arisen for the selection of a cabinet minister from British

Columbia. This matter was now linked with the request for Better

Terms. The Conservatives in the Province began to argue that British

Columbia's per capita contribution to federal revenue was large enough to warrant a cabinet appointment.18^

The campaign for Better Terms, however, did not gain momentum until after Premier Dunsmuir visited Ottawa early in 1901 to discuss with Laurier a number of provincial needs such as: assistance to finish railway construction, classification of fisheries rights, boundaries of Indian reserves and revenue problems. Dunsmuir pre• sented a very strong case in support of British Columbia's request for a better financial arrangement. He pointed out that from 1871 to 1901 British Columbia had contributed approximately $k2,000,000 to the Dominion revenue, which, when compared with the amount from j the other provinces, showed that "1/55 of the population had con• tributed about l/20 of the revenue of Canada in 30 years."l8° The - 91 -

Premier also argued that the cost of living in British Columbia was much greater than in Eastern Canada since consumer goods had to be purchased in the East and shipped to the West, the freight charges

added considerably to their cost. The Province, on the other hand, was forced to sell its own products on an unprotected market where it competed with countries whose costs were lower.

Laurier was not particularly impressed by the problem as pre• sented by Dunsmuir; he refused to give the Premier any readjustment and would only go so far as to agree to Dunsmuir's suggestion that the question be submitted to a convention.

In October, 1901, Lieutenant-Governor Joly de Lotbiniere expressed his concern over the fact that the federal government had not taken any action following Dunsmuir's visit.

... la tache de M. Dunsmuir serait bien plus facile si votre Gouvernement voulait accorder a. cette Province la part de l'aide dont elle a plus besoin qu'aucune autre Province, et a laquelle elle a droit mais qui lui est re- fusee. Les resultats de ce refus sont faciles a" preVoir.18?

Laurier took considerable exception to the Lieutenant-Governor's

accusation; he demanded further explanation from Joly. The Lieutenant-

Governor replied confidentially to Laurier at once that he was ex• pressing his personal opinion on the matter, but, he said, he still maintained his belief that British Columbia's claims were just and

that Laurier would do well to recognize them.188

This attitude of the Lieutenait-Governor, a man of Liberal persuasion, was the same as that expressed later by the provincial ^

Liberal party when Premier McBride campaigned for Better Terms.

British Columbia politicians^ whether Conservative - or Liberal, were united in recognizing the right of the Province to'have a better

financial settlement.. Some difference of opinion did arise over the - 92 - best method of obtaining the desired results, all stressed the . necessity for action. This situation made for grave differences I of opinion between federal Liberals and provincial Liberals.

Premier Dunsmuir was unwilling to leave, the British Columbia problem dormant for long. The demand for Better Terms now became the official government policy. In January, 1902, he wrote to

Laurier to make the first official demand for a revision of the terms of the Act of Union. The Premier, who had been criticized for his action in attempting to solve the situation by direct

negotiation rather than through the British Columbia members at

Ottawa, stressed that he was presenting the case on behalf of the

Province and not on behalf of any one political party. Dunsmuir was a businessman before he was a politician and preferred the method of direct negotiation to that of the more indirect dip• lomatic methods of politics. In representing his case he stressed

"the peculiar circumstances which exist in British Columbia geo• graphically" and pointed out that the Eastern provinces when they entered Confederation already had fairly adequate transportation systems in contrast to British Columbia where transportation was almost non-existent.

Fully impressed with the justness of our cause, he told Laurier, it is not our intention to relinquish Its advocacy or depart from the course we consider in equity to be our right and duty to pursue, and I trust that no Government that may succeed the present will do less. 189

Laurier's response to Dunsmuir's memorial was blunt indeed.

The Prime Minister maintained that he had no objection to a Conference to discuss the questions proposed by the British Columbia Premier but he gave no indication that he was prepared to concede the justice of any of the demands.190 Laurier1s attitude appears to have been -93 - influenced to a large extent by suggestions received from Bostock and other British Columbia Liberals implying that Dunsmuir was interested more in presenting a case for the Conservatives in

British Columbia than in promoting the welfare of the Province.

1 Similar accusations were to be made against Premier Prior}^ when he and Attorney-General Eberts1^2 visited Ottawa early in;1903 on a similar mission.193

Dunsmuir resigned as British Columbia's Premier in November,

1902. Prior, his successor, began at once to arrange discussions with Laurier and the federal government. On January 26, 1903, the first meeting was held; further discussions took place at the be• ginning of the following month.

Prior placed "the readjustment of the financial relations of the Province with the Dominion"1^ at the top of his list of items for discussion. He based his plea for financial adjustment on four points in respect to which he considered British Columbia to be unique:

1. the cost of administration, owing to the physical character of the country. . 2. the distance from the commercial, industrial and administrative centres of Eastern Canada. 3. the non-industrial character of the Province as compared with Eastern Canada, whereby a large per centage of goods are imported and consumed, increasing the contributions to the Federal Treasury, in the way of taxes, in a ratio of three to one. h. the disadvantage of the Province in relation to the markets for its special products. 195

The western Province did not want to be included in a general revision of subsidy payments. The Province considered it was en•

titled to separate and special treatment. These four arguments, brought together for the first time were to be used in future dis•

cussions to justify British Columbia's claim to a unique position. - 9k -

For this reason, and using the excuse that there was a con• flict of dates because of the holding of provincial by-elections,

British Columbia did not send delegates to the Inter-Provincial

Conference which was held in Quebec City in December, 1902, to draft a resolution providing for a change in the financial relations be• tween provincial and federal governments. In the end British Columbia subscribed to the resolution which emanated from the Conference, but still maintained her position that she was entitled to separate treatment. Arguing for separate negotiations, Premier Prior had pointed out that no precedent would be established If British-'

Columbia's desire was granted since, in 1868, a change in the Terms 196 of Union had been made to assist Nova Scotia financially. 7

Practically the only concrete change resulting from Prior's visit to Ottawa in January, 1903, was a change in the proportion of the capitation tax to be paid to the Province. By An Act to

Amend the Chinese Immigration Act, 1900 passed in 1902 the Province would receive one-half Instead of one-third of the head tax.197

In July, 1903, Richard McBride accepted office as Premier \ and established party lines in politics. Henceforth, Better Terms ' was to be part of the platform of his Conservative government. The new Premier was fully convinced of the justice of British Columbians claims. In December, 190k, McBride notified Laurier that he intended to carry on an agitation for better financial arrangements.

Laurier had not changed his attitude on the matter; he main• tained his former stand ... that the financial relations between the Dominion Government and the different provinces, unless dealt with as a whole, must remain exactly as they were made at the time they entered the Union and should not until then, be disturbed either directly or indirectly ...198 - 95 -

McBride suggested as the most suitable method of settling the

dispute the establishment of a special Commission; to this sug•

gestion Laurier replied negatively. The Prime Minister was deter• mined that British Columbia should not receive preferential treatment which could lead to a breakdown of the federal union. The only method of settlement approved by Laurier was an Inter-Provincial Conference

at which an agreement could be reached by all provinces. If a

Conference recognized individual differences, then, the Prime Minister would consider changing federal policy but not otherwise.

While McBride was making his first demands on Laurier the

British Columbia Provincial Rights Association a group, apparently

small in numbers centred around Ashcroft, informed Laurier of their

opposition to McBride1s stand.

... When it is considered that British Columbia is an integral part of the Dominion and that the policy of the present government at Ottawa is one of making a Greater Canada, it should be strictly borne in mind that Federal considerations are of the utmost importance and far transcend even the question of Provincial Autonomy which the Association upholds, so long as that autonomy is not inimical to the true interests of the Confederation and the Dominion. The importation of party politics into this question was per se mischievous and this Executive believe that in opposing a mischievous agitation of this question in this province it has done its duty to the province ahd to the Dominion alike.1^

But, for the most part, the Liberals were remarkably silent j

concerning the discussion of Better Terms. This was probably due to

the fact that a large number sympathized and even supported McBride

and the Conservatives in this matter and did not want to criticize

a stand which they themselves would take if in office. A clue to

the attitude of most provincial Liberals may be found in a letter

from Senator Templeman to Laurier: - 96 -

I feel like giving up the do-nothing policy. ] Thus far we have left the claims in abeyance, or ' simply hung them up hoping for the time soon to come when a Liberal government would be in power in British Columbia with which we could deal. But there is no doubt that the feeling rightly or wrongly is general, even among Liberals that the province in many respects is being unfairly dealt with.200

If the Liberals were not being vocal on the subject, the

Conservatives certainly were. During 190k one of the leading Con• servatives, George H. Cowan,201 wrote and published a small pamphlet entitled, British Columbia's Claim upon the Dominion Government for

Better Terms. This was to be used extensively by McBride and the

Conservatives in all forthcoming debates on the question. As a clear picture of the financial situation the publication left little to be desired; the various tables presented comparisons of the income and expenditures in the western Province with those in the rest of Canada. The case for Better Terms was discussed at length:

"Tax as we may, we cannot lift that extra burden of expenditure which our mountains impose upon us and which the Terms of Union fail to provide against."20-^

Armed with this information, and determined to obtain a fair hearing for British Columbia, Premier McBride attended the Inter-

Prdvincial Conference held at Ottawa, October, 1906. Premiers, along with cabinet members, were in attendance from all the provinces of Canada; in the case of British Columbia, McBride was sole delegate.

The problem of additional allowance for British Columbia occupied the greater portion of the proceedings. McBride presented the case clearly and precisely, but he withdrew from the Conference after a

motion had been made to recognize British Columbia's claims only to the extent of granting an additional $100,000 annually foA ten years.2Q3 - 97 -

To him, this amount was insufficient. In addition,, he felt that the British Columbia problem should be referred to arbitration.

This.right the Conference denied. Nevertheless McBride did gain a victory in one respect; he obtained recognition of British Colum• bia's claim to exceptional treatment.20k But this recognition was made solely on an appreciation of the provincial difficulties created by geography; no reference was made to the arguments advanced by the

Province of economic discrepancy. The Conference delegates could appreciate that British Columbia's mountainous and rugged terrain would add considerably to the expenses of governing the Province but they did not consider that British Columbia's contribution to

Dominion revenue had been excessive.

Upon McBride's return to British Columbia controversy con- i cerning his stand at Ottawa arose. The Conservatives were loud in their praise of the Premier and denounced Laurier and the Liberals.

The kamloops Standard declared "the future policy must be 'succeed

or secede«"205 as the Conservatives continued to demand Better Terms for British Columbia. They argued that since the unique geographical conditions which made for increased government expenses in British

Columbia would not disappear in ten years there was no justification to the award of $100,000 annually for ten years. McBride considered that'there should be no time limit placed on the additional grant.

To test provincial support, of the Conservative stand McBride called an election for February, 1907, at which he and his party were given a clear majority. The Premier's actions were vindicated by the electorate: the Liberal policy was rejected.

With the election over, McBride decided to take the British

Columbia quarrel to a higher authority. As well as objecting to the - 98 - ten year limitation on the additional grant to the Province, he wanted recognition to be made of the larger per capita amount being paid by British Columbia to the federal treasury. Finally, McBride would not accept inclusion of the phrase "final and unalterable" which Laurier wished to apply to the proposed amendment to the

British North America Act which would incorporate the new fiscal arrangements. The British Columbia legislature agreed that the

Province's case should be taken to Imperial authorities; on March

30, 1907, the Premier was appointed "Special Agent and Delegate for the purpose of laying the appeal of British Columbia before the

Imperial Government." In May, McBride interviewed Lord Elgin,

Secretary of State for Colonies, In London and presented the Pro• vince's claims. He particularly stressed dislike of the inclusion of the phrase "final and unalterable."

This phrase had been inserted in the preamble of the proposed amendment by Laurier who considered that without such protection provincial demands for fiscal revision might be recurrent and con• tinue to create dissension in federal-provincial relations. The

Prime Minister was determined that the agreement reached at the

1906' Inter-Provincial Conference would have a degree of permanency.

The British authorities did not consider that such a statement was appropriate in a United Kingdom statute since the right of revision was considered to be one of the advantages of British law. In con• sequence, in the amendment to the British North America Act of 1907,

Laurier's phrase "final and unalterable" appears only in the schedule to the amendment.

On June 5th, Lord Elgin issued his final communication on the matter. In this, the Secretary of State denied British Columbia's - 99 r right to separate treatment and declared that the British government considered that since all the other provinces of Canada were willing to accept the agreement made at the Conference at _ Ottawa, the western

Province should do likewise. The only success won by McBride was in the matter of the offending words "final and unalterable."

With the Imperial decision, McBride and his government must perforce agree. The Premier had not managed to win too much in the way of concessions, but he was received with acclaim when he returned home. The Conservatives considered his mission to have been a re• sounding success.

The provincial Liberals found themselves once more in a j difficult position. J. A. Macdonald, provincial Liberal leader, wrote to Laurier in October,.1907, to point out that the British

Columbia Liberals had consistently made Better Terms a part of their party policy and that until the Conference of 1906 both Liberals and

Conservatives had been practically in agreement on the subject. But after McBride refused to accept the Conference recommendations the

British Columbia Liberals had been forced into a position in which they had to justify the federal Liberal policy despite their private view; that the agreement was unjust and the term "final arid unalterable'1 in the amendment to the British North America Act objectionable.

We regretted that British Columbia had not been \ granted a larger sum and reaffirmed her claim to more J generous treatment. At the same time we pointed out that British Columbia, having submitted her claims to the Conference could not consistently deny the right of the Conference to deal with them, nor could she blame the Dominion parliament for acting upon the re• commendations of the Conference.208

The provincial party was torn between the duty to support Laurier

and the federal government and its own belief that the provincial

demands were just. - 100 -

But to Laurier, there was only one right action: this was to

accept the Conference decision including the "final and unalterable" amendment. "With regard to the Provincial subsidies you purposely leave the question open", he wrote to Macdonald, "where is this to lead us? There must be finality some time and somewhere."209

Despite Laurier's criticism of the stand of the provincial

Liberals, Macdonald, and later Oliver, as party leaders in British

Columbia, refused to commit themselves completely to attacking

McBride's policy on Better Terms. Instead, they attempted, but .

without success, to regain the confidence of the electorate by

adopting a conciliatory attitude. Better Terms was too important

to every person in the province for this issue to. divide provincial parties. Both Conservatives and Liberals believed the Province had

to fight Ottawa in this instance. The Conservative party in British

Columbia was considered to have won a victory in the matter of

Better Terms; the Liberal party in the Province, which had been

forced into an anomalous position, was handicapped. The only

criticism they could make about McBride concerned the methods he j

had employed to obtain better financial arrangements. But this

criticism was not sufficently vital to increase their support.

Closely related to the British Columbia claim for Better Terms

was the Province's interest in federal tariff policy. When the

Reciprocity Treaty of l8£l|.210 been negotiated between the Cana•

dian provinces and the United States the privileges were extended

to the Maritime provinces but the colony of Vancouver Island was - 101 - excluded. The distance of the west coast from potential American markets and the still negligible quantity of western products accounted for the omission.

After giving notice the United States abrogated the Reci• procity Treaty in 1866. Canada, the Americans felt, was reaping the greatest benefits from the treaty and, at the same time, no competition was wanted for enterprises in the Northern States. The repeal of Reciprocity hastened the movement for Canadian federation, since it was considered that a political union of British North

American provinces would create a customs-free market for both raw materials and manufactured,goods. After I867, despite desire by the Conservatives to place protective tariffs on Canadian goods, the tariff was still largely for revenue purposes only when British

Columbia entered confederation in 1871.

By 1871, Ontario and Quebec were established as the centers of manufacturing. The Maritimes were still relying on the export of natural products and had few secondary industries. The new pro• vince of British Columbia was a region rich in natural resources but with no manufacturing ahd only a small population. Her location made trade with overseas markets or the western United States more natural and advantageous than trade with Eastern Canada. During the first fifteen years of British Columbia's membership in the Dominion the western Province evinced little interest in trade with Canada.

Manufactured goods were still imported from Great Britain or the

United States and home production remained limited until after the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway.

The effects of the National Policy, the system of high tariffs aimed primarily at the protection of Eastern Canadian industries, - 102 - put Into effect by the Conservatives in 1879, were felt in British

Columbia after 1885. The Province's trade was re-oriented with the opening of railway transportation; now she bought her consumer goods largely from Eastern Canada, and the price of these was enhanced by the protective tariff as well as high freight rates. Her own pro• ducts, being mostly natural, unmanufactured items, were sold on a competitive world market. This situation existed when Laurier came to power. Complaints about the inequality of the benefits from the tariff were made by Dunsmuir, Prior and McBride, and linked by them to the demand for Better Terms. But the federal authorities and the other Eastern provinces paid little attention to this aspect of the quarrel.

At the national Liberal Conference in 1893, considerable dis• cussion centred around the tariff policy. 211 The Liberals declared themselves to be supporters of a lower tariff to be levied for re• venue only. Freer trade with (Sjreat Britain and the United States was suggested with reciprocity as the ultimate goal.

After the Liberal victory in 1896, the party found that

Eastern manufacturers could not be ignored. In Opposition, Sir

Richard Cartwright had declared in 1890, "I say that the whole busi• ness of protection is robbery—legalised robbery; that you subsidise the manufacturers, and that in return the manufacturers subsidise

you."212 BUt in office the Liberals also began to submit to the influence of the moneyed interests. During the tariff enquiry of

I896 manufacturers and importers were questioned about tariff changes

Edward Porritt declared,

They (manufacturers) succeeded in convincing the newly-elected Liberal Government that any disturbing changes in the schedules, and any abondonment of the bounties which the Conservatives had established in 1883 ... were inexpedient, unwise and impolitic, and would dislocate Canadian industries, and be hazardous to the capital embarked in them.213

When The Customs Tariff, 1897, was brought before the House in April, 1897, it was apparent that eastern manufacturers had gained a victory. The Liberal interest in freer trade was evident only in the provision made for a reciprocal tariff which would give preference to British goods.21k Throughout Laurier's career British preference remained a dominant element of his tariff policy.

British Columbia Liberals had supported reciprocity in their first platform of l887,*21^ they had reaffirmed their stand in the telegram sent to the 1893 National Convention. At the same time, the western Province supported the British preference as well as free trade within the Empire. But gradually, as the industries of the west began to develop, foreign markets were required and pro• tection was sought against "dumping" by the United States. In particular, they were aware that the lumber and lead industries were suffering severely from American competition.

In I898 Laurier received petitions from the Kootenay region requesting an increase in the import duty on lead products2l6 suf• ficient to compensate for the two cents per pound customs duty charged by the United States on lead ore entering the country for smelting purposes. No customs duty was charged on silver-lead ore provided the silver was in excess of lead but much of the Canadian ore was of low grade.217 Despite Laurier's assurance to Bostock that,the problem of the Kootenay miners would receive every consi• deration, several years elapsed before he took protective action.

Meanwhile, the lumbermen of the British Columbia Boundary region were demanding protection against "the cheaper logs, cheaper labour - 10k - and cheaper supplies of the United States. Ue:-xu

The Kootenay-Boundary region of the Province was greatly influenced by the United States. "Railway interests, prospectors, promoters, settlers and labour leaders were all American forces

in the region."219 gut despite this dominant American influence, the Kootenays, being Canadian, were forced to compete with the

United States when selling their goods on a world market.

That Laurier believed in the Liberal doctrine of free trade, although he had been forced to accept some protective tariffs by the Eastern manufacturers, was demonstrated by his reply to Ralph

Smith in 1901 when British Columbia lumbermen were joined by Ontario lumber and shingle operators in asking for an import duty. "We have not seen our way so far, to grant such a request, and for obvious reasons. An increased duty which would make the price of lumber higher to the settlers, would come very heavily upon a class, which

of all classes, should be free from additional taxation. "220 rphe

1897 tariff had placed import duties only on finished or dressed lumber and wood pulp. Consequently shingles and other unfinished lumber products could flood the Canadian market from south of the border.

By 190k the Conservative Opposition, along with the Canadian

Manufacturers' Association were demanding higher tariffs; the Liberals, therefore, began to consider revision of the rates. The farmers, who were now organizing, were asking for a revenue tariff only. Laurier was soon to be forced to find a compromise; his first move was to establish a Tariff Commission to study the situation in all parts of Canada. - 105 -

The Commission began its sittings in Winnipeg in September,

1905, and ended them in Ottawa in February, 1906.. In British Col• umbia representatives of the fruit growers, lumbermen and miners

were heard from. In several of the briefs the hardships suffered under the federal tariff policy were related to the demand for PPT

Better Terms. A brief submitted by Smith Curtis produced

figures which "indicated that the average rate of Federal duty

imposed on goods most largely consumed in British Columbia was much

greater than goods most largely used in the rest of Canada."222

The adverse arguments presented by British Columbia were,

once again, largely the result of her geographical location. Only

since the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway had the Province had a market readily available for any manufactured goods she might produce. As late as 1905 the farming population of the Prairie pro•

vinces was still interested only In buying from British Columbia

such primary products as fruit and lumber; industrial goods could be obtained more readily and more economically from Eastern Canada.

Ontario, Quebec, United States and Britain still supplied most of

the manufactured articles required in British Columbia, for local

industry was still not well established.

The hearings of the Tariff Commission during 1905 and 1906

resulted in The Customs Act, 1906.This left the general tariff

at approximately the same level as in 1897. The British preference

of 33 1/3 per cent was continued, while an Intermediate Tariff was

added which could be applied to countries outside the Empire which

entered into negotiations as favoured nations. For the most part

British Columbia was satisfied with the outcome although some pro•

vincial industries sought further protection. - 106 -

During this period the Canadian Grain Growers' Associations

were organizing; the farmers were now able to present an imposing

force against the manufacturers. The first opportunity offered the

farmers' groups to press their case home to Laurier occurred in

1910 when the Prime Minister made his western tour. Briefs were presented at.this time in which tariff reductions arid reciprocity

with the United States were suggested.

Although the Prime Minister saw the advantages of reciprocity

with the United States he was determined to retain the British pre•

ference first established in 1897. This was apparent in the speech

Laurier delivered at Nelson in the summer of 1910.

It will be our aim to evolve a tariff suitable to all men and calculated to benefit the whole country. We will make progress. . The tariff is not yet perfect, but one thing we have done, one car• dinal outstanding feature of the Tariff is the British Preference and so long as we stay in office it will remain. ^

In December Laurier announced that tariff reform was in order

but he still refused to commit the Liberals to outright reciprocity.

The National Council of Agriculture met in Ottawa during the month

and presented a brief to the government which stressed government

ownership of public utilities, reciprocity with the United States

and a reduction of duties on British goods.

British Columbia.farmers had not joined the others in making

representation in Ottawa. Farmers in the Province considered

reciprocity-to be undesirable; they feared competition for their

products from American sources.

The Canadian Manufacturers' Association which took a strong

stand against reciprocity presented a memorial to the Dominion gover•

nment in January, 1911. They argued that protection was necessary - io? - to permit the development of Canadian industry. American enter• prises were fully developed but Canadian were not and would suffer grave damage if they were left wholly unprotected. In short, "The

United States may be ready for reciprocity; Canada is not. "22°

Laurier, disturbed by the storm of opposition from the manufacturers oontinued the negotiations but decided to put the matter before the

Canadian people in an election to be held in the summer of 1911•

As soon as his decision was known, the Vancouver Liberals, in an attempt to revive the party, called a meeting in March, 1911. At this time there was only one Liberal member in the British Columbia

Legislature and two in the federal House. The fortunes of the party were at their lowest ebb. The Vancouver meeting endorsed the prin• ciple of reciprocity,

This mass meeting of citizens of Vancouver places itself on record as being strongly in favor of the ratification of the proposed trade agreement between the Dominion.of Canada and the United States, as fas- cilltating increased and mutually advantageous com• mercial intercourse between two friendly and neighboring peoples, and as offering to each one extended markets for the producer and cheaper pro• ducts for the consumer, while at the same time it leaves to each perfect freedom in its political and national development.227

Liberals in British Columbia had in this instance set aside j local preferences and conformed with the federal party's policy.

Formerly, the Liberals had tended to side step federal party issues which were not too popular in the Province. This time they supported

them. John Oliver seized the challenge and became actively involved

in the campaign as he gave whole-hearted supported to reciprocity.

But "Reciprocity John" was unable to sway the electorate who decided protection was a better policy for British Columbia. - 108 -

CHAPTER VII

Conclusion

When Laurier and the Liberal- party took office in Ottawa in

1896' British Columbia had been a member of the federation for

twenty-five years. During this time the Province had consistently

supported the Conservatives in federal politics. Its course for the

first fifteen years had been a policy of demanding the railway and nothing but the railway. Even with the completion of the Canadian

Pacific Railway the Province continued to send to Ottawa only men

who professed to be Conservatives. In I896, however, British Col• umbia realized that a Liberal victory was imminent. In I896, as

well as in the 1900 and 190k elections, the majority of members

returned to Ottawa were professed Liberals.

In the Provincial legislature, party lines were not officially

accepted until 1903. Until that time a system of personal leader•

ship prevailed which permitted a flexible alignment.

With Laurier's coming to office, encouragement was given by

the federal leaders to those within the Province who called them•

selves Liberals to organize and follow the Liberal party philosophy

as laid down by the 1893 Convention and later by Laurier and the par

caucus in Ottawa. The provincial party, however, seemed to be in•

capable of following this clear cut pattern. Recriminations and petty jealousies continuously caused dissension within the party

ranks, making the election of a local Liberal government an impos•

sibility. In the case of Alberta, it has been said that, "The

Liberal party came into power in Alberta in 1905 not because of any - 109 -

conviction on the part of Alberta voters of the validity of

Liberal principles but because a Liberal government was in power

in Ottawa." This hardly held true for British Columbia: although

there was the same lack of conviction about the acceptability of

Liberal principles. The setting up of a Liberal administration in

Ottawa did not induce an effort on the part of British Columbia '

Liberals to set up a Liberal government in British Columbia.

The closest that British Columbia came to having a Liberal

administration during Laurier's term was the government of Premier

Semlin who was in office from 1898 to 1900. The Martin ministry,

which followed, was in control only four months and presented no

semblance of a government accepting Liberal principles despite

Martin's known support of Liberalism. The Liberals in British

Columbia remained in Opposition until 1916, long after Laurier's

defeat.

Laurier had expected the provincial Liberals in British Col• umbia to show a strength of leadership which would permit them to

give sound criticism of the actions of the local Conservative

government and at the same time to interpret and develop Liberal party policies. The provincial party seemed incapable of doing

this. Its lack of vitality was revealed by one Liberal who wrote,

"A party that will only criticize will not enjoy the sacred trust

of governing the state. If we condemn we must have an alternative

to offer."229 It was not until after the 1911 federal elections

when the situation had become almost hopeless for the Liberals in both federal and provincial fields, that the provincial Liberals

completely accepted the federal Liberal platform.

In studying the period some factors become apparent which help - no -

to explain the obvious lack of understanding in British Columbia of

true party discipline. Fight against geographical__isolation as one ~~~~ might, the fact that British Columbia was separated from the rest of

the Dominion by a mountain range and from the centre of government

by many miles, created difficulties to the combining of interests.

At the time when political parties were organizing for the first

time in British Columbia the isolation of the Province from the

eastern centres of Canada prevented frequent visits from federal

leaders. Thus local parties were unable to benefit from the exper-1

ience of parent bodies. In the case of the Liberals lack of advice

and guidance from eastern members tended to become catastrophic.

In addition, the provincial Liberal party did not find a strong

leader for a number of years. J. A. Macdonald, who was provincial

leader, and William Templeman, the federal leader, were both fine men but were too given to compromise and soft speaking to wage

successful battles against the Conservative Opposition in the Pro•

vince or to demand a strongly united following. Time and again

requests came from British Columbia for a visit from Laurier or a

Liberal cabinet member, but due to the difficulties involved in

making an extended trip, the pleas were unanswered. If more visits

had been possible, many misunderstandings could have been ironed out

and not allowed to develop into open controversies.

In 1909, Oliver, .the provincial Liberal leader, repeated the

old request that Laurier visit the Province. If the Prime Minister

could make the trip, Oliver intended to call a provincial convention

in an effort to reorganize the party. Laurier again made what had

become a typical reply to the request, "Impossible to teisit British

Columbia this year, I hope to be able to spend my holidays in the - Ill - province next year."2^0 Finally, in 1910, Laurier did pay his promised visit to the west, the first since I89I+. Everywhere he was met with great enthusiasm but by this time the damage had been done. In the 1911 elections British Columbia penalized the Liberal party for his neglect.

Within the Province, the geographical formation of mountain——— ranges running north-south made for isolated pockets of settlement and created obstacles to party cohesion. Lugrin described the situation to Laurier in 1905,

Conditions in this province are not and have not ) been favorable to the development of a party leader. Our population is- divided into a number of communities, more or less isolated, and there is almost none of that daily intercourse between the various sections, which is possible in the more compactly settled provinces of the East. Hence it is that the man, who is looked upon as a leader in one section, sees no reason why he should concede that'some other man in some other section should be his leader and as yet no one has displayed the quali• fications which command support from all sections.231

The more active Liberals tended to come either from Vancouver Island or the Vancouver-New Westminster areas where the largest concen- r tration of population was to be found. The interior regions saw little of these would-be leaders and knew only of the quarrels, which they seemed to delight in stirring up, through the provincial press. Only a few of the leading Liberals, Bostock, Oliver and ——

Ralph Smith, tried to break the geographical barriers by extensive travelling through the Province.

The distance between provincial and federal headquarters also prevented constant communication between the two party organizations.

Frequently notices arrived in the Province from Ottawa too late for the provincial officials to take action.' During the Laurier regime the invitation to Premier Prior to attend the Inter-Provincial - 112 -

Conference in 1902 was so delayed that he was unable to accept owing to provincial commitments. Naturally the British Columbia government felt slighted when.such oversights occurred. British

Columbia generally felt that there was disinterest in Its affairs on the part of Ottawa.

Lack of understanding and local topographical difficulties helped to create the demand for Better Terms which assumed such proportions from 1902 until 1907. Many of the provincial arguments were based on the unique geographical situation of the Province.

Pew Eastern politicians had ever visited British Columbia, they could not visualize the problems which existed; and they felt the demands excessive. This lack of understanding did not create a happy federal-provincial relationship, especially when provincial

Liberals themselves wholeheartedly supported the plea for Better

Terms.

During his entire career, Laurier believed firmly in the policy of compromise. By wise compromise he was able to bring harmony be• tween the French and the English provinces. Liberalism he felt was basically a philosophy of giving freedom to the individual but only to the degree that freedom would not harm the majority. He con• sidered that the federation of provinces could only be built into a strong united nation if this principle was recognized. This he was determined to accomplish. But British Columbia wished to be treated as ah individual province and to be given special consideration be• cause of its unique problems. British Columbia, in consequence, refused to attend Inter-Provincial Conferences until 1906. Laurier, however, although a firm advocate of provincial rights, would never allow one province to dictate to and threaten the welfare of the - 113 -

federal union. Only by every unit showing its willingness to com• promise ahd to work for the good of the whole country, he thought,

would the Dominion prosper. He would not tolerate continual warring

between factions, for this would be disastrous for the very young nation.

In the matter of Better Terms, Laurier considered it most

suitable that an Inter-Provincial agreement should be made among

the provinces themselves. To this the federal government would

then subscribe. He refused to countenance British Columbia's plea

for a separate settlement for he believed that in matters of finance

what was acceptable to one province should be acceptable to all.

Without a certain uniformity of opinion and outlook Laurier could

not see how the federal union could survive. He did not believe

in emphasizing individual distinctiveness for such emphasis might

harm the general welfare. To him, language, religion and education

were entirely, different matters from geographical or financial peculiarities. A wise recognition of the differences of race and

creed was necessary but at the same time he considered that too

great divergence in political organization and philosophy would

weaken the federation.

The provincial Liberals did not agree completely with Laurier

in his desire to have British Columbia conform. Most of the Liberal

followers inBritish Columbia for instance, believed in the right of

the Province to pass restrictive legislation in order to control

Alien Immigration. That this legislation might endanger Canada's

relationships with Japan and Great Britain was of less importance

to them than the immediate danger to British Columbia involved in

unrestricted immigration. Laurier put his faith in the effectiveness - Ilk - of diplomacy to solve the problem; British Columbia saw this method

as too slow and uncertain. Both Liberals and Conservatives in

British Columbia argued against the federal stand. The point of view of the British Columbia Liberals Laurier could not appreciate:

in his mind there was no question as what the British Columbia J

Liberal party should do--it should support the federal Liberal policy unreservedly.

Possibly the explanation for the lack of understanding in

British Columbia of the working of party government was that the \

Province was too inexperienced in such matters. The people of

British Columbia had not had to fight to achieve representative or responsible government; instead, these institutions had been easily

granted or superimposed*

The political immaturity which continued to exist in British

Columbia during Laurier's period was related to the fact that the population of the Province was still largely composed of strong

individualists. Many of the men who emerged as political leaders had come from the Eastern provinces where they had seen political

action. They had moved to the west seeking greater social and

economic opportunities and they hoped to find greater outlet for

their political ideas and ambitions. The attempt by Eastern immi•

grants to become spokesmen for British Columbia was frequently met

with rebuff, since in British Columbians of longer residence there was a deeply-ingrained suspicion of Eastern influence. Thus there

came into being a number of rival factions, each intent on seizing power and making use .of whatever elements of the Liberal or Con•

servative philosophy best suited a particular purpose.

Political instability was demonstrated in the methods frequently - ii5 - employed to select officers of local party organizations. Some• times the officers were selected solely because a group wanted to oust others from.office. Little thought was given to whether the party as a whole would benefit by the change. One former officer of a local Liberal group reports, "I was walking down the street one evening when Mr. stopped me. He said,'Come on down to the Committee Rooms, we are having elections tonight and want to get and his gang out of office.'"2-^2 My informant went to the meeting and was elected vice-president. Men like this were often honest and able persons but such disregard for party philo• sophy was certain to result in wavering and misunderstanding when controversial questions arose.

This rather haphazard acceptance of party allegiance was not readily understood by those with political experience in the more stable eastern provinces. Laurier argued that if a person professed to be a Liberal he should accept the Liberal party platform and sup• port it through every adversity. British Columbia Liberals argued, however, that they should be permitted to support federal principles only so long as those principles did not endanger the welfare of the

Province. If the Province stood to benefit from adherence to the

Conservative policy, then the Liberals were willing to support the

Conservatives.

To Laurier, the pettiness underlying the local quarrels which continually caused turmoil in British Columbia was incredible. He was intent on welding the provinces into a strong federation which would enable Canada to become an autonomous part of the British

Empire. He had little patience with those calling themselves "Lib• erals", who thought only of personal interest and who refused to - 116 - acdept the first principle of a party government: support for the party's philosophy.

When T. R. Mclnnes tried to explain British Columbia's atti- j

tude in 1909, he wrote, "British Columbia feels big, it is optimistic; it is in a hurry, it is impatient of red tape. Facilitate the enter• prises and applications. They appreciate quick action. ,l233 This understanding of the provincial attitude was lacking in Laurier.

To Laurier, British Columbia's constant demands without thought or concern for the interests of the other provinces and for the dominion as a whole for immediate action involved the danger of anarchy and the disruption of unity.

The federal and provincial Liberal parties were never inte- \ grated in outlook during the Prime Minister's term, and until a mutual understanding of their aims could be reached, controversy between federal and provincial Liberals would continue. Although a slight move towards this end began to appear in 1911 when John

Oliver and some of the provincial Liberals accepted the platform of reciprocity, this change of heart came too late to benefit

Laurier. Harmony in philosophy between federal and provincial

Liberals was still a long way in the future. - 117 -

APPENDIX I

Official Report of the Liberal Convention held at Ottawa, 1893

RESOLUTIONS

FIRST RESOLUTION - TARIFF REFORM pp. 71-72

...the customs tariff of the Dominion should be based, not as it is now, upon the protective principle, but upon the require• ments of the public service;

That the existing tariff, founded upon an unsound principle, and used as it has been by the Government, as a corrupting agency wherewith to keep themselves in office, has developed monopolies, trusts and combinations;

It has decreased, the value of farm and other landed property; It has oppressed the masses to the enrichment of a" few; It has checked immigration; It has caused great loss of population; It has impeded commerce; It has discriminated against Great Britain.

In these and In many other ways it has occasioned great public and private injury, all of which evils must continue to grow in intensity as long as the present tariff system remains in force.

That the highest interests of Canada demand a removal of this obstacle to our country's progress, by the adoption of a sound fiscal policy, which, while not doing injustice to any class, will promote domestic and foreign trade,, and hasten the return of prosperity to our people.

That to that end, the tariff should be reduced to the needs of honest, economical and efficient government.

That it should be so adjusted as to make free, or to bear as lightly as possible upon, the necessities of life, and should be so arranged to promote freer trade with the whole world, more particularly with Great Britain and the United States.

We believe that the results of the protective system have greviously disappointed thousands of persons who honestly supported it, and that the country, in the light of experience, is now pre• pared to declare for a sound fiscal policy.

The issue between the two political parties on this question is now clearly defined. - 118 -

The Government themselves admit the failure of their fiscal policy, and now profess their willingness to make some change; hut they say that such changes must be based only on the principle of protection.

We denounce the principle of protection as radically unsound, and unjust to the masses of the people, and we declare our con• viction that any tariff changes based on that principle must fail to afford any substantial relief from the burdens under which the country, labors.

This issue we unhesitatingly accept, and upon it we await with the fullest confidence the verdict of the electors of Canada.

SECOND RESOLUTION - RECIPROCITY p. 8l

That, having regard to the prosperity of Canada and the -"United States as adjoining countries, with many mutual interests, it is desirable that there should be the most friendly relations and broad and liberal trade intercourse between them;

That' the interests alike of the Dominion and of the Empire would.be materially advanced by the establishing of such relations;

That the period of the old reciprocity treaty was one of marked prosperity to the.British North American colonies;

That the pretext/under which the Government appealed to the country in 1891 respecting negotiation for a treaty with the United States was misleading and dishonest and intended to de• ceive the electorate;

That no sincere effort has been made- by them to obtain a treaty, but that, on the contrary, it.is manifest that the present Government, controlled as they are by monopolies and combines, are hot desirous of promoting a treaty on terms honorable to both countries; 1 ;,.

That the first step towards obtaining the end in viewj is to place a party in power who are sincerely desirous of promoting a treaty on terms honorable to both countries;

That a fair and liberal reciprocity treaty would develop the great natural resources of Canada, would enormously increase the"trade and commerce between the two countries, would tend to encourage friendly relations between the two peoples, would remove many causes which have in the past provoked irritation and trouble to the .Governments of both countries,'and would promote those kindly relations between the Empire and the Republic which afford the best guarantee for peace and prosperity; - 119 -

: That the Liberal party is prepared to enter into negotiations with, a view to obtaining such a treaty, Including a well 'considered list of manufactured articles, and we are satisfied that any treaty so arranged will receive the assent of"Her Majesty's Government, without whose approval no treaty can be made.

THIRD RESOLUTION - CORRUPTION CONDEMNED p. 99

That the Convention deplores the gross corruption in the' management and expenditure of public moneys which for years past has existed under the rule of the Conservative party, and the revelations of which by the different parliamentary committees of inquiry have brought disgrace upon the fair name of Canada.

The Government, which profited politically by these expen• ditures of public moneys of which the people have been defrauded, and which,, nevertheless, have never punished the guilty parties, must be held responsible for the wrongdoing. We arraign the Government- for retaining in office a Minister of the Crown proved to have accepted very large contributions of money for election purposes from the funds of a railway company, which, while paying the political contributions to him, a member of the Government, with one hand, was receiving Government subsidies with the other.

The conduct of. the minister and the approval of his colleagues after:the proof-became known to them are calculated to degrade Canada.In the estimation of the.world and deserve the severe con• demnation of the people.

FOURTH RESOLUTION - ECONOMY p. 105

We cannot but view with alarm the large increase of the public debt and of the controllable annual expenditure of the; Dominion and the consequent undue taxation of the people under the Governments that have been continuously in power since 1878, and we demand the strictest economy in the administration of the government of the country.

FIFTH RESOLUTION - FOR RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT p.- 116

That the Convention regrets that by the action of Ministers and their supporters in Parliament, in one case in which serious charges were made against a Minister of the Crown, investigation was altogether refused, while in another case the charges pre• ferred were altered and then referred to a commission appointed upon the advice of the Ministry'contrary to the well settled practice of Parliament; and this:Convention affirms:

That is Is the ancient and undoubted right of the House of Commons to inquire into all matters of public expenditure, and into all charges of misconduct In office against Ministers of the I - 120 -

Crown, and the reference of such matters to royal commissions created upon.the advice of the accused is at variance with the due responsibility of Ministers to the House of Commons and tends to weaken the authority of the House over the Executive Government, and this Convention affirms that, the powers of the people' s. rep• resentatives in this regard should on all fitting occasions be upheld.

SIXTH RESOLUTION - THE LAND FOR THE SETTLER p. 118

That in the opinion of this Convention the sales of public lands of the Dominion should be to actual settlers only, and not to speculators, upon reasonable terms of settlement, and in such areas as can be reasonably occupied and cultivated by the settler.

SEVENTH RESOLUTION - THE FRANCHISE- ACT p.. 122

That the Franchise Act since its introduction - has. cost the Dominion Treasury over a million dollars, besides entailing a heavy expenditure to both political parties;

That each revision involves an additional expenditure of a further quarter of a million;

That this expenditure has prevented an-annual revision, as originally intended, in the absence of which young voters en• titled to the franchise have, in numerous instances, been prevented from exercising their natural rights;

That it has failed to secure uniformity, which was the principal reason assigned for its introduction;

That it has produced gross abuses by partizanPrevising barristers appointed by the Government of the day;

That its provisions are less liberal than those already existing in many Provinces of the Dominion, and that in the opinion of this Convention the Act should be repealed, and we should revert to the Provincial Franchise.

EIGHTH RESOLUTION - THE GERRYMANDER p. 129

That by the Gerrymander Acts the electoral divisions for .the return of members of the House of Commons have been so made as to prevent a fair expression, of the opinion of the country .at the general elections,, and to secure to the party now in power a strength out of all proportion greater than the number of electors supporting them would warrant. To put an end to this abuse, to make the House'of Commons a fair.exponent of public opinion, and to preserve the historic continuity of counties, it is desirable that in the formation of electoral divisions, county boundaries should be preserved and that in no case parts of different counties should be put in one electoral division. - 121 -

NINTH RESOLUTION - SENATE REFORM p. 134

The present constitution of the Senate is inconsistent with the"Federal principle in our system of government and is In other respects defective, as it makes the Senate independent of the people and' uncontrolled hy the public opinion of the country, and should be so amended as to bring it into harmony with the prin• ciples of popular government.

TENTH RESOLUTION - PROHIBITION PLEBISCITE p. 135

That whereas public attention is at present much directed to the consideration of the admittedly great evils of intemperance, It'is desirable that the mind of the people should be clearly ascertained on the question of Prohibition by means of a Dominion plebiscite.

A VOTE OF THANKS p. 140

Resolved, that this Convention cannot separate without expressing deep appreciation of the kindness that they have re• ceived from the President, Alex. McLean; the Honorary Secretary, H. A. Bate, and the members of the Ottawa Reform Association and the Ottawa Free Press and Le Canada. The general arrangements for the holding of the Convention have,been beyond praise, and in the name of the Liberal party of this Dominion we sincerely thank the Reform1 Association of Ottawa and. numerous, other citi• zens ©I? the Capital who have contributed in so marked a degree to the comfort of the delegates.

CONFIDENCE IN THE LEADER p. l4l

That this Convention desires to express its entire con• fidence in the leadership of the Hon. Wilfrid Laurier and its admiration of his brilliant eloquence, his endearing personal qualities and his broad and statesmanlike utterances upon the public questions of the day.

Official Report of the Liberal Convention held In Response to the Call of Hon. Wilfrid Laurier .... Ottawa, Tuesday, June 20th and Wednesday, June 21st,.. 1093-. Toronto, Budget Printing and Publishing Co., Ib93. . ~— - 122 -

APPENDIX II

Constitution and Resolutions of the British Columbia Liberal Association : October 1-3, 1907

British Columbia Liberal Association Officers

Honorable President Sir Wilfrid Laurier President John Oliver, Delta Vice Presidents Dr. 0. M. Jones, Victoria Mr. J. 'A. MacDonald, Rossland Treasurer • Mr. A. M. Pound, Vancouver' Secretary Mr. J. C. Mcintosh, Esquimalt

Executive Committee

Upper Country Dr. McDonald, Vernon New Westminster Mr. Alex Cruickshank, Matsqui District Robert Jardine, New Westminster Nanaimo Alex Forrester, Nanaimo Vancouver W. W..B. Mclnnes J. H. Senkler .Victoria R. L. Drury W. E. Ditchburn Vancouver Island H. Pillar, Comox

Constitution of the Liberal Association

Objects of the Association: to unite the Liberals of this district so that they may the better study and understand the and the platform of the Liberal Party.

Membership .

Every male person of the age of 18 years and upwards who is a British subject and who now is or hereafter may become a resident of Electoral District, may become a member of this Association by signing the membership roll and paying to the Secretary-Treasurer the sum of per year.

Election of Officers

The officers of the Association shall be elected annually by ballott at-the regular meeting to be held on the ...... in the month of in each year, or on such other day in the month of ... in any year as the Executive Committee shall decide upon, and at such elections a majority vote shall prevail - 123 - Duties of officers set down

It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to report all matters upon which the action of the Association may be particularly required; to recommend to the Association sub• jects for discussion, and the occasion for holding public meetings, and generally to employ such active measures for carrying out the objects of the Association as may be deemed advisable.

Meetings

A meeting may be called at any time at the request of 5 members.

Quorum

to be set down by the Association 10 minutes per speaker in debates or discussion candidate for membership must be proposed by a member in good standing at a regular meeting 2/3 necessary to elect candidate to membership privileges of membership denied non-paid up members executive committee may amend rules

Constitution Liberal Association and Resolutions adopted by Convention of B. C. Liberals held at Vancouver, B. C, October 1, 2, 3, 1907, Victoria, Thos. R. Cusack, 1907. - 12k -

APPENDIX III

Order of Her Majesty In Council admitting British Columbia into the Union

Section OT

The Government of the Dominion undertake to secure the commence• ment simultaneously, within two years from the date of the Union, of the construction of a railway from the Pacific towards the Rocky Mountains, and from such point as may be selected, east of the Rocky Mountains, towards the Pacific, to connect the seaboard of British Columbia with the railway system of Canada; and further, to secure the completion of such railway within ten years from the date of the Union.

And the Government of British Columbia agree to convey to the Dominion Government, in trust, to be appropriated in such manner as the Dominion Government may deem advisable in furtherance of the construction of the said railway, a similar extent of public lands along the line of railway throughout its entire length in British Columbia (not to exceed, however, twenty (20) miles on each side of said line,) as may be appropriated for the same purpose by the Dominion Government from the public lands of the North-West terri• tories and the Province of Manitoba: Provided that the quantity of land which may be held under pre-emption right or by Crown grant within the limits of the tract of land in British Columbia to be so conveyed to the Dominion Government shall be made good to the Dominion from contiguous public lands; and provided further, that until the commencement, within two years, as aforesaid, from from the date of the Union, of the construction of the said rail• way, the Government of British Columbia shall not sell or alienate any further portions of the public lands of British Columbia in any other way than under right of pre-emption requiring actual residence of the pre-emptor on the land claimed by him. In consideration of the land to be so conveyed in aid of the construction of the said railway, the Dominion Government agree to pay to British Columbia from the date of the Union, the sum of 100,000 dollars per annum, in half-yearly payments in advance.

Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., British North America Act and Amendments (together with other acts arid orders in council...) 1867-I9k3, Ottawa, Kings Printer, 19k3, pp. 163-I6k. - 125 -

, APPENDIX IV

Formation of Liberal Association for the .District of Victoria, Saturday, February 12, 1887

I 25 .cents charged members for expenses

Platform of thirteen planks adopted:

1. Provincial rights. 2. Manhood suffrage; one man, one vote. The province to ?— control its own franchise. 3. Provincial representation in the Cabinet. 4. An equitable apportionment of public monies for expenditure within the province. 5. An adoption of a comprehensive scheme to improve Victoria's harbor. 6. A readjustment of present fiscal policy whereby present inequalities will be removed. Admission free of duty of all raw material, not the natural product of the country Intended for manufacturing purposes. 7. Revival of the reciprocity treaty with the United States of America. 8. . The right of Canada to negotiate commercial treaties with a foreign country. 9. The reconstruction of the Dominion Senate. 10. The rapid accumulation of national debt renders curtailment in the expenditure imperative. 11. To check members of the crown from accepting bribes in the shape of land grants, timber limits, coal lands or subsidies to railways in which they are personally interested. 12. To urge the guarding of the lumber domain from plunder and spoliation by land grabbers and speculators to the detriment of the bona fide settler. 13. The curtailment of annual expenditure In connection with foreign emigration.

The Victoria Daily Standard, February 14, 1887, p. 3. - 126 -

APPENDIX V The Liberal Platform, 1897 Platform said to have been adopted at the Convention at New Westminster on October 8 and 9, 1897- We denounce the Turner administration which has justly for• feited the confidence of the people of this province by its reckless squandering of the public revenue; its alienation of the public lands by grants to railway promoters and pri• vate speculators (notably the grant to the Casslar Central Railway Companyits system of class taxation; Its encourage• ment of monopolies; its open support of Oriental labour and Its persistent attempts to encourage sectional jealousies between the Island and Mainland for political purposes. And we denounce the practise of ministers of the crown making use of their official positions to promote their private interests by associating their names with mining and other speculative companies,. We advocate: I. Railways and- Land

1. The adoption of a policy directed towards ultimate ownership of railways by the government. 2. That public lands be reserved for actual settlement, and that such legislation be enacted as will prevent the ;.-.>' holding of large tracts by speculators and company promoters. 3. That when a grant of land is made in aid of railways and other public undertakings the government retain all equi• valent Interest in such undertakings" by way of control of freight rates or. other wise. 4. That the status of existing grants of land be thoroughly,. Investigated with a view to compelling the'opening up' of the same to settlement where the conditions upon which such grants have been made have not been complied with. 5. That the system of transfer and registration of land be simplified and made less expensive while securing abso• lute validity of title.

II. Redistribution 1. A fair readjustment of the present representation on the basis of population always allowing to sparsely populated districts a proportionately larger representation than to populous districts and cities. 2. The abolition of the $200 deposit required from candidates.

III. Taxation 1. The repeal of the mortgage tax. 2. The repeal of miners' licences for those working for wages in mines. 3. That coal mines be placed on the same footing as other mines with respect to taxation. - 127 -

IV. Timber

1. The disposal of timber limits by open competition and in such quantities only as will meet the requirements of the', trade. 2. The enactment of an accurate system of government scaling of logs and its rigid enforcement. 3. The introduction of a system of forestry for the pur• pose of conserving and reproducing our forests.

V. Chinese

1. . The discouragement by all constitutional methods of the immigration and employment of Oriental laborers, and the amendment in accordance therewith of the Coal Mines' Regulations Act.

VI. Road Money

1. The abolition of the present corrupt practice of administering the public road money in the interest of government supporters.

VII. Honesty and Progress ;

1. The; honest management of provincial'' assets in the interest of the public. •.'•,<.

2. The' taking of active measures for the systematic exploration of the province and the adoption of a vigorous policy of constructing trails, roads and bridges and the encouragement of other public works in such a manner as will' assist the speedy develop• ment of the resources of 'the whole' province.

Victoria Daily Colonist, November 19, 1897, p. 8. - 128 -

APPENDIX VI

Pamphlet Issued by C.A. Semlin Chairman Opposition. Circular from the Executive Committee of the Opposition ParTy

In accordance with a request to that effect from represent• ative men of the party in all sections of the Province, the members of the Opposition in the Legislature consented to act as an Executive Committee of the Party.

In that capacity the members recently held a meeting when It was thought desirable to lay down the general principles of the policy which has guided the Opposition in its course in the Legislature and on which, in the opinion of the Committee, the party can with confidence appeal to the Provincial voters at the ensuing general elections.

The committee believes that it will have the support of a very large majority of the Provincial voters whether they are supporters of the Opposition or the Government, in its view that it would be extremely detrimental to the interests of the whole Province at the present time to introduce Dominion politi• cal issues into the discussion of Provincial affairs.

The Committee, in consonance with this view, proposes the following as the platform on which the Opposition will appeal to the electorate:

1. The adjustment of the representation of the Province on a general principle, by which an equitable system will be established. Districts thinly settled and remote from the populous centres receiving a larger proportionate representation than those districts with a greater popu• lation and nearer the large cities, while in turn those districts will have a proportionately larger represen• tation than the cities of the Province.

2. Reorganization of the civil service with a view to greater efficiency and economy in administration.

3. Liberal expenditure on necessary public works under such rigid supervision as will secure commensurate results.

4. Discouragement of Oriental immigration.

5. The amendment of the Land Act so that coal will be reserved along with other minerals. Timber to be dis• posed of by open competition and in such quantities as \ the trade demands. Agricultural lands to be reserved for actual settlers. - 129 -

6. Repeal of the tax. coitxnonly known as. the Mortgage tax.

7. Amendment of the law In regard, to Free Miner's Licenses, so that a man shall, not he. compelled to take out a Free Miner's License before he can work in a mine for wages.

8. Provincial aid to railways in the past having resulted unsatisfactorily, both as regards economy in construction and moderation in transportation on charges, any future aid to railways to be based on efficient Provincial con= trol both of the raising and expenditure of the capital and of the rates of transportation.

While the Committee believes that an administration of Pro• vincial affairs on the lines laid down in the foregoing platform, would conduce to the general prosperity and assist in the rapid development of the great natural resources of the Province, it does not ignore the fact that the most sagacious policy may fail in results by extravagance or incompetency in carrying it out and it considers that the present Government is open to the strongest condemnation in both these respects.

With united and energetic action on the part of those who ' are in sympathy with the views of the Opposition, the Committee has no fear of the results.

C.A. Semlin, Chairman

British Columbia, Public Archives. Pamphlet Collection.

C. A. Semlin, Pamphlet issued by C.A. Semlin, Chairman Opposition, Circular from the Executive Committee of the Opposition Par€yT n.d. - 130 - APPENDIX'VII

British Columbia Liberal Convention Vancouver, February oth and 7th, 190~2

Platform

1. The Immediate redistribution of the constituencies; of the Province on the basis of population, but allowing a smaller unit of population per seat for the outlying district s.-

2. Government ownership Dominion, Provincial and Municipal of public services or utilities is sound and should be carried out in British Columbia.

3. Should it be advisable at any time to grant aid to a railway company, such shall be in cash and not in land, and no bonus of any kind shall be given without definite and effective means being taken to safeguard the interests of the province in the management of the road, control the freight and passen• ger rates and provision made against any such railway having any liability against it except actual costs.

4. Immediate construction of the Coast Kootenay Railway, the Cariboo Railway, the extension of the Island Railway, a Rail• way from Alberni to a point on the East Coast of Vancouver Island, and a road in the northern part of the Province from the coast to the eastern boundary with an extension to the northern boundary, the railway from Vernon to Midway by West fork of Kettle River with all necessary branch lines, ferries and connections.

5. The enforcement of the act now on the statute book compelling the scaling of logs by Government scalers.

6. That such legislation should be enacted as will result in draining the lands included in the various dyking areas avail• able for cultivation as quickly as possible and secure prompt payment of assessments when due.

7. That the government should keep in touch with the conditions in connection with mining, protecting said industry against combines and trusts, and if.necessary for that purpose build and operate smelters and refineries. No radical change should be made in the- mining laws without full notice to all parties •L interested, giving full, opportunity for discussion and criticism.

8. As the province can only advance by the settlement within its borders of. thrifty and prosperous citizens, and as Orientals never become citizens in any proper sense of the word, we declare it to be the duty of the Government to discourage Oriental immigration and employment by every means within its power and we appeal to our fellow Liberals throughout the Dominion to aid us in our efforts to protect ourselves against - 131 -

the ruinous competition of men having a standard of decency

and comforttimmensely.below that of civilized people, and who shirk every duty and obligation of citizenship which the law will allow them to escape.

9. The Government ought to prevent the waste and suffering caused by strikes and lockouts, and an earnest effort ought to be made to provide some of the means of preventing such strikes and lockouts, and we approve the adoption of compulsory arbitration.

10. The Fiscal system of the province stands in need of revision. Taxation should bear upon privilege rather than industry, and no addition should be made to the debt of the province except for public works properly chargeable to capital.

11. The retaining,of the resources of the province'as ah asset for the benefit of the people and taking effective measures to prevent the alienation of the Public domain except to actual settlers or for actual bona fide business or industrial pur• poses, putting an end to the practice of speculators in connec• tion with the same.

12. The construction and maintenance of roads throughout the pro• vince to aid in the development of the mining and agricultural districts.

I i

Proceedings.of the British Columbia Liberal Convention held in Vancouver, on February bth and 7th, 1902, Laurier Papers Relating to British Columbia, UBC Microfilm, Reel 2., pp.. b2941-b2943. - 132 -

APPENDIX VIII

British Columbia Liberal Association " Manifesto, September 4th, 1903'

Platform the same as that Issued February 6, 1902, Appendix VII,-' -i pp. 130-131

Immediate attention called to the following:

1. ' Civil service reform by keeping down the number of employees to actual requirements; by making good conduct and efficiency the tenure of office;; ;and by making fitness, not favouritism, to govern appointments. 2. Fiscal reform by keeping expenditure within revenue and borrowing money, if at all, only for works properly chargeable to capital; by a wise and provident administration of the natural resources of the Province so as to provide sufficient revenue, encourage industry, enable the repeal of obnoxious taxes and make possible a readjustment of the- unpopular and injurious mining tax. 3. Reform in land administration by opposition to all land grants to railways or reservation of large tracts of land; by the . establishment of free homesteads on agricultural lands through favorable conditions to settlers; and by the obtaining and making public full and exact information as to all public land fitted for settlement. 4. Aid to the Farming industry by placing the Agricultural Department of the Government upon a more efficient and prac• tical basis; by legislating so as to make their lands more rapidly available for cultivation; by considering the question of utilizing the water supply in the "dry-belt" for irrigation purposes. * 5. Organization of a system for the economical construction and maintenance of roads together with greater aid in this respect to some of the new districts. 6. Amendment of the Public Health Act so as to provide for sanitation and isolation in xtn-incorporated districts. 7. Exclusion of Oriental labour and insistence upon the right of the Province "to. make such provisions as it shall see fit in all contracts, grants and leases under Provincial control."

J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs 1903, Toronto, Annual Review Publishing Company, 1904... pp. 219-220. - 133 -

APPENDIX IX

A Memorial from the Provincial Rights Association of British Columbia

March 9, 1900

This memorial asks that an investigation be made into the conduct of Lieutenant Governor Thomas B. Mclnnes since his appointment to office and. pending such investigation that Mclnnes be sus• pended from-*exercising the high functions of his office, and that an administrator of the government be in the meantime appointed in his place, and if the conduct of the said Thomas R. -Mclnnes be found to be indefensible throughout, that he be removed from office.

1. for having dismissed the Turner Government without just cause.

2. for having by such dismissal kept this Province without any Government for one week except what he had in a despotic way arrogated to himself.

3. for having at that time ignored the entire legislature, and for having called on a gentleman who was not at the time a member of the Legislature, but who,., after one week's attempt, was compelled to surrender his commission, the members of the House at the time having refused to enter the proposed fiat cabinet.

4. for having only consented to call upon the Legislature when the by ways refused to countenance his unwarranted course, which compelled him to call on the acknowledged leader of the opposition, Charles A. Semlin, and for having unduly interfered with the privileges of the House by not selecting through its leader the proposed members of the Cabinet.

5. for taking the part of the late Sir Charles Metcalf throughout and for now bringing on chaos and confusion worse confounded, not so much for dismissing the Semlin Government which was more or less his own creation, but for refusing to recognize the decision of the present Legislature when it had come to an arrangement to carry on the.business of the House ...

6. for having again kept the country without government except that which was personified in his own despotic determina• tion, his own undue interferences, as he had done before and for selecting a man of questionable public reputation, Joseph Martin, to be his chief adviser, and ignoring men of unquestionable integrity, thus making the farce of Responsible Government. - 13k -

7. for having given the said Joseph Martin a.latitude of purpose that would be indefensible even were the com• mission, entrusted to "Men of unquestioned ability and honor" and for having brought Constitutional Government in this Province into scorn and contempt.

Provincial Rights Association of British Columbia, Laurier Papers Relating to British Columbia,. UBC Microfilm, Reel 1, pp. 431 OB- wjigi ~~—~ - 135 -

APPENDIX X

Tokio, December 23, 1907

Monsieur le Ministre,-

In reply to your note of even date, I have the honour to state that although the existing treaty between Japan and Canada absolutely guarantees to Japanese subjects full liberty to enter, travel and reside in any part of the Dominion of Canada, yet it is not the intention of the Imperial government to insist upon the complete enjoyment of the rights and privileges guaranteed by those stipulations when,that would involve disregard of special conditions which may .prevail in Canada from time to time.

Acting in this spirit and having particular regard to circum• stances of recent occurrence in British Columbia, the imperial government have decided to take efficient means to restrict emi• gration to Canada. In carrying but this purpose, the imperial government in pursuance of the policy above stated, will give careful consideration to local conditions prevailing in Canada, with a view to meeting the desires of the government of the Dominion as far as is compatible with the spirit of the treaty and with the dignity of the state.

' Although, as stated in the notejunder reply, it was not possible for me to acquiesce in all of the proposals made by you on behalf of the Canadian government. I trust that you will find in the statement made herein prodf of the earnest desire of the imperial government to promote by every means within their power, the growth and stability of the.cordial and mutually beneficial relations which exist between our countries. I venture to believe also that this desirable result will be found to have been mater• ially advanced by the full exchange of views which has taken place between us, and it gives me special pleasure to acknowledge the obligation under which I have been placed by your frank and con• siderate explanations regarding the attitude and wishes of your government.

I avail myself &c, &c,

Tadasu Hayashi

The Honourable Rodolphe Lemieux, Postmaster General and Minister of Labour for Canada, Tokio

Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 1907-1908, pp. 20k0-20kl. - 136 -

APPENDIX XI

Order of Her Majesty in Council Admitting British Columbia into the Union

Section I

Canada shall be liable for the debts and liabilities of British Columbia existing at the time of the Union.

Section II

British Columbia not having incurred debts equal to those of the other provinces now constituting the Dominion, shall be entitled to receive, by half-yearly payments, in advance from the General Government, interest at the rate of five per cent per annum on the difference between the actual amount of its indebted• ness at the date of the Union, and the indebtedness per head of the population of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick (27.77 dollars), the population of British Columbia being taken at 60,000,

Section III

The following sums shall be paid by Canada to British Col• umbia for the support of its Government and legislature, to wit, an annual subsidy of 35»QOO dollars, and an annual grant equal to 80 cents per head of said population of 60,000, both half-yearly in advance, such grant of 80 cents per head to be augmented in proportion to the increase of population, as may be shown by each subsequent decennial census, until the population amounts to h00,000, at which rate such grant shall thereafter remain, it being understood that the first census be taken in the year l88l.

Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., British North America Act and Amendments,- 1867-19J4-3, pp. 161-162 - 137 -

APPENDIX XII

Interprovincial Conference., 1906 Letter from Lomer Gouin to Richard McBride

Honourable Richard McBride, Prime Minister of British Columbia.

Dear Sir,

I am instructed by the Interprovincial Conference to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 13th instant, setting forth the position assumed by you towards its, and, in answer, to state as follows: The Resolution to which you refer and which was adopted on the day you addressed your letter to me, reads thus: "That, In view of the large area, geographical position "and very exceptional physical features of the Province of British "Columbia, it is the opinion "of this Conference that the said "Province should receive a reasonable additiong.1 allowance for the "purpose of Civil Government in excess of the provisions made in "the Quebec Resolutions of 1902, and that such additional allowance "should be to the extent of one hundred thousand dollars annually "for ten years." This Resolution shows distinctly that the Conference recog• nized the claim of British Columbia for exceptional treatment. I am specially directed to add that it was passed after all the data presented by you had been fully considered.

I have the honour to be, Sir,

Yours respectfully, LOMER GOUIN Chairman of the Conference.

Dominion Provincial and Interprovincial Conferences from 1887 to 1826, Ottawa, King's Printer, 1951, PP« 62-63. - 138 -

APPENDIX XIII .

British North America Act, 1907

7 Edward VII, Chapter 11

An Act to make further provision with respect to the sums to be paid by Canada to the several Provinces of the Dominion.

1. (l) The following grants shall be made yearly by Canada to every province, which at the commencement of this Act is a province of the Dominion, for its local purposes and the support of its Gov• ernment and Legislature:-

(a) A fixed grant- where the population of the province is under one hundred and fifty thousand, of one hundred thousand dollars;

where the population of the province is one hundred and fifty thousand, but does not exceed two hundred thou• sand, of. one hundred and fifty thousand dollars;

where the population of the province is two hundred thousand, but does not exceed four hundred thousand, of one hundred and eighty thousand dollars;

where the population of the province is four hundred thousand, but does not exceed eight hundred thousand, of one hun• dred and ninety thousand dollars;

where the population of the province is eight hundred thou• sand, but does not exceed one million five hundred thousand, of two hundred and twenty thousand dollars; i where the population of the province exceeds one million five hundred thousand, of two hundred and forty thousand dollars; and

(b) Subject to the special provisions of this Act as to the pro• vinces of British Columbia and Prince Edward Island, a grant at the rate of eighty cents per head of the population of the province up to the number of two million five hundred thousand, and at the rate of sixty cents per head of so much of the population as exceeds that number.

(2) An additional grant of one hundred thousand dollars shall be made yearly to the Province of British Columbia for a period of ten years from the commencement of this Act. (3) The population of the' province shall be ascertained from time to time in the case of the provinces of Manitoba and Saskat• chewan, and Alberta respectively by the last quinquennial census or statutory estimate of population made under the Acts establishing those provinces or any other Act of making pro• vision for the purpose, and in the case of any other province by the last decennial census for the time being.

(k) The grants payable under this Act shall be paid half- yearly in advance to each province.

(5) The grants payable under this Act shall be substituted for the grants or subsidies (in this Act referred to as existing grants) payable for the like purposes at the commencement of this Act to the several provinces of the Dominion, under the provisions of. section one hundred and eighteen of the British North America Act, 1867, or of any Order in Council establishing directions for the pay• ment of any such grant or subsidy, and those provisions shall cease to have effect.

(6) The Government of Canada shall have the same power of deducting sums charged against a province on account of the interest on public debt in the case of the grant payable under this Act to the province as they have, in the case of the existing grant.

(7) Nothing in this Act shall affect.the obligation of the Government of Canada to pay to any province any grant for which the grant under this Act is substituted.

(8) In the case of the provinces of British Columbia and Prince Edward Island, the amount paid on account of the grant payable per head of the population to the provinces under this Act shall not at any time be less than the amount of the corresponding grant payable at the commencement of this Act; and if it is found on any decennial census that the population of the province has decreased since the last decennial census, the amount paid on account of the grant shall not be decreased below the amount then payable, notwithstanding the decrease of the population.

2. This Act may be cited as the British North America Act, 1907, and shall take effect as from the first day of July nineteen hundred and seven.

Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., British North America Act and Amendments, l867-19k3, pp. 79-81. ' ' - IkO -

APPENDIX XIV

An Act to Consolidate and Amend the Acts Respecting the Duties of Customs

17. When the customs tariff of any country admits the products of Canada on terms which, on the whole, are as favourable to Canada as the terms of the reciprocal tariff herein referred to are to the countries to which it may apply, articles which are the growth, pro• duce, or manufacture of such country, when imported direct therefrom, may then be entered for duty,-or taken out of warehouse for consum• ption in Canada, at the reduced rates of duty provided in the reci• procal tariff set forth in schedule D to this Act.

2. Any question arising as to the countries entitled to the benefits of the reciprocal tariff shall be decided by the Controller of Customs, subject to the authority of the Governor in Council.

3. The Governor in Council may extend the benefits of the reciprocal tariff to any country entitled thereto by virtue of a treaty with Her Majesty.

k. The Controller of Customs may make such regulations as are necessary for carrying out the intention of this section.

SCHEDULE D

Reciprocal Tariff

On all the products of countries entitled to the benefits of this Reciprocal Tariff, under the provisions of section seventeen, the duties mentioned in schedule A shall be reduced as follows: On and after the twenty-third of April, 1897, until the thirtieth day of June, I898, Inclusive, the reduction shall in every case be one-eighth of the duty mentioned in schedule A, and the duty to be levied, collected and paid shall be seven-eighths of the duty mentioned in schedule A. On and after the first day of July, 1898, the reduction shall in every case be one-fourth of the duty mentioned in schedule A, and the duty to be levied, collected and paid shall be three-fourths of the duty mentioned in schedule A. Provided, however, that these reductions shall not apply to any pf the following articles, and that such articles shall in all cases be subject to the duties mentioned in schedule A, viz.:- wines, malt- liquors, spirits, spirituous liquors, liquid medicines and articles containing alcohol; sugar, molasses and syrups of all kinds, the pro• duct of the sugar cane or beet root; tobacco, cigars and cigarettes.

Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., The Customs Tariff, 1897, chapter 16, 1897, pp. 85-132. - lkl

APPENDIX XV

Fiscal Requests of the Western Farmers' Delegation to-Ottawa, December, 1910

1. That we strongly favour reciprocal free trade between Canada and the United States in all horticultural, fuel, agricul• tural and animal products, spraying materials, fertilizers, illu• minating, fuel and lubricating oils, cement, fish and lumber. .

2. Reciprocal free trade between the two countries in all agricultural implements, machinery, vehicles and parts of each of these; and, in the event of a favourable arrangement being reached, it be carried into effect through the independent action of the respective Governments rather than by the hard and fast require• ments of a treaty.

3. We also favour the principle of the British preferential tariff, and urge an immediate lowering of the duties on all British goods to one-half the rates charged under the general tariff sche• dule, whatever that may,be and that any trade advantages given the United States in reciprocal trade relations be extended to Great Britain.

k. For such further gradual reduction of the remaining pre• ferential tariff as will ensure the establishment of complete free trade between Canada and the Motherland within ten years.

5. That the farmers of this country are willing to face direct taxation, in such form as may be advisable, to make up the revenue required under new tariff conditions.

J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review, 1910, p. 33k. >- lk2 -

FOOTNOTES

Chapter I

Laurier Liberalism

1. Wilfrid .Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism, 26 June 1877. Quebec,/Morning Chronicle, 1877> p. 10. [

2. J. M. S. Careless, Brown of the Globe, Toronto, The Macmillan Company of Canada, 1959, vol. I, pp. 110-111.

3. Dale C. Thomson, Alexander Mackenzie, Clear Grit, Toronto, The Macmillan Company of. Canada, I960, p. 115.

k. Wilfrid Laurier, Ibid., p. 12.

5. Ibid., p. 16.

6. Oscar Douglas Skelton, Life and Letters of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, New York, The Century Company, 1922, Vol. I, pp. 113-118.

7. John Willison, Reminiscences, Political and Personal, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 1919, p. 157.

8. John S. Willison, Sir Wilfrid Laurier,and the Liberal Party, Toronto, George N. Morang & Company, 1903, Vol. 2, p. 355.

9. Official Report of the Liberal Convention held in Response to 'the Call of Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, Ottawa, June 20th and June 21st, 1893, Toronto, Budget Printing & Publishing Co., Ib93, Preface.

10. Ibid., p. 25

11. For full text of the resolutions as passed at the convention see Appendix I, pp. 117-121.

12. Official Report of the Liberal Convention..., Ibid, p. 72.

13. Ernest J. Chambers, ed., The Canadian Parliamentary Guide, 1910 Ottawa, Mortimer Company Ltd., 1910, p. 2kl.

lk. Oscar D. Skelton, Ibid., Vol. II, p. 11

15. Ibid., p. 5. - Ik3 -

Chapter II

Federal Party Organization

16 Robert MacGregor Dawson, The Government of Canada, 3d ed rev., Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 19k7, p. 512.

17 J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 190k, Toronto, The Annual Review Publishing Col, Ltd., 190k, p. 233.

18 John Lederle, "The Liberal Convention of 1893," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, XVI:5l February, 1950.

19 William Templeman was born in Ontario in l8kk. In 1867 he established the AlmonteGazette and in l88k he moved to Victoria, B.C. where he founded The Times newspaper. He was defeated in the federal elections of 1891 and 1896 as a Liberal candidate. In 1897 he was appointed to the Senate and in 1902 named Minister without Portfolio in the Cabinet. In 1906 he was appointed Minister of Inland Revenue and in 1907 Minister of Mines when that department was created. From: The Canadian Who's Who, 1910, pp. 220-221.

20 Sir Wilfrid Laurier to William Templeman, January 1.9, 190k, PAC, Laurier Papers Relating to B. C. UBC Microfilm, Reel 3, p. 80983A.

21 Templeman to Laurier, October 28, 1903, Ibid., Reel 3, pp. 79860-79861,

22 Ibid., p. 79862.

33 Hewitt Bostock was born and educated in England and came to Canada in 1893. After considerable travelling he settled in B. C. and founded The Province newspaper in Victoria. He was elected as a Liberal to the federal house in 1896. In 1902, after his retire• ment from active politics, he was appointed Senator. From: The Canadian Who's Who, 1910, p..22

2k Hewitt Bostock to Laurier, June 7, 1896, Ibid., Reel 1, p. k32&,

25 John Oliver was born in 1856 in England. His family moved to Ontario and in 1877 John moved to B.C. He settled on a farm in Delta and was elected to the B.C. Legislature in 1900, 1903, and 1907 on the Liberal ticket. He became provincial leader of the Liberal party in 1907 but was defeated in the provincial election of 1909. He resigned the party leadership in favour of H. C. Brewster and tempo• rarily withdrew from politics. By 1916 he had again taken up politics and was elected for Dewdney and became Minister of Agriculture and Railways for B.C. under Premier Brewster. After Brewster's death in 1918 he became Premier of the Province. From: James Morton, Honest John Oliver, London, J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., pp. 269-270. - lkk -

26 Laurier to John Oliver, August 31, 1909, Ibid., Reel 5, p. 1591888.

27 For full details as to membership in a provincial organization see Appendix II, pp. 122-123, Constitution and Resolutions of the B. C. Liberal Association ... 1907.

28 Bostock to Laurier,'; February 21, 1895, Ibid., Reel 1, p. 3603.

29 Richard Low Drury was born and educated in Ontario. When he moved to Victoria he was Provincial Manager of the Mutual Life of Canada, and agent in B.C. for the Toronto and B. C. Lumber Co. He was defeated in the 1900 federal elections but elected in 1903 to the B.C. Legislature as a Liberal. From: The Canadian Parliamentary Guide, 1905, p. k32.

30 R. L. Drury to Laurier, February 21, 1898, Ibid., Reel 1, p. 20795.

31 Angus , Victoria, B.C. to Templeman, February 8, 1910, PAC, Laurier Papers, Series A, Correspondence, Microfilm, Reel 888 pp. 1671k°-1671kl. (This letter was badly damaged so that the signature was illegible.)

32 Bostock to Laurier, June 7, 1896, PAC, Laurier Papers Relating to B.C., UBC Microfilm Reel 1, .p. 1+328.

33 Robert George Macpherson was born in Ontario and moved to New Westminster in 1888. In 1895 he moved to Vancouver and operated a drug business. In 1903 and 190k he was elected as a Liberal to the House of Commons. He was appointed postmaster at Vancouver in 1908. From: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, p. Ik6.

3k R. G. Macpherson to Laurier, September k, 1908, Ibid., Reel 5, p. Ikk239.

35 Montreal Junior Board of Trade,' Report of the Committee on the Survey of Canadian-Political Parties, Mimeo., 1931, p. 21.

36 Laurier to Bostock, December 9, I898, Ibid., Reel 1, pp. 28531-28532.

37 Oliver to Laurier, June 15, 1909, Ibid., Reel 5, p. 157000.

38 Duncan Ross was born in Ontario in 1870. After he moved to B.C. he settled in Greenwood where he published The Boundary Creek Times. He was active in civic affairs and in 190k was elected to the House of Commons to represent the Yale-Cariboo district. From: Canadian Parliamentary Guide, 1905, p. 11+5.

39 Laurier to Oliver, June 22, 1909," Ibid., p. 157002

kO J. S. Dafoe, Laurier, a Study of Canadian Politics, Toronto, Thomas Allen, c. 1922, p. 52. - Ik5 -

Chapter III

Provincial Party Organization

kl For Section 11 of Her Majesty's Order in Council admitting British Columbia to the Dominion of Canada see Appendix III,, p. 12k.

k2 The Daily British Colonist, January 5, I876, p. 2.

k3 Edgar Packard Dean, "How Canada has Voted: 1867 to 19k5," Canadian Historical Review, 30:2kl, 19k9,

kk Dale C. Thomson, Alexander MacKenzie, p. 12k.

k5 Ibid., pp. 12k-125".

k6 Frederick Coate Wade was born in Ontario in i860. In his youth he was an editorial writer for both the Toronto Dally Globe and the Manitoba Free Press. He was called to the Manitoba bar in 1886 and was most active in Liberal affairs in Manitoba. He served as legal adviser to the Council in 1898. He moved to Vancouver in 1907 and immediately joined the Liberal organization, in 1909 he was defeated in the provincial election. From: The Canadian Who's Who, 1910, p. 229.

k7 F. C. Wade to Laurier, January 17, 1909, Ibid., Reel 5, pp. 151570-151582.

k8 Malcolm Cameron was born in Scotland. He settled near Sarnia, Ontario, in 1833 and began to sponsor settlement of Scottish farmers. He prospered in the lumber business and by l8k7 was the leading citi• zen of the area. He became an active Reformer and was a member of the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada. In l8k9 he resigned from the government since he opposed George Brown and he allied himself with The Grits. He reentered politics in l85l and became president of the Executive Council. He was now in opposition to Alexander MacKenzie as well. From: Dale C. Thomson, Alexander MacKenzie, pp. 23-2k.

k9 The Daily British Colonist, November 10, I87O, p. 2 .

,. 50 George Riley was born in Ontario in l8k3. He moved to ^ British Columbia in 1885 where he entered the business world. De• feated in the federal election of 1900 he was elected in 1902 and re-elected in 190k. He resigned in 1906 from the House of Commons and was appointed Senator to replace Templeman. From: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, p. 323.

5l Macpherson to Laurier, February 6, 1906, Ibid., Reel 3, 1 p. 106857.

52 Laurier to Macpherson, February 8, 1906, Ibid., p. 106858. - Ik6 -

53 British Columbia, Laws, Statutes, etc., Legislative Electorates and Elections, chap. 26, 189)+' An Act for the redistribution of British Columbia into Electoral Districts chap. 3b, 1898. An Act for the redistribution of British Columbia into Electoral Districts, chap. 58, 1902.

5k The Daily British. Colonist, September 20, 1871, p. 2.

55 Ibid., July 25, 1878, p. 3 .

56 Edith Dobie, "Some aspects of Party History in British Col• umbia, 1871-1903," Pacific Historical Review, I no.2:2k2, 1932.

57 The Victoria Daily Colonist, October 22, 1885, p. 2 .

58 For the complete party platform as adopted and reported in The Standard see Appendix-IV, p. 125.

59 Dr. George Lawson Milne was born in Scotland in 1850. He came to Canada In 1857 and to British Columbia in 1880 where he began his career as a doctor in Victoria. He took an active part in public affairs and was a member of the B. C. Legislature from 1890-I89k. In 1896 he was defeated in the federal election. From: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, p. 285.

60 Bostock to Laurier, September 20, 1897, Ibid., Reel 1, p.l695k.

61 Victoria Daily Colonist, October 6, 1897, p. 3.

62 For the Liberal platform as adopted at the convention at New Westminster, October 8 and 9, 1897, see Appendix V, 126-127.

63 Charles A. Semlin was born in Ontario in I836. He came to British Columbia in 1862 to prospect in the Cariboo gold fields. He purchased land at Cache Creek in I87O. In 1871 he was elected to the B. C. house but was defeated in the provincial elections of 1875 and I878. He was reelected in 1882 and held office continuously until 1900. In 1903 he retired from politics. From: F. W. Howay and E. 0. S. Scholefield, B. C. from the earliest times to the present, Vancouver, S. J. Clarke Publishing Col, 191k» vol. IV, p. 879.

6k For full text of the Circular from, the Executive Committee of the Opposition Party see Appendix VI, pp. 128-129.

65 C A. Semlin, Pamphlet issued by C. A. Semlin, Chairman Opposition, Circular from the Executive Committee of the Opposition Party, n.d., Preamble.

66 Joseph Martin was born in Ontario in 1852. He moved to Manitoba in 1882 where he was called to the bar. From 1883 to 1892 he was a member of the Manitoba legislature. As Attorney-General in 1890 he was responsible for the Manitoba School Act which abolished - Ik7 -

separate schools. In 1897 he moved to B. C. and was soon elected to the B. C. legislature and became.Attorney-General and Premier. In 1909 he retired from B. C. politics and moved to London, England, and was elected to the British House of Commons in 1910. He returned to Canada in 1911. FromS. The Canadian Who's Who, 1910, pp. Ik9-l50.

67 Vancouver Daily Province, March 7, 1900, p. 5»

68 Ibid., December 16, 1901 .

69 George Ritchie Maxwell was born in Scotland in 1857. He was educated in Glasgow, where he became a minister of the Presbyterian church. He came to Canada in 1885 where he was pastor in several Quebec parishes. In 1890 he moved to Vancouver and was elected to the House of Commons in 1896 and again in 1900 as a Liberal candidate. Prom: Canadian Parliamentary Guide,.1901, p. 108.

70 For the party platform as adopted at the Liberal Convention held in Vancouver, January 30, 1902, see Appendix VII, pp. 130-131.

71 James Morton, Honest John Oliver, p. k7 •

72 Ralph Smith was born in England inl858. He came to Canada in 1892. He had worked in the Newcastle coal mines from the age of eleven and had worked up to an official position before he left England. On his arrival in Canada he became the agent for B. C. coal miners. In 1898 he was elected to the B. C. legislature and elected to the federal house in 1900, 190k, and 1908. He was a staunch Liberal supporter as well as a labour leader. From: Canadian Who's Who, 1910, p. 211.

73 W. W. B. Mclnnes was born in Britain in 1871. He came with his family to B. C. at an early age and was called to the bar in 1893. In I896 he was elected to the House of Commons but resigned in 1900 and elected to the B. C. legislature where he remained a member until 1905. From 1905 to 1907 he was Commissioner to the Yukon. He was defeated in the 1907 provincial elections and again in the 1908 federal election. Shortly after his second defeat he was named a judge. From: Howay and Scholefield, Ibid., vol. IV, p. 110k.

7k Laurier to W. W. B. Mclnnes, February 2L, 1902, Ibid., Reel 2, p. 62628.

75 Laurier to Martin, February 21, 1902,,Ibid., p. 62667.

76- Henri Joly de Lotbini^re to Edmond Lotbiniere, May 23, 1902, Letters of Sir Joly de Lotbini^re 1901-1906, PABC Microfilm.

77 Charles Lugrin was born in New Brunswick in l8k9 where he was most active in politics. His interest in politics turned him to editorial work first in Saint John, then in Seattle, and finally - Ik8 in Victoria. He moved to.Victoria in 1897 to edit The Colonist hut he resigned in 1902 when Dunsmuir bought the controlling inte• rest. He became a very active Liberal and also worked in civic affairs. He returned to The Colonist in 1906 where he remained until his death in 1917. From: Daily Colonist, July 22, 1951, Magazine Section, p. 11; December 7, 1958, Magazine Section, p. 11.

78 Laurier to Charles H. Lugrin, October 13, 1903, Ibid., Reel 2, pp. 77539-77541.

79 J. A. Macdonald was born in Ontario in 1858. He moved to Rossland in 1896 to practice law. In 1903 he was elected to the B. C. legislature and was elected leader of the Opposition. He resigned in 1909 to become Chief Justice. From: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, p. 2k7.

80 Sir Henri Joly de Lotbiniere to Edmond Lotbiniere, January 17, 190k, Ibid.

81 Ibid., February 11, 190k.

82 Bostock to Laurier, July 18, 1906, Ibid., Reel k, P- 113250.

83 E. A. Haggen to Laurier, August 13, 190k, Ibid., Reel 3, p. 88985.

8k Constitution of the Liberal Association and Resolutions adopted by Convention of B. C. Liberals, Vancouver, October 1, 2, 3, 1907, p. 5-

85 For a complete copy of the Constitution as adopted see Appendix VIII, p. 132.

86 Laurier to Templeman, November 10, 1908, Ibid., Reel 5, p. Ik7231.

87 For photographs of cartoons of Oliver's railway policy see plate 2., p.

88 Laurier to Oliver, October 22, 1909, Ibid., Reel 5, p. 16087k.

89 Wade to Laurier, November 27, 1909, Ibid., p. 169871.

90 John Jardine' was born in Scotland in 185k. He went to Victoria in 188k after a brief stay in U. S. A. By trade he was a house painter. He was defeated in the 1903 provincial elections but was elected in 1907. Although originally of Liberal philosophy he became an ardent supporter of McBride and moved across the House in 1911. From: Howay and Scholefield, Ibid., vol. IV, p. kk. - Ik9 -

91 Harlam Carey Brewster was born in New Brunswick in l8?0. In B. C. he became manager of a cannery. After Oliver's defeat in 1909 he became leader of the Opposition and in 1916 was the first Liberal premier that the province had had since accepting party government. Prom: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, p. 118.

92 James Morton, Honest John Oliver, p. 109.

Chapter IV

Some Problems in Federal-Provincial Relations 1896-1911: Federal Appointments

93 Templeman to Laurier, February k, 189k, Ibid., Reel 1, pp. 3570-3571.

9k Bostock to Laurier, June 26, 1896, Ibid., p. k726.

95 Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Canada 1951, Ottawa, King's Printer, 1951, p. 55.

96 Aulay Morrison was born in Nova Scotia in 1863. He was admitted to the bar in Halifax in 1888 and left for British Columbia shortly after. He settled in New Westminster and in 1896 and 1900 was elected to the House of Commons from the New Westminster con• stituency. In 190k he was appointed to the Supreme Court as Puisne judge and in 1909 was named Chief Justice. From: Vancouver Province, February 27, 19k2j The Canadian Parliamentary Guide, 1901, p. 110.

97 Laurier to Aulay Morrison, January 2k, 1902, Ibid., Reel 2, p. 61637.

98 Laurier to Templeman, December 21, 1903, Ibid., Reel 3, p. 79867. "

99 Ibid., January 19, 190k, Reel 3, pp. 80983-80983A.

100 Duncan Ross to Laurier, August 16, 1905, Ibid., Reel % pp. 1006kk-1006k5.

101 The Vancouver Province, January 3, 1906, p. 8 .

102 Laurier to G. G. S. Lindsay, December 17, 1908, Ibid., Reel 5, p. Ik766l.

103 William Sloan was born in Ontario in I867. He moved to Victoria in 1867, then to Vancouver and finally settled in Nanaimo. He was defeated in the federal election of 1900 but elected in 1901J. and again in 1908 when he resigned in favour of Hon. William Temple• man. He was Liberal organizer for Vancouver Island for a time and Treasurer of the B. C. Liberal Association. From: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, p. 3kk. - i5o -

10k The Colonist, January 2, 1909.

105 Robert A. Mackay, The Unreformed , London, Oxford University Press, 1926, p. 17k.

106 Ibid., p.. 207.

107 Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., British North America Act and Amendments, l867-19k3, Ottawa, King's Printer, 19k3» pp. 163, 83.

108 Thomas R. Mclnnes was born in Nova Scotia in l8k0. He graduated with his M.D. from Rush Medical School in Chicago. For a short time he served on the medical staff of the Confederate Army during the American Civil War, afterwards he returned to Canada to live in Ontario. In 1874 ne moved to New Westminster where he was elected Mayor in l877« In 1879 he was elected to the House of Commons as ah Independent candidate. He was named to the Senate in l88l and appointed Lieutenant-Governor of B. C. by Laurier in 1897. He was dismissed from office in 1900 and moved to Vancouver. He ran for a seat in the House of Commons in a 1903 by-election but was defeated. From: Howay and Scholefield, Ibid., vol. IV, pp. 1116-1118.

109 Templeman to William MacKenzie, October 20, 1897, Ibid., Reel 1, pp. 17292-17293.

110 Grand Forks Liberal Association to Laurier, August 2, 1901, Ibid,.. Reel 2, pp. 57867-57868.

111 Morrison to Laurier, September 25, I896, Ibid., Reel 1, p.7k66

112 Gordon Hunter was born in Ontario in I863. He was called to the bar in 1888 and moved to British Columbia in 1891 where he be• came' the first law reporter to the Supreme Court of the province. In March, 1902, he was named Chief Justice of British Columbia. Before coming to the province he had helped to organize the Young Men's Liberal Association in Toronto in 1887. From: The Canadian Who's Who, 1910, p. 112.

113 H. Dallas Helmcken to Laurier, December 1, 1897, Ibid., Reel 1, p. 18503.

Ilk Angus John McColl was born in Ontario inJ1895 and was called to the bar in Ontario in 1875. In I878 he went to Winnipeg where he practised for four years before coming to B. C. in 1882. He first went into practise in New Westminster and later, in I896, moved to Rossland. He was appointed a justice of the Supreme Court of the province in 1896 and in 1898 he succeeded Hon. Theodore Davis as Chief Justice. He died in 1902. From: Howay and Scholefield, Ibid., vol. IV, pp. k55-k56.

115 Archer Martin was born in Ontario in 1865. He practised law first in Manitoba and then, on moving to B. C, was called to the bar in 1895. He served as legal adviser on several government com• missions and in 1902 was appointed Judge in Admiralty for B. C. - 151 -

Several legal treatises ahd. historical works were written by him. Prom: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, p. 259.

116 Morrison to Laurier, August 2k, 1898, Ibid., Reel 1, pp. 259k3-259kk.

117 Edith Dobie, "Some aspects of Party History in B. C,

1871-1903," Pacific Historical Review, I no. 2:236T 1932.

118 John Saywell, The Office of Lieutenant Governor, Toronto, University of Toronto Press,, 1957, p. 21.

119 . Templeman to McKenzie, November 22, 1896, Ibid., Reel 1, pp. 87kl-87k6.

120 Nelson Economist, August 11, 1897, in Laurier Papers Relating to B. C., UBC Microfilm, Reel 1, p. 17310 . •

121 John H. Turner was born in England in 183k. He first migrated to Halifax, N.S., in 1856 and then moved to P.E.I, for a short time. Finally, in 1862, he settled, in B.C. where he became a merchant and insurance agent. He was a member of the City Council and then Mayor of Victoria from I872-I882. He was elected to the B.C. legislature in 1886, 1890, and 189k and on the appointment of Theodore Davie to the Chief Justiceship, he became premier in 1895. In I898 after a stormy session he was dismissed by Lieutenant- Governor Mclnnes. He accepted the position of Minister of -Finance, and Agriculture in the Dunsmuir ministry in 1900 from which he re• signed in 1901 to become B. C. Agent-General in London. From: Canadian Parliamentary Guide, 1897, pp. 377; 1905, p. k26.

122 Canada, Parliament, Sessional Papers, Turner to Mclnnes, 16, August 9, 1898.

123 Robert Beaveri was born in" England in I836. He was taken to Canada as a young boy and came to B.C. in 1857 to seek gold in the Cariboo. He moved to Victoria in 1866 where he became a clothier and real estate agent. From 1867 to 1872 he was Commissioner of Lands and Work's in the colony; from 1878 to 1882 B.C. Minister of Finance and Agriculture. He was premier for a year in 1882 and then became leader of the opposition for eleven years. In 1892 to 1893, 1896, he was mayor of Victoria. From: Daily Colonist, February 29, 19k8, p. 7.

12k Laurier to Templeman, September lk, 1899, Ibid,, Reel 1, p. 37k07. '

125 See Appendix IX, pp. 133-13k, for Provincial Rights Association Memorial. This is typical of the criticism sent from B. C. to Laurier.

126 Templeman to Laurier, August 10, 1898, Ibid., Reel 1, pp. 25669-25670. - 152 -

127 John T. Saywell, Ibid., p. 138 .

128 Laurier to Drury, June 21, 1900, Ibid., Reel 2, p. k6k95.

129 Duncan J. Munn was born in Prince Edward Island. In.1893 he moved to B.C. where he engaged in merchandising and trading. He also became interested, in the fish canning business. In 1900 he was a member of the Royal Commission on Asiatic immigration. From: Howay and Scholefield, Ibid., vol. IV, p. 571.

130 Laurier to D. J. Munn, June 21, 1900, Ibid., Reel 2, pp. k6622-k6623.

131 Templeman to Laurier, February 12, 190k, Ibid., Reel 3, p. 81833.

132 Vancouver Daily Province, February 12, 1906, p. 8.

133 Laurier to Templeman, September 16, 1905, Ibid., Reel 3, pp. 10128k-101285.

13k Laurier to James Dunsmuir, February 18, 1902, Ibid., Reel 2, p. 62590.

135 Jame s Dunsmuir was born in Washington State in 1851. He was brought to Canada at an early age'where he received his education, His father, , was in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company at Nanaimo. He later went into the coal mining business for himself. James worked in the family coal mines in order to familiarize himself with the whole process. He was president of the Wellington Colliery Co. and also of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo railway. In 1898 he was first elected to the British Columbia legislature and in 1900 he became premier of the province which position he held until 1902. On May 11, 1906, he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor by Laurier and he resigned in 1909. From: The Colonist, June 19,. 1910; The Canadi an Who' s Who, 1910, p. 69.

136 Francis John Deane was born in India in 1868. He was educated in England and Belgium and came to B. C. in 1889. He was a member of the B.C. Legislature from 1898 to 1900. He was an editor and publisher in Cranbrook and Kamloops. In 1900 he was appointed secretary of the Royal Commission to investigate the problem of Asiatic immigration. From: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, p. 157.

137 F. J. Deane to Templeman, December 8, 1907, Ibid., Reel k, pp. I33k86-133487.

138 Laurier to Oliver, June 28, 1909, Ibid., Reel 5, p. 157196. - 153 -

139 Thomas Wilson Paterson was born In Scotland in l85l. He came to Canada as a boy and was educated in Ontario. In 1885 he moved to B. C. as contractor for the Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway. He also worked on the construction of the Shu swap and Okanagan railway and built the Victoria and Sydney line. He was elected to the B. C. legislature in 1902 and 1903 as the member from north Victoria. In December, 1909, he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the province which position he held until 191k. From: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911, pp. 30k-305,* Victoria Colonist, August 30, 1921.

IkO Clifford Sifton to Laurier, October 19, 1909, Ibid,. Reel 5, p. 161113.

Chapter V

Some Problems in Federal-Provincial Relations 1896-1911: Asiatic Immigration

lkl Margaret A. Ormsby, British Columbia: a History, The Macmillan Company of Canada, 1958, pp. 127; 131.

Ik2 James Douglas to Edward Bulwer Lytton, August 19, 1858, Papers Relating to British Columbia, C0/60, UBC Microfilm, Reel 1, p. 87.

Ik3 Douglas to Newcastle, April 23, i860, Ibid, Reel 7, p. 206.

lkk Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., British North America Act and Amendments l867-19k3, pp. k9-50; 53.

Ik5 British Columbia, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act Relating to an Act to make better Provision for the Qualification and Registration of Voters, no. 2, 1875, P. 13.

Ik6 Charles J. Woodsworth, Canada and the Orient, Toronto, Macmillan Company of Canada, 19kl, p. 29.

Ik7 Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates, 188k, p. 1287.

Ik8 Canada, Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration, Report, 1885, pp. xci-xcii.

Ik9 Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act to Restrict and Regulate Chinese Immigration into Canada, I885, chapter 71, pp. 207-212.

150 Canada, Parliament, Sessional Papers, Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration, no. Sk> 1902, p. 7.

151 British Columbia, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act to amend the Provincial Voters Act, chapter 20, 1895, p. 73. - 15k -

1^2 British Columbia, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act to Consolidate and Amend the Law Relating to Electors and Elections in Munici• palities, chapter 38, I896, P. 289.

153 Sir William Van Horne to J. C. McLagan, July 17, 1896, Ibid,. Reel 1, p. 57k8.

151+ Earl Grey to Laurier, October k, 1906, Grey of Howlck Papers, Correspondence with Sir Wilfrid Laurier, PAC Microfilm, Reel 1, p. 000323.

155 British Columbia, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act Relating to the Employment of Chinese or Japanese persons on Works carried on under Franchise granted by Private Acts, chapter 1, 1897, PP. 3-k.

156 Ibid., chapter 28, 1898, pp. 139-lkO.

157 Martin to Laurier, January 17, 1899, Ibid., Reel 1, p. 29731.

158 Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act Respecting and Restricting Chinese immigration, chapter 32, 1900, p. 215.

159 Trades and Labor Council of B. C. to G. R. Maxwell, May 21, 1900, Ibid., Reel 2, pp. k6l92-k6l93.

160 Laurier to Bostock^ June 29, 1900, Ibid., Reel 2, p. k6956.

161 Roger Clute was Queen's Counsel from Toronto. He was named as chairman of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immi• gration.

From: J.CHbj»Kmf?af.The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1901,j>.4l{

162 S. Shimizu to Laurier, November 20, 1900, Ibid., Reel 2 p. 51282.

163 Christopher Foley was born in Ontario. He emigrated to the west coast where he mined for gold from Mexico to British Columbia. He became a building contractor in Vancouver but moved to Rossland to enter the mining industry and became an active union leader there. In 1900 he was named to the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration. After the completion of the Commission he moved back to Vancouver where he was active in the Building Labourers' Union. He also took part in the formation of the Provincial Progressive Party. From: Thomas Robert Loosemore, The British Columbia Labor Movement and Political Action, 1879-1906, M.A. Thesis in the Department of History, U.B.C., 195k, pp. 135* 165.

16k Canada, Parliament, Sessional Papers, Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration"! no. 5k, 1902, p. 279.

165 Ibid., pp. "399-kOO. • - 155 -

166 British Columhia, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act to Regulate Immigration into British Columbia, chapter 11, 1900, p. 36.

167 Shimizu to Laurier, March 7, 1901, Ibid., Reel 2, pp. 53980-53982.

168 Canada, Parliament, Sessional Papers, no. 7kb, 1907-8, pp. 66; 70.

169 Charles J. Woodsworth, Ibid., p. 65.

170 Laurier to Macpherson, July 26, 1907, Ibid.., Reel 2, pp. 53980-53982.

171 Charles J. Woodsworth, Ibid., p. 73.

172 Thomas Robert Loosemore, Ibid., p. ilk.

173 Laurier to Macdonald, October 29, 1907, Ibid., Reel k, pp. 130367-130368.

17k Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates, 1907-1908, pp. 20k0-20kl; For full text of letter see Appendix X, p. 135.

175 J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1908, p. 5kl.

176 Macdonald to Templeman, January 2k, 1908, Ibid., Reel 5, p. 135856.

177 Laurier to Frederick Peters, Feburary lk, 1908, Ibid., Reel 5, p. 136161. .

178 Laurier to Macdonald, November 2, 1908, Ibid., p. Ik6k03.

Chapter VI

Some Problems in Federal-Provincial Relations 1 1896-1911: Better Terms

179 See Appendix XI, pi 136, for sections 1-3 of the Order in Council Admitting British Columbia into the Union.

180 British Columbia,. Legislative Assembly, Sessional Papers, Comparative Statement of the Receipts and Expenditures of the Pro• vince of British Columbia, Table no. 1, 2. 1899. PP. 516A-516B.

181 J. A. Maxwell, Federal Subsidies to the Provincial Governments in Canada, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1937, p. 91.

.182 Harold Percival Johns, British Columbia's Campaign for Better Terms, 1871-1907, M.A. Thesis in the Department of History, U. B. C. 1935, -P. ?-k. - 156 -

183 British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Sessional Papers, Report of the Delegation to Ottawa, 1901, p. 56k~«~

l8k J. H. Turner to Laurier, January k, 1897, Ibid., Reel 1, p. 10672.

185, H. p. Johns, Ibid., p. k7.

186 British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Sessional Papers, Ibid., 1901, p. 56k.

187 Joly de Lotbiniere to Laurier, October 31, 1901, Ibid., Reel 2, p. 59638.

188 Ibid., November 18, 1901, pp. 60025-60026.

189 James Dunsmuir to Laurier, January 7, 1902, Ibid., Reel 2, pp. 6133k; 61338.

190 Laurier to Dunsmuir, January 22, 1902, Ibid., Reel 2, p. 6l3k2.

191 Edward Gawler Prior was born in England in 1853. He trained as a mining engineer and emigrated to Vancouver Island in 1873 where he became mining engineer ( and surveyor for the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company. He became government Inspector of Mines in I878 but resigned in 1880 to become a hardware merchant. From 1886-1888 he was a member of the B.C. Legislature; I888-I896 he was a Con• servative member from B.C. to the House of Commons. In 1896 he became British Columbia's first cabinet minister as Controller of Inland Revenue. From November, 1902 to May 31, 1903, he was Premier of British Columbia. From: The Canadian Who's Who, 1910, p. 188,.

192 David McEwen Eberts was born in Ontario in 1850. He moved to Victoria in 1878 and was called to the bar in 1880. He was first elected to the B.C. Legislature in 1890 and reelected in l89k, 1900, and 1907. From 1895-1898 and again from 1900-1903 he was Attorney- General. He was speaker of the B.C. Legislature in McBride's government after 1907. - From: Who's Who, in Western Canada, 1911, p. 168.

193 E. V. Bodwell to J. A. Lindsay, December 13, 1902, Ibid., Reel 2, p. 6912k.

19k British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Sessional Papers, 1903, K3.

195 Ibid., K7.

196 Ibid., K6.

197 Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act to Amend the Chinese Immigration Act, 1900, Chapter 5, 1902, p. 67. - 157 -

198 Laurier to McBride, January k,. 190k, Ibid., Reel 3, p.806kk.

199 Provincial Rights Association of British Columbia to Laurier, January 11, 1905, Ibid., Reel 3, p. 93615.

200 Templeman to Laurier, November 29, 1905, Ibid., Reel 3, p. 103791.

201 PrfinrgR Han-ny r.a^n-h was born in Ontario in 1858. He was called to the bar in Ontario in 1889 and then moved to British Col• umbia where he was called in 1893. He was defeated in the federal elections of 1896 but elected in 1908 as a Conservative member. He wrote the article on the Chinese question in Canada for the Canadian Encyclopaedia and the pamphlet on Better Terms. Prom: Canadian Who's Who. 1910, P. 5l

202 George H. Cowan, British Columbia's claim upon the Dominion Government for Better Terms, Vancouver, The Independent Printing Co., 190k, p. 28.

203 Dominion Provincial and Interprovincial Conferences from 1887 to 1926, Ottawa, King's Printer, 1951, P. 60.

20k See Appendix XII, p. 137, for letter written to Premier McBride by Lomer Gouin, Chairman of the Quebec Conference, 1906.

205 J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1906, p. 522.

206 British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Sessional Papers, 1908, p. C12.

207 See Appendix XIII, pp. 138-139, for British North America Act, 1907.

208 Macdonald to Laurier, October 11, 1907, Ibid., Reel k, p. 130361.

209 Laurier to Macdonald, October 29] 1937, Ibid., Reel k, p. 130367.

210 Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., An Act for giving effect on the1 part of this Province, to a certain Treaty between Her Majesty and the United States of America, Cap. I, 185k.

211 See Appendix I, pp. 117-121, for Resolutions passed at the National Liberal Party Convention, I893.

212 Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates, April 11, 1890.

213 Edward Porritt, Sixty Years of Protection in Canada, l8k6- 1907, London, Macmillan and Col, 1908, p. 382.

21k . See Appendix XIV, p. IkO, for section 17 and. Schedule D of The Customs Tariff, 1897. - 1^8 -

215 See Appendix IV, p. 125, for Platform of the British Columbia Liberal Party, 1887.

216 Bostock to Laurier, April lk,/1898, Ibid., Reel 1, p. 22k9k.

217 John Spencer Church, Mining Companies in the West Kootenay and Boundary Regions of British Columbia, 1890-1900, M.A. Thesis ih the Department of History, U.B.C., 1961, p. 75.

218 Kootenay Lake Lumbermen to Laurier, March 5» 1899, Ibid., Reel 1, p. 31696.

219 John Spencer Church, Ibid., p. 18.

220 Laurier to Ralph Smith, Peburary 16, 1901, Ibid. , Reel. 2, p. 53k50.

221 David Smith Curtis was born in Ohio in 1856. He was educated in Ontario and came to British Columbia in 187k. He began business as a druggist in 188.2 at New Westminster. He was active in civic

affairs, being an alderman for ten years and the mayor, of the city for one. He was president of the British Columbia Conservative Association and an unsuccessful candidate for the British Columbia Legislature in 189k. Prom: Who's Who in Western Canada, 1911» p. l53«

222 J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review, 1905, p. 387.

223 Canada, Laws, Statutes, etc., The Customs Act, 1906, chapter 9, pp. 77-78; The Customs Act, 1907, chapter 10, pp.127-129.

22k Address of Sir Wilfrid Laurier given at Nelson, B. C. .August 29, 1910. Quoted in: Canadian Annual Review, 1910. p. 28l.

225 L. Ethan Ellis, Reciprocity 1911. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1939, p. 25. For terms of brief as quoted in Canadian Annual Review, 1910, p. 33k-1. see Appendix XV, p.. lkl.

226 Canadian Manufacturers' Association, The Tariff and National Prosperity, January 13, 1911, p. 3.

227 Vancouver Daily Province, March 21, 1911, p. 9.

Chapter VII

Conclusion

228 L. G. Thomas, The Liberal Party in Alberta, Toronto, University of.Toronto Press, 1959, p. 205.

229 Angus , Victoria, B.C. to Templeman, February 8, 1910, Laurier Correspondence, PAC Microfilm, Reel 889, p. 167138. The surname on this letter was obliterated by water. - 159 -

230 Laurier to Oliver, August 12, 1909, Ibid., Reel 5, p. 158717.

231 L/ugrin to Laurier, November 1, 1905, Ibid., Reel 3, p. 102632.

232 Conversation between Mr. R. H. Dwyer, formerly of Kamloops, B. C. and the author.

233 T. B. Mclnnes, to Laurier, November 27, 1909, Ibid., Reel 5, P. 16282. - 160 -

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