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Perceptions of the Ancient Jews As a Nation in the Greek and Roman Worlds
Perceptions of the Ancient Jews as a Nation in the Greek and Roman Worlds By Keaton Arksey A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Manitoba In partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Classics University of Manitoba Winnipeg Copyright © 2016 by Keaton Arksey Abstract The question of what made one Jewish in the ancient world remains a fraught topic for scholars. The current communis opinio is that Jewish communities had more in common with the Greeks and Romans than previously thought. Throughout the Diaspora, Jewish communities struggled with how to live amongst their Greco-Roman majority while continuing to practise their faith and thereby remain identifiably ‘Jewish’. To describe a unified Jewish identity in the Mediterranean in the period between 200 BCE and 200 CE is incorrect, since each Jewish community approached its identity in unique ways. These varied on the basis of time, place, and how the non-Jewish population reacted to the Jews and interpreted Judaism. This thesis examines the three major centres of Jewish life in the ancient world - Rome, Alexandria in Egypt, and Judaea - demonstrate that Jewish identity was remarkably and surprisingly fluid. By examining the available Jewish, Roman, and Greek literary and archaeological sources, one can learn how Jewish identity evolved in the Greco-Roman world. The Jews interacted with non-Jews daily, and adapted their neighbours’ practices while retaining what they considered a distinctive Jewish identity. Each chapter of this thesis examines a Jewish community in a different region of the ancient Mediterranean. -
The Ruin of the Roman Empire
7888888888889 u o u o u o u THE o u Ruin o u OF THE o u Roman o u o u EMPIRE o u o u o u o u jamesj . o’donnell o u o u o u o u o u o u o hjjjjjjjjjjjk This is Ann’s book contents Preface iv Overture 1 part i s theoderic’s world 1. Rome in 500: Looking Backward 47 2. The World That Might Have Been 107 part ii s justinian’s world 3. Being Justinian 177 4. Opportunities Lost 229 5. Wars Worse Than Civil 247 part iii s gregory’s world 6. Learning to Live Again 303 7. Constantinople Deflated: The Debris of Empire 342 8. The Last Consul 364 Epilogue 385 List of Roman Emperors 395 Notes 397 Further Reading 409 Credits and Permissions 411 Index 413 About the Author Other Books by James J. O’ Donnell Credits Cover Copyright About the Publisher preface An American soldier posted in Anbar province during the twilight war over the remains of Saddam’s Mesopotamian kingdom might have been surprised to learn he was defending the westernmost frontiers of the an- cient Persian empire against raiders, smugglers, and worse coming from the eastern reaches of the ancient Roman empire. This painful recycling of history should make him—and us—want to know what unhealable wound, what recurrent pathology, what cause too deep for journalists and politicians to discern draws men and women to their deaths again and again in such a place. The history of Rome, as has often been true in the past, has much to teach us. -
Heraclius Emperor of Byzantium
HERACLIUS EMPEROR OF BYZANTIUM WALTER E. KAEGI PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB21RP, United Kingdom CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru,UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcon´ 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org C Walter E. Kaegi 2003 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions ofrelevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction ofany part may take place without the written permission ofCambridge University Press. First published 2003 Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeface Adobe Garamond 11/12.5 pt. System LATEX 2ε [TB] A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data Kaegi, Walter Emil. Heraclius: emperor ofByzantium / Walter E. Kaegi. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0 521 81459 6 1. Heraclius, Emperor ofthe East, ca. 575–641. 2. Byzantine Empire–History–Heraclius, 610–641. 3. Emperors–Byzantine Empire–Biography. I. Title. DF574 .K34 2002 949.5 013 092 –dc21 [B] 2002023370 isbn 0 521 81459 6 hardback Contents List of maps page vi List of figures vii Acknowledgments viii List of abbreviations x Introduction 1 1 Armenia and Africa: the formative years 19 2 Internal and external challenges -
Finding the Money on a Late Antique Estate By
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Illinois Digital Environment for Access to Learning and Scholarship Repository HOW THE APIONS BECAME WEALTHY: FINDING THE MONEY ON A LATE ANTIQUE ESTATE BY RYAN E. MCCONNELL DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classical Philology in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2013 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Maryline Parca, Chair Associate Professor James Dengate Professor James Keenan, Loyola University Chicago Associate Professor Kirk Sanders ABSTRACT The Flavii Apiones, owners of a large estate in Byzantine Egypt (fourth to seventh centuries), appear to become quite wealthy, yet the means by which they acquired that wealth is not always clear. Peter Sarris has argued that profit was derived from a category of land called the autourgia, mentioned only occasionally in the extant papyri. The autourgia, he asserts, generated the great bulk of the surplus, which could then be sold on the open market. In contrast to Sarris, Todd Hickey argues that the estate was autarkic, focusing his argument on viticulture, the agricultural sector most likely to have been exploited commercially. He finds that the Apion estate was barely self-sufficient in wine. On Hickey’s view, estate income was predominantly from lease revenue. Yet receipts and expenditures in the extant accounts documenting collections made by the estate on leased land often balance in grain and only show a small profit in cash. Given the extent of the Apions’ wealth and the affluence of their senatorial peers, Hickey concedes that “…the Apions would have needed significantly more wealth than their estate at Oxyrhynchus could possibly have generated. -
Papyrology and Byzantine Historiography
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works Faculty Publications 1993 Papyrology and Byzantine Historiography James G. Keenan Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/classicalstudies_facpubs Part of the Byzantine and Modern Greek Commons Recommended Citation Keenan, JG. "Papyrology and Byzantine historiography" in Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 30, 1993. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © 1993 James Keenan. Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 30 (1993) 137-144 Papyrology and Byzantine Historiography Egypt of late antiquity, often referred to as Byzantine Egypt, was for years the outcast of papyrological studies. 1 It is only recently, partly in the wake of studies on the reign of Diocletian and his fourth-century succes sors, that the keen interest of papyrologists and historians in Egypt of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods has carried over into the later period. Per haps responsible for the old indifference was, as Remondon suggested a generation ago, the scholar's prejudice against those periods that are judged decadent; 2 or, to put the matter as Johan Huizinga did in the preface to his 1919 classic, The Waning of the Middle Ages:3 "History has always been far more engrossed by problems of origins than by those of decline and fall." Presumably, then, by these terms, scholars are by inclination drawn to the study of vibrant and expansive eras, with Gibbon the grand exception who proves the rule. -
Byzantine Names for SCA Personae
1 A Short (and rough) Guide to Byzantine Names for SCA personae This is a listing of names that may be useful for constructing Byzantine persona. Having said that, please note that the term „Byzantine‟ is one that was not used in the time of the Empire. They referred to themselves as Romans. Please also note that this is compiled by a non-historian and non-linguist. When errors are detected, please let me know so that I can correct them. Additional material is always welcomed. It is a work in progress and will be added to as I have time to research more books. This is the second major revision and the number of errors picked up is legion. If you have an earlier copy throw it away now. Some names of barbarians who became citizens are included. Names from „client states‟ such as Serbia and Bosnia, as well as adversaries, can be found in my other article called Names for other Eastern Cultures. In itself it is not sufficient documentation for heraldic submission, but it will give you ideas and tell you where to start looking. The use of (?) means that either I have nothing that gives me an idea, or that I am not sure of what I have. If there are alternatives given of „c‟, „x‟ and „k‟ modern scholarship prefers the „k‟. „K‟ is closer to the original in both spelling and pronunciation. Baron, OP, Strategos tous notious okeanous, known to the Latins as Hrolf Current update 12/08/2011 Family Names ............................................................. 2 Male First Names ....................................................... -
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri
AJ "-""'Mo UNI\j '"^^^vB.^i^^ysiPROVO. UTAH Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from Brigham Young University http://www.archive.org/details/oxyrhynchuspapyr01gren THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI PART I GRENFELL AND HUNT Plate I (Frontispiece) .. I- t A^'/r^e:^HMk:/^om^^^:< tHC fXY^B ^'A'^iwfr ^"*""Vi^N/i c^tij^^:si'i' ^ .'' -: ;'.'. " • t;• .- ' i'_ J,, ' /'.-MX ' 1 ; V.J J ^ A f- rr •« No. II U^M EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND GRAECO-ROMAN BRANCH THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI PART I EDITED WITH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES BERNARD P. GRENFELL, M.A. KEI.I.OW OF queen's COLLEGE, OXFORD ARTHUR S. HUNT, M.A. SENIOR DEMY OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD ; FORMERLY SCHOLAR OF QUEEN's COLLEGE WITH EIGHT PLATES 228928 LONDON; SOLD AT The Offices of the EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, 37 Great Russell St., W.C. AND 59 Temple Street. Boston, Mass., U.S.A. AND BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, W.C. BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 Piccadilly, \V. ; ASHER & CO., 13 Bedford St., Covent Garden, W.C. and HENRY FROWDE, Amen Corner, E.C. 1898 HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREFACE The hundred and fifty-eight texts included in this first volume of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri are selected from the twelve or thirteen hundred documents at Oxford in good or fair preservation which up to the present time we have been able to examine, and from the hundred and fifty rolls left at the Gizeh Museum. The bulk of the collection, amounting to about four-fifths of the whole, has not yet been unpacked. -
The Names Flavius and Aurelius As Status Designations in Later Roman Egypt
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works Faculty Publications 1974 The Names Flavius and Aurelius as Status Designations in Later Roman Egypt James G. Keenan [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/classicalstudies_facpubs Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Keenan, J.G. (1974). The names Flavius and Aurelius as status designations in later Roman-Egypt. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bd. 13, (1974), 283-304. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn, 1974. THE NAMES FLAVIUS AND AURELIUS AS STATUS DESIGNATIONS IN LATER ROMAN EGYPT The use of the name Flavius in late antiquity has attracted the attention of scholars as early as the 8th century when, in his History of the Lombards, Paul the Deacon, son of Warnefrid, wrote regarding an event of A.D. 584 that the Lombards, "propter dignitatem," called their newly elected king Authar?, "Flavius." He further observed that all succeeding Lombard kings continued auspiciously (f?liciter) the use of the name. Inmaking these comments Paul set a precedent which was to be followed up in modern times: viz., the name Flavius first attracted the interest of scholars reconstructing the history of "the barbarian West," concerned with its use by Ostrogothic, Abbrevi ated ti 11 es: Bickermann, Edikt: Elias Bickermann, Das Edikt des Kaisers Caracalla in P. -
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri
1. I D l\ ^^ IX I lam Young University /r/^ ^^^'"' Ace. No. WAR-U^^958 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI PART IX HUNT 3315 EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND GRAECO-ROMAN BRANCH THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI PART IX EDITED WITH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES BY ARTHUR S. HUNT, D.Litt. LL.D. ATHENS HON. PH.D. KOKNIGSBERG ; HON. LITT.D. DUBLIN ; HON. lUR.D. GRAZ ; HON. LECTURER IN PAPYROLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, AND FELLOW OF QUEEN'S COLLEGE CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL BAVARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES MEMBER OF THE ROYAL DANISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND LETTERS WITH SIX PLATES LONDON SOLD AT The Offices of the EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, 37 Great Russell St., W.C. AND 527 Tremont Temple, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., 68-74 Carter Lane, E.C. BERNARD QUARITCH, 11 Grafton St., New Bond St., W. ASHER & CO., 14 Bedford St., Covent Garden, W.C, and 56 Unter den Linden, Berlin and HENRY FROWDE, Amen Corner, E.C., and 39-35 West 3aND Street, New York, U.S.A. 1913 All rights reserved . OXFORD HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREFACE For the rather late appearance of this vokime the nature of its contents will perhaps in some degree be accepted as an excuse. It includes two texts of more than usual importance and interest, the new fragments of Sophocles and the Life of Etiripidcs by Satyrus. In the reconstruction and elucidation of these I have again been most fortunate in obtaining the invaluable aid of Professor U. von Wilamowitz-M Ollendorff. I am also under considerable obligations, more particularly with regard to the Sophoclean fragments, to Professor Gilbert Murray. -
Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 120 (1998) 123–130
LAURENS E. TACOMA REPLACEMENT PARTS FOR AN IRRIGATION MACHINE OF THE DIVINE HOUSE AT OXYRHYNCHUS aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 120 (1998) 123–130 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 123 REPLACEMENT PARTS FOR AN IRRIGATION MACHINE OF THE DIVINE HOUSE AT OXYRHYNCHUS P.COLUMBIA INV. 83, OCTOBER 12, AD 549(?) The papyrus published here1 contains the beginning of a receipt for replacement parts of a mhxanÆ, an irrigation machine. This type of document is well known. Twenty-three have been published so far, the earliest dating from AD 441, the latest from AD 602.2 All concern large estates at Oxyrhynchus. Most of them belong to the Apion estate; one pertains to holdings of the church of Oxyrhynchus, two to those of female landowners, and two, including the new text, to imperial estates. The mhxana¤ were waterlifting devices designed to irrigate those lands which were not reached by the flood of the Nile. They were in all probability saqiyas, consisting of a pair of cog wheels at right angles, driven by one or two oxen.3 In contrast to the much simpler shaduf a saqiya was a major investment - also because oxen were costly. In the Greek papyri the mhxana¤ are mentioned with increasing frequency from the fourth century AD onwards, and it is tempting to relate this development to the rise of the large estates, where capital would be more readily available.4 In the Oxyrhynchite receipts, we find saqiyas being placed under the care of one or more peasants, often, but not always, §napÒgrafoi gevrgo¤. When major repairs were necessary, the peasants were provided with replace- ment parts by the estate manager. -
Justinian's Provincial Reforms of the AD 530S
University of Kentucky UKnowledge Theses and Dissertations--History History 2015 The Struggle Between the Center and the Periphery: Justinian's Provincial Reforms of the A.D. 530s Mark-Anthony Karantabias University of Kentucky, [email protected] Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Karantabias, Mark-Anthony, "The Struggle Between the Center and the Periphery: Justinian's Provincial Reforms of the A.D. 530s" (2015). Theses and Dissertations--History. 31. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/31 This Doctoral Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the History at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations--History by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STUDENT AGREEMENT: I represent that my thesis or dissertation and abstract are my original work. Proper attribution has been given to all outside sources. I understand that I am solely responsible for obtaining any needed copyright permissions. I have obtained needed written permission statement(s) from the owner(s) of each third-party copyrighted matter to be included in my work, allowing electronic distribution (if such use is not permitted by the fair use doctrine) which will be submitted to UKnowledge as Additional File. I hereby grant to The University of Kentucky and its agents the irrevocable, non-exclusive, and royalty-free license to archive and make accessible my work in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I agree that the document mentioned above may be made available immediately for worldwide access unless an embargo applies. -
Imperium and Officium Working Papers (IOWP) the Province Of
Imperium and Officium Working Papers (IOWP) The Province of Arcadia Version 01 May 2011 Bernhard Palme (University of Vienna, Department of Ancient History, Papyrology and Epigraphy) Abstract: Lexicon article on the Egyptian province of Arcadia from its creation (end of 4th century) to the Arab conquest (641 AD). © Bernhard Palme 2011 [email protected] NFN Imperium and Officium. Comparative Studies in Ancient Bureaucracy and Officialdom 2 The Province of Arcadia Arcadia is the name of one of the Roman provinces located in Egypt in Late Antiquity. Created not long before 398 CE (P.Flor. I 66), the province was named after the young emperor Arcadius, who ruled the Eastern part of the Roman Empire since the death of his father Theodosius in January 395 CE. Arcadia’s territory resembled the Hellenistic and Roman Heptanomia, i.e. Middle Egypt from the top of the Nile Delta at Memphis to the border of the Thebais near Hermupolis. The capital of the province and seat of the governor was Oxyrhynchus. Beside the capital, other wealthy towns like Heracleopolis and Arsinoiton Polis also belonged to Arcadia. As these are main sites of papyrus findings, Arcadia is among the best documented areas of the Later Roman Empire. After the Arab conquest of Egypt in 640/1 CE, Arcadia remained an administrative unit well into the eighth century. The province was under the authority of a civilian praeses (Not.Dig., Or. I 85). Like the governors of the other provinces in Egypt, he was subject to the praefectus Augustalis in Alexandria (Not.Dig., Or.