Organization of American States Electoral Observation Mission General Elections Brazil

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Organization of American States Electoral Observation Mission General Elections Brazil ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION GENERAL ELECTIONS BRAZIL October 7, 2018 (General Elections) October 28, 2018 (Second Round) FINAL REPORT - 2 - TABLE OF CONTENTS I. FINAL REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL ........................................................................3 1. BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................................3 2. GENERAL ELECTIONS (October 7, 2018) ....................................................................................4 2.1 Preliminary visit ......................................................................................................................4 2.2 Pre-electoral stage..................................................................................................................5 2.3 Election day ...........................................................................................................................8 2.4 Post-electoral phase ...............................................................................................................9 3. SECOND ROUND (October 28, 2018) ...................................................................................... 12 3.1 Pre-electoral phase ............................................................................................................... 12 3.2 Election day ......................................................................................................................... 14 3.3 Post-electoral phase ............................................................................................................. 14 4. OBSERVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS BY TOPIC ............................................................. 15 4.1 Structure of the electoral justice system ................................................................................ 15 4.2 Candidate registration .......................................................................................................... 15 4.3 Disinformation ..................................................................................................................... 16 4.4 Freedom of expression and freedom of the press ................................................................... 17 4.5 Electoral roll ......................................................................................................................... 17 4.6 Electoral technology ............................................................................................................. 18 4.7 Political financing ................................................................................................................. 19 4.8 Political participation of women ............................................................................................ 20 4.9 Political participation of indigenous and Afro-descendent populations .................................... 21 4.10 Voting abroad ...................................................................................................................... 21 4.11 National electoral observation .............................................................................................. 21 5. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ........................................................................................................... 22 II. ANNEXES (AVAILABLE IN PORTUGUESE) .…………………………………..………………………………………..23 A ELECTORAL ORGANIZATION .................................................................................................. 23 B ELECTORAL TECHNOLOGY ..................................................................................................... 39 C ELECTORAL JUSTICE .............................................................................................................. 57 D POLITICAL ELECTORAL FINANCING ......................................................................................... 71 E ACCESS TO INFORMATION AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION ..................................................... 85 F POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN .................................................................................. 94 G POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF INDIGENOUS AND AFRO-DESCENDENT POPULATIONS ............. 101 III. MEMBERS OF THE MISSION ................................................................................................ 107 - 3 - 1 I. FINAL REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL 1. BACKGROUND On September 19, 2017, the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States (GS/OAS) received an official invitation from the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil to deploy an electoral observation mission (EOM) for the general elections on October 7, 2018, and if applicable, the second round on October 28, 2018. On September 21, 2017, Secretary General Luis Almagro accepted the invitation and instructed the Department of Electoral Cooperation and Observation (DECO) of the Secretariat for Strengthening Democracy (SSD) to begin the necessary preparations and conduct the search for external resources to finance the mission. , On this occasion, the Secretary General appointed the former President of Costa Rica, Laura Chinchilla, to serve as Chief of Mission. On December 11, 2017, the Minister President of Brazil’s Superior Electoral Tribunal (TSE), Gilmar Mendes,2 and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Luis Almagro, signed, in Washington, D.C., the agreement on the electoral observation process for the 2018 general elections. On August 23, 2018, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Aloysio Nunes, and the Chief of Mission, Laura Chinchilla, signed, in Brasilia, the agreement making it possible for the Mission to carry out its work independently. The Organization of American States, in its efforts to support the member states in their desire to strengthen their democratic institutions, deployed the first ever electoral observation mission in Brazil. This mission represented a historic opportunity to further the work of the OAS in one of the largest democracies on the continent. All told, 147,306,275 Brazilians were eligible to vote in these elections; of which 500,727 were registered abroad. These voters elected the President and Vice President of the Republic, twenty- seven (27) governors and vice governors of all of the states of the federation and the Federal District, five hundred thirteen (513) federal deputies, fifty-four (54) senators,3 and one thousand fifty-nine (1,059) deputies in the states and the Federal District. Thirteen presidential candidates competed in the elections: Jair Bolsonaro 4 (PSL), Fernando Haddad 5 (PT), Ciro Gomes 6 (PDT), Marina Silva 7 (REDE), Geraldo Alckmin 8 (PSDB), Henrique 1. A summary of this report was read by the Chief of Mission, Laura Chinchilla, to the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, at the meeting held on March 6, 2019. 2. Gilmar Mendes, Minister President of the Superior Electoral Tribunal for the period lasting from May 12, 2016 to February 6, 2018. 3. Pursuant to Article 46 Section 2 of the Federal Constitution of Brazil, in the 2018 elections, 54 of 81 senators were elected (2/3 of the Senate of the Republic). 4. Coalition: “Brasil acima de tudo, Deus acima de todo [Brazil above everything, God above everyone]” made up of the Partido Social Liberal [Social Liberal Party] (PSL) and the Partido Renovador Trabalhista Brasileiro [Brazilian Labour Renewal Party] (PRTB). 5. Coalition: “O povo feliz de novo [The people happy again],” made up of the Partido dos Trabalhadores [Workers’ Party] (PT), Partido Comunista do Brasil [Communist Party of Brazil] (PcdoB), and the Partido Republicano da Ordem Social [Republican Party of the Social Order] (PROS). 6. Coalition: “Brasil soberano [Sovereign Brazil],” made up of the Partido Democrático Trabalhista [Democratic Labour Party] (PDT) and Avante [Forward]. 7. Coalition: “Unidos para Transformar o Brasil [United to Change Brazil],” made up of Rede Sustentabilidade [Sustainability Network] (REDE) and the Partido Verde [Green Party] (PV). 8. Coalition: “Para unir o Brasil [To Unite Brazil],” made up of the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira [Brazilian Social Democracy Party] (PSDB), Democratas [Democrats] (DEM), Partido Progressista [Progressive Party] (PP), Partido Popular Socialista [Socialist People’s Party] (PPS), Partido da República [Party of the Republic] (PR), Partido Republicano Brasileiro [Brazilian Republican Party] (PRB), Partido Social Democrático [Social Democratic Party] (PSD), Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro [Brazilian Labour Party] (PTB), and Solidaridade [Solidarity] (SD). - 4 - Meirelles9 (MDB), Álvaro Dias10 (PODE), Ghilherme Boulos11 (PSOL), João Amoêdo12 (NOVO), Cabo Daciolo13 (PATRI), Vera Lúcia14 (PSTU), José Maria Eymael15 (DC), and João Goulart Filho16 (PPL). In the first round of elections on October 7, no single candidate for President or Vice President of the Republic obtained an absolute majority of the valid votes. Consequently, the Superior Electoral Tribunal (TSE) ordered that a second round be held between the two most-voted candidates on October 28, 2018.17 The second presidential round was thus a runoff between Jair Bolsonaro of the “Brasil acima de Tudo, Deus acima de Todos [Brazil above everything, God above everyone]” coalition, which had obtained 46.03% of the votes in the first round, and the candidate Fernando Haddad of the “O Povo Feliz de Novo [The People Happy Again]” coalition, which had obtained 29.28%. The OAS employed 83 experts
Recommended publications
  • Brazil Ahead of the 2018 Elections
    BRIEFING Brazil ahead of the 2018 elections SUMMARY On 7 October 2018, about 147 million Brazilians will go to the polls to choose a new president, new governors and new members of the bicameral National Congress and state legislatures. If, as expected, none of the presidential candidates gains over 50 % of votes, a run-off between the two best-performing presidential candidates is scheduled to take place on 28 October 2018. Brazil's severe and protracted political, economic, social and public-security crisis has created a complex and polarised political climate that makes the election outcome highly unpredictable. Pollsters show that voters have lost faith in a discredited political elite and that only anti- establishment outsiders not embroiled in large-scale corruption scandals and entrenched clientelism would truly match voters' preferences. However, there is a huge gap between voters' strong demand for a radical political renewal based on new faces, and the dramatic shortage of political newcomers among the candidates. Voters' disillusionment with conventional politics and political institutions has fuelled nostalgic preferences and is likely to prompt part of the electorate to shift away from centrist candidates associated with policy continuity to candidates at the opposite sides of the party spectrum. Many less well-off voters would have welcomed a return to office of former left-wing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), who due to a then booming economy, could run social programmes that lifted millions out of extreme poverty and who, barred by Brazil's judiciary from running in 2018, has tried to transfer his high popularity to his much less-known replacement.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System*
    The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System* Carlos Ranulfo Melo Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brazil The Brazilian party system presents a paradox. Although the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) have controlled presidential elections for the last 20 years, their force at the other levels of electoral competition has not grown. The objective of this study is to undertake a discussion of this situation through the 2014 general elections. After attempting to explain why successive challengers have not been able to change the structure of competition for the Brazilian presidency, I will analyze the relation established between the pattern observed at this level and the other “connected” electoral disputes—both those for state executive and federal legislative office. The general conclusion is that even if the pattern continues, it is quite improbable that this will significantly impact the other levels of national political party competition. Keywords: Presidential elections; competition structure; Brazilian party system. magine a country with little political party tradition, where parties are I relatively recent and organizationally fragile; where the majority of the electorate is more accustomed to valuing individual candidates than the available party labels and do not identify with any of them. Now add to this the fact that for the sixth consecutive time, the same two parties dominated the presidential election and one of them won the last four disputes. There is something strange about these two things. It would not be so strange if the parties, in this case the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), were also the two largest national parties; however, they (*) http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-38212014000200004 The author would like to express his thanks for the comments and suggestions of anonymous colleagues of the Brazilian Political Science Review.
    [Show full text]
  • The Week in Review on the ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: the Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) Announced That GDP Growth for the Second Quarter Totaled 1.5%
    POLICY MONITOR August 26 – 30 , 2013 The Week in Review ON THE ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: The Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) announced that GDP growth for the second quarter totaled 1.5%. This year, GDP grew by 2.1%. Interest Rate: The Monetary Policy Committee (COPOM) of the Central Bank unanimously decided to raise interest rates by 0.5% to 9%--the fourth increase in a row. The Committee will hold two more meetings this year. Market analysts expect interest rates to rise by at least one more point to 10%. Strikes: Numerous groups of workers are under negotiations with the government for salary adjustments. Among those are regulatory agencies, national transportation department (DNIT), and livestock inspectors. DNIT workers have been on strike since June and livestock inspectors begun their strike on Thursday. On Friday, union workers will hold demonstrations throughout the country. Tourism: A study conducted by the Ministry of Tourism showed that the greatest cause of discontent for tourists coming to Brazil was high prices. The second most important reason was telecommunication services. Airport infrastructure, safety, and public transportation did not bother tourists as much and were ranked below both issues. Credit Protection: The Agency for Credit Protection Services (SPC Brasil) announced that the largest defaulting groups are in the middle class (Brazilian Class C). Forty-seven percent of all defaults are within Class C, 34% in Class B, and 13% in Class D. Forty-six percent of respondents claim to have been added to the list of default due to credit card payment delays and 40% due to bank loans.
    [Show full text]
  • Analytical Environmental Agency 2 21St Century Frontiers 3 22 Four 4
    # Official Name of Organization Name of Organization in English 1 "Greenwomen" Analytical Environmental Agency 2 21st Century Frontiers 3 22 Four 4 350 Vermont 5 350.org 6 A Seed Japan Acao Voluntaria de Atitude dos Movimentos por Voluntary Action O Attitude of Social 7 Transparencia Social Movements for Transparency Acción para la Promoción de Ambientes Libres Promoting Action for Smokefree 8 de Tabaco Environments Ações para Preservação dos Recursos Naturais e 9 Desenvolvimento Economico Racional - APRENDER 10 ACT Alliance - Action by Churches Together 11 Action on Armed Violence Action on Disability and Development, 12 Bangladesh Actions communautaires pour le développement COMMUNITY ACTIONS FOR 13 integral INTEGRAL DEVELOPMENT 14 Actions Vitales pour le Développement durable Vital Actions for Sustainable Development Advocates coalition for Development and 15 Environment 16 Africa Youth for Peace and Development 17 African Development and Advocacy Centre African Network for Policy Research and 18 Advocacy for Sustainability 19 African Women's Alliance, Inc. Afrique Internationale pour le Developpement et 20 l'Environnement au 21è Siècle 21 Agência Brasileira de Gerenciamento Costeiro Brazilian Coastal Management Agency 22 Agrisud International 23 Ainu association of Hokkaido 24 Air Transport Action Group 25 Aldeota Global Aldeota Global - (Global "small village") 26 Aleanca Ekologjike Europiane Rinore Ecological European Youth Alliance Alianza de Mujeres Indigenas de Centroamerica y 27 Mexico 28 Alianza ONG NGO Alliance ALL INDIA HUMAN
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil: Disputing Narratives in Unpredictable Elections
    : SPECIAL REPORT Brazil: Disputing Narratives in Unpredictable Elections São Paulo, September 2018 Barcelona • Bogota • Buenos Aires • Havana • Lima • Lisbon • Madrid • Mexico City • Miami • New York City • Panama City • Quito • Rio de Janeiro • Sao Paulo Santiago • Santo Domingo • Washington, DC BRAZIL: DISPUTING NARRATIVES IN UNPREDICTABLE ELECTIONS INTRODUCTION BRAZIL: DISPUTING NARRATIVES IN UNPREDICTABLE 1. THE LOVE/HATE ELECTIONS DICHOTOMY SURROUNDING LULAISMOPOSICIÓN AL A television host, a former minister of Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court, various GOBIERNO TEMER entrepreneurs with different ideologies…. 2. OPPOSITION TO THE TEMER ADMINISTRATIONCANDIDATOS PRINCIPALES There had been much speculation regarding the “outsider” candidates of Brazil’s traditional political arena who would make the upcoming presidential election the OTHER CANDIDATES most unpredictable since 1989. However, the final list of candidates triggered a “reality ELECTORAL CALENDAR check” moment; Brazilian voters were very much familiar with all those who have a AUTHORS chance of winning. In Brazil’s presidential elections, slated for October, voters have witnessed many discussions regarding legal uncertainties surrounding the candidacy of former President Lula, currently in jail and who has since announced he will not run and endorsed Haddad; political uncertainties arising from the controversial and conservative rightist candidacy of former military officer Jair Bolsonaro; and the lack of candidacy renewals of known politicians who have vied for the presidency in the past, among other topics. Five candidates are deemed top contenders, considering poll data accrued since early 2017 and the party structures supporting them during the campaign: • Jair Bolsonaro (Social Liberal Party), former military officer, currently in his seventh term as federal deputy for Rio de Janeiro.
    [Show full text]
  • Clipping Deputados 22/08/2018
    CLIPPING DEPUTADOS 22/08/2018 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Marcelo Lula BOLSONARO A PASSOS LARGOS PARA O SEGUNDO TURNO, O SECRETÁRIO DA FAZENDA DE MERISIO, DEMAIS CANDIDATOS RECHAÇAM ESCOLHA ANTECIPADA ENTRE OUTROS DESTAQUES 20 A eleição presidencial deste ano é atípica, portanto, até o final do primeiro turno ainda teremos algumas variações. A grande questão é: o que pensa e o que pretende o eleitorado? Agora, alguns pontos a cada dia que passa ficam mais claros, mostrando o desenho que poderemos ter mais à frente. Primeiro, Jair Bolsonaro (PSL) tem mantido uma regularidade que o coloca como um dos nomes quase certos no segundo turno. Tanto nas pesquisas nacionais, quanto nos estados, Bolsonaro tem revezado com Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), a primeira colocação. É só tirar o petista do cenário, que lá estará o candidato do PSL a frente com um bom percentual de diferença dos demais. Aqui em Santa Catarina é um exemplo. Na pesquisa do Mapa, Bolsonaro lidera com 30,8%, contra 25,7% de Lula. Já no Ibope a liderança de Bolsonaro é de 26% contra 20%. Somente um fato novo, algo muito desagregador para tirar o candidato da extrema-direita do segundo turno. Já quanto ao adversário, hoje quem tem mais chance de enfrentar Bolsonaro é o Partido dos Trabalhadores. Será um grande teste para o ex-presidente Lula, pois, medirá a sua força através do percentual que conseguir passar para Fernando Haddad (PT), que ontem se tornou réu em uma ação de improbidade administrativa por uma suposta irregularidade na construção de um trecho de ciclovia na capital paulista, quando ele era prefeito.
    [Show full text]
  • Universidade De Brasília Instituto De Ciências Sociais Departamento De Sociologia a Bancada Da Bala Na Câmara
    UNIVERSIDADE DE BRASÍLIA INSTITUTO DE CIÊNCIAS SOCIAIS DEPARTAMENTO DE SOCIOLOGIA A BANCADA DA BALA NA CÂMARA: QUEM SÃO E O QUE PROPÕEM ESSES DEPUTADOS Autora: Eveline Ribeiro dos Santos Brasília, 2018 UNIVERSIDADE DE BRASÍLIA INSTITUTO DE CIÊNCIAS SOCIAIS DEPARTAMENTO DE SOCIOLOGIA A BANCADA DA BALA NA CÂMARA: QUEM SÃO E O QUE PROPÕEM ESSES DEPUTADOS Autora: Eveline Ribeiro dos Santos Dissertação apresentada ao Departamento de Sociologia da Universidade de Brasília/UnB como parte dos requisitos para a obtenção do título de Mestre. Brasília, abril de 2018 UNIVERSIDADE DE BRASÍLIA INSTITUTO DE CIÊNCIAS SOCIAIS DEPARTAMENTO DE SOCIOLOGIA PROGRAMA DE PÓS GRADUAÇÃO EM SOCIOLOGIA DISSERTAÇÃO DE MESTRADO A BANCADA DA BALA NA CÂMARA: QUEM SÃO E O QUE PROPÕEM ESSES DEPUTADOS Autora: Eveline Ribeiro dos Santos Orientador: Prof. Dr. Arthur Trindade Maranhão Costa Banca: Prof. Dr. Arthur Trindade Maranhão Costa (SOL/UnB) Profª. Drª. Débora Messemberg (SOL/UnB) Prof. Dr. Renato Sérgio de Lima (FGV/SP) Para o meu pai, Wildson Luiz, meu primeiro professor. AGRADECIMENTOS Agradeço aos meus pais, Wildson Luiz e Marcia Regina, minhas inspirações para a vida acadêmica, pelo carinho e incentivo em todos os momentos da minha vida, pelo investimento em minha formação, e principalmente, pela construção dos meus valores. Aos meus irmãos, Viviane e Cristiano, meus exemplos de autenticidade, pelo apoio, parceria e paciência de todos os dias. Aos meus avós, João Aleixo, Elita, Olívio e Santina, pelo carinho e sabedoria compartilhados ao longo dos anos. Às minhas tias, Erci, Alda e Vanda, meus exemplos de mulheres fortes e batalhadoras, pelos conselhos e companheirismo. Aos meus tios, Wilton e Rafael, pela presença e suporte ao longo de toda a minha vida.
    [Show full text]
  • América Latina Tras Bambalinas
    América Latina tras bambalinas Teorías conspirativas, usos y abusos América Latina Este libro reflexiona desde las ciencias sociales, tras bambalinas la historia social y la historia de las ideas acerca de la amplia presencia de narrativas conspirativas en América Latina. Los autores Teorías conspirativas, distinguen entre la existencia de complots usos y abusos —algunos exitosos, otros fracasados— de otro fenómeno paralelo: las teorías conspirativas que LEONARDO SENKMAN & LUIS RONIGER interpretan el mundo como objeto de siniestras maquinaciones e intrigas clandestinas. Se trata de una lógica epistemológica, cuya visión del mundo y narrativa argumentativa fungen de mito movilizador de fuerzas políticas y sociales. Los ocho capítulos del libro formulan un interrogante crucial: por qué en determinados RONIGER SENKMAN & LUIS | LEONARDO períodos y países ha variado la funcionalidad política de tales lógicas conspirativas. A tal fin, se examina una amplia gama de casos desde la época colonial hasta llegar al presente; entre ellos, teorías conspirativas atizadas en escenarios bélicos como la Guerra del Chaco; en el fuego cruzado de caldeadas polarizaciones políticas; en escenarios de baja institucionalidad y desconfianza ciudadana; y en enfrentamientos y Lightwise © 123RF.com Lightwise realineamientos geopolíticos en el continente. América Latina tras bambalinas Latina tras América usos y abusos conspirativas, Teorías Latin America Research Commons www.larcommons.net [email protected] América Latina tras bambalinas Teorías conspirativas, usos y abusos Leonardo Senkman y Luis Roniger Publicado por Latin American Research Commons www.larcommons.net [email protected] © Luis Roniger y Leonardo Senkman 2019 Primera edición: 2019 Diseño de tapa: Milagros Bouroncle Diagramación de versión impresa: Lara Melamet Diagramación de versión digital: Siliconchips Services Ltd.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil the Timeline of the Federal Government's
    BRAZIL THE TIMELINE OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT’S STRATEGY TO SPREAD COVID-19 São Paulo, 28th May 2021. Study prepared within the scope of research project ““RIGHTS IN THE PANDEMIC - Mapping the impact of Covid-19 on human rights in Brazil” of the Centre for Studies and Research on Health Law (CEPEDISA) of the School of Public Health (FSP) of the University of São Paulo (USP)”, updated at the request of the parliamentary committee of inquiry created by Federal Senate Requests 1371 and 1372, of 2021, by means of Official Letter 57/2021- CPIPANDEMIA. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. This study is part of research project ““RIGHTS IN THE PANDEMIC - Mapping the impact of Covid-19 on human rights in Brazil” of the Centre for Studies and Research on Health Law (CEPEDISA) of the School of Public Health (FSP) of the University of São Paulo (USP)”, carried out in partnership with Non-Governmental Organization “Conectas Direitos Humanos” until January 2021 and, since then, with the National Council of Health Secretaries (CONASS), with the aim of collecting federal and state regulations relating to Covid-19 and assessing their impact on human rights in Brazil. The partnership entered into with CONASS refers to the mapping and analysis of rules drawn up by the State and Federal District Health Offices and is restricted to the scope of health policies during the Covid-19 pandemic. The timeline of the federal government’s strategy to spread Covid-19 was first published in January 2021, and has now been updated at the request of the Federal Senate's Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry on Covid-19.
    [Show full text]
  • Bmj | Elections
    BMJ | ELECTIONS [email protected] (61) 3223-2700 VOTE COUNT Leading with a great 6,1% 2,7% advantage since the 0,0% 0,0% beginning of the votes 0,1% 0,6% count, Jair Bolsonaro (PSL) 0,8% 1,0% goes on the run-off after 1,2% 1,3% receiving more than 46% of 2,5% 4,8% the valid votes. Runner-up 12,5% 29,2% and Lula's political protégé, 46,1% Fernando Haddad (PT), proceeds to the second Null Blank João Goulart Filho (PPL) round but arrives at a Eymael (DC) Vera Lúcia (PSTU) Guilherme Boulos (PSOL) disadvantage with 18 million Alvaro Dias (Podemos) Marina Silva (Rede) Henrique Meirelles (MDB) fewer votes than Bolsonaro. Cabo Daciolo (Patriota) João Amoêdo (Novo) Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB) Ciro Gomes (PDT) Fernando Haddad (PT) Jair Bolsonaro (PSL) FIRST ROUND ANALYSIS The first round of the elections came to an end and was marked by the importance of social networks, especially Whatsapp, and by the amount of Fake News. Television time, an instrument hitherto used as a fundamental tool for consolidating votes has proved not to be individually enough to leverage a candidacy. PSDB's candidate Geraldo Alckmin made alliances with the center parties to get as much television time as possible, and because of the negative aspects of those alliances and the failure to identify voters' aspirations, he was not able to grow ST in the polls. Alckmin won the party election and lost the 1 ROUND TIMELINE popular election, with a hesitant and failed campaign and in being the anti-PT candidate and the third way.
    [Show full text]
  • Mídia Propagável Nas Eleições 2018: Estudo Dos Memes Da Ursal
    Maria Luísa Viana Paim Rosar MÍDIA PROPAGÁVEL NAS ELEIÇÕES 2018: ESTUDO DOS MEMES DA URSAL Santa Maria, RS 2018 Maria Luísa Viana Paim Rosar MÍDIA PROPAGÁVEL NAS ELEIÇÕES 2018: ESTUDO DOS MEMES DA URSAL Trabalho Final de Graduação apresentado ao Curso de Jornalismo, da área de Ciências Sociais, da Universidade Franciscana, como requisito parcial para a obtenção de grau de Bacharel em Jornalismo. Orientador: Maurício Dias Souza Santa Maria, RS 2018 2 Maria Luísa Viana Paim Rosar MÍDIA PROPAGÁVEL NAS ELEIÇÕES 2018: ESTUDO DOS MEMES DA URSAL Trabalho Final de Graduação apresentado ao Curso de Jornalismo, da área de Ciências Sociais, do Centro Universitário Franciscano, como requisito parcial para a obtenção de grau de Bacharel em Jornalismo. ___________________________________________________ Prof. Iuri Lammel Marques ___________________________________________________ Profa. Maria Cristina Tonetto ___________________________________________________ Prof. Maurício Dias Souza 3 AGRADECIMENTOS Agradeço primeiramente a minha mãe, Zélia Maria Viana Paim, por sempre me incentivar a dar o meu melhor. Por me ensinar que só a educação salva e que o peso da caneta é mais leve que o da pá. Obrigada mãe, por todos os conselhos, elogios e críticas durante todos esses anos. Me orgulha ser tua filha! Meu amor por ti jamais vai ser possível mensurar, impossível definir por meras palavras. Te amo! A minha avó, Maria do Carmo Viana Paim, pelo amor inesgotável, por confiar em mim, por ser só amor. Tua ajuda foi fundamental para eu me tornar a mulher que sou. Obrigada por jamais desistir de mim. Te amo para todo o sempre! Obrigada Luiz Gustavo Mousquer de Oliveira, meu eterno amor, por todas as noites em claro que tu passou ao meu lado durante essa trajetória.
    [Show full text]
  • Impeachment, Political Crisis and Democracy in Brazil; Impeachment
    REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 37 / N° 2 / 2017 / 281-304 IMPEACHMENT, POLITICAL CRISIS AND DEMOCRACY IN BRAZIL Impeachment, crisis política y democracia en Brasil FELIPE NUNES Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brasil CARLOS RANULFO MELO Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brasil ABSTRACT The year 2016 was marked by the deepening of the crisis that interrupted two de- cades of unusual political stability in Brazil. Although it has been the most signifi- cant event, Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment did little to “stop the bleeding,” as was shown by the subsequent arrest of the former president of the Chamber of Depu- ties, Eduardo Cunha (PMDB), and the unfolding of Operation Car Wash (Lava Jato). Besides the economic problems, the Brazilian political system also faced a serious crisis of legitimacy: the main parties were put in check, and a period of uncertainty regarding electoral and partisan competition opened up. In this article, we will re- view the sequence of the events, exploring some of the factors that explain it, and, aware of the fact that we are in the middle of process with an undefined outcome, we would like to take advantage of the opportunity to resume the debate on the performance of Brazilian democracy as well its perspectives. Key words: democracy, presidentialism, political crisis, presidential interruption, Brazil RESUMEN El año 2016 estuvo marcado por la profundización de una crisis que interrumpió dos déca- das de inusual estabilidad política en Brasil. A pesar de ser el acontecimiento político más significativo del año, el enjuiciamiento de Dilma Rousseff hizo poco para detener el “sangra- do,” como lo demostró la posterior detención del ex presidente de la Cámara de Diputados, Eduardo Cunha (PMDB), y el despliegue de la Operación Coche Lavado (LavaJato).
    [Show full text]