Operation “Cast Lead”: News Control As Military Objective
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Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip. -
Light at the End of Their Tunnels? Hamas & the Arab
LIGHT AT THE END OF THEIR TUNNELS? HAMAS & THE ARAB UPRISINGS Middle East Report N°129 – 14 August 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. TWO SIDES OF THE ARAB UPRISINGS .................................................................... 1 A. A WEDDING IN CAIRO.................................................................................................................. 2 B. A FUNERAL IN DAMASCUS ........................................................................................................... 5 1. Balancing ..................................................................................................................................... 5 2. Mediation ..................................................................................................................................... 6 3. Confrontation ............................................................................................................................... 7 4. The crossfire................................................................................................................................. 8 5. Competing alliances ................................................................................................................... 10 C. WHAT IMPACT ON HAMAS? ...................................................................................................... -
Environmental Assessment of the Areas Disengaged by Israel in the Gaza Strip
Environmental Assessment of the Areas Disengaged by Israel in the Gaza Strip FRONT COVER United Nations Environment Programme First published in March 2006 by the United Nations Environment Programme. © 2006, United Nations Environment Programme. ISBN: 92-807-2697-8 Job No.: DEP/0810/GE United Nations Environment Programme P.O. Box 30552 Nairobi, KENYA Tel: +254 (0)20 762 1234 Fax: +254 (0)20 762 3927 E-mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.unep.org This revised edition includes grammatical, spelling and editorial corrections to a version of the report released in March 2006. This publication may be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder provided acknowledgement of the source is made. UNEP would appreciate receiving a copy of any publication that uses this publication as a source. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from UNEP. The designation of geographical entities in this report, and the presentation of the material herein, do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the publisher or the participating organisations concerning the legal status of any country, territory or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimination of its frontiers or boundaries. Unless otherwise credited, all the photographs in this publication were taken by the UNEP Gaza assessment mission team. Cover Design and Layout: Matija Potocnik -
The Seaman Family in America Captain John Seaman
THE SEAMAN FAMILY IN AMERICA AS DESCENDED FROM CAPTAIN JOHN SEAMAN OF HEMPSTEAD, LONG ISLAND COMPILED BY MARY THOMAS SEAMAN Author of"Links in Genealogy" Life Member of The long Island Historical Society ASSISTl!I> BY JAMES HAVII.AND SEAMAN. JR. Member of the Loag Islaod Wstorial Socicly 1928 TOBlAS A. WRIGHT, INC. PRrNTERS AND PUBLISHERS NEW\"ORK SEAMAN FAMILY All.'-fS-Bal't'V wavy of six argent and a."1.1re, a c:rcscent or. CRJ;ST-A demi-sea-horse salient argent. Mono-Spcetcmur :igendo (kt us be judged by out actiot\S). CcS'aE coNTE.,'TS OF THIS BOOK ARE AUTHEllo'TIC TO THE BEST OF MY K.-.OWLEDGE. THE CONSIDEKATIO:S OF THE PUBLIC IS ASKED FOR SUCH ERRORS AS MAY J:sADVERTE.''TLY SLIP J:sTO THE MOST CAREFULLY PRE PARED MA!lo'USCRIPT. MARY THOMAS SEAMA:S ILLUSTRATIONS Coat of Arms and Crest . Frontispiece PAGE Deed of sale of land from Indians to John Seaman and others, July 4, 1657 . 16 Account of the Seaman Family, by Jordan Seaman, January, 18oo • 24 Deed of gift from John Seaman, senior, to sons Nathaniel and Richard, March 17, 1692/3 . 28 Deed of gift of Nathaniel Seaman to son Thomas, August 31, 1752 . 40 1\farriage certificate of NathaniP.1 Seaman and Rachel \Vil!is, August 9. 16g5 42 Deed of sale of land bv Richard Seaman to brother Nathaniel, September II, 1745 44 Deed of sale of land from Thomas Seaman to brothers Jacob, Nathaniel and Samuel, January 30, 1759 61 Marriage certificate of Thomas Seaman and Hannah \Villets, December 3, 174r/2 . -
“Why Are the Jews Shooting at Us?”
Chapter 1 “Why Are the Jews Shooting at Us?” Before Israel’s 2005 disengagement from the Gaza Strip, Netzarim—a small Jewish settlement amid densely populated Arab areas in central Gaza—was a flashpoint between Palestinians and the Israel Defense Forces for many years. As a result, an IDF post was set up near Netzarim Junction, overlooking the main roads and manned by about 30 soldiers. On the morning of Saturday, September 30, 2000, near the beginning of what would become the second intifada, hundreds of local residents, many of them teenage boys, streamed into Netzarim Junction, hurling rocks and Molotov cocktails at the army post. Journalist Ron Ben-Yishai, who was at the post, stated that it came under fire from several direc- tions.1 The soldiers at the post returned fire, aiming at Palestinians who were carrying weapons.2 That morning, Jamal al-Dura and his 12-year-old son Muhammad left their home in the Al-Bureij refugee camp to buy a car. “We got in a taxi and drove toward Gaza,” the father later recounted. “When we reached Netzarim Junction, the driver stopped and said there was a riot going on and asked us to get out; he said he couldn’t continue . I got out with Muhammad and tried to cross the street, and then we got caught in a hail of gunfire coming from both sides.”3 A video of the incident shows the two pressed against a wall of concrete blocks, cowering behind a barrel. The gunfire continued for 45 minutes.4 “They started shooting at us and there was nowhere for us to go and no place to take cover. -
Policy Briefing
Policy Briefing Middle East Briefing N°26 Gaza City/Ramallah/Jerusalem/Brussels, 5 January 2009 Ending the War in Gaza I. OVERVIEW ings, somewhat bruised by its harsh tactics in taking over Gaza and seeming indifference to national unity, would grow far beyond its actual military capability, A war neither Israel nor Hamas truly wanted turned while those of its domestic foes – President Mahmoud into a war both are willing to wage. The six-month Abbas, the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority ceasefire that expired on 19 December was far from (PA) and Fatah – are in peril. A ground invasion was ideal. Israel suffered through periodic rocket fire and expected and, in some Hamas quarters, hoped for. the knowledge that its foe was amassing lethal fire- House-to-house guerrilla warfare, they surmise, is power. Hamas endured a punishing economic block- more favourable terrain. Should their rule be toppled, ade, undermining its hopes of ruling Gaza. A sensible some claim to look forward to a return to pure armed compromise, entailing an end to rocket launches and struggle, untainted by the stain of governance. an opening of the crossings should have been avail- able. But without bilateral engagement, effective third From Israel’s perspective, six months of overall quiet party mediation or mutual trust, it inexorably came to had been welcome, if not without perpetual qualms. this: a brutal military operation in which both feel Hamas used it to amass a more powerful and longer- they have something to gain. range arsenal; Corporal Gilad Shalit, captured in 2006, remained imprisoned; and sporadic rocket fire As each day goes by, Israel hopes to further degrade continued. -
Who Shot Mohammed Al-Dura? | Fallows Page 1 of 8
The Atlantic | June 2003 | Who Shot Mohammed al-Dura? | Fallows Page 1 of 8 Print this Page Close Window The Atlantic Monthly | June 2003 Who Shot Mohammed al-Dura? The image of a boy shot dead in his helpless father's arms during an Israeli confrontation with Palestinians has become the Pietà of the Arab world. Now a number of Israeli researchers are presenting persuasive evidence that the fatal shots could not have come from the Israeli soldiers known to have been involved in the confrontation. The evidence will not change Arab minds—but the episode offers an object lesson in the incendiary power of an icon BY JAMES FALLOWS ..... he name Mohammed al-Dura is barely known in the United States. Yet to a billion people in the Muslim world it is an infamous symbol of grievance against Israel and—because of this country's support for Israel —against the United States as well. Al-Dura was the twelve-year-old Palestinian boy shot and killed during an exchange of fire between Israeli soldiers and Palestinian demonstrators on September 30, 2000. The final few seconds of his life, when he crouched in terror behind his father, Jamal, and then slumped to the ground after bullets ripped through his torso, were captured by a television camera and broadcast around the world. Through repetition they have become as familiar and significant to Arab and Islamic viewers as photographs of bombed-out Hiroshima are to the people of Japan—or as footage of the crumbling World Trade Center is to Americans. Several Arab countries have issued postage stamps carrying a picture of the terrified boy. -
Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Founded by the Charles H. Revson Foundation Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Editor: Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov 2010 Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies – Study no. 406 Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Editor: Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov The statements made and the views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Israel 6 Lloyd George St. Jerusalem 91082 http://www.kas.de/israel E-mail: [email protected] © 2010, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies The Hay Elyachar House 20 Radak St., 92186 Jerusalem http://www.jiis.org E-mail: [email protected] This publication was made possible by funds granted by the Charles H. Revson Foundation. In memory of Professor Alexander L. George, scholar, mentor, friend, and gentleman The Authors Yehudith Auerbach is Head of the Division of Journalism and Communication Studies and teaches at the Department of Political Studies of Bar-Ilan University. Dr. Auerbach studies processes of reconciliation and forgiveness . in national conflicts generally and in the Israeli-Palestinian context specifically and has published many articles on this issue. Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov is a Professor of International Relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and holds the Chair for the Study of Peace and Regional Cooperation. Since 2003 he is the Head of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. He specializes in the fields of conflict management and resolution, peace processes and negotiations, stable peace, reconciliation, and the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular. He is the author and editor of 15 books and many articles in these fields. -
On January 3, Palestinian Security Authorities in the West
2002 On January 3, Palestinian security authorities in the West Bank city of Hebron descended on the offices of the weekly newspaper, Hebron Times, and ordered its immediate closure, according to CPJ. No official reason was given, but staff from the newspaper alleged that the PNA was responding to US "pressure" to close the paper, which has frequently criticised Israel and the United States' Middle East policies. According to information obtained by RSF, since the beginning of 2002, with some exceptions, the GPO has not renewed press cards for Palestinians working for international media organisations. This decision, which affects journalists living in the Occupied Territories who work in Jerusalem as well as those who both live and work in the Occupied Territories, is said to be for "security reasons“. Without press cards, Palestinian journalists are at the mercy of the Israeli security forces, who have the authority to refuse them access. For example, Awad Awad, a Palestinian photographer for Agence France-Presse (AFP) in Ramallah, was unable to enter Jerusalem on January 14. He was stopped at a checkpoint because he did not have an Israeli press card. On January 15, 29 media organisations in Israeli and Palestinian Authority territories, including Reuters and RSF, issued a joint statement expressing concern and urging the government of Israel to renew accreditation of Palestinian journalists. The new regulation, which went into force on January 1, appears to be designed to prevent fair and balanced coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, coming on the back of a year in which Palestinian journalists had largely been prevented from entering Israel due to the "security situation". -
Inside Israel (Armistice Line [Green Line] of 1948–49) 1967-Occupied Arab Territories
Inside Israel (Armistice Line [Green Line] of 1948–49) 1967-occupied Arab Territories Part III Article 2 A. Measures to eliminate racial discrimination 1. Measures preventing discrimination by all public authorities and institutions [See Article 4 for a discussion on the judicial, legislative and penal measures taken by the State to eliminate discrimination] Favoured Status for Jewish (“national”) Institutions Nonetheless, both Israel’s state and parastatal institutions exclusively proscribe Palestinians from enjoying the rights and Under the World Zionist Organization/Jewish Agency Status Law freedoms guaranteed to them by international law, and ratified by (1952), major Zionist organizations have special parastatal status. Israel. It is impossible for Palestinians to have fair appeals in Israeli They manage land, housing and services exclusively for the Jewish courts to uphold their rights. A dual system of law discriminates population. As no non-Jewish organizations enjoy similar status, this between Jewish Israelis and indigenous Palestinians based on a yields a vastly inferior quality of life for the indigenous Palestinian constructed status of “Jewish nationality.” This prejudicial Arab community. (More on these mechanisms of material application of law is apparent in all processes of the legal system, discrimination below under the specific rights affected). from the rights to information and fair trial to detention and prison treatment. State policies compound judicial failures by contracting The State party has taken no measures to address the charters or parastatal institutions (WZO, JNF, etc.) to annex and manage the the operations of these parastatal institutions, which form the most properties confiscated from indigenous Palestinians by developing fundamental and pervasive institutional discrimination in the country, and transferring them to possession by “Jewish nationals” in disadvantaging the entire class of indigenous Palestinian Arab perpetuity. -
The Daniel Abraham Israeli-Palestinian Workshop Making Gaza Disengagement Work: Israeli,Palestinian, and International Requirements
THE SABAN CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST POLICY AT THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PROCEEDINGS Number 2, June 2004 THE DANIEL ABRAHAM ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WORKSHOP MAKING GAZA DISENGAGEMENT WORK: ISRAELI,PALESTINIAN, AND INTERNATIONAL REQUIREMENTS WASHINGTON,DC MAY 11–13, 2004 THE SABAN CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST POLICY AT THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PROCEEDINGS Number 2, June 2004 THE DANIEL ABRAHAM ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WORKSHOP MAKING GAZA DISENGAGEMENT WORK: ISRAELI,PALESTINIAN, AND INTERNATIONAL REQUIREMENTS WASHINGTON,DC MAY 11–13, 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY . V LIST OF PARTICIPANTS . IX PROGRAM . XI INTRODUCTION . XIII I. TIMELINE . 1 II. REQUIREMENTS FOR SUCCESS . 5 A. CEASE-FIRE . 5 B. PALESTINIAN POWER SHARING . 6 C. PALESTINIAN SECURITY REFORM . 8 D. ISRAELI COMMITMENT TO FULL WITHDRAWAL . 9 E. ROBUST INTERNATIONAL ROLE . 11 F. LINKAGE TO WEST BANK AND BROADER POLITICAL PROCESS . 15 G. U.S. LEADERSHIP . 16 APPENDICES 1. THE DISENGAGEMENT PLAN OF THE GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL (MAY 28, 2004) . 19 2. LETTER FROM PRESIDENT BUSH TO PRIME MINISTER SHARON (APRIL 14, 2004) . 25 3. LETTER FROM PRIME MINISTER SHARON TO PRESIDENT BUSH (APRIL 14, 2004) . 29 4. LETTER FROM PRESIDENT BUSH TO PRIME MINISTER AHMED QUREI (MAY 11, 2004) . 33 5. LETTER FROM DOV WEISSGLAS TO CONDOLEEZA RICE (APRIL 14, 2004) . 37 6. QUARTET STATEMENT ON UNILATERAL DISENGAGEMENT PLAN (MAY 4, 2004) . 41 T HE S ABAN C ENTER AT T HE B ROOKINGS I NSTITUTION III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY he Israeli government’s decision to disengage Although all of these requirements are unlikely to be Tfrom the Gaza Strip and a limited number of achieved in their entirety, it is important to under- settlements in the northern West Bank provides an stand the symbiotic relationship between them. -
Rocket Threat from the Gaza Strip, 2000-2007
December, 2007 Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center at the Israel Intelligence Heritage & Commemoration Center (IICC) Rocket threat from the Gaza Strip, 2000-2007 Houses in Sderot damaged by rocket fire (Photos courtesy of the Sderot Communications Center) 1. Overview 2. Methodological notes 3. Part I: The advantages and disadvantages of the use of rockets in the eyes of the Palestinian terrorist organizations i. Overview ii. Advantages iii. Disadvantages iv. Future trends 4. Part II: The terrorist organizations’ rocket launching policy i. General description ii. The Hamas Movement iii. Palestinian Islamic Jihad iv. Popular Resistance Committees v. Fatah groups active in the Gaza Strip vi. The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine vii. The Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine 5. Part III: Nature of the rocket threat, 2000 – 2007 i. Scope of the attacks during the confrontation ii. How and where rockets are launched iii. The scope of the attacks and factors influencing them 6. Part IV: Technological aspects i. General description ii. Technological data for locally manufactured rockets iii. Attempted mortar and rocket attacks from the West Bank iv. The rocket stockpiles and how they are housed 7. Part V: The failure of the efforts to export rockets and mortar shells to the West Bank i. Overview ii. Attempts to export know-how to the West Bank iii. Attempts mortar and rocket attacks from the West Bank 8. Part VI: The impact of rocket fire on the western Negev settlements 2 i. Israeli settlements drawing the most fire ii. Casualties caused by rocket fire iii. The long-term influence of the rocket fire on Sderot residents iv.