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Xorox Univarsity Microfilms 300 North ZMbRoMl Ann A lter, Michigan 46100 NEFF, Roger Harvey, 1935- rhetorical theory — — - — -and practic IN SELECTED WORKS OF FENELON. CPortions i f text in French]. The Ohio State University, PhD., 1973 Language and L iterature, modern

University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan \

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED, RHETORICAL THEORY AND PRACTICE IN SELECTED WORKS OP FENELON

DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University

By Roger Harvey Neff, B.A,, M.A.

The Ohio State University 1973

Reading Committee* Approved by Dr. Hugo Bekker Dr. Charles Carlut Dr. Robert C ottrell ^ A d v iser Department of Romance Languages ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS «

To Professor H. M, Davidson, who first introduced me to the field of rhetoric, I wish to extend my deepest appreciation for his inspiration and constant encourage­ m ent.

i i VITA

January 20, 1935 ...... Born - Bucyrus, Ohio

1956 ...... B.S., the Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1956-1957 ...... Fulbright Scholar, University de Lyon, France

1957-1961 ...... Teaching Assistant, Department of Romance Languages, the Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1960 ...... M.A., the Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1961 - ...... Assistant Professor, Department of Foreign Languages, Otterbein College, W esterville, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Fieldt French Literature Minor Fieldi Old Spanish Language and Literature

i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... i i VITA ...... i l l INTRODUCTION ...... 1 C h a p te r I . RHETORIC...... 12 D e f in itio n M ethod M odels B ranches I I . RHETORICAL APPEALS ( I ) ...... 58 E th ic a l L o g ic a l I I I , RHETORICAL APPEALS ( I I ) ...... ; ...... 101 P a in tin g Movement IV . ORDER ...... lkl V. STYLE AND FIGURES ...... 188 CONCLUSION ...... 252 APPENDIX ...... 262 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 267 INTRODUCTION

Many of FSnelon's views on rhetoric and literature are already familiar to students of French classical literature. They are to be found primarily in his Dia­ logues sur l 1Eloquence and Lettre JI l*Acad£mie. the former being one of his earliest pieces of writing, com­ posed probably around 16?9 * t the latter among his last, written in 171^. Both works reveal a great fam iliarity with the writings on rhetoric left by the ancients, part­ icularly by Plato, Cicero, Q uintilian, Longinus and Saint Augustine. The opinions expressed by FSnelon in the two works, although varying in degree of development and emphasis from one work to the other, remain essential­ ly the same, indicating that throughout his major writ­ ing career FSnelon was guided by the same set of aesthet­ ic ideals—sim plicity, naturalness, order and harmony— and the same set of principles concerning the aims of rhetoric and the means used by the orator or poet in achieving them, The aim of this study is to draw from his theoretical works those basic rhetorical principles and then to examine in what way and to what extent Flne- lon was guided by them in his various writings repre­ sentative of the approximately thirty-five year period 2 separating the two works. Although Flnelon does not formulate a comprehen­ sive or systematic theory of rhetoric as do Cicero in his De Partitlone Oratoria. Quintilian in his Insti- tutio Pretoria, or his contemporaries such as Rene Bary or Bernard Lamy, his informal dialogues do treat the major aspects of rhetoric discussed by the ancients and found in the traditional manuals of rhetoric, such asi the nature of rhetorici the character, training and duties of the oratorj the orator's functions of instructing, pleasing and moving the listener» the divi­ sions of speech into invention, disposition, elocution and delivery, Flnelon adds to his discussion of these traditional topics some observations on Christian rhet­ oric in particular. Although he touches on all of these aspects of rhetoric, this study concentrates only on those to which he gives the greatest attention! the nature of rhetoric, the orator, the function of nreuves. peinture and mouvement. and style and figures. These topics constitute the basis of the various chapters of my studyi each is dealt with from the point of view of theory and application. The order in which they are treated conforms largely to the order in which they ap­ pear in the Dialogues sur l 'gloquence. In the first chapter on the nature of rhetoric we shall determine how Fenelon defined rhetoric, what he considered the aims of rhetoric to be, his own practice of the various branches of oratory and his use of topics for developing different types of speeches, and finally, his models of eloquence. The second chapter deals with two kinds of appeals, the ethical and the logical, to which the speaker or writer has recourse in his attempts to persuade his audience* In discussing the ethical appeal we have attempted to set forth FSneIon's concept of the ideal orator and then to determine how FSnelon saw himself in his role as preacher. Chapter three dis­ cusses Flnelon*s theory and practice of the use of neintures and -mouvements as additional appeals in the per­ suasive process. Fenelon*s interest in the visual arts and in music and rhythm w ill enter into our discussion here. An examination of his views on the other arts and their relationship to oral and written expression is of particular interest in view of the growing interest among his contemporaries in re-establishing the close p association of poetry, painting and music. A brief look at FSnelon's own poetic activity is included in this c h a p te r . Order, for FSnelon, was "ce qu'il y a de plus rare dans les operations de 1* e s p ritIn chapter four we shall examine FSnelon's statements on order and see what organizational principles he observes both in structuring his larger works and in arranging the parts of individual discourses or narrative passages. Finally, we shall see what FSnelon says concerning style and figures, and try to identify those figures which are most closely assoc­ iated with FSnelon's use of rhetoric&l appeals. We hope to demonstrate that for FSnelon figures were not to be • used for their own sake, but for their psychological ef­ fect. Rather than compiling an exhaustive catalogue of all schemes and tropes appearing in lenelon's writings, we shall concentrate primarily on his use of one major figure, simile, to see how he adapts its use to specific occasions and audiences. The principal works which we shall examine for the application of these rhetorical principles, in addition to the two theoretical works, arei the TraitS de 1Edu­ cation des filles (168*0, the Dialogues des morts (1689- 99)» TglSmaaue (169*1-96), the TraitS de 1* existence de Dieu (published in 1718), and various sermons. These works offer a variety of genres and styles of both oral and written expression. Much of the immense bibliography on FSnelon, partic­ ularly that of the twentieth century, is concerned with F€nelon*s religious thought, and more specifically, with the quarrel between FSnelon and Bossuet over quietism. Thus we find studies such as L. Cognet's CrSpuscule des mystiques, le confllt FEnelon-Bossuet (DesclSe et Cie, 1958)* B, Dupriez, Fgnelon et la Bible, les origines du mysticisme fSnelonlen (Bloud et Gay, 19^1)« H, Hillenaar, Fgnelon et les Jgsuites (La Haye, 1987)1 M, Raymond, Fgnelon ("Les Ecrivains devant Dieu", Paris, 1987)1 and F, Varillon, Fgnelon et le pur amour (Paris, 1957)* Con­ siderably less attention has been given to him as a lit­ erary artist. General studies such as Paul Janet’s Ffne- lon ("Grands gcrivains", I892) and Ely Carcassonne's F|nelon, l 'homme et 1*oeuvre ("Connaissance des lettres", 19^6) discuss F£nelon*8 literary ideas to a limited ex­ tent* studies on seventeenth-century taste, such as Au­ guste Bourgoin's Les Mattres de la critloue au 17e simple (Paris, 1889), E, 0. Borgerhoff's The Freedom of French Classicism (Princeton, 1950), and Theodore Litman's re­ cent Le Sublime en France. 1660-1714- (Paris, 1971)* to name only a few, devote chapters to FSnelon as literary critic, but lim it themselves primarily to a discussion of the ideas in the Dialogues sur 1'Eloquence and the Lettre a 1'AcadSmie, Recent studies on rhetoric have either chosen to concentrate on other figures or have given Finelon only fleeting attention. The general impression one receives in reviewing FSnelonian bibliography of this century then, is that FSnelon has been relatively neglected by literary scholars. Certainly much of FineIon’s thought in the areas of pol­ itics and religion has lost its interest for the modern student, and the charms that Tilimaaue once held have lost their appeal in our day. Yet against this general back­ ground of neglect, or indifference, -a few signs of con­ tinued or renewed interest stand out. At the time of Finelon's tricentenary in 1951» a special number of the review Dix-septifeme slid e devoted to Finelon contained a comment attributed to Henri Peyre to the effect that

« FineIon was sorely neglected and merited further study. Only a few years later, a major study on FSnelon appeared by Jeanne-Lydie GorS entitled L'ltinSralre de Finelom humanisms et spirituality (Paris, 1957). In this work Mme GorS assesses the humanistic, scientific and sp irit­ ual influences at work on F^nelon’s mind during the diff­ erent stages of his life. She includes a good deal of commentary on Finelon's aesthetic thought as it progress­ ively reveals itself throughout his writings, but she concentrates on ideas rather than form or style in her discussion of individual works. The ability of every age to find something of it­ self in major writers of an earlier period is well- illustrated by the treatment accorded FSnelon by a re­ cent history of French literature. Jacques Madaule, in L’Histoire littSraire de la France (Parist Editions so- •ciales, 1966), admires FSnelon for his political ideas {"hardies, gSnSreuses"), evidence of a singular open- mindedness for his time. He sayst

Son oeuvre S crite,..est d'une extreme importance et il est fficheux gue l'on en retienne surtout aujourd'hui sa polemique avec Bossuet & propos des Maximes des sain ts,,,,je regrette gu'on lise si peu au.iourd *hui Les Aventures de TSlemaoue.3

FSnelon catches the attention of this twentieth-century literary historian especially for his views on moderate government, his distaste for excess and his opposition to authoritarian restraints. These are some of the les­ sons to which F&nelon applies his principles of persua­ s io n . The two studies most closely related to the present one are the early study by Landolf entitled L'EsthStigue de FSnelon (Zurich, 191*0 and Arnaldo Pizzorusso's La Poetica di FineIon (Milan, 1959)• Both studies are based primarily on the Dialogues and the Lettre. Landolf divides his study into two parts, the one dealing with language, the other with literature. His aim is to assem­ ble and codify FSnelon's scattered statements concern­ ing le beau as applied to belles lettres and art. For the most part his study follows the format of the Lettre S l'Acadfmie, discussing F&ielon's thoughts on completing the dictionary, on composing a grammar, on enriching the French language, on versification, on the moral usefulness of poetry and eloquence, on the Ancient6 and Moderns, The last chapter summarizes the basic ideas of the Dia­ logues sur l*(Sloquence on secular and pulpit oratory. The study by Pizzorusso is concerned with the same general subject, but goes beyond a mere cataloguing of aesthetic principles and attempts to ‘situate FSnelon’s poetics within the complex framework of ideas and tastes of his time. He discusses the basis of F€nelon*s poetics— order, naturalness, sim plicity—and in the light of these basic principles procedes to discuss F€nelon's concept

* of prim itive and rural nature, the Ancients and Moderns, oratory, poetry and its language, poetry and the arts. But like Landolf, Pizzorusso is concerned primarily with theory rather than with the application of that theory. Another recent study, Marguerite H aillant’s FSnelon et la predication (Parisj Klincksieck, 1969), re-states F6nelon's views on effective preaching but devotes most of its attention to an analysis of his sermons, their sources and message. Useful as the aforementioned studies are in under­ standing Ffinelon's literary tastes and principles of criticism , they do not explain FSnelon's rhetoric, under­ stood in the A ristotelian senBe as the discovery of all the available means of persuasion. More helpful in the latter kind of study are certain works on rhetoric proper which have appeared in recent years, E. P, J, Corbett’s •C lassical Rhetoric for the Modern Student (New York, 1971) is a solid introduction to the basic techniques of per­ suasion as practiced by the ancients* and W. S, Howell's Logic and Rhetoric in England. 1500-1700 (New York, 1956) is helpful in understanding the developments in the field of rhetoric in France during that period. The early Histolre de la clartS franoaise (Paris, 1929) by Daniel Mornet shows the influence of rhetorical training on the literary production of French classical writers and the relationship between rhetoric and such French classical qualities as clarity, order and balance. Art­ icles by B. Munteano and Jean Cousin (see bibliography) point out the survival of ancient rhetorical techniques in seventeenth-century literary composition. Other use­ ful articles which serve as an introduction to the role of rhetoric in the seventeenth century appeared in the periodical Dix-septifeme sJJScle, #80-81 (1968), under the heading "Points de vue b u t la rhStorique". Other detailed studies which focus on more res­ tricted periods or w riters include H, M, Davidson's Audience. Words and Art (Columbus, Ohiot Ohio State University PreBs, 1965)1 which deals with the rise of two conflicting conceptions of rhetoric in the seven­ teenth century and the way in which the conception of their audience influenced the dramatic art of Corneille, Racine and Molidret Peter France's Racine's Rhetoric

(Oxford, 1965) and Rhetoric and Truth In France. 4

10 Descartes to Diderot (Oxford, 1972)i and Patricia Topliss* The Rhetoric of Pascal (Leicester, 1966), In understanding the role of rhetorical training in the school program of the classical period and the kind of cultural and humanistic formation it gave to the writ­ ers who were products of those schools, the studies by P. de D ainville, Naissance de 1*humanisme moderne (Paris, 1940) and by Georges Snyders, La PSdagogle en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe sifecles (Paris, 1965) are quite helpful. Most of the works which serve as a basis for this study grew out of and are the perpetuation of the pedagogical program which Ffinelon followed as a childt fables & la Aesopt dialogues of the dead, inspired by Luciani TSlS- maque, inspired by Homer and V irgil. FSnelon's entire oeuvre can be considered as a course in rhetoric, teach­ ing the cognitio rerum and cognitio verborurn at the same time, reflecting the seventeenth-century Jesuits' ideal of a humanism of culture and molding of character rather than of erudition, and a methodology emphasizing pract­ ice and exercises more than precepts. This study recog­ nizes in FSnelon's thought and works a domain which im­ poses one kind of fundamental unity in his diverse writings and one which is situated at the heart of any L study of the seventeenth century. 11

FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION

For a discussion of the probable date of composition see C. Revillout, "Un problfeme de chronologic littS - raire et philologiguet date presumable des 'dialogues' de FSnelon 'sur 1 'eloquence*", Revue des langues romanes. 33 (1889), pp. 5-30, Jeanne-Lydio GorS believes that the date 1685 is probably more accurate, See her L 'ltinEralre de FSnelon. p, 253* note 8, 2 An assessment of the association of these three arts during FSnelon's day is made by Robert Finch in The Sixth Sensei individualism in French Poetry. 1686- 1760. Toronto, 1966, ^Histoire littgraire de la France, sous la direction de P. Abraham et ft. Desn5, Paris1 Editions sociales, 1966, Vol. II, pp. 393-^00. ^Jacques Truchet, in his introductory remarks to the Dix-septigme si&cle number devoted to rhetoric, stresses the amount of research yet to be carried out in this field, particularly in secular eloquence1 "Au XVIIe sibcle 1 'eloquence profane se situe vrai- ment au coeur des probl&mes de la rhStorique.,• .Q u'il s'agisse de la prose, du thS&tre, ou des divers genres po&tiques, le role de la rhStorique n'a gu&re retenu l'attention depuis L'Art de la prose de Lanson (1908), l'H istoire de la clarfrancaise de Mornet (1929) et les articles de Jean Cousin dans la Revue des cours et des conferences (1932-1933). One reprise toutefols sem ble s'annoncer,. Dix-septifeme siecle. Nos. 80-81 (1968), 8. CHAPTER I RHETORIC, A DEFINITION

Before attempting to formulate an accurate statement concerning FSnelon*s concept of the nature and aims of rhetoric, it would he useful to review at least the major rhetorical currents and practices prior to FSnelon*s day which may have shaped in one way or another that w riter's own thinking, as well as to try to define certain basic terms whose precise meanings have shifted and become less clear in the course of time. Such terms as rhetoric, poet­ ic, eloquence and oratory had by FSnelon*s day lost the clear-cut distinctions which they formerly possessed, so that in our w riter's discussions the boundaries between rhetorical and poetic activity, and between written and oral eloquence are not sharply delineated. The model speeches composed by the ancients for oral delivery could only be studied and imitated by succeeding generations in their w ritten form. The eloquence which FSnelon would have his seventeenth-century contemporaries im itate was largely what could be considered a part of the literary tradition. In the Dialogues sur l 'Sloauence and the lettre & l 'AcadSmie FSnelon seems to refer indiscrim inately to 12 classical orators and poets when wishing to illustrate a point. We read in the "Projet de rhStorique", for ex­ ample, that "Isocrate est doux, insinuant, plein d*€l§- ganeet mais peut-on le comparer & Hom&re?" (XXI, 180),* The eloquence, then, with which FSnelon*s dialogues con­ cern themselves, seeks principles in models of written persuasion as well as of oral, but is itself, ostensibly at least, intended to teach effective oral persuasion. The precise lim its of rhetorical and poetic activity are less easily determined. Long before the rhetoricians of the French Renaissance further confused the issue, the proper concerns of these two activities were unclear. The most important cause of confusion lay in the fact that rhetoric and poetic had common ground in style, although as D, L, Clark points out in Rhetoric and Poetic in the Renaissance, the two forms had in fact characteristic differences of style recognized by both A ristotle and Cicero.^ A second source of confusion, pointed out by Clark, Btemmed from the use of rhetoric as a part of poetic theoryi thought, or dianoia. is discussed by A ristotle in his Rhetoric, but iB included as the third most important constituent element of tragedy in the Poeticsi and poets, when interpolating speeches in plays, h, properly use rhetorical principles. The third major source of confusion between the two Ik subjects was the tendency of the late classical, medieval and renaissance theorists to use the terminology of class­ ical rhetoric when dealing with poetic,-* In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the grands JhStoriqueurs divided the art of composition into premiere rhStorlque, which taught the art of prose compositiont and seconde rhStori- que. which taught the art of verse. Another example of the influence of rhetoric on poetics can be seen in cer­ tain passages of Du Dellay's La DSferse et illustration de la laneue franoaise (15^9)* where the poet groups to­ gether all those "qui font profession de bien dire, comme les pofttes et les orateurs"**, and where he asks the read­ er not to be surprised at the fact that he speaks of the orator as he would a poet, since Mles vertus de l'un sont pour la plus grand part communes ft 1*autreThomas S e- b illet pushed the comparison even further in a passage in his Art pofttioue franoais (15^8)i "Et sont l*0rateur et le Poftte tant proches et conjoinz, que semblables et Sgauz en plusieurs choses, different principalement en ce, 8 que l*un est plus contraint de nombres que 1'autre," This close relationship between poetry and eloquence con­ tin u e d th ro u g h o u t th e se v e n te e n th ceryfcuryi we see i t r e -mi fleeted in the writings of La Mesnardiftre, l"Abb£ d'Au- bignac and Bernard Lamy,^ FSnelon, in his Lettre ft l*AoadSmie. acknowledges •poetic and rhetoric to be two separate fields of endeavor by writing separate nro.lets for each domain, although it must be pointed out that he was merely following the Acad­ emy 's proposed projects in doing so. His "Projet de poSw tique" stresses the notion of imitation ("La potsie est sans doute une imitation et une peinture"), depiction of the vraisemblable. along with a strong dose of pathos ("la parole animSe,..par le transport des passions.• The "Projet de rhStorique" stresses a concept of persuasion built on both ethos and pathos. In praising Demosthenes' First Philippic, FSnelon says* "Voilfi! le bon sens qui parle, sans autre ornement que sa force. II rend la vSritS sensible & tout le peuple* il le rSveille, 11 le pique, il lui montre l'abime ouvert. Tout est dit pour le salut commun* aucun mot n'est pour l'orateur. Tout instruit et touche* rien ne brille" (XXI, 1?1). FSnelon's tripartite formula for the aims of rhetoric, "prouver, peindre, tou­ cher", when applied to rhetoric and poetic as separate activities, can be thought of as ascribing to poetry the predominant aim of painting and to rhetoric the predom­ inant aim of proving, with both activities sharing the final aim of moving the audience. Any such distribution of aims, it must be noted, is one of degree rather than of absoluteness. The two pro.iets im plicitly distinguish further be­ tween the two branches of composition on the basis of 16 their origin. Rhetoric is shown as being an art created by man and directed toward the betterment of human society, FSnelon implies that the ancient Greeks were the first to make use of rhetoric. Poetry, too, had a civilizing function even pre-dating that of rhetoric*

D'ailleurs la poSsie a donnS au monde les premieres loisi c'est elle qui a adouci les homines farouches et sauvages, qui les a rassemblSs des forSts oh! 11s Staient Spars et errans, qui les a policSs, qui a rSglS les moeurs, qui a form& les families et les nations, qui a fait sentir les douceurs de la so- ciStS, qui a rappelS l*usage de la raison, cultivS la vertu, et invents les beaux-arts* c*est elle qui a SlevS les courages pour la guerre, et qui les a modSrSes pour la paix (XXI, 185),

Poetry, unlike rhetoric, however, seems to retain for FSnelon some part of its etymological meaning of "crea­ tion**, and is associated in his mind with divine origins and inspiration* "La parole anim&e par les vives images, par les grandes figures, par le transport des passions et par le charme de l'harmonie, fut nommS le langage des dieux" (XXI, 186), Before the writing of the Scriptures, men recited their "sacrSs cantiques" to preserve the mem­ ory of the world's origin and of God's wonders (XXI, 185), The function of rhetoric is to influence human behaviori poetry has a similar function but is surrounded by a divine aura, Ffnelon sim ilarly implies that rhetoric is concerned with a more specific audience and occasion than is poetry. 17 The poetry which brought laws and taught civilized be­ havior to the human race did so for all ment rhetoric sought to influence the behavior of specific peoples at given moments in history. Such emphases reflect the thinking of FSnelon*s models in Antiquity, beginning with A ristotle, who had not only distinguished between rhetoric and poetic on the basis of conception and ordering, but had also declared insofar as poetry was concerned that the proper concern of poetry was imitation rather than verse. He added that the poet does not imitate truth,--that is the task of the histor­ ian—but verisim ilitude. C. S. Baldwin, in his study of ancient rhetoric, distinguishes the two activities in a way which is applicable to FSnelon in his Lettre 81 l*Aca- dSm iei

Rhetoric and poetic connoted two fields of composi­ tion, two habits of conceiving and ordering, two typical movements. The movement of the one the ancients saw aB primarily intellectual, a progress from idea to idea determined logicallyt that of the other, as primarily imaginative, a progress from image to image determined emotionally. This dis­ tinction is more fundamental than that of so-called literary forms,...Finding these to be distinct essentially, as typical processes of conceiving, ordering and uttering, A ristotle treated them Bepar-10 ately as two distinct technics, rhetoric and poetic.

In FSnelon*s earlier Dialogues sur l*Sloguence, how­ ever, the same distinctions do not appear so clearly. Poetry here seems to be merely a heightened form of prose* 18 the poet differs from the orator only in that he uses more vivid language. When "C" says in the second dial­ ogue i "Mais si les vrais orateurs sont poltes, il me semble aussi que les poWtes sont orateurs* car la polsie est propre & persuader", "A" replies»‘

Sans doute, ils ont le mime butt toute la difference consiste en ce que je vous ai dit, Les pontes ont, au-dessus des orateurs, l'enthousiasme, qui les rend mime plus Slevls, plus vifs et plus hardis dans leurs expressions,..,1'orateur doit avoir la diction pres- que des po&test ce presque dit tout" (XXI, **9-50).

Whether Flnelon really meant that the only difference between oratory and poetry was a greater enthusiasm in the latter is open to question, W. S. Howell suggests that Flnelon realized that "vividness of portraiture" did not sufficiently separate oratory and poetry, and thus Flnelon introduced two terms, "imitation" and "fiction",11 In a passage comparing the historian's description of Dido's death with V irgil's description, "A", referring to the latter, sayst "VoilS! la force de 1 'imitation et de la peinture" (XXI, **8)t in his following speech concerning the unimportance of versification as a criterion of poet­ ry, "A" statesi "Pour tout le reste, la polsie n'est autre chose qu'une fiction vive qui peint la nature" (XXI, **9), Flnelon, Howell suggests, should have gone on to show that portraiture in poetry is usually the lifelike representation of an imagined situation, whereas portraiture 19 in oratory is usually tho lifelike representation of a real situation* Then he, FSnelon, could have preserved his emphasis upon fiction and imitation as the disting- uishing conditions of portraiture in poetry. Such basic distinctions in conception may have been in FSnelon*s mind» the aim of the entire passage in the dialogue, however, is to point out stylistic differences which may properly be found in the compositions of histor­ ian, poet and orator, rather than differences in conception of subject matter. It is the "froid hiBtorien"—froid because he relates the fact but does not help us to vis­ ualize it«whom FSnelon distinguishes from the poet, not the historian as such. More often than not FSnelon finds sim ilarities rather than differences between the writing of history and of rhetorical or poetic composition. In the "Projet d'un traitS sur l'histoire", for example, we find the statement that in its overall organization a history should resemble an epic poem ("L'histoire doit en ce point res- sembler un peu au po&me Spique") and he quotes from Hor­ ace's Ars poetica on this point (XXI, 228), Concerning a history's order and arrangement, wherein lies its chief perfection, FSnelon again turns to Horace for a supportive statement. The historian, like the orator or poet des­ cribed elsewhere, enables his reader to visualize events, persons, places* 20 Une circonstance bien choisie, un mot bien rapportl, un geste qui a rapport au gSnie ou & l'humeur d'un homme, est un trait original et pr6cieux dans l'h is- toirei il vous met devant les yeux cet homme tout entier (XXI, 231).

The depiction of an event in full detail, even though with some inaccuracies, is preferred to the ster­ ile recording of dates and namesi

J'aime mieux un historien peu exact et peu judicieux, qui estropie les noms, mais qui peint naivement tout le dStail, comme Froissard, que les historiens qui me disent que Charlemagne tin t son parlement & Ingel- heim, qu'ensuite il partit, qu'il alia battre les Saxons, et qu’il revint & Aix-la-Chapellei c’est ne m'apprendre rien d’utile (XXI, 229).

S till another closely allied field, philosophy, is discussed by F§nelon in the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence. The relationship of philosophy to oratory is treated very briefly, and nowhere does FSnelon give us his definition of the term, although he does use the words science and sagease as near synonyms. It is again the method of the philosopher which interests him rather than the subject matter. The philosopher proves, demonstrates, convinces! he does not persuade. His style is devoid of anything which either depicts scenes or arouses feelingB in the a u d ie n c e . On the basis of method, then, the above statements made by FSnelon indicate that he considered the four fields of philosophy, history, oratory and poetry to be distinguishable primarily by the emphasis placed on the handling of subject matter. These emphases fall within a continuum ranging from objective proof to vivid por­ trayal to aroused feeling.- According to such a scale* philosophy alone employs objective prooft history relies on objective truth plus vivid portrayalt oratory combines all three. Poetry combines all three as well* but lays greater emphasis on vivid portraiture. Implied is the notion that philosophy deals with the abstract or with speculative matters, that history and oratory deal with fact, and that poetry deals with fiction. The works.of PSnelon which w ill be examined and dis­ cussed in the following chapters fall within the confines of these four areast philosophy, history, oratory and poetry—and make use in varying degrees of one or more of FSnelon's methods of audience appeal* logical proofs, viv­ id portrayal, and feeling. In the TraltS de 1*existence de Dieu we find FSnelon using primarily the philosopher's method of inductive reasoning, particularly in the second part, but occasionally interpolating lyrical passagest the Dialogues des morts make the greatest use of historical m aterials, presented in vivid stylet TfilSmaoue and F§ne- lon's several poems make the greatest use of poetic ap­ peal! the sermons belong solely to the field of oratory. The other works considered here—the Dialogues sur l'8lo- ■quence. Lettre & 1 'AcadSmle and the TraitS de 1*Education 22 des fllles. all of which contain important statements about rhetoric and instruction, are themselves written with the aim of persuading a particular audience of a given viewpoint and can thus be considered rhetorical works, too, each observing certain organizational and stylistic principles belonging to traditional rhetoric.

The Dialogues sur l 'Slocuence contain FSnelon's fullest statement on rhetoric. The circumstances under which they were w ritten are unknown* their assumed date of composition is 1679, when FSnelon would have been twenty-eight years of age and engaged as spiritual director of the Nouvelles Cathollcues. Due to the fact that the Dialogues remained unpublished during their author's lifetim e, it is doubtful that they represented in his mind little more than an attempt to organize his ideas on pub­ lic speaking, and particularly on preaching, which could be shared with other young preachers of his acquaintance. As the title of the work suggests, and as speaker "A**, assumed to be FSnelon's spokesman, states in the dialogues, FSnelon never intended to give to his subject the com­ prehensive and systematic treatment which men like Bary, Le Gras and Lamy had applied in their treatises on rhet­ oric, FSnelon is primarily concerned with laying down a few principles basic to oratory, along with some useful guidelines for the public speaker. Despite the informality of the work and "A”'3 occasional modest statements con­ cerning his own knowledge of the matter under discussion, the work nevertheless does manage to cover the chief top­ ics of rhetoric as they traditionally appeared in the man­ uals of FSnelon*s day* and the apparently artless, natural form of the dialogues tends to obscure the fact that these are dealt with in very much the same conventional order as that found in the school manuals1 What is rhetoric? Why is it an art? What is the aim of rhetoric? What are the duties of the orator?^ The first of these questions—what is rhetoric?—is dealt with in the first dialogue. FSnelon enters his sub­ ject, from the form alistic point of view, in much the same way that Plato begins his Phaedrus. that is, by a discussion of the relative merits of a speech, in this case, a re­ cently heard sermon. When "A" inquires about the sermon's Mdessein, ses preuves, sa morale, les principales vSritSs", "B" replies somewhat obliquely by talking about the "pen- sSes dSlicates" which cannot be easily restated since they depend so much on the "tour" and on the "finesse de 1*ex­ pression" 1 and by praising the sermon for its art, its divisions, the antitheses employed, the polished and brilliant discourse, the pensfies nouvelles. or "forced" text, the numerous pSriodes and the peintures morales. "A" is concerned with truth, morality, authority and overall purposei "B" is wholly taken with the visible dis­ play of art and the current search for noyelty, expressed as penates nouvelles and the popular pelntures morales.^ These opening remarks of the dialogue set the basic theme for the remainder of the worki true eloquence is concern­ ed with those moral truths bearing the stamp of authority of the ages and of the Church in particular. Any other kind of eloquence is vain and unworthy of im itation. The pensSes nouvelles of the recently heard sermon are no more than a display of human ingenuity and are of lit­ tle value when compared with the eternal and immutable truths of the Scriptures. The moralistic portraitures may p le a s e th e l i s t e n e r s , who re c o g n iz e in them th e v ic e s of others, but not their own* but unless they are based on principles and good examples they have no lasting ef­ fect (XXI, 29-30). Early in the dialogue "A** realizes that he can only persuade "BN of the soundness of his judgment of the ser­ mon by going back to first principles. The first thing to be established is a clear definition of eloquence. MBM's first definition of eloquence as Nl'a rt de bien parler" i s q u ic k ly c h a lle n g e d by "A" who ask s i f one sp eak s f o r no other reason than to speak well. "B" answerst "Non, on parle pour plaire et pour persuader," The three terms, bien parler. plaire and persuader, offered by "B" already 25 suggest three different emphases given to eloquence, and to literature in general* in the seventeenth century. Elo­ quence* taken as the "art de bien dire", emphasized clar­ ity, sobriety and correctness, but also stressed saying things as well as possible, that is* in a distinguished and elegant way.^ FSnelon is not opposed to these qual­ ities in speech, but for him they are not an end in them­ selves. Similarly, the notion of plaire is not proscribed by FSnelon, but rather it is relegated to a subordinate role. Pleasure should be a means of inculcating wisdom, but should not replace wisdom, as happened in Socrates* A th en si

Le plaisir, qui ne devrait Stre que le moyen d'in- sinuer la sagesse, p rit la place de la sagesse mSme . ...Socrates s'Sleva, et montra 3! ses citoyens SgarSs que le plaisir, dans lequel ils s'arretaient, ne devait etre que le chemin de la vertu (XXI, 19).

"A** shows that MB"*s two-part definition, **to please and to persuade", is merely a way of saying the same thing, since a speaker who is trying to please has an ulterior and more important goal which is that of persuading. He may persuade his listener that virtue is attractive, or in the case of the self-interested man, that he himself is attractive. The definition of eloquence, then, may be stated simply as the art of persuasion. In the second dialogue, the concept of plaire is again held out as the aim of persuasion in "Bw,s answer 26 to "A"*s question! "A quoi peut servir dans un discours tout ce qui ne sert point & une de ces trois choses, la preuve, la peinture et le mouvement?" (XXI, 50). But "A" *s position is that pleasure is admissible only if it persuades at the same timei

Les preuves solides et bien expliquSes plaisent sans doute* les mouvements vifs et naturels de l'orateur ont beaucoup de grScesi les peintures fid&les et animSes charment, Ainsi les trois choses que nous admettons dans 1*Eloquence plaisentj mais elles ne se bornent pas ft plaire (XXI, 50).

The pleasure that FSnelon is speaking of may derive from either the substance of the discourse, the pensSesi or from the expression. The ieux de oensSes. which only serve to dazzle, and the ieux de mots, which are merely insipid and childish, are condemned. In other passages FSnelon condemns the subtllltSs in thought and expression which were a source of intellectual pleasure for many of his contemporaries. It is obvious that the role of pleasure in FSnelon*s conception of eloquence is unlike that of le P8re Rapin and others, who called eloquence "le vSritable art de plaire",1** Having convinced HBM that pleasure is not the final end of eloquence, "A" turns his attention to determining what the proper use of persuasion should be. Persuasion, he says, may be considered in three wayst 1) comme l*art de persuader la vSritS, et de rendre les hommes meilleurs 27 2) comme un art indifferent, dont les mSchants se peuvent servir aussi bien que les bons, et qui peut persuader l'erreur, 1*injustice, autant que la justice et la v£rit§ 3) enfin comme un art qui peut servir aux hommes int§ress&s & plaire, & s'acquSrir de la rSputa- t io n , e t & faire fortune (XXI, 14)

"A" leads "B" to concur in his opinion that only the first way is acceptable if one is concerned with morally per­ fecting the members of a state or republic. Both men agree that the aim of persuasion is moral instruction and » that orators, in "BH,s words, "devraient Stre les d£- fenseurs des lois, et les maitres des peuples pour leur enseigner la vertu" (XXI, 35). Some thirty years later, in his Lettre & l'Acadfmie, FSnelon w ill define eloquence in similar fashion. He calls it, in this later work, "un art tr&s s&rieux, qui est destinS 8! instruire, 8! rSprimer les passions, & corriger les coeurs, 8 soutenir les lois, 8! diriger les deliberations publiques, 8 rendre l e s hommes bons e t heureux" (XXI, 1 ?6 ). FSnelon finds numerous examples among the orators of the past to show how eloquence has been used for the good of mankind on the one hand, and how it has been used to promote personal ambition or prestige on the other. The ancient sources most often cited throughout the discussion of the aims of eloquence are Plato's Republic, the Gorgias and the Phaedrus. As with the other arts in Plato's ideal state, eloquence may be practiced only if it inspires 28 virtue at the same time that it provides pleasure. Again, "B" is led to share "A"*s opinion and to summarize their preceding discussion!

J'entre tout St fait dans leur sentimenti il ne faut rien d*inutile. Puisqu’on peut mettre le plaisir dans les choses solides, il ne le faut point chercher ailleurs. Si quelque chose peut faciliter la vertu, c'est de la mettre d*accord avec le plaisiri au con- traire, quand on les sSpare, on tente violemment les hommes d*abandonner la vertu» d*ailleurs, tout ce qui plait sans instruire amuse et amollit (XXI, 19-20).17

Speaking of Plato*s Gorgias. "A" explains that Gorgias and his disciple Callicles were able to discourse elegant­ ly about everything, but lacked the thing that Socrates sought in men, that is, "des vrais principes de la morale, et des regies d'un raisonneroent exact et sSrieux." Their rhetoric, according to Socrates, is not a true art, for art is "une discipline rSglSe, qui apprend aux hommes & faire quelque chose qui soit utile & les rendre meilleurs qu'ils ne sont" (XXI, 31)* The Phaedrus is cited as an example showing that eloquence must be based on sound principles before persuasion can take place, FSnelon*s choice of supportive statements from the Gorgias and Phaedrus makes evident not only his fam iliar­ ity with, and predilection for, Plato among the ancients, but also illustrates more vividly the unfortunate state into which FSnelon considers rhetoric to have fallen* The parallel between the sophistic age of Socrates* Gorgias 29 and of FSnelon's own day is implied throughout the work. Just as the first sophistic had stressed expression at the expense of sound argument, rhetoric in sixteenth and seven­ teenth-century France, following the influence of Ramus and Talaeus, found itself preoccupied with elocution and pleas­ ure-giving bel-est>rit. W. S, Howell speculates that this was FSnelon*s true object of attack in the Dialogues sur JO 1'Eloquence. FSnelon*s position vis-S-vis bel-esprit w ill remain just as strong in the Lettre & 1'AcadSmie. where we read in the "Projet de rhStorique"*

Plus un dSclamateur ferait d*efforts pour m'Sblouir par les prestiges de son discours, plus je roe rS- volterais contre sa vanitSt son empressement pour faire admirer son esprit me paraitrait le rendre in- digne de toute admiration (XXI, 176).

THE METHOD OF RHETORIC

Whereas Socrates and Plato serve as authorities in the first dialogue in establishing the principle that rhetoric must have a moral basis, Cicero, in the second dialogue, is called upon most frequently to provide the means for achieving rhetoric's final aim of moving men to better conduct. At the beginning of the second dial­ ogue eloquence is defined again, this time as the art of moving men. "C" reminds "A" how their previous conversa­ tion endedt **Vous parliez de 1 'Eloquence, qui consists 30 toute & Smouvoir," The new term Smouvolr is used in the remainder of the dialogue as a synonym of persuader. But the real question is how one goes about moving his listen­ er, "AM gives greater precision to the notion of persuader in the course of a discussion on what constitutes affecta­ tion in discourse. •’A" statesi

Nous avons dit que 1*Eloquence consiste, non seule- ment dans la preuve, tnais encore dans l'a rt d*exciter les passions. Pour les exciter, il faut les peindre, ainsi je crois que toute 1*Eloquence se rSduit 8: prouver, 8 peindre, et 8 toucher (XXI, 47).

This three-part definition of eloquence is based on Cic­ ero's theory of the three means of persuasion. In his Orator and De Oratore. Cicero says that persuasion con­ sists of proving (probare or docere), in winning the lis­ tener's favor (delectare or conciliare). and in arousing the feelings (movere),^ FSnelon readily accepts the theory that intellectual proof is ineffectual without 20 emotional persuasion (prouver et toucher) , but he mod­ ifies the Ciceronian concept of how to win the hearer's favor, Cicero's use of delectare in the Orator suggests that giving pleasure is a separate and distinct means of persuading, whereas FSnelon, as we have seen, considers pleasure a secondary aspect of all three of his means of persuasion. When Cicero speaks of winning the hearer's favor (conciliare) in his De Oratore he is thinking pri­ marily of the speaker's ability to spark the imagination of the listener and to enable him to visualise what is being said, as is the case with FSnelon.

Now feelings are won over by a man's merit, achieve­ ments or reputable life, qualifications easier to embellish, if only they are real, than to fabricate where non-existent. But attributes useful in an advocate are a mild tone, a countenance expressive of modesty, gentle language, and the faculty of seeming to be dealing reluctantly and under com­ pulsion with something you are really anxious to prove. It is very helpful to display the tokens of good-nature, kindness, calmness, loyalty and a disposition that is pleasing..,21

FSnelon substitutes peindre for the middle term (delectare. conciliare) and thinks of it as the action of representing things in such a lifelike way that the listener imagines he almost sees them. The listener's attention is wholly attracted to the thing represented, not to the words, nor to the speaker. "Le poSte dispar at t| on ne voit plus que ce qu'il fait voir, on n'entend plus ceux qu'il fait par­ ler. Voilfii la force de 1 'imitation et de la peinture" (XXI, 48). Cicero's concept of conciliare, then, is distinctly different from FSnelon's concept of peindre» the former focuses the audience's attention on the speaker, whose merits w ill serve as one kind of ethical proof in the process of persuasions the latter removes the speak­ er completely from the audience's attention. The fac­ ulty of imagination plays the major role in the concept of peindre. as the faculty of reason is the one most 32 closely associated with the concept of prouver. The im­ agination paints things visually and concretely in order to excite the senses and sensibility of the listener) "sans ces peintures, on ne peut Schauffer 1 'imagination de l'auditeur ni exciter ses passions" (XXI, 48), FSnelon's third aim, toucher, which is concerned with stirring the passions, is similar to Cicero's movere. Both men explain the term as involving movements of the 22 voice and body during the delivery of a speech, "A" explains that movements serve to arouse feelings in the audience in conformance with the speaker's aim* "ft en imprimer dans 1 'esprit de l'auditeur qui soient conformes au dessein de celui qui parle" (XXI, 52). Movements re­ side in the words and in the movements of the body, that is, in the manner of speaking—intonation and rate of speed in speaking—and in body gestures and facial ex­ pressions, The eyes are particularly important in ex­ pressing feeling. In the Lettre & 1'AcadSmie FSnelon speaks again of the three aims of rhetoric, this time associating each aim with a particular style* instruire with the low style, plaire with the moderate style, and toucher with the grand style. He cites Saint Augustine as his authority (XXI, 16?), In the remainder of the "Projet de rhStorique", however, FSnelon seems to think of rhetoric as having really only two main aims, instruire and toucher. His 33 third aim, reindre. is reserved for his discussion of a poetics in the "Projet de poStique", Thus far FSnelon has concerned himself prim arily with the definition of eloquencei eloquence must be based on moral principles, pleasure should not be an end in it­ self, rhetoric reaches the audience by means of proving, painting and moving. It remains for him to describe eloquence itself and to explain more fully the general characteristics of good oratory. In the third and final dialogue FSnelon gives us one of his most complete single statements on the art of persuasiont

Selon eux les anciens , l'a rt de l*6loquence con­ sists dans les moyens que la rSflexion et 1'expSri- ence ont fait trouver pour rendre un discours propre & persuader la vSritS, et a en exciter 1*amour dans le coeur des hommes,,Ne m’avez-vous pas dit, tout a cette heure, que vous voulez de l*ordre, de la mSthode pour instruire, de la soliditS de raisonne- ment, et des mouvements pathStiques, c'est-a-dire qui touchent et qui remuent les coeurs? L*Elo­ quence n'est que cela (XXI, 86).

Again we see that eloquence can be reduced essentially to an art involving both the intellectual and emotional re­ sources of the speaker, and one that must inspire a love for truth. Reflection and experience can teach the most effective means of persuasion. In the Lettre a 1'AoadSmie FSnelon speaks less of the persuasive techniques of elo­ quence and devotes more of his time to a discussion of the characteristics of exemplary speech. At one point he 3^ describes in concise, but somewhat enigmatic terms, the perfect speech* "Quand 1*ordre, la justesse, la force et la v!h!mence se trouvent rSunis, le diBcours est parfait" (XXI, 180), Two of the qualities mentioned in this pass­ age, ordre and vShemence. are clear enough in their mean­ ings, In the passage preceding the above citation, F!ne- lon speaks more fully on ordre as the arrangement of the parts of discourse, or disnositio. He associates the word v!h!mence with energetic and impassioned deliv­ ery, or pronunciatlo. The other two terms, .iustesse and force, are not so easily defined in terms of ancient rhetoric and do not seem to be so readily associated in Fenelon's mind with specific functions of the speaker in the way that ordre and v!h!mence are, F§nelon uses the word force frequently in speaking of **la force des raisonnements", Mla force des expressions", "la force de la vSrit!", or of "la force de cette unit! et de cet ordre," The word as he uses it here seems to mean a general quality of power residing in both the thought and expression, or the strength that results from the proper combination of the two, JustesBe suggests as exactness of thought ("Je voudrais qu*un orateur,,.s'exerqat & raisonner avec justesse et exacti­ tude") and an appropriate choice of language as dictated by the circumstances of time, place and audience. It is the quality which we would most closely associate with the 35 word goflt. since it comes about only after long experience and reflection.

THE BRANCHES OP ORATORY

Fenelon's principles and descriptions of eloquence up to this point are applicable to eloquence in general. The three traditional branches of oratory-deliberative, judicial and demonstrative—are not named and discussed as such. The one branch Which he does mention specifically is the panegyric in connection with pulpit oratory. He refers several times to the deliberative speeches of the ancient Greek orators? forensic debate receives the least attention of all? at one point "BM mentions it in con­ nection with the Roman period (XXI, 35)• In the Lettre & l 'Academie Fenelon speaks again of deliberative oratory— without, however, using the word deliberative—as practiced by the ancients, particularly in matters of war and peace. He seems to regret that the spoken word has no sim ilar power in his day?

Les assemblies n'y sont que des cirimonies et des spectacles....Tout se dicide en secret dans le ca­ binet des princes ou dans quelque nigociation parti- culi&re? ainsi notre nation n'est point excitSe S, faire les mimes efforts que les Grecs pour dominer par la parole. L'usage public de l'iloquence est maintenart presque bornS aux pridicateurs et aux avocats (XXI, 165-166).

'Judicial oratory is dismissed in a paragraph which is 36 totally unflattering to the lawyers of FSnelon's day# Persuasive oratory in this domain is non-existenti "Mais oh sont ceux qui poss&dent le grand art d'enlever la persuasion, et de remuer les coeurs de tout un peuple" (XXI, 166), There remains, in fact then, only one branch of ora­ tory to which FSnelon's remarks on eloquence can be put to usei pulpit oratory. It is this branch of oratory that FSnelon's third dialogue deals with in particular. Although non-existent in the days of the earliest Greek and Roman rhetoricians, the art of pulpit oratory in later Christian cultures was usually considered under the head of epideictic oratory, even though in its general aspects, it shares qualities of both the demonstrative and deliberative branches of traditional rhetoric. Like the former, it holds up for praise the lives and actions of virtuous men, and seeks either to persuade its listeners to a specific course of action or conduct, or to renew or intensify their zeal in their present course of behavior or belief. It may be concerned with both past and future a c ti o n s . • It is obvious in reading the Dialogues sur l 'Sloquence that pulpit oratory, as a branch of rhetoric, has its own subdivisions or hierarchy of genres. The speakers refer to at least three kinds of preachingt the panegyric, mentioned in three separate passages (XXI, 9-10t XXI, 2kt XXI, 119)I the homSlie (XXI, 97-107)t and a third kind of discourse simply called sermon. Regarding the pagan panegyric and panegyricists, "B" expresses the opinion that the latter have the right to practice their form of

* discourse for personal gain. The nature of his comments and inquiries indicates how susceptible to rhetorical excesses that particular form of sermon was. As a glor­ ification of a saint, it called for a recherchg form, since the glory of the saint reflected on God,2^ The diction­ aries of the day defined the panegyric simply as "le dis­ cours, ou le po&me, fa it ft la louange de quelqu’un" (Dictionnaire de l ’Acadgmie)» or as the "discours d'un orateur fait Si la louange d*une personne, ou d'une vertu extraordinaire, ou qu'on veut faire pasBer pour telle" (Fureti&re), The latter definition acknowledges the ora­ tor’s right to exercise his rhetorical skills in such a way as to deceive his audience. The homSlie. the dictionary again tells us, was a didactic form of sermon that was preached regularly at Sunday masst "discours fait pour expliquer au peuple les matibres de la religion et principalement l ’Evangile" (Dictionnaire de l ’Acadgmie), It resembled the nrSne. which the same dictionary defines as "instruction chrS- tienne que le curS ou son vicaire fait tous les dimanches dans la chaire Si la messe parolesiale." Fureti&re says of the prone» "il tient un milieu entre le catSchisme et la predication." Fenelon's preachers are thinking pri­ marily of this form of preaching in the third dialogue. * "A" expresses his desire that preachers' sermons con­ sist of chronological explanations of Scriptural doc­ trine i Mje voudrais que [les prSdicateurs] expliquassent les principes et l'enchainement de la doctrine de l'E cri- ture" (XXI, 96)t and his regret that contemporary preach­ ers no longer follow this practice!

Mais il faut avouer que ce serait toute autre chose, si les pasteurs, suivant l'ancien usage, expliquassent de suite les saints livres au peuple. Representez- vous quelle autoritS aurait un homme qui ne dirait rien de sa propre invention, et qui ne ferait que suivre et expliquer les pens€es et les paroles de Dieu mime (XXI, 96).

"B", having by this time adopted "A^s point of view of eloquence, concurs that a solid explanation of the substance of Christianity ("le fond du christianisme'') is preferable to a description of the disorders of the

* world. Unfortunately not many people are capable of explaining religiom "Peu. de gens savent assez toute la religion pour la bien expliquer. Tel fait des sermons qui sont beaux, qui ne saurait faire un catichisme solide, encore moins une homilie" (XXI, 97)* "C", in turn, ex­ presses his wish that solid, chronological instruction comprise the substance of sermons and that such sermons be delivered by persons permanently assigned to the parisht 39 C'est principalement 8 cause de cette suite d*in­ structions que je voudrais que des gens fixes, comme les pasteurs, prechassent dans chaque paroisse , ...Je voudrais...qu'on enseignat aux Chretiens les premiers SlSments de leur religion, et qu'on les men&t avec ordre jusqu'aux plus hauts myst&res (XXI, 106).

"A" again refers to the exemplary practice of former timesi "C'est ce que l'on faisait autrefois. On com- menqait par les catSch&ses, aprfes quoi les pasteurs enseignaient de suite l'Evangile par des homHlies, Cela faisait des ChrStiens tr8s instruits de toute la parole de Dieu" (XXI, 10?). The primary aim of the parish priest is to instruct in his oratory. The third kind of sermon alluded to in the dialogues has less well-defined characteristics, but would seem to include the Ash Wednesday sermon heard by "B" which launches the entire discussion of the Dialogues. Truchet des­ cribes this kind of sermon as one not tied to the cele­ bration of the office parolssial. but one delivered apart from it on a special occasion and possibly by an outside preacher, (The preacher of the Ash Wednesday sermon ap­ pears to be preaching a series of special Lenten sermons and according to "A" is not t.he preacher of "notre" par­ ish.) It could have the characteristics of both pane­ gyrical and pastoral eloquence. Truchet cites P&re Al­ bert's definition! "II suit les r&gles du discours ora- toire"—which distinguishes it from the pronet "en 40 traitant des mystSres de la religion et des vertus mo- ok rales"—which separates it from the panegyric. The existence of different kinds of sermons for different occasions is acknowledged, then, by FSnelon*s preachers, but all three kinds are seen to share the common aim of instructing the listener in church doctrine or history, FSnelon*s own preaching falls within the three gen­ res of sermons alluded to in the dialogues. Of the week­ ly pastoral and heavily didactic sermon, only outlines and sketchy notes rem ain,^ Most of the sermons which remain in their complete form fall into the broader category of the sermon, as defined above* two of them are panegyrics. All of the extant sermons date from sometime after the 26 composition of the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence. The fact that the weekly pastoral sermons were not written out in their entirety is some indication that they were not con­ sidered to be compositions showing any particularly orig­ inal literary or oratorical merit (HUn missionnaire apos- tolique ne doit point faire de la parole de Dieu une parole vaine et pleine d'ornements affectSs" XXI, 175) 1 that FSnelon did not feel compellod by the rhetorical situation to pay any particular attention to rhetorical embellishments. We may assume that the plain style which he undoubtedly used, along with the conventional content and organization, made these sermons appear quite ordin­ ary and unworthy of being recorded in full. The Chevalier 41 Ramsay* who knew FSnelon and lived near him at Cambral* testifies that FSnelon did not write down his sermonst HTous ces sermons Staient faits de l'abondance de son coeur. II ne les Scrlvait point, II ne les prSmSditait presque pas. II se contentait de se renfermer dans son cabinet pour puiser dans l'oraison ses lumi&res,"2^ La ‘ BruySre, likewise* tells us in his "Discours de RSception" before the French Academy on June 15* 1693, of FSnelon's methodt "Avouons-le, on sent la force et l'ascendant de ce rare esprit, soit qu'il preche de gSnie, et sans prS- paration, soit q u 'il prononce un discours StudiS et ora- toire* soit q u 'il exprime ses pensSes dans la conversa­ t i o n . ''28 On the other hand* the sermons composed in commemor­ ation of saints' days* and the panegyrics* do reflect a concern for organization and style, indicating the author's awareness of the special nature of the occasion and aud­ ience. FSnelon did not have these sermons printed him- selft the only collections published during his lifetim e appeared in 1706* without his knowledge. It is impossible to know who was responsible for the choice of the ten ser­ mons which thus appeared, or who the publisher was who procured them»2^ the important thing is that they were considered worthy of a wider literary audience than most of FSnelon*s sermons. Examples of the various branches of oratory can be kz seen in FSnelon's secular writings, TSlSmaque contains a number of speeches which belong to the demonstrative branchi Mentor's speech in praise of AristodSme (Bk. v)* Adoam's praise of La BStique (Bk, v ii), TSlSmaque's speech praising Antiope (Bk. xvii). Closely related to the demon­ strative speeches are the narrative Sloges that occur fre­ quently in TSlSmaque. These Sloges may have as their subject landscapes, cities, persons or virtues. Since the subject of the Sloges is always idealized and depicted in terms of the same stock elements and epithets, these passages tend to resemble each other a great deal. The descriptions of Calypso's island (Bk. i), of Egypt (Bk. ii) , of Tyr (Bk. iii) , of Crete (Bk. iv), of La BStique (Bk, vii) and of the Champs-ElysSeB (Bk, xiv) are all slight variations on the same theme of pleasant and useful sites , ^ Because there is little or no attempt to particularize these descriptions or to bring them within the reader's actual experience, the modern reader tends to belittle FSnelon's descriptive abilities. But in the rhetorical context of FSnelon's day, any such attempts, by moving outside the realm of archetypes and perfections, could only disorient the reader in his perception of the flow of arguments. The descriptions of the places mentioned above are not unlike that of the pupil who described the environs of Troyes as a kind of Champs-ElysSesi Le premier objet qui se prSsente aux yeux, ce sont des jardins ou l'a rt et la nature semblent se le disputer, oft l'on peut jouir pendant les ardeurs du soleil d'une dSlicieuse fraicheur. C'est dans ces jardins que Plore et Pomone prodiguent tous leurs dons* c'est 1ft que les oiseaux font entendre con- tinuellement leurs voix et forment les concerts les plus mSlodieuxt c'est 1ft que la douce haleine des,,, zSphyrs vient jouer ft travers un Spais feuillage.

Both the schoolboy's and FSnelon's descriptions are rhet­ orical exercises whose merit lies not in originality or realistic portrayal but rather in their imitation of a given model, the ability to argue from common topics, and the handling of sentence structure. The descriptions of Antiope in Book xvii, first by TSlSmaque, then by Mentor, are illustrative of this kind of exercise. TSlSmaque enumerates Antiope*s virtues* physical, morai, domestic» he then compares her with var­ ious goddesses in the way she performs certain tasks. He concludesi "Heureux 1 'homme qu'un doux hymen unira avec elle! II n'aura ft craindre que de la perdre et de lui survivre," Mentor's Sloge complements TSlSmaque*s. He, too, begins by enumerating Antiope's virtues and by mentioning the absence of specific vices. He describes more fully virtues named by TSlSmaque and gives examples of how they manifest themselves. "Son silence, sa modes- tie", mentioned by TSlSmaque, is expanded in Mentor's speech tot "elle ne parle que pour la nScessitSt et, si elle ouvre la bouche, la douce persuasion et les grSces naives coulent de ses lSvres, DSs qu*elle parle, tout le monde se tait, et elle en rougitt peu s'en faut qu'elle ne supprime ce qu'elle a voulu dire, quand elle aperqoit qu'on l'Scoute si attentivement, A peine l'avons- nous entcndue parler." Mentor, too, finds a point of comparison in mythologyi

ThStis, quand elle flatte le vieux NSrSe, n*apaise pas avec plus de douceur les flots irrites, Ainsi Antiope, sans prendre aucune autoritS et sans se prSvaloir de ses charmes, maniera un jour le coeur de son Spoux, comme elle touche maintenant sa lyre, quand elle veut en tirer les plus tendres accords.

Mentor*s speech 1 b a rhetorical amplification of TSlS- maque*s. Other demonstrative speeches appear praising the arts (Bk, ii), the authority of the king (Bk, v), and the "lu- mi&re pure et douce** of the Champs-ElysSes (Bk. xiv), The latter passage offers a good example of the way in which FSnelon presents his arguments. In addition to the special topic of virtue, upon which demonstrative speeches are built, FSnelon uses a number of the common topicst definition, enumeration of parts, comparison, degree, contraries, differencei

...une lumi&re pure et douce se rSpand autour des corps de ces hommes justes et les environne de ses rayons comme d*un vStement, Cette lumifere n 'est point semblable & la lumi&re sombre qui Sclaire les yeux des misSrables mortels, et qui n'est que tSn&bresj c'est plutSt une gloire cSleste qu'une lumiSrei elle pen&tre plus subtilement les corps les plus Spais que les rayons du soleil ne pSn&trent le plus pur cristali elle n'Sblouit jamaist au contraire, elle fortifie les yeux, et porte dans le fond de l'ame je ne sals quelle sgrenit§, C»est d*elle s e u le que ces homines b ien h eu reu x so n t n o u rrls t e l l e sort d'eux et elle y entret elle les pSn&tre et s'incorpore & eux comme les aliments s*incorporent & nous• • •

Traces of the judicial branch of oratory may be seen in the Dialogues des morts. where a number of dial­ ogues take the form of debates dealing with past actions and questions of justice,, the special topic of this branch of oratory. Dialogue XXXVII, in particular, re­ sembles a courtroom scene in which a judge, Rhadamanthus, listens to the arguments of the two defendants, in this case, Cato the Censor and Sciplo the African. In his final speech of the dialogue, Rhadamanthus as one of the judges of the Underworld, dispenses justice after hearing the two parties defend their actions. Other dialogues make reference to the impending judgment of the judges of the U nderw orldi d ia lo g u e V III betw een Romulus and Remusy dialogue XI between Xerxes and Leonidast and dialogue XVI between Socrates and Alcibiades. In Tfilgmaaue we find several episodes involving questions of justice or in­ justice, but there are no good examples of this type of oratory, either in sustained dialogue or narrative form. Deliberative oratory made use of the special topics of 1) the worthy or good, and 2) the advantageous, ex­ pedient or usefulj and whatever common topics were 46 appropriate to the situation. This branch is represented in its purest form in certain speeches in TSlSmaaue. in which we find one of the principal figures arguing public­ ly in favor of a particular course of action. TSl&naque's

* long speech before the wise men of Crete on the theoret­ ical question of which is preferable* "un roi conquSrant et invincible dans la guerre** or **un roi sans experience de la guerre, mais propre 8! policer sagement les peuples dans la paix" is one good, example. Other examples in their purer form are the speeches delivered by both Mentor and TSlSmaque to armies preparing for war (Bk, ix* Bk. xv* Bk. x v i ) . Several shorter speeches can be cited here to illus­ trate FEnelon's method of argument. In the following speech by TElEmaque, concerning whether or not the Dauniens should accept Polydamas as king, the special topics of the worthy and the useful appear, as well as several common t o p i c s .

Polydamas, il est vrai, sait la guerre* mais il aime la paix, et voilSl les deux choses q u 'il faut souhaiter, Un homme qui connalt les malheurs, les dangers et les difficultSs de la guerre, est bien plus capable de l'Eviter qu'un autre qui n'en a aucune experience. II a appris 8: goflter le bonheur d'une vie tranquille* il a condamne les entreprises d'Adraste* il en a prEvu les suites funestes. Un rince faible, ignorant et sans expSrience, est plus Scraindre pour vous qu'un homme qui connaitra et qui dlcidera tout par lui-m$me, Le prince faible et ignorant ne verra que par les yeux d'un favori passionnS, ou d'un ministre flatteur, inquiet et k? ambitieuxt ainsi ce prince aveugle s'engagers dans la guerre sans la vouloir faire, Vous ne pourrez jamais vous assurer de lui, car il ne pourra Stre sQr de lui-memei il vous manquera de parole* il vous rSduira bientot & cette extrSmite, qu'il faudra ou que vous le fassiez pSrir ou qu'il vous aecable, N 'est-il pas plus utile, plus s£tr, et en mSme temps plus juste et plus noble, de rSpondre fidSlement a] la confiance des Dauniens et de leur donner un roi digne de commander?

In the opening sentence, TSlSmaque defines the situation! Polydamas is knowledgeable in warfsure, but loves peace— both are desirable qualities. Next he argues by degreei the man who knows the misfortunes, dangers and difficulties o f war i s b e t t e r a b le to a v o id them th a n th e man who has no such experience. He then enumerates specific virtues demonstrated by Polydamasi he has learned to appreciate the happiness of a peaceful life, he has condemned Adraste's actions, he has foreseen the fateful conse- quences of them. His next argument is based on the topic of difference! he distinguishes between the weak, ignor­ ant and inexperienced prince and a man who knows and de­ cides everything by himself. His following argument is based on antecedent and consequence! ,,.ainsi,,•i••.car ,,,,In his last sentence, T6l€maque asks whether it is not more expedient ("plus utile, plus sQr") and more worthy (Met en m§me temps plus juste et plus noble") to choose Polydamas, We are told that "Toute 1*assembles fut per- suadSe par ce discours," In Book xvii Mentor argues on the question! "Lequel Jf8 vaut mieux, ou une ville superbe en marbre, en or et en argent* avec une campagne nSgligSe et sterile, ou une campagne cultivfte et fertile, avec une ville mediocre et modeste dans ses moeurs," Such questions remind the reader of the type of subject proposed to pupils of rhet­ oric in the seventeenth century, as scholars such as Daniel Mornet and Georges Snyders have pointed out,^2

MODELS OP ELOQUENCE

In the final dialogue, which is devoted almost ex­ clusively to pulpit oratory, FSnelon discusses his pre­ ferred models of eloquence. After having lauded the qualities of Demosthenes and the mature Cicero in the earlier dialogues—primarily for their excellence in elo­ cution—"A" now holds up the Scriptures as the supreme model. To feel the eloquence of the Scriptures, "A" ex­ plains, nothing is more useful than to appreciate sine lent sim plicity!

Surtout la lecture des anciens Grecs sert beaucoup ft y r6ussir., . ,il faut connaltre Homftre, Platon, Xdnophon, et les autres des anciens tempsi aprfts cela l'Ecriture ne vous surprendra plus.,,,La diffe­ rence qui est entre eux est tout entiftre ft 1'honneur de l'Ecrituret elle les surpasse tous infiniment en nalvet6, en vivacite, en grandeur (XXI, 92).

The specific passages praised by "A" are the songs of Moses ("Jamais Homftre mime n*a approchS de la sublim ite de Molse dans ses Cantiques"), the Psalms ("Jamais nulle 49 ode grecque

/ emulation certain pagan writers is interesting in other ways than simply because it reflects Flnelon's great fond­ ness for ancient classical literature. It reflects as well the continuing controversy, renewed in the Renaissance, concerning the place of pagan writers of antiquity in the school curriculum. F€nelon*s attitude coincides precise­ ly with that of the Jesuits on this matter, who looked upon the study of secular writings as a sort of introductory course to a deeper understanding of the B ible.^ FSnelon does cite the homily of Saint Basil, "Address to Young Men on Reading Greek Literature", in which Basil shows how one can profit from the reading of the pagan writersj and although FSnelon does not cite Saint Augustine on this question, he surely knew the various passages in which Augustine approved such study (Confessions. I, vii, c. xx» De Doctrina Christiana. I, 11, c.xl), as well as th e favorable opinion of other Church Fathers whose names appear in the Dialogues, such as Jerome and Gregory of N azianze, That the question was still alive in FSnelon's day is evident from the fact that other writers on rhetoric continued to discuss it. Claude Fleury*3 Discours sur P lato n ( 1670 ), for example, contains a "Rfponse & ce que les p&res de l'Eglise ont dit contre Platon" and a section entitled "U tility des livres de Platon, m&me pour faire connattre les beautSs extSrieures de l'Ecriture."*^ 52 Rollin's Traitg des Studes, which did not appear until 1726-31, devotes two separate passages to the same ques­ tion * "La lecture des pontes profanes peut-elle etre permise dans des Scoles chrStiennes?" and "De l'6loquence de la chaire." ^ F6nelon's. acceptance of pagan writers as models of eloquence, along with the Scriptures and the Church Fath­ ers, is a natural consequence, too, of his school train­ ing. According to J.-L, Gor§, it is almost certain that FSnelon's school training up through the class called Rhetorica took place in a Jesuit school in Cahors, where the Ratio Studiorum served as the basis of the school curriculum, indicating that FSnelon studied Gregory of Nazianze, Basil and John Chrysostom, along with Aesop, Homer, Plato and Thucydides, in the Greek classes . ^ In fact, all, or very nearly all, of the ancient writers mentioned by FSnelon in his writings on rhetoric were part of the school curriculum of his day, FSnelon's great admiration above all for Plato among his ancient models can perhaps be ascribed, too, to the influence of FSnelon's close friend during the period in which FSnelon wrote his Dialogues—Claude Fleury,^® Fleu- ry's statement of Plato's moral doctrine in his Discours sur Platon coincides exactly with the scattered remarks made by "A" in the course of the Dialogues. Fleury statesi

/ 53 La morale de Platon me parait €galement SlevSe et solide. Bien de plus pur quant ft ce qui regarde le dSsintSressement, le mepris des richesses, 1*amour des autres hommes et du bien public, Rien de plus noble quant & la fermetS du courage, au mSpris de la volupte, de la douleur et de 1*opinion des hommes, et & 1*amour du veritable plaisir et de la souve- rainebeaut§,39

CONCLUSION

In summarizing F§nelon*s view of rhetoric, we can say that for FSnelon, rhetoric must have an edifying purpose and that it aims to stir men to better conduct. It is functional rather than decorative, and in seven­ teenth-century France has its greatest outlet in the form of pulpit oratory. Its finest models are found in the Scriptures and the writings of the Church Fathers, al­ though those writings of the ancients which are aimed at improving morality are also admirable and worthy of study. For the moral basis of rhetoric FSnelon turns to Plato as his ancient authority, for the mechanics of persuasion he turns to Cicero, and for a guide in matters of pulpit oratory he turnB to Saint Augustine, These views of rhetoric, as well as the models, are not uncommonly found among the theoretical writings on rhetoric in FSnelon's day. Theory, however, and practice, are not the same thing, and in the following chapters we shall see in what way and to what extent FSnelon practices the principles t < •promulgated in his theoretical writings.

/ 54

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I

All references to F 6nelon's works, unless otherwise indicated, are to the Oeuvres completes, dite Edition de Versailles, par J. Gosselin et A, Caron (35 vol., A. Lecl&re, 1820-1830), Vol, 1? contains the TraitS de 1 *Education des filles and the sermonsi vol. 19 contains the Dialogues des mortsi and vol. 21 con­ tains the Dialogues sur~IT5loquence. Lettre jl l*Aca- dSmie. and poems. T^lfmaque is contained in vol. 20, Since the novel is fairly accessible in other editions references usually include the book in which the quotation appears, for the convenience of the reader. o Peter France sums up the situation this wayr "... rhetoric, which strictly speaking was the theory of spoken eloquence, had long since extended its field to cover written composition as well as speech, and verse as well as prose. Written composition was considered an essential exercise in learning to speak well, but it was also clearly useful in its own right. Rhetoric tended to blur the distinction between the written and spoken word, which was in any case less apparent in the seventeenth century than it is today." Peter France, Rhetoric and Truth in Francet Descartes to Diderot (Oxford, 1972JV p. l 8 . B, Munteano also writesi "...du temps d'Augustin, vers la fin du paganisme, eloquentia avait fini par signi- fier & peu pr&s ,litt§ratureT, et orateur dSsignait, en g€nSral, le 'lettrS '." B, Munteano, "Des constantes en littSrature, Principes et structures rhStoriques", Revue de littSrature comparSe. 1957# p. 400. ^D, L. Clark, Rhetoric and Poetic in the Renaissance (New York, 1922), pp. 35- 3 6 . 4 I b i d ., p . 3 1 . 5I b i d ., p . 3 1 , Chapters IV, V, VII and VIII of Part I deal at length with the confusion caused by the ident­ ity of terminology, ^Joachim Du Bellay, La Deffense et illustration de la langue fPangaise. Edition critique par Henri Chamard (tarist STFM, 1948), p. 58. 7 I b i d ., p . 8 5 . 55 o Thomas Sebillet, Art poStloue franooys. Edition cri­ tique par FSlix Gaiffe (Paris* STFM, 1910)f pp. 21- 22. %ee Jacques Morel, "Rhfitorique et tragSdie au XVIIe sifccle" in Dlx-septi&me si&cle #80-81 ( 1968 ), pp. 89 - .105. 10C, S, Baldwin, Ancient Rhetoric and Poetic (New York, 192*0, p. 3. S. Howell, "Oratory and Poetry in FSnelon's Lit­ erary Theory", Q u arterly Journal of Speech. 37*1* p. 9. 12Ibid., p. 10. ^For examples of school manuals on rhetoric, see Daniel Mornet, Histoire de la clartS franoaise (Paris, 1929), p. 44. Ik That these characteristics of sermons were not uncom­ mon in FSrielon*s day is obvious from the testimony left by his contemporaries. Texier, for example, spoke against "une doctrine relevSe de conceptions nouvelles et de pensSes subtiles, une composition StudiSe, des mots recherchfis et des pSriodes bien arrondies, en Steignant le feu et l'ardeur du prStre chrStien", quoted in Mornet, ClartS franoaise. pp. 338-339. See also La Bruyfere's remarks in Les Caract&res. "De la chaire", ^Peter France, Rhetoric and Truth in France, p. 25. ■^B, Munteano, "Survivances antiques. L*Abb§ Du Bos, esthSticien de la persuasion passionnelle", Revue de littSrature comparSe. 1956, p. 3*H. ^The same argument will appear in the Lettre & l*Aca- dSmie. 18 Ffinelon, Dialogues on Eloquence, trans, and with an introduction by V/. ST Howell (princeton, 1951)* P. 7. ^Cicero, De Oratore, 2.27,115i 2,28,121> 2,29,128> 2 .7 7 .3 .0 , 20Ibid,, 3.15.56-73* 3.35.1^2-3. 21Ibid.* 2,43.182. 22lbid.. 3.56.213-28. 56 2^J. Truchet, "Predication classique et separation des genres", Information littgraire. No, 4 (1955)* p. 128. 24I b i d ,, p. 1 2 7 , 2-*Marguerite Haillant gives a descriptive inventory of FSnelon's sermons in her FSnelon et la Predication (Paris, 1969)* PP. 5-10, 26 Only two sermons, the "Discours pour le sacre de l'Slecteur de Cologne" and the "Sermon sur la voca­ tion des gentils" can be dated with certainty. The former was delivered May 1, 1707? the latter, January 6 , 1687. All evidence indicates, however, that all of the remaining sermons date from after the compos­ ition of the Dialogu.es. See Haillant, FSnelon et la Predication, pp. 11-21, 2<^Michel de Ramsay, Histoire de la vie de Messire Fran­ cois de Salignac de la Motte Finelon TLa Haye, 17237* P. 93. pp La Bruy&re, Les Caract&res, Sd. par R, Garapon (Paris G a rn ie r, 1962) , p, 507. 2^Haillant, FSnelon et la Predication. p, 6 , ■^"Pleasurableness is seen in the beauty of the place, and it is always appropriate to point out if the plac is situated on a sea-coast, on plains, or in another agreeable place. Usefulness is noted by stating that the place is healthful or fertile," Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory. 3. 7. 26-27, ^Cited by Mornet, ClartS francaise. ^^ornet, Clartg francaise. and Georges Snyders, "Rhe­ tor ique et culture". Dix-septi8 me sifecle. No. 80-81 ( 1968 ), pp. 79-87. ^For Saint Augustine's remarks, see De Doctrina Christiana. 4,7.11-12? 4.7.16-17. Saint Paul's eloquence was admired by Bossuet, too, in whose entourage Ffinelon- was at the time he com­ posed his Dialogues. See Bossuet's "PanSgyrique de l'Apfitre Saint Paul", in BoBsuet, Oeuvres. Sd. par B. Velat et Y. Champailler (Paris, 19ol), pp. 353-4. 57 ^"Les Jlsuites ont d'abord vu dans I'ltude des lettres profanes une sorte de propldeutique 9: l'approfondisse- ment de la Bible. Cela est particuli&rement frappant chez Ignace," F, de Dainville, La Naissance de l'hu- manisme moderne. Vol. I, p. 218. Compare Flnelon*s statement! "Pour le sentir [l*Eloquence de l'Ecriture] , rien n'est plus utile que d'avoir le goflt de la sim­ plicity antiquei surtout la lecture des anciens Grecs sert beaucoup 9! y rlu ssir,,,.Ce sont presque les mimes coutumes, le s mimes n arrations* le s mimes images des grandes choses, le s mimes mouvements"j and» " I I est vrai que, quand on a bien fait cos Itudes, on en peut tirer un grand fruit pour 1*intelligence mime de l'Ecriture,, (XXI, 100), ^Claude Fleury, Traitl du choix et de la mlthode des Itudes (Paris, T 6227, p. 43^. ■^Charles Rollin, Traitl des Itudes (Paris, 1883). See Livre III, Chap. I, art, iiiV and Livre V, Chap. II. *^J,-L, Gorl, L'ltlnlraire de FineIon, p. 42. ^®"Le platonisme de Fleury nous semble surtout suscep­ tible d*avoir marqul Flnelon,, . .Flnelon devra 9; Fleury un peu de sa solidite logiquej un mime goflt de principes solides de morale et de vertu les fait revenir 9: Platon,", Gorl, L'ltinlralre de Flnelon. pp. 108-109. ■^Fleury, T raitl. p. 42?. ^®0ne contemporary preacher apparently combined theory and practice to perfection, according to Flnelon, In his "Mlmoire sur les occupations de l'Acadlmie fran- qaise" (171*0, we readt "Depuis cent ans l'lloquence de nos orateurs pour la chaire et pour le barreau a changl de forme trois ou quatre fois, Combien de styles difflrents avons-nous admirls dans les prl- dications avant que d'avoir Iprouvl celui du Pare Bourdaloue, qui a effacl tous les autres, et qui est peut-ltre arrivl 9! la perfection dont notre langue e s t capable dans ce genre d'lloquence" (XXI, 153). CHAPTER II

RHETORICAL APPEALS (I)i

ETHICAL AND LOGICAL

Ancient rhetoricians recognized the importance of ethical appeal in the persuasive process, Aristotle ack­ nowledged that it could be the most powerful of the three modes of persuasion.* If the audience did not respect and have confidence in the speaker, all of the speaker's skill in convincing the mind and moving the will of the listener could prove worthless. Cicero and Quintilian like­ wise stressed the need for high moral character in the speaker. Ethical appeal was especially important in rhetorical discourse, since in this area the speaker was dealing with probabilities and divided opinions rather than with absolute certainties. The speaker, to be per­ suasive, must speak in such a way as to demonstrate to the * audience his good judgment, high moral character and bene­ volence. Because he cannot speak directly about these qualities without appearing immodest, he must somehow es­ tablish the desired impression indirectly throughout the speech. 58 59 THE ORATOR

FSnelon's remarks concerning the orator fall into three basic categories* inherent qualities desirable in the speaker, the intellectual formation which the speaker should acquire, and the duties of the orator as a leader or teacher in society. Flnelon discusses these three aspects of the orator in no particular order in the Dialogues! however, most of his remarks on this topic ap­ pear in the first and third, and a few remarks appear in the Lettre & l ’Acadgmie. FSnelon speaks very little of the natural physical endowments desirable in the speaker. He expects the speaker to be "naturellement tr&s sens£" and to have "quelque facilitS de parler" (XXI, 177-8).2 A certain poetic genius is desirable in a preacher, providing he be well-educated in basic church doctrine, and hold to the ancient method of the Church Fathers in composing homilies, for such a preacher would be able to explain the Scrip­ tures in the very style and image found in the Scrip­ tures themselves. Such a person would be the perfect preacher (XXI, 118), But poetic genius must be tempered with classical bon sens, for in the Lettre ft l #Acad|mie Fgnelon warns poets to guard against an excess of genius.*^ The question of the orator’s moral character is of the utmost concern to FSnelon, Echoing Cicero, he says 60 th a t i

•••la premiere et la plus essentielle des qualitSs d»un orateur est la vertu, II faut une probit# qui soit & l*Spreuve de tout, et qui puisse servir de mod&le & tous les citoyensj sans cela on ne peut paraitre persuadS. ni par consequent persuader les au tre s (XXI, 2 8 ).^

The virtuous person is both noli and dSsintSressg. F£ne- lon speaks several times of politesse. He associates the "veritable politesse" with the classical age of ancient Greece when virtue reigned. With the corruption of the Asiatic Greeks, then of Crete, Corinth and all of Greece, politesse gave way to pleasure and voluptuousness (XXI, 19), Despite the corrupt age in which the Church Fathers lived, they themselves were very polls, that is, "parfaitement instruits pour toutes les biensSances, soit pour €crire, soit pour parler en public, soit pour converser familifcre- ment, soit pour remplir toutes les fonctions de la vie civile," Thus one finds in their writings "une politesse, non-seulement de paroles, mais de sentiments et de moeurs" (XXI, 102-3). It is a politesse. FSnelon explains further, that is in harmony with simplicity. FSnelon's use of the term politesse. as dependent upon inner virtue, again stresses the importance he attaches to substance as op­ posed to form. His politesse is not merely one of external manners, although correct outward behavior is undoubtedly the natural expression of an inner moral strength.-* r 61 Much attention is given to the motivation behind the orator's speaking. Flnelon insists on complete dlsln- tlressement on the part of the speaker. Again reversing an apparently widespread view expressed by "B" that the orator may use his profession for material and personal gain, "A" states that the orator, if he is to speak the truth at all times, should not be in a position of fear­ ing or hoping for his own interests beyond what is necess­ ary, The ambitious or avaricious person cannot hope to c o rre c t the same v ices in others (XXI, 27), It is worth noting that Fenelon stresses the notion of deslntlressement in the context of his remarks on eloquence in general rather than in connection with any particular branch of oratory. Ho develops the notion in the early part of the first dialogue where he borrows from Plato's ideas on the make-up of the ideal state. Another traditional line of thinking, however, associated dlsin- tlressement with a specific branch of oratory, Flnelon*s contemporary, Charles Rollin, for example, devotes a section of his Trait! des Itudes to the topic of dlsin- tlressement. but places it under the general section of "Eloquence du barreau" rather than under the section en­ titled "Eloquence de la chaire",^ In support of his state­ ment Rollin refers to passages in Quintilian in which the latter discusses the question of whether an orator should plead gratuitously on a client's behalf or accept

s 6 2 remuneration,^ FEnelon's application of the concept is therefore a much broader one, and is perhaps inspired in part by the belief that Plato's dislike for rhetoricians was due to th e ir fee-ta k in g . After establishing the absolute necessity of a strong moral character in the orator, FEnelon next insists on the kind of solid preparation he must have. For the kind of training and acquired knowledge that the orator must possess Flnelon refers to both Plato and Cicero. He re­ peats Plato's argument from the Phaedrus that the orator must first learn what he is to persuade his listener of. The great defect of the rhetors is that they practice the art of persuasion without understanding what the substant­ ial nature of that persuasion should be. The orator must first study man in general, then the particular forces operative in a given milieu»

...il faut savoir ce que c'est que l'homme, sa fin, 6es intSrets vSritablest de quoi il est compost, c'est-h-dire de corps et d'espritt la veritable maniEre de le rendre .heureuxt quelles sont ses pass­ ions. . .comment on peut les exciter utilement pour lui faire aimer le bien....AprSs cette Etude gEnE- rale vient la particuliEret il faut connaitre les lois et les coutumes de son pays, le rapport qu'elles ont avec le tempErament des peuples, les moeurs de chaque condition, les Educations diffErenteB, les prEjugEs et les intErSts qui dominent dans le BiEcle oh l'on vit, le moyen d'instruire et de re­ d resse r le s e s p r it (XXI, 36).

Turning from Plato to Cicero, NAN summarises the latter's remarks on the formation of the orator. He first states Crassus* opinion that the orator should be know­ ledgeable in all fields, but then recommends the more tempered opinion of Antonius that the orator need master only the most necessary knowledge which includes all of that branch of philosophy dealing with moeurs. He should know especially the composition of man and the nature of man's passions. He should have a general knowledge of law (he can consult the expert for more detailed know­ ledge) , be a good dialectician, and make a special study of Antiquity, reading the historians both for style and facts, and especially the poets because of the close re­ lationship between the figures of poetry and those of elo­ quence. Flnelon summarizes the opinion of Cicerot En un mot, il rSpSte souvent que l'orateur doit se remplir 1*esprit de choses avant que de parler. Je crois que je me souviendrai de ses propres terms, tant ils m'ont fait d'impression,...L'orateur, dit-il, doit avoir la subtilitS des dialecticiens, la sci­ ence des philosophes, la diction presque des po&tes, la voix et les gestes des plus grands acteurs (XXI, 38).

The one attribute which Fenelon omits in recalling Cicero's words is that of the lawyer's memory, which as FSnelon explains later in his dialogues, is not a necessary qual- o ity in the orator. Undoubtedly following the opinion of Saint Augustine on this question, FSnelon believes that if the orator knows his subject well he will be able to alter his speech if need be to meet the reactions of his audience. This he would not be able to do were the speech 6k Q memorized. The four attributes which Flnelon does retain from Cicero correspond to the four remaining divisions of traditional rhetorici the knowledge of the philosopher for invention, the subtlety of the dialectician for dis­ position, the diction of the poet for elocution, the voice and gestures of the actor for delivery. The insistence on solid study appears again in the Lettre & 1'Acadlmiei

Je voudrais qu'un orateur se prlparat longtemps en glnlral, pour acqulrir un fonds de connaissances et pour se rendre capable de faire de bons ouvrages, Je voudrais que cette preparation glnlrale le mlt en Itat de se prlparer moins pour chaque discours . . particulier, Je voudrais qu'il filt naturellement trls sens I et qu'il ramenSt tout au bon sens, qu'il fit de solides Itudes, qu'il s'exerjat & raisonner avec ju s te s s e e t e x a c titu d e ,. . (XXI, 177)*

The g en eral aim of the o rato r is the same as th a t of eloquence itselfi to correct and reform the manners of society and to improve the political state. The preacher has the additional duty of leading man to God, The great importance which Fenelon attaches to the role of the orator is evident in the expressions he uses to describe him. The orator is-, for example, the "ma£tre du peuple", the "censeur" and the "mldecin" of the people,’10 From this concept of the orator it is but a small step to think of him literally as a teacher, a political leader, a preacher, and ultimately for Flnelon to think of Christ himself as the supreme orator. In his later works, Fenelon will seek the same qualities in the political and religious leader as he does in his ideal o r a to r . A few additional observations pertaining to the orator in general concern the age at which the orator should begin speaking in public (he should begin pract­ icing at a young age and test himself occasionally in public, but the study of good books should long continue to be his principal occupation), and the seriousness of the orator. Flnelon*s concept of oratory as a "grave and serious art" apparently excludes any use of humor or wit on the part of the speaker,—a topic which both Cicero 12 and Quintilian discuss at some length and recommend using. Flnelon*s observations throughout the dialogues are aimed at pointing up differences, or sim ilarities, between the practices of the ancients and those of Flnelon*s contemporaries. In the case of the ancients, "A"*s crit­ icisms are directed primarily at the question of motivation, --whether the speaker or poet used persuasion as a means of giving greater effectiveness to himself, or to truth. According to M8" Cicero's speeches show that he, Cicero, strove for his own reputation! and "B" suspects the same of Isocrates and Demosthenes. Indeed, all ancient eul­ ogists intended less to make their great men esteemed than to make themselves admired. They glorified a prince 66 in order to be rewarded in kind. "B* sees this kind of eulogizing as helpful in perfecting eloquence since it raises men's minds to high thoughts and great passions. The competition involved attracts young men and makes g re a t preachers (XXI, 10). "A" points out the differences in motivation be­ tween Isocrates, whom he calls a lifeless speaker who re­ duced eloquence almost entirely to word arrangement» and Demosthenes, whose primary concern was the best in­ terests of the state.^ (In passing, '’A" points out the one weakness of Longinus, whom he otherwise admires. Lon­ ginus, he says, applied himself more to the admirable than to the useful, and scarcely connected eloquence and moral­ ity (XXI, 12). "A" defends the poets Homer and Virgil on the grounds that their primary aim was a moral one. Their heroes are portrayed in such a way as to teach lessons in virtue and wisdom. The Odyssey., for example, contains "mille instruc­ tio n s m orales pour to u t .l e d e ta il de la v ie" (XXI, 26). V irgil's only weakness is to have been perhaps too much preoccupied with his own fortune, and to have compli­ mented Augustus and his family in a way that approached f la tt e r y . Other ancients who are likewise condemned for not showing sufficient d6sintgressement are Pliny, who in his eulogy of Trajan, spoke to the man's vanity through flattery rather than holding him up as an example of vir­ tue to other mem and Themistocles and Pericles, whose good works and reputation were finally undone due to self- interest.^ It is on similar ground that "A" interprets Plato's condemnation of the sophists and rhetoricians in the Gorgias—the sophists represented false philosophers who sought their own endst the rhetoricians were false speakers seeking their own reputation.^ It is at this point that "B" observes that similar practices can be found today.

The role of the orator as preacher receives separ­ ate consideration in the third dialogue, Although the same principles of dSsintSressement and solid study are applied to the preacher as to the general public speaker, the in c lu sio n of some s p e c ific c ritic is m s o f unnamed contemporaries, and less theoretical and more practical suggestions concerning the preacher's duties add to the interest of the third dialogue. A total of at least eight contemporary preachers are mentioned in the course of the dialoguesi all but one are criticized for some weakness in their preaching. Criticisms range from the use of sermon aids as compensation for a lack of solid study, to unnatural or ineffective delivery, to the use of flowery eloquence, to obscurity and poorly conceived thoughts. In all, each of the traditional divisions of rhetoric is touched upon in these criticisms. The foremost duty of the preacher is to instruct. In order to instruct others, he must be well-instructed himself. On the one hand he must understand perfectly the full meaning of the Scripturesi and on the other, know the capacity of the persons to whom he speakB, Sound knowledge and great discernment are needed. "A" stops short of wishing the preacher to make of his ser­ mons lessons in catechism, but does insist that the duty of the preacher is to explain the principles and inter­ connections of Scriptural doctrine. This would be, in "A"*s eyes, a drastic departure from the practices of his contemporaries', who, as he says, present attractive argu­ ments upon religion, but not religion itself. As "C" points out, it is much easier not to explain religious doctrine, for then one needs only to be experienced in the doings of the world and to be able to command tho language. Most men can deliver beautiful sermons, but do n o t know how to compose a sound catechism , much le s s a homily. The parallel here with Plato*s sophists is obvious. The question of who should be called upon to preach provides an interesting discussion on a more practical mat­ ter. "AM believes that pastors (nasteurs as opposed to prfetres) should be chosen from that part of the priest­ hood which has the gift of 6peech, thereby eliminating the unskilled speaker as well as the volunteer preacher who only seeks to satisfy his own ambition. If only pastors were allowed to preach the pulpit could regain the sim­ plicity and authority it should have. "C"'s arguments in support of this practice are that pastors have had more experience in ministering to the people and therefore u n d erstan d how to speak in a way much more su ite d to th e ir hearers' needs. The pastor's very voice has a benevolent authority. Preachers, on the other hand, who have only theoretical knowledge, deal much less with their hearers* difficulties. They hardly ever adjust themselves to their hearers' states of mind, and they speak in the vaguest of terms. The’argument here reflects again Pension's concern for finding the most effective means of persuasion for dealing with the disposition and condition of his aud­ ience. He admits that the greatest part of the public ( in c lu d in g women) does n o t know th e r u le s or aims o f eloquence and is easily bedazzled by those who speak well but lack substancei NI1 est vrai qu'ils sont applaudis par le gros du monde, qui se laissent aisSment Iblouir" (XXI, 39), Elsewhere he saysi "...on doit manager beau- coup de gens de mSrite et m&me de pifttft, qui, dftfftrant ft la coutume, ou prftoccupfts par l'exemple, se sont en­ gages de bonne foi dans la mftthode que vous blfimez avec raison" (XXI, 105). FSnelon was not the only one to hold a low opinion 70 of his audience*s understanding of true eloquence or of basic theology. His own remark in the dialogues that "il y a toujours les trois quarts de l'auditoire qui ignorent les premiers fondements de la religion, que le prSdicateur suppose qu*on sait", is echoed by his contemporaries. Claude Pleury observed that "la plu- part meme des gens d*esprit ou des savants sont ignorants de la religion"*^ and La BruySre remarked in "De la chaire" that the preacher should not suppose that "le grand ou le beau monde sait sa religion et ses devoirs,"^ It is not surprising then that FSnelon placed so much em­ phasis on what was called the "predication missionnaire" or "predication apostolique", based on basic church doc­ trine, and the most effective moans of reaching his aud­ ience's understanding. The essential portrait which FSnelon gives of the apostolic' preacher coincides v/ith the one given by J, Truchet for the whole century, one based on a wide samp­ ling of contemporary sermons and recorded observations.^ According to this general portrait, the preacher was to have felt a calling to his vocation* he must seek help and support through prayer in order to preach wellt he must be humble, avoiding the danger of pride in successi be filled with science, i.e ., knowledge based on study, and charity. But while striving to remain humble on the one hand, the preacher was also keenly aware of his authority 4

71 and made his listeners aware of it, in turn. This sense of the authority of the preacher or orator reveals itself intermittently in Fgnelon's sermons and also in certain speeches of TSlSmaque and Mentor. This authority is possible because of the role of religion in society and the role of the preacher as spokesman for God. FSnelon's "Discours pour le sacre de l'Slecteur de Cologne" best illustrates the authority which F£nelon, the orator, felt. The sermon, in essence, delineates the duties and powers of the temporal ruler vis-8-vis those of the Church. Four times in the sermon, Fenelon apost­ rophizes kings in harsh and eloquent terms, reminding them of certain truths, and announcing the punishment which God reserves for them if they resist His Churchi

Rois de la terre, vous vous ligueriez en vain contre le Seigneur et contre son Christt en vain vous re- nouvelleriez les persecutions...En vain vous diriezi Rompons les liens, et rejetons son jougt celui qui habite dans les cieux rirait de vos desseins.•..11 vous brisera comme des vases d'argile (XVII, 146)•

* The authority which FSnelon exhibits here, as well as that which the orator/leader exhibits in TSlSmaaue stems not from oneself, however, but from a higher power. In the last several pages of the dialogue, "C" reconstructs the image of the true preacher from what "A" has said, adding some of his own opinions. A preacher should know, in addition to the Scriptures, the essence 72 of the Church Fathers* doctrine, their theories of conduct, their rules concerning moderation, their method of giving instruction. If occupied with all of the details of his ministry he will not have time to write out learned ser­ mons, It is, moreover, highly unworthy of a preacher to spend his life in his study rounding out periods, re­ touching portraits and contriving rhetorical divisions. This parallels what has been said about Isocrates, The preacher should furthermore explain all of re­ ligion, and do so in a concrete and consecutive manner. He should show how things were established and emphasize sequence and tradition. "C" believes that by showing the origin and foundation of religion, preachers can destroy the objections of unbelievers without resorting to open 18 attack, which might only alienate the faithful. Finally, the preacher should compose his sermons in such a way that they do not become a burden to him, thereby enabling him to preach often. All his sermons should be short. In all of F§nelon's remarks on the relationship of the preacher to his audience, emphasis is placed on the importance of the preacher’s understanding his listener's psychology in order to reconcile the listener to what is being said, rather than altering the substantive content of what is being said to satisfy the expectations of the lis te n e r . 73 At least two passages in Tglgmaoue appear to be direct reminiscences of statements concerning the orator in the dialogues. The description of the disinterested orator in the theoretical work recalls the description of * Aristodfcme in the novel. In the former we readi

II mSnera une vie simple, modeste, frugale, labori- eusei il lui faudra peut ce peu ne lui manquera point, dflt-il de ses propres mains le gagner, le sur­ plus ne doit pas etre sa recompense, et n'est pas digne de l'gtre. Le public lui pourra rendre des honneurs et lui donner de l'autoritgj mais s 'il est dggagS des passions et dSsintgressg, il n'usera de cette autoritg que pour le bien public, pret 3 la perdre toutes les fois qu'il ne pourra la conserver qu'en dissimulant, et en flattant les hommes (XXI, 2 7 -8 ).

In the novel we learn that Aristodfeme, about to be pro­ claimed king of Crete, is happy in his poverty, he cul­ tivates his land himself, by his frugality and work he holds in abundance the things necessary for a simple life, and he will remove himself as king if he is unable to improve his people (Bk, v, 115). The second parallel is that between the passage des­ cribing Saint Augustine's speech to the people of Cesarea to persuade them to stop killing each other (XXI, 112) and a speech by Mentor, At first Augustine's speech was re­ ceived with applause and admiration, which displeased him* it was only when his speech began to move the crowd that he was satisfied. In Tglgmaque (Bk, ix, 221-5), we find Mentor speaking to the assembled Greek chieftains con­ cerning the best course for establishing peace. The first part of his speech is greeted with admiration* the second part is at first received with silence, then with great emotion. Passages such as these demonstrate the very real importance Fgnelon placed on.the orator/statesman and how he incorporated the early rhetorical principles of the dialogues in his own pedagogical program in later years. In the major deliberative speeches in Tglgmaque we find FSnelon making use of ethical appeals based on the orator's qualities and experience, and we can see the effect that such appeals have on the audience. In Book v, 110, we find the people of Crete ready to proclaim young Tglgmaque their king. The people's enthusiasm for him merely increases during the course of his speech of refus­ al—a speech which brings out his moral virtues rather than his expertise in political matters. He appears modest ("0 illustres Crgtois, je ne mgrite point de vous comman­ der"), disinterested ("je.prgffere ma patrie, la pauvre, la p e tite tie d'lthaque, aux cent villes de Cr&te, & la gloire et & 1 'opulence de ce beau royaume"), full of com­ passion and filia l obedience ("J'aime mieux obgir & mon pgre Ulysse et consoler ma mSre PgnSlope"), sincerity ("0 Crgtois, vous voyez le fond de mon coeur"), and grat­ itude ("la mort seule pourra finir ma reconnaissance"). By this time the crowd is wondering if Tglgmaque is not 75 r e a l ly some d iv in ity in human form, and asking th a t he be compelled to remain with them. T€l£maque has won the crowd's esteem to such a point that he can offer a final piece of constructive criticism without offending themi "Souffrez, o CrStois, que je vous dise ce que je penset vous §tes le plus sage de tous les peuplesj mais la sa- gesse demande ce me semble, une precaution qui vous Schappe." This final bit of wisdom is that the new king be chosen on the basis of his actions, not of his words. The importance of the orator himself as a persuasive factor is seen again in Mentor's speech to the Mandurian army gathered outside the gates of Salente (Bk. ix). At the end of his long speech, which we learn is the very model of eloquence, we read* "Tout ce qu'il avait dit demeurait comme gravS dans tous les coeurs, En parlant, il se faisait aimer, il se faisait croire" (Bk. ix, 225). Here, it is obviously the speech itself which impresses the audience that Mentor is a man of good sense and high moral character, since he has spoken to them as a stranger, Nestor also acknowledges the ethical appealt "Vous voyez, 8 Mentor, ce que peut la parole d'un homme de bien" (Bk. ix, 226). T6l6maque speaks persuasively to a crowd in yet an­ other passage. His persuasion is due in part to his d6- sint€reasement. benevolence and probityi "0 princes, 8 rois, vous voyez que je vous parle sans intSretx Scoutez done celui qui vous aime assez pour vous contredire et pour vous dSplaire en vous reprlsentant la vSritS," T$lS- maque speaks also with "une autorit€ qu'on n'avait jamais vue en nul autre." The qualities displayed by these orator/statesmen— Nestor, Mentor and TSl&naque—are the same as those which F6nelon w ill later urge the young Due de Bourgogne to strive for in his Examen de Conscience sur les Devoirs de la RovautS. composed around 1?11: humility, right conductt a knowledge of the laws, customs and history of one's countryj obedience and respect due a higher power,^

LOGICAL PROOFS

FSnelon's belief that the appeal to reason was a necessary factor in persuasion is evident in his tri­ partite formula, prouver, pelndre. toucher. He explains the first of these appeals in the second dialogue on eloquence, where he states that the orator who per­ suades without proving is not a true orator, nor is a person who proves in an exact, dry, barren manner, with­ out adding anything lively or figurative. He is merely a philosopher. The notion that persuasion rests on rational proof plus emotional proof is stressed in a ser­ ies of some six consecutive speeches delivered by "A". It will be useful to look at several of these speeches in 77 order to see what terms FSnelon uses when speaking of one kind of appeal or another.

II faut done, pour faire un orateur, choisir un philosopher c*est-&-dire un homme qui sache prouver la v£rit§, et ajouter & 1*exactitude de ses rai- sonneinents la beaut?* e t la vShSnience d'un d isco u rs vari€ pour en faire un orateur, * Je dis que le philosophe ne fait que convaincre, et que 1*orateur, outre qu'il convainc, persuade. La persuasion a done au-dessus de la simple con­ viction, que non-seulement elle fait voir la vSritS, mais elle la dSpeint aimable, et„au'elle Smeut les hommes en sa faveur

The primary importance of the appeal to reason is evi­ dent in the terms prouver. raisonnement. conviction. demonstration! and in the fact that FSnelon restates his position so many times in such a short space. The terms beautS and v€h?»mence in the first speech and dgpeint ai­ mable and Smeut correspond to the appeals made through painting and movement, Ffinelon seeks logical conviction through the use of maxims and examples, dialectical reasoning and demon­ stration of external signs. He chooses his proofs from history, the Bible and Christian tradition, and from na­ ture, sources which reason, being the faculty commonly shared by all men, can accept as authoritative because they belong to a long, accepted tradition. Occasion­ ally, FSnelon has recourse to the more complex raisonne­ ment. involving a series of judgments. The kinds of proof 7 8 used* and the sources of those proofs, vary according to audience and occasion. In the first of the dialogues on eloquence, F&ielon utilises logic and reason through his spokesman "A" to prove the goal of eloquence. The purely rational basis upon which the argument w ill rest is emphasized by "A"!

...surtout Svitons l'esprit de disputej examinons cette matifcre paisiblement, en gens qui ne crai- gnent que l'erreur* et mettons tout l ’honneur A nous dedire dfcs que nous apercevons que nous serons tromp6s (XXI, 10).

Reason alone w ill prove to "B" that eloquence aims at persuading truth and virtue provided that he not allow himself to be dominated by certain prejudices of the times, "A" urges him to believe neither Plato nor Iso­ crates, but to judge what each says on the basis of clear principles. The speakers* ensuing dialogue stresses the logical nature of the argument by the use of express­ ions such asi "vous parlez juste", "vos vues sont trSs justes et trfcs solides", "C*est sans doute le mSme prin- cipe que...", "Que s*ensuit-il de lh?", "je veux chercher les premieres principes, et ne laisser derrihre moi rien de douteux", "J'avoue que vos principes se suivent et qu'ils persuadent," Throughout this first dialogue, then, F$nelon pract­ ices the primary place given to logical conviction, pro­ gressing through his argument along carefully established 79 principles, removing arguments that are doubtful or that reflect prejudice. The success of his attempt to convince on r a tio n a l grounds i s made ev id en t when "B", who a t the outset of the argument refused to accept the valid­ ity of a statement simply because it had been so ex­ pressed by Plato ("Je le croirai s*il [Platon] a raisonr je ne jure sur la parole d'aucun maItreM) is led to the point where he not only accepts the validity of Plato's statement, but argues himself according to the same prin­ c ip le s . Several other examples of this "subtilitS du dia- lecticien" recommended by Cicero and taken up by PSnelon, occur in the Dialogues des morts. In the dialogue between Pyrrhon and Le Voisin, the latter seeks to prove to Pyr- rhon that his principle of doubt rests on the certainty of existence,

Pyrrhoni Toute la vie n'est peut-Stre qu'un songe continuel, Le Voisim Votre songe, tout faux qu'il est, est pourtant*le songe d'un homme qui reve. Tout au moins il est s3r que vous r£vez, car il faut Stre quelque chose, et quel- que chose de pensant, pour avoir des songes. Le nSant ne peut ni dormir, ni rSver, ni Se tromper, ni ignorer, ni douter, ni dire Peut-§tre. Vous voilft done malgrS vous condamn£ & savoir quel- ue chose, qui est votre rSverie, et & ttre tout au moins un Stre r£veur et p e n sa n t. Pyrrhoni Cette subtilitS m'embarrasse...(XIX, 248) In another dialogue, F. Catnillus tries to convince Marcus Coriolanus that men are not born independent* but subject to the laws of their country. He concedes that man by his nature is free, but then he is able to extract a string of concessions from his opponent which serve to prove, also, that reason requires that that liberty be used for the strengthening and perfecting of society.

Cam,* ,,,il faut avouer aussi que tous les hommes les plus sages ayant senti 1 'inconvenient de cette libertS,.,ont conclu que rien n'S- ta it si capital au repos du genre humain que d'asnujettir la multitude aux lois Stablies en chaque lieu. N 'est-il pas vrai que c'est 19. le r&glement que les hommes sages ont fait en tous les pays, comme le fondement . de toute soci€t£? Cor,i II est vrai. Cam. t Ce r&glement Stait nScessaire, Cor.* II est vrai encore, Cam.t ...s 'il est n£cessaire pour la vie humaine, il n'y a que les hommes indociles et d$- raisonnables qui le rejettent. Cor. i J'en conviens,,. Cam,i ,,,ce que la raison demande nlcessairement, d o it 8 tre fondS dans la nature raisormable m§me, et n'est point arbitraire. Done cette subordination n'est point une invention pour mener les esprits faiblest e'est au con- traire un lien nScessaire que la raison four- nit pour r£gler, pour pacifier, pour unir les hommes entre eux. Done il est vrai que la raison,,.demande qu'ils s'assujettissent ...,qu'en un mot ils obSissent, qu'ils con- courent,.., qu'ils n'usent de leur liberty que selon la raison.,. (XIX, 263-264), Coriolanus here acknowledges that the arguments have been too subtle for him to follow, at which point Camillus repeats his arguments with greater brevity and precision!

Cam.t ...Rentrons, si vous voulez, dans le d£taili par quelle proposition vous ai-je surpris? La raison est la nature de l'homme. Celle- 1& est-elle vraie? Cor.t Oui, sans doute. Cam,* L'homme n'est point libre pour aller contre la raison, Que dites-vous de celle-lft? Cor,i II n'y a pas moyen de 1'empScher de passer. Cam,! La raison veut qu'on vive en sociStS, et par consequent avec subordination. RSpondez, •Cor.i Je le crois comme vous. Cam,! Done il faut qu'il y ait des rftgles invio- lables de soc£§t§, que l'on nomme lois* et des hommes gardiens des lois, qu'on nomme magistrate... Cor.! Tout cela est clair, Cam.i Done il est de nature raisonnable d'assu- jettir sa libertS aux lois et aux magistrats de la soci£t£ oft l'on vit. Cor.i Cela est certain (XIX, 264-265)•

The careful repetition of the argument in clear and pre­ cise terms appears to have convinced Coriolanus this time, as FSnelon must have hoped it would convince the young Due de Bourgogne, For the most part FSnelon utilizes his intellectual capacity to engage in fine reasoning in those writings aimed at a more educated audience, or one with specialized interests, as seen in his Instruction pastorale en forme de dialogue sur le systfeme de Jansgnius or in the Expli­ cation des maximes des saints. In matters of religion Fgnelon seeks his proofs for the truth of Christian doctrine in the unbroken contin­ uity of authority from Biblical times down to the present. In the Traitg de l 'gducation des filles Fgnelon recommends that the teacher always return to the Church to show how throughout the centuries and despite attacks and revolu­ tions the Church has preserved the inviolable succession of preachers and doctrine which are the manifest accom­ plishment of divine promises (XVI, 62), In order to refute the Protestants Fgnelon uses the argument that the ac­ cumulated wisdom of the Church is superior to the inter­ pretations of an individual*

Ce n'est paB l'Eglise que nous prgfgrons 2L l'E cri- ture, mais 1'explication de l'Ecriture, faite par toute l'Eglise, & notre propre explication. N'est- ce pas le comble de l'orgueil et de la tgmgritg fi, un particulier, de craindre que l'Eglise ne se soit trompge dans sa dgcision, et de ne craindre pas de se tromper soi-mgme en dScidant contre elle? (XVII, 6 5 ).

He uses the same argument in the Instruction pastorale en forme de dialogue to combat the Jansenists, who have broken with the greater authority of the Church* and in the Dialogues sur l 1gloquence he finds proof of the correct interpretation of scripture in the "constant and uniform doctrine" of the Church Fathers, as opposed to the arbit­ rary interpretations of some individual Fathers, whom one is not bound to follow "puisqu’ils ne se sont pas suivis les uns les autres" (XXI, 102). In another pas­ sage he states that new institutions merit respect if they conform to the tradition of authority (XVII, 65). Fgnelon follows a similar line of argument in his "Sermon pour la Fgte de l ’Epiphanie", preached in the Egllse des Missions Etrangferes in the presence of the Siamese ambassadors. He speaks of the vocation of the Gentiles, that is, of foreigners, and in so doing draws an apt parallel between the three magi who recognized the Messiah and spread the news of his birth, and the Siamese ambassadors who, it is hoped, will be converted and spread their new religion among the peoples of the East. By tracing through history the gradual spread of Christianity among the countries of northern Europe and through the countries of Africa, by interpreting the discovery of the New World as part of God’s plan to carry the Christian faith to all corners of the world, and by referring to the contemporary missionary work of the Jesuits in the Orient, Fgnelon leadB his audience to regard the Siamese ambassadors and their king as in­ struments in the ever-unfolding divine plan to establish the New Jerusalem, The mere presence of the ambassadors, then, becomes a kind of proof of the inevitability of the fulfillment of God's design. In the "Sermon pour la F§te de Saint Bernard" FSne-

* Ion also uses the historical and prophetic pattern to lend credence to the authority and divine inspiration of Ber­ nard's work. As John the Baptist, whose coming Isaiah prophesied, prepared the way for Christ, Bernard appeared in the troubled twelfth century to make the church tri­ umphant and to prepare for the second coming, Ffinelon's call for a new Bernard to come forward to re-establish truth and justice among men in this corrupt age, seems destined to be answered, falling as it does into the repetitive pattern of the past. Thus in seeking arguments to com­ bat the unorthodox beliefs of Jansenists and Protestants, as well as to intensify in the lives of orthodox be­ lievers the will to live devoutly, FSnelon turns for logical proofs to the unbroken authority of the Church and the historical revelation of God's plan. In his Christian apologetics, Demonstration de 1'ex­ istence de Dieu, FSnelon resorts to the conventional proofs found in many seventeenth century apologies by examining the universe about him in his arguments based on final causes. The order of the universe and the beauties of nature are described in some detail as proofs of God's existence. Following the description of the general 85 structure of the universe, composed of earth, plants, water, air, fire, sky, sun, stars and animals, FSnelon situates man in the midst of the infinitely great and infinitely small. Unlike the pessimistic Augustinian apologists, however, FSnelon*s attitude when confronted with this immense universe is one of admiration rather than of awe and trem bling*

La terre oft je suis n’est qu'un point, par pro­ portion S. ce tout oft l*on ne trouve jamais aucune borne, Ce tout est ‘si bien arrangS, qu’on n'y pourrait dSplacer un seul atome sans dSconcerter toute cette immense machine* et elle se meut avec un si bel ordre, que ce mouvement meme en perpS- tue la variStS et la perfection. II faut qu'une main S. qui rien ne coute, ne se lasse point de con- duire cet ouvrage depuis tant de siftcles, et que Bes doigts se jouent de l'univers, pour parler comme l ’Ecriture (I, 3^-35)•

In describing the infinitely small FSnelon invokes the aid of scientific apparatus, the microscope, to see that world which is invisible to the naked eye. He then goes on to supplement the microscope's powers by means of the imagination still without being able to arrive at a conception of the infinitesimal. He uses the ex­ ample of the ciron in this passage which in many ways recalls Pascal's more vivid description of the two in­ f in iti e s *

Le microscope nous dScouvre dans chaque objet cormu mille objets qui ont Schappft ft notre connaissance. Combien y a-t-il, en chaque objet dScouvert par le microscope, d'autres objets que le microscope 86 lui-m 8 me ne peut dScouvrir! Que ne verrions-noua pas, si nous pouvions subtiliser toujours de plus en plus les instruments qui viennent au secours de notre vue trop faible et trop grossi£re? Mais supplSons par 1 *im agination a ce qui nous manque du c 8 t 6 des yeuxi et que notre imagination elle- meme soit une esp&ce de microscope qui nous repr£- sente en chaque atome mille mondes nouveaux et in­ visibles, Elle ne pourra pas nous figurer sans cesse de nouvelles dScouvertes dans les petits c o rp s1 elle se lasserai il faudra qu'elle s'ar- r§te, qu'elle succombe, et qu'elle laisse enfin dans le plus petit organe d'un ciron mille merveilles inconnues (I, 35-36),

Throughout the first part of the Trait6 de 1*Ex­ istence de Dieu FSnelon asks the reader not to reason over certain mysteries in nature, such as the nature of animal instinct or the question of the reproduction of living things from molds, but simply to accept the fact that those mysteries exist and to consider them the handiwork of a superior intelligence. Such signs as these in the universe about us are accessible to everyone at a single glance, even to those who are the least accustomed to reasoning and who are the most impressionable. Most of the first part of the treatise relies, then, on proofs which people who are the least sophisticated in the reasoning process can accept. But FSnelon finds an­ other logical basis upon which to prove God's existence. The latter portion of Part I provides the transition between proofs based on external signs and proofs arrived at by reasoning alone. The description of natural, external phenomena leads FSnelon to a description of man and his distinctive char­ acteristic, reason. He argues that certain of man's ideas are universal, eternal and immutable, among these is the notion of infinity, that is, perfection. Like his phllo- sophe of the Dialogues sur l'Sloguenee he chooses support­ ive evidence from the realm of geometry, and in doing so, gives the appearance of moving even closer to the realm of indisputable mathematical proof and away from the realm of opinion*

...le tout est plus grand que sa partiet une ligne parfaitement circulaire n'a aucune partie droite* entre deux points donnSs, la ligne droite est la plus courte* le centre d'un cercle parfait est egalement SloignS de tous les points de la circon­ ference* un triangle SquilatSral n'a aucun angle obtus ni droit, toutes ces vSritSs ne peuvent souffrir aucune exception (I, 80).

These are abstract ideas which are logically irrefutable and which exist independently of the finite world. The idea of the existence of God is likewise irrefutable on the basis of logic alone. In the second part of the treatise, then, FSnelon moves from commonly accepted signs and ideas to a demon­ stration of the existence and attributes of God "tirSes des idSes intellectuellesB eginning with the state of the "doute mSthodique" FSnelon moves from the simplest notion, and most evident, to the most abstract. From the idea of his own existence he is led to the idea of a 88 necessary being which suffices to demonstrate God's ex­ istence, from there he moves on to a refutation of the ideas of Spinoza, and finally he establishes the attributes of God, The much more intellectual approach in the second part of the treatise is obvious, and it suggests that FSnelon had in mind a different audience from that for which the first part was written. The primacy given to reason, however, can be seen in both parts, and as the title itself indicates, the work is more objectively demonstrative than psychological in its attempt to per­ suade. The kind of unassailable and inalterable proofs that FSnelon hopes to offer are not presented, however, with­ out an accompanying eloquence, which is most obvious in the several invocations and prayers to God which terminate the various sections of the work. Not infrequently in this work FSnelon argues by analogy. The main argument in the first chapter of the treatise is that the regularity seen in the world about us cannot be the result of chance. Half of the chapter is devoted to an analogy of the regularity and art evident in the Iliad, in the harmonious sounds of a violin, in a statue or painting to that seen in the univ­ erse, He then asks how one can doubt that there is any less art in the composition of the universe than in 89 these man-produced art forms. Unlike true apologies, the TraitS de l 'Existence de Dieu limits itself to a demonstration of God's existence, without attempting to defend the Christian religion it­ self or even mentioning revelation, miracles and prophecies. Rational proofs again take the form of argument by analogy in the TraitS de 1 *Education des fllles when FSne­ lon discusses how to teach certain abstractions to the young child. He teaches that the beauty and art of the world must be due to the hands of a Creator, just as a house cannot build itselfj he compares grace to the help given to a child or sick person who is unable to walk alonei he teaches the nature of the soul by contrasting the child's ability to engage in mental operations to the inanimate nature of familiar objects in the room. Unlike another current of rhetoric having its roots in the writings of the ancients, FSnelon chooses to ig­ nore the doctrine of loci as a means of finding proofs. Instead of including a discussion of places in the Dia­ logues sur 1 'Eloquence, he advocates a general basic knowledge which w ill enable the speaker to handle with greater ease the specific subjects on which he may be called to speakt

AprSs cette prSparation gSnSrale, les prSparations particuliSres covttent peu, au lieu que, quand on ne 1 *applique qu'ft des actions dStachSes, on est rSduit ft payer de phrases et d'antithesesi on ne traite que des lie u x communs, on ne d i t rie n que de vague, on 90 coud des lambeaux qui ne sont point faits les uns pour les autresi on ne montre point les vrais prin­ cipes des choses, on se borne a des raisons super- ficielles, et souvent fausses* on n*est pas capable de montrer l'Stendue des v€rit£s, parce que toutes les vgritSs gSnSrales ont un enchaxnement nScessaire, et qu'il les faut eonnaStre presque toutes pour en traiter solidement une en particulier (XXI, 39),

Rather than openly condemning the use of common and special topics—-their use can hardly be avoided—-he urges that the speaker's knowledge be broad enough to permit him to argue on the basis of subject-matter and not on the basis of empty form. The quality of what one says is more important than the way one says it. The above passages from the TraitS de l 'Existence de Dieu and the Dialogues des morts show FSnelon's ability to develop an argument along closely reasoned lines* for the most part, however, he seeks his proofs in the large body of commonly accepted wisdom and tradition, proposing examples and maxims as the rhetorical counterpart of proofs arrived at by means of strict logic. The fables, with their brief anecdote and concluding moral, are the simplest 22 form of that kind of rhetorical proof. The moral most often drawn in the fables regards the superiority of the humble pastoral life over the life full of intrigues of the vain rich, and the happiness that comes from doing good. In the Dialogues des morts. the lives of famous men of the past are used as examples of how to conduct oneself,,. often with a maxim on moral or political conduct attached, FSnelon presents one dialogue in which the two interlocu­ tors discuss the use of maxims and examples. We find Con­ fucius and Socrates explaining their respective teaching methods, Confucius states* "Pour moi, j'ai SvitS les subtilitSs de raisonnement, et je me suis bornS ft des ma- ximes sensSes pour la pratique des vertus dans la sociStS," Socrates replies* "Pour moi, j'ai cru qu’on ne peut Stablir des vrais maximes qu'en remontant aux premiers principes qui peuvent les prouver, et en rSfutant tous les a u tre s pr£jug£s des hommes" (XIX, 147). S o crate s adm its that even by arguing from first principles he was unable to eliminate diversity of opinions among his disciples, and rather pessimistically, he resigns himself to the view that pride and passions render man powerless to influence either himself or others. He concludes by saying that examples and artfully introduced reasons affect only a very small number of persons "mieux nSs que les autres'-', and that he is so disillusioned with the human race that a general reform of a republic seems to him impossible. Socrates suggests in one further comment that perhaps the simple and concise sayings attributed to Confucius were gleaned from the latter's conversations, just as Plato reported those of Socrates. Such maxims have a dryness which did not exist, he imagines, in their original form. Through these comments on how maxims should be used, 92 FSnelon indirectly reveals to his audience his own method­ ology! maxims must be based on first principles* that is, their substance must be truet and they should be used in a conversational context* or familiar form. The Dialogues des morts contain numerous maxims for the instruction of the young Due de Bourgogne, A few illustrations will suffice to show how FSnelon in­ corporates them in a running dialogue. In the dialogue between Romulus and Numa Pompilius, Numa in his opening speech, states a general rule for achieving longevity!

Le moyen de p arv en ir & une extreme v ie ille s s e , e 'e s t de ne faire mal 8 : personne, de n*abuser point l'au- toritS, et de faire en sorte que personne n'ait d 'in tS rS t 8 so u h a iter n o tre mort (XIX, 165),

The same precept is restated later in the dialogue in more concise termsi

,,,il n'y a rien de si solide que d'Stre bon, juste, modSrS, aimS des p e u p le s ,,,

Leonides, commenting on. his battle against Xerxes at Thermopolis, statesi

C'est la valeur, et non pas le nombre, qui rend in v in c ib le (XIX, 170),

Xerxes laments the consequences-of his lim itless author­ ity*

Ah! les rois qui peuvent tout,,,sont livrSs 8 to u te s le u rs passions (XIX, 171). 93 Socrates enunciates maxims on government and on philan­ thropy*

Un peuple gfitS par une liberty excessive est le plus in su p p o rta b le de to u s le s ty ra n s (XIX, 196), La philanthropie est une vertu douce, patiente et dgsintgressge, qui supporte le mal sans 1 'approuver (XIX, 204).

In each case the speaker is able to formulate his maxim on the basis of his own experiences, which the dialogue as a whole reveals. In Tglgmaque. also, proving is carried out primarily in the form of maxims and examples. Nearly every episode is designed to serve as a living illustration of some precept on moral or political conduct. Following Tglg- maque's direct exposure to good and bad government or good and bad behavior, Mentor summarizes what is to be learned from the experience by formulating the lesson in concise maxims. Occasionally it is Tglgmaque himself who does so. As the storm-tossed ship approaches the rocky coast of Cyprus, the island dedicated to Venus, Tglgmaque states* "Alors je compris par expgrience ce que j'avais souvent oui dire ft Mentor, que les hommes mous et abandonngs aux plaisirs manquent de courage dans les dangers" (XXI, Bk. iv,

74). After Tglgmaque has left Calypso' b island we are told that Tglgmaque, due to his experiences there, has greatly .increased in wisdom, Minerva, at the end of the novel, tells Tglgmaque explicitly the reasons for their wanderings* 9^ Fils d'Ulysse, gcoutez-moi pour la dernifcre fois. Je n'ai instruit aueun mortal avec tant de soin que vous, Je vous ai meng par la main au travers des naufrages, des terres inconnues, des guerres sang- lantes et de tous les maux qui peuvent gprouver le coeur de l'homme, Je vous ai montrg, par des experiences sensibles, les vraies et les fausses maximes par lesquelles on peut rggner, Vos fautes ne vous ont pas gtg moins utiles que vos malheurst car quel est l'homme qui peut gouverner sagement s'il n'a jamais souffert et s'il n'a jamais profits des souffrances o& ses fautes l'ont prgcipite? (XX, Bk, x v ii i , 5 1 5 ).23

Again we see th a t maxims are form ulated on liv e exper­ iences and th a t wisdom comes only with personal m is­ fortunes or suffering. True and fa ls e maxims in Tglgmaque are based on contrasting situations encountered by the characters,

o | l giving the novel a ggomStrie morale which is intell­ ectually convincing, but not always persuasive. Tgl5- maque acknowledges the v a lid ity of the examples and maxims which Mentor has provided, but he is not always persuaded emotionally to change his own conduct. Some of Mentor's more salient proofs are seen in the pairB of contrasting episodes, which because of their predictable cause and effect relationship, take on an almost abstract mathematical quality! Pygmalion and Sg- sostris, Eucharis and Antiope, the kings in Tartarus and those in the Champs-Elysges, Salente before and after the reforms suggested by Mentor and carried out by Idomgnge. Tglgmaque comments on the opposite nature of the members of the first two pairs! 95 Je comparais ce roi invisible avec Sesostris, si doux, si accessible, si affable, si curieux de voir les Strangers, si attentif 21 Scouter tout le monde et & tirer du coeur des hommes la vSritS qu’on cache aux r o is (XX, Bk, i i i , 52). . ,.j*aime Antiope., . ,Ce n'est point une passion aveugle comme celle dont vous m'avez guSrie dans l'lle de Calypso,, , ,Mais pour Aritiope, ce que je sens n'a rien de semblable* ce n*est point amour passionnSi c*est goflt, c*est estime, c*est persua- • sion que je serais heureux si je passais ma vie avec e lle (XX, Bk. x v ii, ^70).

The third pair is contrasted in the following way*

...comme les mSchants princes souffraient, dans le Tartare, des supplices infiniment plus rigoureux que les autres coupables d'une condition privSe, aussi les bons rois jouissaient, dans les Champs- ElysSes, d'un bonheur infiniment plus grand que celui du reste des hommes qui avaient aimS la vertu sur la terre (XX, Bk, xiv, 388),

But despite these black and white portrayals, TSlSmaque does not appear to have learned all of his lessons. Following one of Mentor*s final speeches of instruction on the duties of a king we are told that TSlSmaque seemed never to have learned those maxims even though he had been'filled with them and had even tayght them to others. An humeur noire led him to contradict and reject the truths that Mentor explained to him. His humeur noire, as well as other natural characteristics, do not seem to.be easily eliminated or altered by mere verbal demonstration of proper conduct, or even by example. He needs the constant presence of Mentor to serve as guide. Two-thirds of the way through the novel T€l€maque behaves as if he had learned nothing from his previous misfortunes and travels. We are in­ formed that those who could have seen him obeying his natural inclinations would have judged him incapable of loving anything but himself, of thinking of anything else besides his own glory and pleasure. All of this is due to the violence of his passions. When he is with Mentor, however, "ces dSfauts ne paraissaient point, et ils se diminuaient tous les jours" (XX, Bk, xiii, 331). The reader wonders how T 6l 6maque w ill fa re once he is finally made independent of Mentor’s tutelage, It is reasonable to assume that Fgnelon, in these passages, was thinking specifically of the Due de Bourgogne's temperament*2-* but in the context of FSnelon's rhetorical theory, such passages serve to underscore the need for 2 6 persuasive means beyond mere verbal statement. Logical conviction is not sufficient.

In this chapter we have seen how F&ielon’s insistence on high moral character and appropriate training in socio­ political matters is related to classical rhetorical the­ ory* and we have seen examples in TSl&naoue of how these qualities in the orator constitute a strong ethical ap­ peal in persuasive discourse. Fenelon insists also on the use of logical proofs to convince his audience* nevertheless, rational conviction, however necessary, must he aided by appeals to other human faculties, as we shall see in the following chapter. 98

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I I

"It is more fitting for a good man to display him­ self as an honest fellow than as a subtle reasoner," Rhetoric. Ill, 17. o Cicero, on the other hand, believes that natural talent is the chief contributor to the virtue of oratory— to be swift in invention, copious in exposition and embellishment, steadfast and enduring in recollection— these are not derived from art. De Oratore, I. 25. 113-114. ■^"Les po&tes qui ont le plus d'essor de gSnie, d'Sten- due de pensSes et de fSconditS, sont ceux qui doivent le plus craindre cet Scueil de l'exe&s d'esprit, C'est, dira-t-on, un beau dSfaut, c'est un dSfaut rare, c'est un dSfaut merveilleux, J'en conviens* mais c'est un vrai d^faut, et l'un des plus difficiles H corrlger" (XXI, 193). ^See Cicero, De Oratore. I, 18, 83* II, 20, 85* III, 14, 55. -*The definitions given to the word Polltesse in the dictionaries of FSnelon's day stress outward behavior. The FuretiSre dictionary defines it as* "Conduite honnete* air galant, civil* mani&re agrSable et deli­ cate de parler, d*agir et d'Scrire* exactitude, finesse dans le choix des paroles. La polltesse du monde est une certaine biensSance dans les gestes et dans les paroles, pour plaire et pour tSmoigner les Sgards qu'on a pour les autres," ^Rollin, TraitS des Etudes. Vol. II, 57. ^See Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria. Bk. XII, ch. 7. D This is Cicero's memoria iurioconsultorum. De Oratore. I, 28, 128. ^Saint Augustine discusses this question in De Doctrina Christiana. IV, ch. 10, *°F£nelon borrows these expressions from the Gorgias. **Vauvenargues gives to the word orator the sense of "statesman, leader of the people", not merely the man who has the gift of speech. 99 12 See Cicero, De Oratore. II, 217-290* and Quintilian, Institutlo Oratoria. Bk. VI, ch. 3. ;*^At other times F§nelon praises Demosthenes over Isocrates on questions of style and delivery. Although he does not say so, we may suspect that Demosthenes appealed to F§ne- lon because of the former*s restrained use of humor in his speeches. See Quintilian, Bk. VI, ch. 3. ^This is the opinion of Socrates in the Gorgias. Rollin also contrasts the vanity of these two figures with the virtues of Aristide and Cimon. Trait§ des Studes. II. 3*4-8 f f . : Unlike some scholars today, FSnelon never seems to question Plato’s view of rhetoric itself, and reads the Gorgias only as an attack on those who misuse rhet­ oric, For some modern-day interpretations of Plato’s view of rhetoric see Oscar L, Brownstein, "Plato’s Phaedrus. Dialectic as the Genuine Art of Speaking", Quarterly Journal of Speech. 51 (1965)* 392 ff, ^Quoted by J. Truchet in "La Substance de l'Sloquence sacrSe d’apr&s le XVIIe sifecle francais". Dix-septi&me siScle. No. 29 (1955), 320. 16 La Bruy&re, Les Caractferes. p. 457, para. 29. ■^J, Truchet, "La Substance", pp. 309-329. 18 FSnelon advised a similar approach in later life when discussing the most effective means for com­ batting Jansenism. ^The Examen de Conscience sur les Devoirs de la RovautS is found in volume XXII of the Oeuvres. 20 In the "Projet de poStique" FSnelon arrives at the same principle, but from a negative standpoint, when speaking of the excesses of some poets* "...on ne se contente pas de la simple raison, des grSces nalves, du sentiment le plus vif, qui font la perfection r£elle" (XXI, 193). ^See Patricia Topliss, The Rhetoric of Pascal (Leicester, 1966) , p. 1 30. 22 The thirty-six so-called fables consist of fables, Orient­ al takes, fairy tales and tales set in Classical Antiquity. FSnelon was a great admirer of La Fontaine and made the Due 100 de Bourgogne translate his fables into Latin prose and to write original fables on the same subject. La Fon­ taine dedicated to the young Due his Livre XII (169*0 as well as three of its separate fables (i, ii, v), 23we also read in Bk. xviit "Car Mentor, qui rSglait to u s le s mouvements de l a v ie de TGlSmaque pour 1*Glever & la plus haute gloire, ne I'arretait en chaque lieu qu’autant qu'il le fallait pour exercer sa vertu et pour lui faire acquGrir de l*expSrience" (XX, Bk. xvii, **■82), 2 jt The ex p ressio n i s th a t o f Raymond Naves, in Le Goflt de Voltaire (Paris, 1938)» p. 3^« ^Saint-Simon gives the following portrait of the young Due in his MSmoires t Ce prince, hGritier nGcessaire puis prGsomptif de la couronne, naquit terrible, et sa premiere jeunesse fit trembler. Dur et col&re jusqu*aux derniers em- portements et jusque contre les choses inanimGes* impGtueux avec fureur, incapable de souffrir la moindre resistance, meme des heures et des GlGments, sans entrer dans des fougues St faire craindre que tout ne se rompit dans son corps* opinifitre St 1*excSs* passionnG pour toute esp&ce de voluptG ,.,il n'aimait pas moins le vin, la bonne chfere, la chasse avec fureur, la musique encore avec une sorte de ravissement,,.Enfin, livrG St toutes les passions et transport^ de tous les plaisirs* souvent farouche, naturellement portG Si la cruautG* barbare en railleries et & produire les ridicules avec une justcsse qui assommait,,.,L'esprit, la pGnGtration brillaient en lui de toute part. Jusque dans ses furies ses rGponses Gtonnaient* ses raisonnements tendaient toujours au juste et au profond, mGme dans ses emportements• II se jouait des connaissances les plus abstraites. L*G- tendue et la vivacitG de son esprit Gtaient prodigieuses .... Saint-Simon, MSmoires (Paris* Gallimard, 1953- 61), III, 1170, 1 1 7 1 7 ^ .173 . 26 Alfred Adler takes up this question of intention and effect in TGlGmaaue. challenging the view that the novel actually produces its intended effect, seeking to show that FGnelon was not fully aware of the emotional effect of his craftsmanship. See Alfred Adler, "FGnelon*s TGlGmaouet Intention and Effect", Studies in Philology. LV (1953)* 591-602. CHAPTER I I I RHETORICAL APPEALS ( I I ) * PAINTING AND MOVEMENT

FSnelon alters the Ciceronian formula of proving, pleasing and moving, to proving, painting and moving. In his discussion of the aims of eloquence F&nelon ex­ plains that an orator only too often seeks to please. The "homme de bien" seeks to please only to inspire justice and other virtues, by making them attractive! the self-servi.ng man, however, seeks to please also, but by means of flattery, whereby he is able to per­ suade (XXI, 9) , From th is p assag e, as w ell as from o th e r remarks concerning the self-serving orator, we may in­ fer that FSnelon found the pleasure principle too easily abused and misunderstood by persons with selfish motives, and preferred the aim of painting, which is to reveal n a tu r e , 1 In the Dialogues sur l 'Sloauence. "A" defines peindre in these termsi

Peindre, c'est non-seulement d&crire les choses, mais en reprSsenter les circonstances d'une mani&re si vive et si sensible, que l'auditeur s'imagine presque les voir.,,,Le po&te disparaltt on ne voit plus que ce qu'il fait voir, on n'entend plus que ceux qu'il fait parler. Voilfi: la force de 1*imi­ tation et de la peinture (XXI, 47-48), 101 102 It is through the concept of painting, too, that F&ne- lon sees the close relationship between oratory and poetry, as well as between the painter and the poett

De 1& vient qu'un peintre et un pofete ont tant de rapporti l'un peint pour les yeux, 1 *a u tre pour les oreillest l'un et 1 'autre doivent porter les objets dans 1*imagination des hommes (XXI, 48),

Poetry differs from simple eloquence only in the quality of its painting* painting is stronger and more vivid in poets than in orators. Poetry differs from simple elo­ quence only in that it paints with enthusiasm and with bolder strokes. Prose has its paintings, but they are more moderate . 2 The purpose of painting is seen to be the stirring up of the imagination and the arousal of passions in order to persuade. Painting is not an end in itself, as pleasing could be in the speech of the false orator* rather it is a desirable and even necessary preliminary step to the final aim of eloquence. It is the human faculty of the imagination which is called upon in this intermediary stage.^ The need for a method of persuasion that works through the senses to reach the passions lies in the very nature of man and has its origin in the Fall. Man is unable to remain attentive for very long to what is abstract! lessons must be dressed in sensory clothing 103 L in order for man to be able to grasp them. Although the ancient orators speak too of the use­ fulness of painting verbal scenes, they do not attempt to explain the human mechanism whereby word-paintings achieve their effectiveness, nor even the reason for their necessity, FSnelon's Christian mentality relates this rhetorical principle to dogma. Elsewhere Fenelon suggests that God operates according to the same per­ suasive techniques, that is, by presenting visual signs, followed by the inner workings of grace.

Tout a §t§ fond6 , comme dit Saint Paul, non sur les discours persuasifs de la philosophie humaine, mais sur les effets de I1esprit et de la vertu de Dieu, c'est S, dire, sur les miracles qui frappent les yeux, et sur 1 *operation intSrieure de la gr&ce (XXI, 90).

The incarnation of Jesus Christ was also a necessary visual sign to persuade man of God's truth (XVII, 67 ) , Fgnelon thus gives a Christian basis to his rhetorical formula according to which external sensory experiences lead to inner movements of the passions. It is in his treatise on education that FSnelon brings together the orator, poet and pedagogue as having one commot}/ aimi to teach and to persuade by means of images which give "body" to instruction. The TraitS de l ' 6ducation des filles is filled with passages recommend­ ing the use of images for teaching. Images are especially 104 appropriate for use with children since their reasoning powers are not yet developed, yet their brains have an "admirable facility pour 1 ' impression de toutes ces images", whence the necessity of choosing carefully ap­ propriate models and pictures. Flnelon's description of the physiological basis for the child's early learning is not without interest. It is, he explains, the very qualities of the brain which prevent or inhibit reasoning that are so propitious to the retention of images. The child's brain is warm and moist, causing the child to be in constant movement. The softness of the brain "fait que toutes choses s'y impriment facilement et que les images de tous les ob- jets sensibles y sont tr&s vives" (XVII, 20). These earliest images, which are engraved on the brain while it is still soft, are engraved the deepest and last the longest. These images harden as the brain gets drier with age until they become indelible. That is why when one is old, one often remembers distinctly the events of one's youth, distant though they may be. This also ex­ plains why one can remember less about those things which happen at an older age, because the impressions were made op the brain when it was already dry and full of other images (XVII, 20), It is the warmth and moist­ ure of the brain, characteristics so conducive to the retention of images, which cause an agitation preventing 105 "toute application suivie". Later, when the brain has more "consistency", the child is able to reason in a connected manner (XVII, 21), F§nelon*s educational program in the treatise on education begins with the telling of fables in which the characters are made to speak. Because children have a lively imagination, they will believe that they see as well as hear the characters. When dealing with several children, he recommends that they be encouraged and ac­ customed to act out the stories they have learnedi Mces representations les charmeront plus que d'autres jeux" (XVII, 43) . 5 In the space of two pages FSnelon urges his audience at least a dozen times to impress upon the child how full of "peintures naturelles" the Bible stories are. We find such expressions ast "Repr§sentez,, , "Peignez au naturel,,.", "montrez", "faites voir", "faites une peinture riante", "peignez-le",—all expressions having to do with the visualizing process (XVII, 45-46). To the word-paintings here recommended, FineIon adds the use of engravings, which "ordinarily suffice", and paint­ ings, when available, "car la force des couleurs, avec le grandeur^des figures au naturel, frapperont bien d'avantage leur imagination" (XVII, 48). When teaching religious truths which the eye cannot visualize, it is necessary to call upon the imagination to come to the 106 aid of the mind in order to provide "charming pictures". The visual representation leads to a spiritual under­ sta n d in g .

Je sais bien que toutes ces images attachent aux choses sensiblesi mais aprfis avoir frappS les en- fants par un si beau spectacle, pour les rendre attentifs, on se sert des moyens que nous avons touches, pour les ramener aux choses spirituelles (XVII, 58).

Painting as an activity, as opposed to the visual­ izing process through the imagination, can be useful to girls in their works of stitching and embroidery, for design can teach that true beauty which is so far superior to the "caprices irrSguliers des modes," Painting can also give great pleasure and show the ob­ server how to make designs of a noble variety (XVII, 105), Although FSnelon's treatise stands as a notable statement in the history of French education, its im­ portance lies more perhaps in the fact that it was dir­ ected toward women, than in the pedagogical program itself. The great emphasis on examples and visualized lessons which we find in it, as opposed to the teaching of abstract precept, has its antecedent in the method- ology employed by the Jesuits in their schools, as well as in the broader principle of Horace's utile dulce, and in such writings from Antiquity as Saint Augustine's 7 8 De Doctrina Christiana .r Plato'B Laws, and Clement of 107

Alexandria?s Christ the E d u cato r. ^ The e s s e n tia l notion in our discussion here is that the teacher needs to rec­ ognise and exploit the powerful effect of visual stimuli in the teaching and persuasive process.

According to Paul Bastier, FSnelon's expressed in­ t e r e s t in p a in tin g was unusual in a period when most writers paid little attention to the plastic arts.10 He says that one of FSnelon's claims to fame is to be the first in France to have "resaisi le lien intime des arts plastiques avec l'Sloquence et la poSsie." The list of painters both past and contemporary with whose works FSnelon shows fam iliarity includes Da Vinci, Raphael, Moro, T itia n , Palma, C arracci, VanDyck, TSniers, Poussin, Mignard, Lebrun and Rigaud. Most of these names occur in the "Jugement sur diffSrents tableaux", where l l Ffinelon describes works he has seen at Chantilly. FSne- lon's descriptions of paintings show furthermore that he was familiar with the painter's technique and knew how to use its technical vocabulary. He speaks of the "distri­ bution de lumibres", "des accommodements des draperies", of "premiers-plans", of "coloris", "contrastes" and "de­ gradations de couleur". On the use of colors Parrhasius says to Poussin in the Dialogues des mortsi "Je vois que vous savez le grand art des couleurs, qui est de fortifier 108 l'une par son opposition avec 1»autre" {XIX, 335), The dialogue between Chronus and Mnasile reveals some under­ standing of the three dimensional art of sculpture. Dis­ cussing a statue of Pomona, Chronus asks why her head leans slightly forwardj Mnasile explains that all figures made to be set in an elevated position and viewed from below show up b e tte r th a t way (XIX, 461) An examination of what FSnelon admired or condemned in the works of the painters cited helps shed light on his statements on painting in the Dialogues sur l 'Slo­ quence. In his "Jugement sur diffSrents tableaux" we read concerning a head of John the Baptist that "l'air de tete est noble et touchantt 1'expression est heureuse"i of an early Poussin, "Get ouvrage ne m'a guSre touchS"i of a Poussin landscape, "C'est un paysage d'une fraScheur dSlicieuse..,les lointains s'enfuient avec une variStfi trbs agrSables...ces lieux paraissent aimables." A C h rist w ith two A postles, by Antonio Moro, is judged mediocre because the "airs de t£te n'ont rien de noble, et sont sans expression", although he admits it is well- painted. The description of the physical detail of a self-portrait of Moro ends with "on croit le voir suer sous tant d'fitoffe," A Venus by Le Brun is judged "peu touchant." The Andromeda of Jacomo Palma is "effray6e, et son visage montre tout ce qu'elle doit sentir & la vue 109 du monstre," A Venus by Van Dyck is better than Le Brun's* 'Mars lui dit adieu, elle s'attendrit" (XIX, 462-64), In every pronouncement except the one on Poussin's land­ scape, F6nelon mentions the pathetic quality of the per- sonnage depicted or his own emotional response to the p a in tin g . The same kinds of remarks appear in the dialogues with Poussin in the discussion of "Les FunSrailles de Phocion" and "L'Effroi". In the former, Poussin points to the two slaves who carry the body of Phocion* "Ils paraissent tous deux affligSs, et ces deux douleurs ne se ressemblent en rien." Everything in the procession is capable of arousing pity and grief, Parrhasius knows of nothing which gives a "plus sensible plaisir que ces peintures champitres," To the side of the picture, a horseman and his horse "semblent s'6lancer pour courir avec plus de vitesse," Parrhasius approves of this kind of art* "II faut peindre 1'action et le mouvement, ani- mer les figures, et exprimer les passions de l'fime, Je vois que vous etes bien entr£ dans le goOt de 1*antique," Those who only represent "des figures gracieuses" have only attained the moderate style (XIX, 331-340). Art, like discourse, has its rhetorical styles.1^ The.painting discussed in the second dialogue takes as i t s t i t l e an em otion, " L 'E ff ro i" , The s e v e ra l human figures depicted reveal "divers degrSs de crainte et de 110 surprise*' which "font une espSce de jeu qui touche et qui plaft," Poussin admits that the painting is a caprice, but it is a regulated caprice which in no way deviates from nature. Although the painting is less learned than that of Phocion, showing less knowledge of architecture and more of Antiquity, it does equal it in the "science d*exprimer les passions," Moreover, "tout le paysage a des graces et une tendresse que l ’autre n'Sgale point," Poussin, that is, FSnelon, prefers the second painting to the first. As these passages show, the superior painting exhibits an emotional quality which is felt, in turn, by the viewer. At least one criterion for judging the accuracy of the poet/painter's imitation of nature would seem to lie in the audience's emotional response. The same q u a litie s are sought in p o etry . In th e "Projet de poStique", when FSnelon speakB of poetry as being an imitation and a painting, we find feeling so frequently mentioned in connection with the examples that it becomes an almost necessary element in FSnelon's definition of peinture. Speaking of Virgil's writings FSnelon saysi

II faut que Virgile disparaisse, et que je m'ima­ gine voir ce beau lieu ,,.,il faut que je dSsire d'ltre transport^ dans cet autre endroit (XXI, 196). I l l The examples throughout the "Projet de poStique" are m anlfoldt

Hom£re ne p e in t p o in t un jeune homme qui va p S rir dans les combats, sans lui donner des graces tou- chantes (XXI, 200). Les animaux souffrants que ce po&te met comme devant nos yeux nous affligent (XXI, 205). La peste des animaux est un tableau qui nous Smeut... (XXI, 206). Une fleur attire votre compassion quand Virgile la peint prSte & se flStrir (XXI, 20?). Horace fait en trois vers un tableau o& tout vit e t in s p ire du sentim ent (XXI, 208). Veut-il peindre en deux coups de pinceau deux hommes que personne en puisse mSconnaitre et qui s a is is s e n t, le s p e c ta c le ,, , (XXI, 206).

Poetry, like painting, then, not only differs from oratory/prose from the standpoint of intensity of enthus­ iasm, but exists on two levels within its own genre. Some poetry is like a painting which is "aimable", "charmante", "plein de grace", ane which appeals to the imagination, A higher form of poetry/painting, however, operates in the realm of feeling! it is "touchante", "attendrissante", hence persuasive. The former has as its subject matter landscapes or nature scenest the latter adds the human element showing man reacting to, or within, his setting. The ancients knew and practiced this higher form of poSsie/peinturet "Les anciens ne se sont pas contentSs de peindre simplement d*aprfcs naturei ils ont joint la 112 passion & la vSritl" (XXI, 200).

It is primarily in the sermons and in Tllgmaoue that we see Fenelon trying to paint scenes. In the sermons a number of passages attempt to help the listener to vis­ ualize certain situations. In his sermons preached in commemoration of a saint, Fenelon is fond of tracing the life of the particular saint in question, attempting to reconstruct the life in a vivid way. In the "Sermon pour le jour de l'assomption de la sainte vierge" we read*

ReprSsentons-nous (car il est beau de se repre- senter ce detail, que Dieu mSme n'a pas dSdaignS de voir avec complaisance), reprSsentons-nous done cette auguste reine du ciel courbee sous la pesan- teur des fardeaux qu'elle portait,...Qu'il est beau de la voir ainsi,..(XVII, 201).

In the "Sermon pour la Fite de Saint Bernard", FSnelon includes a passage from the life of that saint written by Guillaume de Saint Thierri, in which the latter describes a visit to Clairvaux. Although not FSnelon's own description, it is the type of pastoral setting FSnelon so often invokesi

Je crus d'abord voir les dSserts d'Egypte peuplSs de solitairesi une Stroite et profondc vallle, environn&e de hautes montagnes couvertes de sombres foretsj des b&timents pauvres comme des cabanes de bergers, et faits de la main meme des solitairesi la vallee, toute remplie d*hommes sans cesse en mouvement, et nSanmoins l'ordre et le silence r€- gnant de toutes parts...(XVII, 226), 113 Later in the same sermon FSnelon describes the miracles which were the result of Bernard's ministryi

Que vois-je, que vois-je, mes FrSres? Je me crois transporte dans la cite saintei je crois voir la Palestine que le Seigneur visite encore* Une ver- tu bienfaisante sort de Bernard* elle coule sans peine comme de la source* et elle semble meme lui Schapper. II guSrit toutes les langueurst la fi&vre lui obeit, et tous les maux s'enfuient. Les aveugles voient, les sourds entendent, les boiteux marchent, les paralytiques emportent leurs lits, la santS est rendue aux mourantsi il ouvre l'avenir et y lit comme dans un livre (XVII, 237).

FSnelon not only tries to visualize these miracles for his congregation by using the verb voirt he also uses the historic present tense and a series of short, direct clauses to give accumulated movement to the passage, carrying the listener into the future along with Saint B ernard. In the "Sermon pour la Fete de Sainte-ThSrSse" we find similar passages. "Vous l'allez voir pendant vingt ans,,..Vous allex voir un mSlange,...11 me semble que je l'entends lisant,,," (XVII, 247). Not only are we made to see th e young ThSrfcse* we a re a lso made to hear her in an imagined dialogue which appears suddenly in the text. There is no explicit identification of speakers.

Qu*est-ce qui vous trouble, ThSrfcse? de quoi pleurez-vous? HSlasJ je pleure de n'avoir pas pleur§ assez tot* je m'afflige de ces dSplorables plaisirs qui ont enivr£ mon coeur. Les ris du sifecle me semblent une folie, et je dis S. la joiei Pourquoi m'avez-vous trompSe..." (XVII, 249). 13A This feigned speech (sermocinatio) adds life to the portrait of Saint Theresa and mades the sermon more dramatic for the audience. Numerous other examples from FSnelon's sermons could be cited. In his "Sermon pour la flste d'un martyr" we findi "Repr£sentons-nous, mes Fr£res, comment ils vivaient dans le temps des persecutions.... —Voil&, mes FV&res, un portrait des martyrs" (XVII, 275-279). "Gardez-vous bien, mes FrSres, de regarder avec indiffe­ rence ce pieux spectacle" (XVII, 279), In the Dialogues des morts FSnelon also makes occasional attempts, but not very successful ones, to visualize situations or sp e ak ers.

Tglemaeme offers numerous examples of scene-paint­ ing and of spectacles, some being more successful than others.^ Each book within the novel contains at least one such representation. The most fully-developed are the descriptions of Calypso's grotto and of her island, of Tyr, la BStique and Salente, of TSl&naque's armor forged by Vulcan (an undisguised borrowing from the Iliad). of Hades and of the Elysian Fields, FSnelon's pastoral des­ criptions tend toward uniformity, with their mountains, fields and streams and statements on nature's abundance. The description of Tyr resembles a Poussin painting divided into four planesi at the top appears the ice-covered summit of Mt. Liban» below is the forest of ancient cedarst below that lie rich pastures and finally we come to the garden-spot at the foot of the mountain.^ The orderly presentation is intellectually conceived. In the desert of Oasis, the captive TSl&naque finds the negative contrast to the prosperous land of Tyrt cold mountain peaks, bar­ ren pastures on the slopes, valleys so deep that the sun scarcely penetrates (XX, Bk. ii, 30). Although not as detailed, the scene still reveals FSnelon's technique of painting landscapes. His description of Amphitrite rising from the ocean in a chariot pulled by white seahorses is visually or­ ganized as if the author were describing a painting! in the lower foregrrund appear the dolphins and Tritons followed by the chariot pulled by white horses. A troop of nymphs follows the chariot. Next we see the majestic figure of the goddess Amphitrite herself holding Palemon to her breast, and above her we see floating in the air a great purple veil. Guarding or admiring the central figure are accessory figures in the form of Eole and various sea creatures filling in the peripheral spaces. Gold, blue, white and purple color the tableau (XX, Bk. 1^, 86-7). The descriptive scene has no explicit teaching attached to it, yet its appearance during Mentor's conversa­ tion with Hasael concerning "cette vSritS souveraine et universelle qui Sclaire tous les esprits" gives the 116 mythological figure the Christian overtones of the Virgin Mary. F6nelon's visualizing technique leads him occasion­ ally to situate one of his characters at a vantage point somewhat distant and elevated from the main action in order to provide a panoramic view. The viewer then describes • the scene below him much as a spectator at a theater would describe the stageplay before him. T6l6maque, for example, imprisoned in a tower beside the sea, watches the battle between and Phoenicians and the Egyptians below (XX, Bk, ii, ^1), Occasionally the gods are shown assembled on Mt. Olympus from where they look down upon the world below them, watching with a curious detachment the struggle between Venus and Minerva for control over T6l£maque's 17 a c tio n s , r The gods' panoramic view lends an epic flavor to the following passage, reminiscent of Biblical passages on the grandeur of God and the frailty of human life*

De ce lieu, ils apergoivent les astres qui roulent & leurs pieds* ils voient le globe de la terre, comme un p etit amas' de boue* les mers immenses ne leur paraissent que comme des gouttes d'eau dont ce morceau de boue est un peu detrempS* les plus grands royaumes ne sont 8. leurs yeux qu'un peu de sable, qui couvre la surface de cette bouet les peuples innombrables et les plus puissantes armies ne sont que comme des fourmis qui se dis- putent les uns aux autres un brin d'herbe sur ce morceau de boue,, . .C'est dans cette demeure, si $lev€e au-dessus de la terre, que Jupiter a pos€ son trSne immobile.(XX, Bk. viii, 178).

FSnelon's fullest descriptions tend to be panoramic. 117 and perhaps because of their wide scopet general and vague as to detail. Precise forms and nuances of color are lackingi animals and vegetation frequently remain unspecified,’*'® Visual scenes serve as vehicles for moral lessons. TSlSmaque's description of Bocchoris' severed head illus­ trates well the didactic aim of visual representations!

Je me souviendrai toute ma vie d'avoir vue cette tete,.T oute ma vie il sera peint devant mes yeux,,, je n'oublierai point,* apr&s un si funeste example, q u'un r o i n 'e s t digne de commander e t n 'e s t heureux dans sa puissance qu'autant qu'il la soumet 3. la raison (XX, Bk, ii, **3).19

This brief passage is an excellent example of FSnelon's fusion of prouver, peindre et toucher. The appeal to the imagination and to the emotions through the example of the severed head leads TSlSmaque to formulate by him­ self a maxim concerning good government. Most of the scenes described above are static tab­ leaux, Action scenes, too, are numerous in Tglgmaaue. narrated in a lively style aimed at mirroring the move­ ment. Almost invariably FSnelon employs the device of interchanging tenses by recounting past events in the present when describing highly dramatic battle scenes or hand-to-hand combat. Combined very often with the use of the historic present is the device of asyndeton, which by the omission of connecting words, heightens the sense 118 of rapid movement taking place before the reader's eyes. Mentor in battle is described thus*

La mort courait de rang en rang partout sous ses coups. Semblable 2L un lion de Numidie que la cruelle faim dSvore, et qui entre dans un troupeau de faibles brebisi il dechire, il £gorge, il nage dans le sang, et les bergers, loins de secourir le troupeau, fuient tremblants, pour se dSrober & sa fureur (XX, Bk. i, 19).

NSoptol&me describes his arrival at SigSe to seek Achilles' armst

J'arrive & Sig&e* 1'armSe s'assemble autour de moii chacun jure qu'il voit Achillet main, hSlas! il n'Stait plus,.,.D'abord je demande aux Atrides les armes de mon pSret ils me rSpondent cruelle- ment....Aussitot je me trouble, je pleure, je m'em- porte... (XX, Bk. xii, 319).

Yet another device frequently used to create a sem­ blance of vividness is the use of adverbs such as "sou- dainement", "tout d'un coup", "aussitoti, "S. peine.,,que", "21 1 'instant", "8, ces paroles", "il dit, et...". Occasionally we hear sounds that accompany visually animated scenes, as in the following passage which describes an impending battlei

On ne v o y a it de to u s co t£ s que des femmes trem - blantes, des vieillards courbSs, de petits enfants, les larmes aux yeux, qui se retlraient dans la ville, Les boeufs mugissants et les brebis b$lants venaient en foule,••,C'Stait, de toutes parts, des cris con- fus de gens qui se poussaient les uns les autres, qui ne pouvaient s'entendre...(XX, Bk. i, 18). 4

119 Sounds are relatively infrequent, however, FSnelon is basically more eye-minded in his scene-paintingi sound effects are achieved through the use of prose rhythms,

Mouvement, Smouvoir and toucher are all terms used by FSnelon when speaking of emotional appeals. Toucher, the third element in Fenelon's formula, is closely re­ lated to the concept of peindre. Whereas peindre appeals to the imagination, toucher appeals to the emotions. The discussion of toucher is developed most fully in "A" *s description of mouvement in the Dialogues sur l*gloquence. In a somewhat elliptical discussion, the subject of inner movements turns to a discussion of external movements. The orator*s movements, according to "A", serve to im­ press in the mind of the listener movements which conform 20 to the aim of the person speaking. Movements are of two kindsi of words and of the body. Concerning word movement, "A" demonstrates by means of an % example the difference bet.ween a speech filled with move­ ment and one spoken calmly. In the former, the manner of uttering the words reveals the way in which they are felt by the speaker % this in turn moves the listener. In places where movement is appropriate not only are thoughts not needed, but order and liaison should be eliminated. Otherwise passion is no longer life-likei 120 La mani&re de dire lea choses fait voir la mani&re dont on lea sent, et c*est ce qui touche davantage l'auditeur, Dans ces endroits-lSL, non seulement il ne faut point de pensSes, mais on en doit retrancher l'ordre et lea liaisons, sans cela la passion n'est plus vraisem blable (XXI, 52),

MA® refers his listeners to Longinus for some excellent examples taken from Demosthenes. "A® repeats the principle behind movements: to ex­ press the feelings and passions which fill the soul. Body movements, thus, are a painting of "les pensSes de l ’ame.” Since movements should imitate nature, simple things which are devoid of emotion should be accompanied by few gestures: some things are best expressed by a cessation of all move­ ment. Such moments of suspended movement can have g reat effect on the listener. They should occur when the speaker is filled with much feeling: they will hold the soul of 21 all the listeners in suspense. Natural movements should be observed whether speaking before a large gathering or to an individual in private conversation. "A" seeks a great deal of contrast ("beaucoup d*in§- galitS") in voice and gesture:

C*est 1& ce qui rend 1'action si puissante et qui la faisait mettre par DSmosth&nes au-dessus de tout. Plus 1*action et la voix paraissent simples et familifcres dans les endroits oft l'on ne fait qu*in- struire, que raconter, aue s'insinuer: plus prSparent- elles de surprise et d'emotion pour les endroits oft elles s'$l£veront & un enthousiasme soudain (XXI, 57)* 121 This contrast comprises a kind of music whose beauty lies in the variety of tones which rise or fall according to the things they are to express. Movement of words is reflected also in the slowness or rapidity with which they are spoken. At certain times it is necessary to speak more quickly* to speak with uncontrolled precipi­ tation, however, is a great fault (XXI, 58). "A" likens this kind of movement to that of verse, which at times requires a slow, grave rhythm to paint things of that nature, and at other times callB for a quick, impetuous rhythm to express what is lively. 22 In order to express passions accurately, the orator must study the l>ody movements that accompany them—the eyes and face ir> particular, the hands, the whole body. Art itself is not sufficient to paint and inspire passions in others* the orator must feel them himself*

II faut sentir la passion pour la bien peindre* l ’art, quelque grand qu’il soit, ne parle point comme la passion veritable. Ainsi vous serez touiours un orateur trfes imparfait, si vous n'etes pSnetrS des sentiments que vous voulez peindre et inspirer aux autres (XXI, 60 ).

This is as close as F€nelon comes to a discussion of the passions. He acknowledges that the orator must know and understand them and be able to inspire and to recog­ nize them in his listener. He does not, however, enumer­ ate or describe them as other writers or rhetorical treatises 122 sometimes do. In the "Projet de rhStorique" FSnelon does not speak explicitly of movements, although he does refer a number of times to impassioned and enlivened speech. He mentions movements in the "Projet de poStique" in connection with French syntax. He pleads for greater freedom in syntax to permit the kinds of inversions em­ ployed so effectively by the ancients. Of an inversion found in Virgil, he says that were it eliminated and the words put in an "arrangement de grammairien", the sentence would lose its movement, majesty, grace and harmony. It is the suspense'created by inversion that "saisit le c o e u r." 2-* More attention is given to speech movement in the "Projet sur la TragSdie" and "Projet sur la ComSdie", where FSnelon again calls for a naturalness of speech conforming to feeling» "Mais on parle naturellement et sans ces tours si faqonnis quand la passion parle" (XXI, 214), He criticizes, along with his contemporaries, ThSramfcne's unnatural narrative of the death of Kippo- lyte. In contrast to the ThSramfene speech FSnelon pro­ poses one delivered by Sophocles' Oedipus, which is "plu- t$t un gSmissement ou un cri, qu'un discours," He later praises certain speeches of Terence, which however im­ passioned, remain natural in their simplicity. The im­ portance of the concept of movement for Ffnelon is that 123 it shares both the visual aspect of the dramatic genres, primarily that of the actor, and the musical qualities perceived in the rising and falling tones of the speaker. Both the visual and auditory senses are exploited in the attempt to arouse the passions. The use of the dialogue, which will be discussed at greater length in the following chapter, is also for FEne- lon a means of introducing movement into his presentation of ideas. In the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence this movement does not lie in dramatic action, since he gives scarcely any indication of gestures and actions, but relies chiefly on the effects caused by conflicting points of view, climax and surprise. In contrast to this, the advice given in the TraitE de 1*Education des filles deals with actual physical movement in the dramatization of Biblical stories for children. Except for passages in TElemaque. where the author describes for the reader the physical gestures accompany­ ing or resulting from certain speeches, it is impossible to know what kinds of physical movements FEnelon intended should accompany particularly enlivened speech, or what kind of characteristic movements he himself used in his sermons. He does tell us in the Dialogues sur 1'Elo­ quence what kinds of movements certain of his contempor­ aries usedt one uses no gestures at all, another speaks with his eyes closed, another uses the same forceful 12*f physical gestures no matter how unimportant his message. We can understand F^nelon's own practice only in that asp ect of movement co n sistin g of th e flow o f words and sentences. An example of a speech enlivened by means of a special kind of sentence structure has already been quoted from the "Sermon pour la Fete de Saint Bernard"*

Les aveugles voient, les sourds entendent, les boiteux marchent, les paralytiques emportent leurs lits, la santS est rendue aux mourants* il ouvre l'avenir et y lit comme dans un livre.

The short four and five-syllable clauses accumulate and gradually expand into the final longer statement begin­ ning "il ouvre,,,," In the "Sermon pour la profession d'une religieuse" we find a passage which recalls the phrase used to describe Oedipus' speech, "plutfit un gfimissement ou un cri qu'un discours," The newly con­ verted woman speaks*

Seigneur, que voulez-vous que je fasse?,., Que vois-je? o& suis-je? que sont-ils devenus tous ces objets que j!ai cru voir si clairement? Tout s'Svanouit, tout m'&chappe, tout ce qui m'appuyait se fond dans mes mains (XVII, 300).

The movement o f.th e sentences is made to conform to th e feeling of helplessness. We feel the same rapid movement due to the piling up of short clauses and the forward impetus expressed by the verbs of motion in a line from the same sermon* "E lle v ie n t, e lle v ie n t la fin* je la 125 vois, la voilfi, qui arrive" (XVII, 31*0. In the Dialogues des morts we find attempts to ex­ press movement in both action and speech. Achilles* impet­ uousness, for example, is evident in the three dialogues in which he appears. In "Le Centaure Chiron et Achille" Achilles opens the dialogue with an abrupt and defiant* "A quoi me sert-11 d*avoir re§u tes instructions? Tu m*as jamais parle que de sagesse, de valeur, de gloire, d'h6- roisme...." He reacts strongly to Chiron's suggestion that if given a second chance at life, Agamemnon and not Achilles might receive Homer's praise* "Agamemnon m'en- lever la gloire! moi demeurer dans un honteux oubli! Je ne puis le souffrir...." (XIX, 130ff). He reacts sim­ ilarly to Homer's unflattering remarks on his character, and in a series of responses we get an idea of Achilles' temperament*

Quoi! comparer le rusS et trompeur Ulysse au fils de Th6tys plus terrible que Mars! Va, po&te ingrat, tu sentiras,..

Ah! que ne puis-je faire sentir mon ancienne force & cette ombre ingrate!

Comment! tu t*im agines que sans te s vers le grand Achille ne serait pas admir£ de toutes les nations et de tous les si&cles? (XIX, 132ff). Je fr§mis quand je pense que les arroes faites par le dieu Vulcain, et que ma m&re m'avait donnSes, ont €t€ la recompense d'un discoureur artificieux. (XIX, 136) 126 Despite the use of exclamatory words and phrases and the verb frgmir. we feel that the attempts to express passion and movement are only partially successful! their effect is offset by the too formally structured sentences in which they appear. A similar, unsuccessful attempt at portraying heightened emotion is found in the dialogue between Xerxes and Leonidast

Xerxest 0 que je suis f£ch€ de n'Stre point entrS dans le PSloponfcse aprfcs avoir ravagS l'A t- tiquel j'aurais mis en cendres ta LakSdS- mone comme j*y mis Ath&nes. Miserable, im­ pudent, je t'aurais,,, LSon.i Ce n'est plus ici le temps ni des injures ni des flatteries! nous sommes au pays de la v S rit£ ,

Mais ton ombre e s t encore bien colfere e t bien superbei tu n'Stais pas plus emportS quand tu faisais fouetter la mer, Xerxesi AhJ les rois qui peuvent tout (je vois bien, mais, hfilas! je le vois trop tard) sont livrSs & toutes leurs passions. (XIX, 170)

Xerxes is obviously angryi his emotional state is indicated to the reader more by what he says, however, than how he says it. We sense that in composing the first speech, FSnelon's intention was to impart to his pupil an hist­ orical detail as much as to express Xerxes* irritation! in the last speech, Xerxes, despite his emotional state, is rational enough to offer a bit of wisdom concerning the unlimited powers of kings. 12? Several dialogues open and close with a speech ex­ pressing the arrival or departure of one or the other interlocutor. Such speeches express attempts to convey spontaneous and natural reactions to chance encounters!

Denysi Hoi dieuxl qu*est-ce qui se prSsente & mes yeux? C'est Pythias qui arrive! oui, c*est Pythias lui-meme, Je ne l'aurais jamais cru, Ahl c'est luii il vient pour mourir e t pour dSgager son ami (XIX, 220), Charom Quel homme mhnes-tu lh? (XIX, 211), Syllai Je viens 8i la hfite vous donner un avis, C§sar, et je mhne avec moi un bon second pour vous persuader (XIX, 295)• Mercurei Je suis bien pressS de m*en retourner vers l'Olympet et j'en suis fort ftchS, car je meurs d*envie de savoir par oh tu as 'fin i t a v ie (XIX, 316), Parrhasiust ...Mais allons dans ce bocage ici prhs, oh il est avec TijolSon et Aristide, pour lui apprendre de si agrSables nou- v e lle s (XIX, 3^0). Tatiusi II n*est plus temps de menacer, les ombres ne sont plus rien. Adieu, mSchant, je t'aban- donne (XIX, 165). Alcibiadesi Timon, retirons-nousj en voilh bien assez (XIX, 209)•

In the latter three speeches FSnelon attempts to give some kind of formal.closing to the dialogue by having the speakers move offstage, as it were. Here again we are reminded of the classroom practice of acting out dialogues or other scenes. Among the dialogues with the more successful openings 1 2 8 are those between Young PompSe and MSnas (Dial. XLVIII) and between Harpagon and Dorante (Dial. LXXIX), The abrupt and suspenseful opening of the former captures the highly emotional state of Mdnasi

MSnas* Voulez-vous que je fasse un beau coup? Pomp.i Quoi done? parle, Te voil& tout trouble,,. M&nast C'est de joie, l'heureuse occasion! Si c'Stait mon affaire, tout serait d5j2L achevS, Le voulez-vous? un mot, oui ou non. (XIX, 319)

In the dialogue between Harpagon and Dorante, the sense of continuous flow from some previous conversation is captured by the introductoryr "Non, je ne puis gotlter vos raisons" (XIX, bk2),

In TSlSmaoue we find many speeches which in their emotional tone and unordered structure conform to F€ne- lon's model of natural, impassioned speech. We hear the jealous Calypso as she talks to herself in her grotto 1

...0 malheureuse! qu'ai-je fait? Non, je n'y irai pas, ils n'y iront pas eux-memes, je saurais bien les en empecher. Je vais trouver Mentor 1 je le prierai d'enlever TSlSmaque* il le remmSnera a Ithaque. Mais que dis-je? et que deviendrai-je quand T&LSmaque sera parti? Oh suis-je? que reste-t-il & faire? 0 cruelle VSnus, vous m'avez tro m p § e,. • (XX, Bk, v i , 13^-5).

Similar examples can be found at moments of great emo­ tional stress* IdomenSe upon sacrificing his son (XX, 129 Bk. v, 9*0* PhSrScyde lamenting the death of Hippias (XX, Bk. xiii, 362), Philoctfcte on the isle of Lemnos (XX, Bk. xii, 321ff). The occasional appearance of such speeches adds to the variety of tones which FSnelon sought in his efforts to achieve naturalness. The outward expressions, especially those of the face and eyes, recommended by "A" in the Dialogues sur 1* Eloquence are dutifully recorded in the novel.Such indications help to underscore the inner feelings of the speaker or of the listener, Philoctgte's effective nar­ ration of events on Lemnos is revealed in TSlSmaque's physical reactions to their tellingt

Pendant que Philoctfcte avait racontS ainsi ses aventures, TSlSmaque a v a it demeurS cotnme suspendu et immobile. Ses yeux Staient attaches sur ce grand homme qui parlait, Toutes les passions diffgrentes qui avaient agitS Hercule, Philoct&te, Ulysse, Ngop- tolfcme, paraissaient tour & tour sur ie visage na’if de Tglgmaque S. mesure qu'ils gtaient reprSscntSes dans la suite de cette narration (XX, Bk. xiii, 329).

Tgllmaque, when he cannot speak directly to Mentor for advice, consults the latter's eyes* "...il consultait ses yeux et tfichait de deviner toutes ses pensges (XX, Bk. vii, 150), which reminds us of Fgnelon's statement in the Dialogues sur 1Eloquence that the eyes especially reveal inner thoughts. Tglgmaque seeks similar instruction from Mentor at Adoam's banquet* "II regardait Mentor* il cherchait sur son visage et dans ses yeux ce qu'il 130 devait penser de tous ces plaisirs" (XX# Bk, vii, 163), Calypso, who cannot take her eyes off TSlSmaque, is in­ dignant that Mentor watches her every move "jusqu'au moindre mouvement de ses yeux" (XX, Bk, iv, 71 ), FSnelon infuses external nature with feeling through the use of epithet. Not only are nature scenes "charm­ ing", that is, visually appealing and pleasure-giving, but also happy and sad and sweet , ^ The feelin g s which the various characters, along with the author, impose on nature create an atmosphere often of pathos or nostalgia, which in turn touches the reader,

PAINTING AND MOVEMENT IN POETRY

As we have seen in certain passages from the Dialogues sur 1*Sloquence, FSnelon relates his remarks on painting and movement to a considerable extent to poetry, which for him, should express vividness and feeling in a natural way. Movement is seen in the arrangement of words which, as in oratory, should fit the thought and feeling. He criticizes versification in poetry because set forms tend to distort and impede the natural movement of thought and feeling. The seriousness with which he regards this question is evident from the fact that he speaks of the dangers of versification both in the Dialogues sur 1 E lo­ quence and in the "Projet de poStique", Among the moderns, 1 3 1 it is the poet La Fontaine whom FSnelon singles out for praise because of that poet's free use of varying rhythms within a single poem*

Les vers irrSguliers ont le meme entrelacement de rimes que les Odes* De plus leur inSgalitS sans rSgle uniforme donne la libertS de varier leur mesure et leur cadence, suivant qu'on veut s'Slever ou se rabaisser. M. de La Fontaine en a fait un trS s bon usage (XXI, 188).

In FSnelon's own poetry (other than Tglgmaque) we see attempts to practice these theoretical principles. Of the eleven poems FSnelon left, three are rhymed fables making use of varied line-lengths in the manner of La Fontainei two are translations in verse of Psalms One and 136* one is an occasio n al poem, "Sur la p rise de P h iliB - bourg, par le Dauphin, fils de Louis XIV, en 1688"t two are on moral virtues) and three are nature descriptions. In the fable "Le Bouffon et le Paysan" (no date) FSnelon shows some degree of s k i l l in achieving the movement and density required by the form. In the opening four lines he sets the scenet

Un grand seigneur, voulant plaire & la populace, Assembla les faiseurs de tours de passe-passe, Leur promettant des prix S 'ils pouvaient inventer quelque nouveau spectacle.

When a clown appears to perform we see and hear the crowd re a c tio m 132 AussitSt on accourti tout le peuple empress? Crie, pousse, se bat pour etre bien placS,

The agitated crowd grows calm and expectantly awaits the showt

Le bouffon paralt seuli on attend en silence.

The transition between this scene and that involving the second performer takes place rapidlyt

J'en ferai demain autant, S'Scria d'abord un paisan, Qui, vous? Oui, moi. La suivante journSe On vit grossir 1'assemblSe,

Despite some successful lines, however, FSnelon*s fables both in verse and in prose lack the piquant detail that makes La Fontaine's characters come aliv e.^ It is in the three nature poems that we can best see FSnelon's success, or lack of it, in portraying visual and pathetic qualities. All three poems share the stock vocabulary and classical allusions of the period, and describe settings which become abstract through lack of precise detaili yet all three differ in their emotive qualities. The "Lettre 2L Bossuet, sur la campagne de Ger- migny" (1681 or 168?) appears the most stereotyped and devoid of feeling. The poem in general is in praise of the natural, effaceless beauty of Germigny, which is being threatened by the cruel northwind of winter. The various 133 elements of the garden spot are enumerated and described* flowers, perfumed air, river, dawn. The "painted” portion of the poem ends with line 18. Lines 19-20 express the poet’s grief should winter despoil the beautiful land­ scape*

Hiver, cruel hiver, dont frSmit la nature, Ah! si tu flStrissait cette vive peinture!

The remaining four lines are an exhortation to the rest 28 of nature to protect this Vale of Tempe*

Hfitez-vous done, forets, montagnes d'alentour, DSfendez votre gloire, arretez son audace* Tremblez, riynphes, tremblez, e'est TempS q u 'il menace* Des graces et des jeux e'est le riant sSjour.

Despite the poet's urging through the use of verbs which call for action, the reader is not stirred. The poem remains a set piece, artificial and lacking in sincerity. The only line which conveys directly the poet's feeling is line six* "ZSphirs, portez lui seuls mes plus tendres soupirs”, which lacks force. The "painting" is limited to the "riant sSjour des graces et des jeux" of the last li n e . The "Ode & 1'AbbS de Langeron, description du prieurl de Carnac" (1681) is a poem of 14 ten-lined stanzas in whichr are catalogued the various components of the stereo­ typed pastoral scene* mountains whose "front d'Sternelle 13^ glace" are compared to the mountains of Thrace, the "vermeille Aurore", "tendres agneaux", "sombres bocages", "onde claire", "zSphir" with its "douce haleine", Ceres and Bacchus, shepherds, "herbe tendre et fleurie", and so forth. The poem acquires more interest than the " L e ttre & Bossuet", however, for several reasons. The landscape is presented more through the poet's eyesi

Je cueille au-dessus des nues J'entends gronder le tonnerre Que ne puis-je sur ma lyre Je vois au bout des campagnes Une douce reverie/ Tient mes sens et ma raison: A ce charme je me livre, De ce nectar je m'enivre,

The last stanza expresses the poet's desire to be buried in that spot, where Tyreis, his friend the abbS de Dangeron, "viendra rSpandre/ Les pleurs duB 2L nos amours," In add­ ition to the greater suffusion of feeling in this poem, we see in the description of the distant landscape the same capricious element which FSnelon, like Poussin, likes to include in his backdropsi

Je vois au bout des campagnes, Pleines de sillons dor5s, S'enfuir vallons et montagnes, Dans des lo in ta in s azurSs, Dont la bizarre figure Est un jeu de la nature,,. 135 Finally, the poem is unusual in that it is written in seven-syllable lines, which reminds the reader of the FGnelonian concept* "il faut quelquefois une mesure courte et imp6tueuse pour signifier ce qui est vif et a rd e n t." The nature poem which most successfully carries out FSnelon*s principle, "il faut sentir la passion pour la bien peindre", is entitled "Soupirs du poSte pour le re­ tour du printemps" (no date). It is given here in its e n tire ty *

Bois, fontaines, gazons, rivages enchantSs, Quand est-ce que mes yeux reverront vos beautSs, Au retour du printemps, jeunes et refleuriesj Cruel sort qui me tient: que ne puis-je courir? Creux vallons, riantes prairies, Oft de si douces reveries A mon coeur enivrS venaient sans cesse offrir Plaisirs purs et nouveaux, qui ne pouvaient tarir! HSlas! que ces douceurs pour moi semblent taries! Loin de vous je languis, rien ne peut me guSrir* Mes espSrances sont pSries, Moi-meme je me sens p S r ir . Collines, hatez-vous, hStez-vous de fleurir, H&tez-vous, paraissez, venez me secourir, Montrez-vous & mes yeux, § campagnes ch£ries! Puiss6-je encore un jour vous revoir, et mourir!

In this poem the personal feeling sounds more sincere, the diction is simple and clear, an attempt is made to vary line-length. The repetition of the poignant vowel sound "i" at the end of every line, except the first two, as well as the repetition of identical or similar express­ ions* "mes yeux" (twice), "refleuries", "fleurir", "tarir", "taries", "pSries", "pSrir", "hfitez-vous" (three times), is the natural ornament of repeated sighing. ^ The final four lines, although similar in structure and purpose to the final four lines of "Lettre S. Bossuet", express a more intense appeal on the part of the poet due to a greater number of imperatives and a less formally order­ ed arrangement. The final line summarizes the poem's thought and sustains the strong feeling aroused by the final exhortations. This is far different from the final "Des gr&ces et des jeux e'est le riant sSjour" of the other poem. It is possible to see in the more successful poem the analogy which FSnelon suggests between music

* and movements. Like movements, music has its outward form, which is heard in the sounds of words themselves, particularly in rhymei it also has an internal harmony independent of the former, which comes from the ordering 10 of the words .J The attention which FSnelon pays to the arts of paint­ ing and music, but particularly to the former, both in his discussion of "peindre et toucher" and in the several analogies he draws between those art forms and eloquence, suggests that even before DuBos, FSnelon saw eloquence, mus­ ic and painting as very closely related arts insofar as their end goal was concerned. He attempts to appropriate the vividness of painting and the harmony of music in creating a more persuasive eloquence. 137 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I I I

In the Traitg de 1*Education des fllles we read* ".,«les chr§tiens” ,,7ne doivent jamais chercher le plaisir pour le seul plaisir" (XVII, 103), "...car la peinture est encore plus vive et plus forte dans les pofctes que dans les orateurs. La poSsie ne diff&re de la simple Eloquence, qu'en ce qu'elle peint avec enthousiasme et par les traits plus hardis, La prose a ses p e in tu re s , quoique plus modHrSes" (XXI, 48), ^"Sans ces peintures on ne peut ^chauffer 1*imagination de l'auditeur ni exciter ses passions,...il faut non seulement instruire les auditeurs des faits, mais les leur rendre sensibles, et frapper leurs sens par une repr6sentation parfaite de la mani&re touchante dont i l s sont a rriv e s " (XXI, 48). ^"Depuis le pSch£ originel, l*homme est tout enfonc€ dans les choses sensibles* e'est 15 ce qui est abstrait, II faut donner d.u corps 9. toutes les instructions qu'on veut insinuer dans son esprit* il faut des images qui l'arreten t?* (XXI, 49), -*This piece of advice reminds us of the Jesuits' practice of having their pupils engage in dramatic exercises, F, de Dainville tells us that theatrical activity had an important place in the Jesuit program because it con­ tributed to the practice of nronunciatio and delivery, as well as to the ability to harangue in public. Dix- sentifeme sifecle No, 80-81 (1968), 24. ^Mario Praz points out that emblems, thanks to their did­ actic properties, became one of the favorite weapons of Jesuit propaganda. Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. 2 Vol. (London, 1939-^71# p» 170 ff. ^In Book IV Saint Augustine states that because of pleasantness of style, agreement may be given a little more readily to the matters discussed. De Doctrina Christiana. Bk, IV, pp. 225-6, ®Plato, Laws. I, 643. ^Clement of Alexandria, in Christ the Educator. Bk, III, 8, states that images and examples are the most im­ portant part of good instruction. 138 ^®Paul Bastier, FSnelon. critique d'art (Paris, 1903), Hjhe "Jugement sur diffSrents tableaux" is found in the Oeuvres completes, XIX, 462-4. 12 FSnelon's knowledge of the technical aspect of art is due at least in part to his visits to Mignard's studio at Versailles and his correspondence with the collector GaigniSres, See E, Carcassonne, FSnelon. l 'homme et 1'oeuvre (Paris, 1946), p. 110, 13 -'It is interesting to see how Roger de Piles, for ex­ ample, in his Cours de peinture par princjpes (Paris, 1708), devotes parts of his work to invention and disposition, ^ I t is a little difficult to see how TSlSmaque could observe Calypso's eyes in the following passage 1 "TSlSmaque suivait la dSesse environnSe d'une foule de jeunes nymphes.,,11 admirait l'Sclat de sa beautS, la riche pourpre de sa robe longue et flottante, ses cheveux nouSs par-derri&re nSgligemment mais avec grace, le feu qui sortait de ses yeux et la douceur qui tempSrait cette vivacitS" (XX, Bk, i, 6). 1*1-'"Au-dessous on voit une vaste foret de c&dres antiques .... Cette forSt a sous ses pieds....Enfin on voit au- dessous,.," (XX, Bk. iii, 54). ^Albert ChSrel interprets this scene to show the possible influence of Mme Guyon and quietism on FSnelon. FSne­ lon ou la religion du pur amour (Denoel, 1934), pp. 173-47 ^"Les dieux et les dSesses de l'Olympe, assemblSs dans un profond silence, avaient les yeux attachSs sur l'lle de Calypso, pour voir qui serait victorieux, ou de Minerve ou de 1'Amour,...Jupiter avait rSsolu d'Stre le spectateur de ce combat et de demeurer neutre" (XX, Bk, viii, 134), 18 ■ This imprecision is also evident in some similes, such as "comme une bSte sauvage". See chapter on style and figures. ^This is another example of visual oversight on FSne­ lon* s part. One wonders how TSlSmaque, imprisoned in the top of a tower beside the sea could be struck so vividly by the details of the slain king's face far below him. 139 20 "B"! . . .dites-nous quelque chose des mouvementsi 2t quoi servent-ils? "A"t A en imprimer dans l'esprit de l'auditeur qui soient conformes au dessein de celui qui parle (XXI, 51-52). 21 "Un homme p ie in d*un grand sentim ent deraeure un in ­ stant immobile* cette esp&ce de saisissement tient en suspens l'fime de tous les auditeurs" (XXI, 55) • 22 "II faut quelquefois une mesure lente et grave qui peigne les choses de ce caractfere, comme il faut quelquefois une mesure courte et impStueuse pour signifier ce qui est vif et ardent" (XXI, 58). 2^"0tez cette inversion, et mettez ces paroles dans un arrangement de grammairien qui suit la construction de la phrase, vous le u r o terez leu r mouvement, le u r majesty, leur grSce et leur harmonie* c*est cette suspension qui s a i s i t le coeur" (XXI, 190). 2^"Th6ramJSne., .d e v ra it ne d ire que ces deux mots* e t manquer mSm? de force pour les prononcer distincte- ment.,,,Un tel homme, saisi, Sperdu, sans haleine, peut-il s'amuser 2k faire la description la plus pompeuse et la plus fleurie de la figure du dragon?" (XXI, 215). 2^"Rien ne parle tant que le visage, il exprime toutt mais dans le visage les yeux font le principal effet* un seUl regard jetS bien & propos pSnetre dans le fond des coeurs" (XXI, 61), 26 We find expressions such ast "riantes prairies", "tendres agneaux", "air doux", "Echo,,, d*une triste v o ix ." 2^For a comparison of characterization of personnages in FSnelon*s and La Fontaine's fables, see Charles Dejob, "Deux conceptions de la fable* La Fontaine et FSnelon", Revue des Cours et ConfSrences. Vol. II (1898), 23-33. pQ E. R. Curtius mentions the Vale of Tempe as a proto­ type of the locus amoenus, the principal motif of all nature description from the Empire to the sixteenth century. European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. by W, R. Trask (New York, 19i>3)» 195 ff. 140 ^Robert Finch, The Sixth Sense* Individualism in French P o etry . I 686 -I 760 (Toronto, 1966), p. 44, ^°FSnelon recognizes also the rhetoric of music, as we see in the dialogue between Achilles and Homer* Hom&ret Tu ressembles & bien des gens, qui, faute de connaltre les divers genres d'Scrire, croient qu'un auteur ne se soutient pas quand il passe d'un genre vif et rapide, 8 un autre plus doux et plus modlrS. IIs devraient savoir que la perfection est d*ob­ server toujours les divers caractfcres, de varier son style suivant les sujets, de s'Slever ou de s'abaisser 8 propos, et de donner, par ce contraste, des carac- t&res plus marqu§s et plus agrSables. II faut savoir sonner de la trompette, toucher la lyre, et jouer meme de la flflte champetre, (XIX, 133) CHAPTER IV ORDER

Fgnelon discusses the concept of order in two re- . vealing passages, one in the Dialogues sur l 'Sloouence and the other in the Lettre & l 'Acadgmie, In one of the longest speeches of the former work, "A" explains to his interlocutors what he means by order (XXI, 69 ff ), His understanding of the term is based on Cicero’s writings. In summary, he.says that the contextual position of a word may determine that word's effectiveness, or shed light on some particular truth, and that throughout the speech there must be a series of proofs, each preparing the way for the following one, and each successive one lending support to th e former (XXI, ? 0 ), A speech should consist of four or five parts 1 the f i r s t should embody a g en eral p re se n ta tio n of the su b je c t, and at the same time predispose the listener favorably toward the speaker. The speaker should present a "dfibut modeste et insinuant, par un air de probitS et de can­ dour" (XXI, 70), Next the speaker should establish the principlest then he should present the facts. Prom these principles and facts he draws his conclusions. The 141 142 speech should build up to a crescendo so that the listener fe e ls more and more the w eight of tr u th . The speaker may add as a fifth and final part a brief recapitulation of what has been most persuasive in the speech (XXI, 70), In identifying these four basic parts of the speech FSnelon follows Cicero*s basic divisions as they appear in his De Partitione Oratoriat exordium, in which the speaker renders the audience attentive and friendly* the narratio. which outlines the main points to be developed* the confirmatio. which develops the constructive argument* and the conclusio or neroratio. in which the conclusion is reached, FSnelon*s final recapitulation, which he says is "souvent &'propos", may be viewed as a variation of the conclusio. . In enumerating the basic parts of the speech FSnelon avoids all the technical terminology of his model while retaining all the essential information, FSnelon recommends that the order of a speech not be revealed at the outset. Citing Cicero again, he says that "le meilleur, presque toujours, est de ^acher l*or- dre] et d'y mener l*auditeur sans qu*il s'en apersolve" (XXI, 71). The speaker should even hide the number o f his proofs in such a way that the listener is unable to count them, even though the proofs remain distinct in themselves* and the divisions of the speech should not be clearly marked. The corruption of recent times has 1^3 gone so far as to prevent the listener from knowing what the order of a speech is, unless the speaker so indicates (XXI, 7 1 ).

*'C" suggests that the clear division of a speech a id s th e mind and memory of th e l i s t e n e r in re c e iv in g instruction. "A" grants that division aids the speaker's memory, but that a natural, unmarked order would aid even more, "car la veritable liaison des matifcres con­ duit l'esprit" (XXI, 71).' Here, typically, when a choice is to be made between nature and artifice, FSnelon chooses nature. Divisions do, however, help those, and only those, who have studied and have become accustomed to such a method through the schools. Divisions are a modern invention stemming from scholasticism (XXI, 69). "B" believes that "A'"s method suits only certain subjects, those which rely on facts. "A" grants that where facts are lacking, one does without, but that such is rarely the case. He concludes his discussion of order in this passage by recommending Plato's method of put­ ting at the beginning of his moral works a story or trad­ ition which serves as a basis for all that follows. Such a method, according to "A", is even better suited to those who preach religion, where everything is tradition, history, antiquity. (XXI, 72). It can be seen from this passage in the Dialogues that order for FSnelon is not limited to the narrow mean­ ing of the arrangement of a speech according to the order of points or the division of a topic into several parts, FSnelon uses the term, rather, in the broader sense of disposition, which for the ancient rhetors constituted the second part of rhetoric and which was almost insep- * arable from the first part, invention. For Cicero, whom FSnelon cites in the passage on order, disposition con­ sisted of the adaptation of the product of invention to a particular situation. The process of adaptation consisted of two main parts* the grouping of ideas in the natural order—exordium, narration, proof, peroration—and struct­ uring the speech in accordance with the specific audience problems involved,’1* Aristotle, too, considered disposition as chiefly the planned adaptation to the audience and p speech, Quintilian discussed at some length the parts of disposition as it related to forensic speaking, devoting all of Book VII of the Instltutio Oratoria to the subject of arrangement. For him disposition concerns "the distrib­ ution of things and their parts to the places it is ex­ pedient that they should occupy."^ This is a phrase which has its parallel in "AH,s statement that in ancient times speakers examined carefully "en quel endroit il fallait placer chaque chose pour la rendre plus propre & faire im pression" (XXI, 69)* FSnelon also agrees with Quint­ ilian's prefatory remarks to Book VII that any rules Iks L concerning arrangement must be general.

Au reste, il ne faut pas garder scr.upuleusement cet ordre d'une manifere uniformej chaque sujet a ses exceptions et ses propri£t£s, Ajoutez que, dans cet ordre m§me, on peut trouver une variStS presque infinie (XXI, 70-71),

"A"'s reference to Plato*s practice of basing a speech on history or tradition reveals PSnelon's con­ cern with proper selection of materials—the choice of a suitable Biblical text for the sermon discussed in the First Dialogue is anotter example~as well as with their arrangement, "A"*s concern for understanding the aud­ ience* s passions further reveals FSnelon's preoccupation with the proper adaptation of materials to the listener (XXI, 70). It is significant that "AM*s discussion of order in this dialogue directly follows a discussion of the role of memory, "A"*s chief argument against the speak­ e r 's r e lia n c e upon memory in p u b lic speaking is th a t a memorized speech must necessarily adhere to a fixed arrangement of thoughts and overall structure. The speaker who has memorized his speech is unable to adapt his materials to fit the audience reaction. The clever and experienced speaker, however, does otherwise,

Un orateur habile et exp§riment§ proportionne les choses & 1 'impression qu*il volt qu'elles font sur l'auditeur* car il remarque fort bien ce qui entre et ce qui n*entre pas dans 1*esprit, ce qui attire 146 1 'attention, ce qui toucheles coeurs, et ce qui ne fait point ces effets. II reprend les mSmes choses d’une a u tre mani&re (XXI, 65).

The speaker who delivers a totally memorized speech further runs the risk of using inappropriate physical gestures and voice modulations since he will not inward­ ly feel the natural body responses suitable to what he is saying. The artifice, then, of a memorized delivery becomes apparent to the listener, who remains untouched by the words he hears, "A" explains that although the polished speeches of Demosthenes and Cicero which have come down to us in written form suggest that those orators must have com­ mitted their speeches to memory, they did not, in fact, memorize them word for word, Cicero did, indeed, accord­ ing to "A", want the o ra to r to make use of memory, and he speaks of artificial memory as a useful invention 1 but nowhere does he indicate that the speaker should rely on complete memorization of the text. On the contrary, he appears to lim it himseif on that subject to recom­ mending that the speaker have well in mind the various parts of his speech, as well as the main figures and expressions to be used. For the rest, the speaker will rely on what the need of the speech occasion demands and what his visual appraisal of the audience inspires in him (XXI, 66). 1^7 FSnelon's order, then, is intimately related to the study and understanding of the passions and their inter­ relationships. The speaker must understand the external signs produced "by inner passions and how to lead the audience from one passion to another. Audience reaction will indicate to the speaker what order is most approp­ riate for a particular occasion, FSnelon speaks of order in similar terms in the '.'Projet de rhStorique", stressing the proper arrangement of truths and the interrelatedness of all parts of the discourse to the principal idea. Again, the order to be followed will depend on the listener's grasp of the sub- * jectj and the speaker must be able to re-work his ideas in other formsj if necessary, to reach his listener, FSnelon illustrates the proper unity of a discourse with examples drawn from the fields of painting and architecture.

II faut lui montrer souvent la conclusion dans le principe, De ce principe, comme du centre, se rSpand la lumi&re sur toutes les parties de cet ouvragej de meme qu'un peintro place dans son tab­ leau le jour, en sorte que d'un seul endroit il distribue & chaque objet son degrS de lumi&re. Tout le discours est uni il se rSduit & uneseule proposition mise au plus grand jour par des tours variSs. Cette unitS de dessein fait qu'on voit, d'un seul coup d'oeil, l'ouvrage entier, comme on voit de la place publique d'une ville toutes les rues et toutes les portes quand toutes les rues sont droites, Sgales et en symStrie. Le discours est la proposition dSveloppSei la proposition est le discours en abrSgS (XXI, 1?9), * 1^8 According to “A", such unity and order possess in them­ selves beauty and strength. True order exists when no element can be displaced, added or removed without weak­ ening or rendering obscure the whole, The proper order can be attained only by a person who knows his subject well and possesses taste and geniusi “Tout auteur qui ne donne point cet ordre & son discours ne poss&de pas assez sa mati&ret il n*a qu'un goQt imparfait et qu'un demi-gSnie" (XXI, 180), FSnelon concludes his discussion of order by calling it the rarest of mental operationsi ”L'ordre est ce

La principale perfection d*une histoire consiste dans 1*ordre et dans 1*arrangement. Pour parvenir ft ce bel ordre, l'historien doit embrasser et possSder toute son histoiret il doit la voir tout entier comme d*une seule vue... (XXI, 229),

« i Although we do not ordinarily think of the historian as a rhetorician today, F§nelon, in his overriding concern to 149 make history instructive to the reader and, as a prelimin­ a ry s te p , to make i t ap p ealin g , a p p lie s the same p r in c ip le s of organization to the writing of history as to persuasive d isc o u rse . In the Dialogues des morts (VII) Socrates explains to Confucius his preference for the spoken word for teaching over books, since the latter are "dead things", that cannot be adapted to the unforeseen and diverse difficulties of the reader*

Je n'ai jamais voulu rien Scrire, et j ’ai trouvS que la parole Stait meilleure pour enseigner. Un livre estune chose morte qui ne r£pondpoint aux difficultSs impr6vues et diverses de chaque lecteur , ,,un livre est susceptible de plusieurs sens con- traires & celui de l'auditeur (XIX, 146-7),

Again we see the necessity of maintaining a certain flexibility in discourse in order to adapt to the aud­ ience situation,

ORDER AND THE DIALOGUE

F6nelon*s frequent use of the dialogue form can be viewed as a characteristic element of his rhetoric and the result of his deep concern for proper order, F6ne- lon used the dialogue form throughout his writing career, notably in his early Dialogues sur 1 Eloquence, in the Dialogues des morts. and the Instruction pastorale en 150 forme de dialogues sur le systfeme de Jansgnlus. composed near the end of his life in 1?1*K He a ls o made use o f the dialogue within such works as Traitg de 1 'Education des fllles. certain fables, and his pedagogical novel TSlgmaaue.^ In his frequent use of the dialogue FSnelon follows both the examples of his models in Antiquity and the fashion of his day. Plato's Oorgias and Phaedrus. and Cicero's De Oratore, are couched in dialogue form. Examples of the use. of dialogue in FSnelon's own day are numerous, and the public's predilection for the form o has been attested. In his Instruction pastorale en formo de dialogues contre le jansSnisme FSnelon justifies the use of the dialogue form, a form used by the pagan philosophers of Antiquity, on the grounds that the Church Fathers them­ selves did not hesitate to imitate Plato in their "dialogues familiers," Furthermore, "le Saint-Esprit meme n'a pas dSdaignS de nous enseigner, par des dialogues, la patience dans le livre de Job, et le parfait amour de Dieu dans le Cantique des Cantiques" (XV, 128). He goes on to cite a number of other Church Fathers who wrote in dialogue formt Saint Justin, Saint GrSgoire de Nazianze, Saint Chrysostome, Saint J£r$me, Saint Augustin, Saint Basile, and others. He concludes by asking! "Pourquoi ne tSche- rions-nous done pas de rSveiller 1'attention et la curio- sit§ des lecteurs par une mSthode si proportionnSe & 151 leur besoin, et si autorisSe par la plus pure antiquitl?" (XV, 129). He recalls how effective the art of Pascal's Lettres & un provincial was, where the author made use of the " jeu du dialogue" (XV, 127). The advantages of the dialogue form for the person who seeks to persuade are summarized in the following passagei

Faites parler tour 2t tour plusieurs hommes.,.le lecteur s'imagine faire une veritable conversation, et non pas une Stude, Tout I'intSresse, tout re­ veille sa curiositS, tout le tient en suspens,,, Tantot il gofrte le plaisir de la surprise par une r&ponse dScisive qu'il n'attendait pas, Ce que l'un dit*le presse d'entendre ce que 1'autre va dire, II veut voir la fin, pour d&couvrir quel est celui qui rSpond & tout, et auquel 1'autre ne peut donner une derni&re rSporise, Ce spectacle est une espfcce de combat, dont il se trouve le spectateur et le juge. Telle est la force du dramatique (XV, 127),

The dialogue form provides the possibility of express­ ing varied opinions and reactions and the repetition of ideas in other forms, all in a natural and non-didactic way.^ In the above passage we see F^nelon's concern for awakening the imagination of the reader and captur­ ing his interest as preliminary steps to the act of per­ suasion. This the dialogue can do better than a more formal piece of writing, since the dialogue is more dram­ atic! "...Une longue et uniforme discussion des dogmes 152 subtils et abstraits est s&che et fatigante...,un raisonne- ment en demande un a u t r e , , . M (XV, 127), F?nelon's use of the word dramatique stresses the potential element of visualized action—the dialogue becomes a spectacle of combat—inherent in a dialogue, and in this way, the dialogue is capable of fulfilling the peindre and toucher aspects of FSnelon's formula of persuasion. For FSnelon the pedagogue, the dialogue is an ex­ cellent vehicle for the instruction of children. In his Traitg de 1*Education des filles he goes so far as to incorporate imagined dialogues between preceptor and pupil to illustrate how various moral and spiritual truths may be taught. Some of the dialogues explicitly illus­ trate the occasional necessity of back-tracking, of re­ ordering and reformulating the steps leading to the crit­ ical point being made by the teacher, and the use of the Socratic method to lead the child to discover for him­ self a particular truth. The dramatic quality inherent in the dialogue is perhaps, best illustrated by FSnelon's Dialogues des morts, where in the majority of cases, only two interlocutors engage in conversation and the reader does assume the role of spectator and judge in a two- way combat. In her study of FSnelon's sermons, Marguerite Haillant has pointed out how all of F£nelon's sermon plans or out­ lines show dialogue sketches, as though FSnolon would have 153 liked to stop in the midst of his sermon to ask questions of his listeners and to answer theirs.F S nelon anticipates the imagined objections of his listeners in the form of short questions which he himself asks and then answers. In these imagined dialogues FSnelon uses Platonic form­ ulas to introduce audience objections, or his own res- ’ ponses to those objections: "Mais, dira-t-on"i "Je vous entend,,,"t "Ne me dites pas"i "Osez-vous alleguer."'*'^ Thus FSnelon is again able to use a pseudo-dialogue form not only to present his own arguments but to refute contrary beliefs whose lingering existence might weaken his persuasiveness. Although dialogues constituted a popular literary mode during FSnelon's time, F§nelon*s remarks on the dialogue lead one to believe that he used the form less because of public taste than because of his conviction of its effectiveness in persuasion and because it had the sanction of his constant models, Plato, Cicero and the Church Fathers,

ORDER IN THE SERMONS

The structure of the sermons as a whole is based on a two-part division. This kind of order does not have any model in ancient rhetoric, but does follow the traditional sermon structure used by the seventeenth century preacher. As J. Truchet points out, the rhetoric which was inherited from Antiquity was conceived essentially to serve judicial eloquencei the parts of the discourse as described by Quintilian, for example,—narration, argu­ mentation, refutation—did not very well serve the needs 12 of pulpit oratory. The composition of FSnelon's sermons consists of a text, an exordium, two points (all of the entretiens have three), and a peroration,^ The first part of the exordium introduces the subject, explains and develops the text and ends with a quotation of the textt the second part of the exordium announces the division of the sermom the last part is a hymn in honor of the Holy Spirit or a supplication, ending with the Ave Maria, The divisions are of three kinds, which Mme Haillant has labeled analytical, antithetical and dynamic. According to the first kind, FlSnelon announces to his audience that they will be asked to consider two phases in the life of a religious figure, or that figure's conduct in lifet and then- asked to live their lives accord­ ingly, The "Sermon pour la fete de l'Assomption" ill­ ustrates this kind of division:

ConsidSrons done 1'usage qu'elle JJlarifl a fait de la vie, 1*usage qu'elle a fait de l a mort, Apprenons, par exemple, 2L nous detacher de la vie, pour nous prlparer & mourir, Apprenons, par son exemple, & regarder la mort comme le terme de notre bienheu- reuse r§union avec JSsus-Christ (XVII, 199). 155 The g en eral movement of the sermon is based on the chronology of the person's life. Divisions based on anti­ thesis take the following form, particularly clear in the sermon outlines! "Bonheur impossible par amour-propre. 14 Bonheur possible par amour de Dieu", In the third type of division, the second proposition gives an added impulsive force to the first, as illustrated by the "Pantjgyrique de sainte Th§r&se"t "Considerons, mes Fr&res, dans ce discours, ce que le feu de 1'amour divin a fait dans le coeur de ThSrfcse, et ce que le coeur enflammS de ThSr&se a fait ensuite dans toute l'Eglise" (XVII, 2^5)*

« Each general idea in each division is further divided into four or five secondary ideas. This structure is again obvious in FSnelon's sermon outlines. Taking the same "Plan IV*, we find following the first point, "Bon­ heur impossible par amour-propre", five secondary pointsi 1) II n'y a eu bonheur, 2) II n'y a bonheur, 3) II n'y aura bonheur, 4) II ne peut y avoir bonheur, and 5) S 'il y avait bonheur, mort le renverserait. The outlines clearly illustrate FSnelon's statement" "Le discours est la proposition dSveloppSei la proposi­ tio n e s t le discours en abrSgS" (XXI, 179) i and under­ score the importance FSnelon gave to the general unifying structure of his sermons. In their detail, he frequently 156 relied on improvisation.

ORDER IN THE DIALOOUES DES MORTS

The seventy-nine dialogues which appear in the Ver­ sailles edition belong to the period of FGnelon's preceptorship to the Due de Bourgogne (1689 - 99) and were composed for an educational end,*-’ In the "Avertisse- ment de l'Sditeur" we read that the Dialogues des morts. like the fables, "est un recueil de pieces composSes 8 divers intervalles, selon les progrSs et les besoins du due de Bourgogne,"

• Cependant les Dialogues des morts sont en gSnSral d’un plus grand int£ret que les Fables, et supposent des connaissances plus Stendues, A mesure que le jeune prince avangait dans la connaissance de l'histoire, Fenelon dans ses Dialogues lui en faisait passer en revue les principaux personnages, non seulement pour graver plus profond&nent leur his- toire dans son esprit, mais pour lui faire mieux apprScier le merite de chacun. La variStS singulifcre des sujets et des personnages que Fdnelon introduit tour 8 tour sur la sc8ne, lui donne lieu de traiter successivement les points d'histoire, de politique, de littSrature et de philosophic les plus dignes de 1*attention d'un prince. L'ensemble de ces Dialogues forme, pour ainsi dire, une galerie de tableaux aussi amusans qu'instructifs, dans lesquels tout respire la sagesse et l'amour de la justicet par- tout la vertu s'y montre sous les traits les plus aimables et les plus attrayans, et le vice sous les traits hideux qui en inspirent la plus vive hor- reur (XIX, v),

The publisher here recognizes that the dialogue form allows great variety and freedom in the choice of materials, 157 as well as in the order of presentation of those materials. Concerning the order of composition we only know that P^nelon had no fixed plan in mind for the total pro­ duction of dialogues, but that he composed them singly, or severally, at a time to meet the more immediate needs of his pupil. This flexible approach to their composition enabled FSnelon to re-cast and re-order the lessons he wished to teach according to the needs and psychology of his audience, the due. The more or less chronological order in which the characters appear in the editions that we now know, from mythological to classical to modern times, is the result of the publisher's arrangement, not the order in which FSnelon composed them. Speaking of the fables and Dialogues des morts. the publisher sayst "On les a imprimSes, ainsi que les Dialogues des morts, sans observer 1 'ordre des temps oii elles ont §t5 composSes" (XIX, iii). It is impossible, then, to study F&nelon's concept of order in the collection as a wholet our attention will be directed rather to patterns of order as they occur in various individual dialogues. Keeping in mind that the dialogues were written for the adolescent due de Bourgogne, it is not surprising that the majority of them follow the simplest kind of arrangement. For the most part the various interlocutors do not try to convince each other of a particular truth, but rather they serve as examples of two opposing a tti­ tudes or of conduct, with the view favored by F&ielon usually being evident from the opening lines. The gen­ eral pattern followed consists of presenting the speaker whose conduct on earth has been less desirable speak first—although his opening speech does not necessarily' reveal his character—and letting the exemplary figure speak the final word. The dialogue between Romulus and Numa Pompilius (X) is typical. Romulus opens the dialogue with "Vous avez bien tard6 2L venir icil Votre r&gne a St§ bien long!" Although the speech itself betrays nothing of Romulus* history, it does imply that his inter­ locutor, because of his long reign, must have ruled wisely, Numa*s answer not only introduces explicitly the contrast between the two rulers which the ensuing dialogue w ill develop, but expresses his position in moralizing and dogmatic termsi

C*est qu'il a €t§ trbs ^aisible, Le moyen de par- venir a une extreme vieillesse, c'est de ne faire mal 8. personne, de n'abuser point de l ,autorit€. et de faire en sorte que personne n*ait d’intSret & souhaiter notre mort (XIX, 1 65).

Most of Numa's remaining speeches contain additional precepts for a successful rule and an elaboration on his own wise conduct as ruler. He is given the last speech, which is a brief recapitulation of his policy as king 'and a warning of the dangers of the kind of rule 159 administered by Romulus.

Si je n'ai pas su faire la guerre comme vous, j'ai su l'Sviter, et me faire respecter et aimer de tous mes voisins. J'ai donnS aux Romains des lois qui* en les rendant justes, laborieux, sobres, les ren- dront toujours assez redoutables & ceux qui vou- draient les attaquer. Je crains bien encore qu'ils ne se ressentent trop 1'esprit de rapine et de violence auquel vous les aviez accoutumSs (XIX, 168),

In the three dialogues between Cicero and Demos­ thenes on the subject of eloquence it is worthwhile not­ ing that it is the latter who is given the final word, further underscoring Fenelon's predilection for the Greek orator over the Roman. In this pattern of arrangement there is no chance of equivocation as to the lesson to be learned, since the •’right" view is clearly evident throughout the dialogue, and gains even further pre­ eminence by virtue of its final position. Only rarely does the less virtuous interlocutor speak last, and then it is evident from his speech that he acknowledges his weakness or wrong-doing. In a number of dialogues neither » speaker is exemplary, but one is found to have at least one redeeming quality lacking in the other, and the ar­ rangement of speeches gives him the final one, which con- taines the lesson to be learned. An example of this type is the dialogue between Democritus and Heraclitus (XIV). Democritus* outlook on life is too gay» Heraclitus' is too sad. The latter's compassion for his fellow-man, 160 however, is preferable to the former's mockery«

Herac'litusi ...vous n'aimez rien, et le mal d'au- trui vous rljouit, C'est n'aimer ni les hommes ni la vertu qu'ils aban- donnent (XIX, 183).

In several dialogues no such clear-cut lessons are formulated, or exemplary conduct put before the reader, either because the speakers* respective merits appear equal or because the two kinds of conduct represented by them do not differ significantly in terms of right and wrong. Such dialogues engage the reader's interest and test his discernment to a greater degree. They are also more dramatic due to the element of suspense intro­ duced by the postponement of any obvious superiority of one or the other speaker. This type of dialogue best illustrates FSnelon's theoretical remarks concerning the use of the dialogue for persuasive ends. The dialogue between Ulysses and Grillus (VI) is such a one. The reader assumes that FSnelon favors the side of Ulysses who represents and defends spiritual and cultural values, and that he abhors the viewpoint of Grillus, who repre­ sents materialism, sensuality and sloth. Yet Grillus is supplied with arguments which sustain the dialogue's interest to the end, Grillus is given the last speech, in which he at some length challenges Ulysses to show him that justice exists and that virtue has its reward. 161 The lesson to be learned is presented subtly and dram­ a t i c a l l y . Another dialogue which leaves no clear-cut choice is the exchange between the young Pompei and Menas (XLVIII), Fenelon here presents the portrait of a weakling king who is caught in the dilemma of wanting to enjoy the benefits of a treacherous execution but is unwilling to take the responsibility for the crime. The dialogue ends on a note of indecision. The particularly lively open­ ing remarks also add interest because they express an agitation and urgency on the part of Menas without re­ vealing the cause*

Menas* Voulez-vous que je fasse un beau coup? Pomple* Quoi done? parle, Te voilS. tout troubl§* tu as l'a ir d'une Sibylle dans son antre, qui etouffe, qui ecume, qui est forcenee, Menas* C'est de joie. 0 l'heureuse occasion! Si c'§tait mon affaire, tout serait d€j3. acheve. Le voulez-vous? un mot* oui ou non. PompSe* Quoi? tu ne m'expliques rien, et tu de- mandes une r£ponse! Dis done, si tu peux* parle clairement (XIX, 319).

It is only at this point that we learn the reason for Menas' urgent appeal. Here Flnelon has successfully ar­ ranged his opening lines for dramatic ends, A few dialogues resemble expository essays more than dramatic dialogues, as with the exchange between Parrha- sius and Poussin (LII), and Leonardo de Vinci and Poussin 162 (LVIII), The far greater part of each is devoted to a fairly detailed description by Poussin of certain of his paintings. The speeches by Parrhasius and Leonardo in either dialogue are largely limited to simple comments and questions which elicit Poussin’s responses of an expository nature. Poussin’s descriptions of both paint­ ings, the "Mort de Phocion" and "L'Effroi", begin with the central figure or scene in the foreground, then move to either side, and finally to the background depicted in the upper part of the canvas,—an order according to which the viewer's eye would naturally move, Poussin, in each of the dialogues, comments on his own concerns for order. He says to Parrhasius* "...il y a une con­ fusion apparente, et un ordre veritable quand on 1'ob­ serve de pr&s" (XIX, 337) t and to Leonardo, Poussin says* "Je vais vous mettre devant les yeux toute l ’ordonnance de mes tab leau x " (XIX, 3^1).

Certain dialogues are more rhetorical in the sense that they show a more carefully composed movement toward a final climactic effect. Such a rhetorical structure does not necessarily make them lively dialogues, however.

In the dialogue between Solon and Justinian (XIII) we see a gradual crescendo from Solon's innocent questions and remarks on the nature of laws to his final speech which

is not only a recapitulation of his basic argument, but which becomes also a strong invective against his opponent 163 and what he stands for*

J'aime mieux des lois simples, dures et sauvages, qu'un art ingenieux de troubler le repos des hommes, et de corrompre le fond des moeurs. Jamais on n'a vu tant de lois que de votre temps* jamais on n'a vu votre empire si lSche, si effemine, si abStardi, si indigne des anciens Romains qui ressemblaient assez aux S p a r tia te s . Vous-meme vous n 'a v e z ete qu'un fourbe, un impie, un scSlerat, un destructeur des bonnes lois, un homme vain et faux en tout (XIX, 180).

Dialogue XVII between Alcibiades and Socrates shows an increasing movement toward vehemence in Socrates' speeches when Alcibiades says at mid-point through the dialoguet "Vous vous fachez!", and later, "Votre bile s'Schauffe avec raison." Demosthenes final speech in Dialogue XXXII is a concise yet complete summary of the differences between the oratory of Cicero and Demos­ thenes. His final speech in XXXIII contains a statement of the principle guiding the true use of eloquence. To summarize, we have seen how Fenelon has attempt­ ed with varying success to structure his dialogues in such a way as to capture his reader's interest in the opening remarks, to sustain it through some lively, sus­ penseful or bantering exchanges, or by means of an in­ creasingly heated debate throughout the main body of the dialogue where the main points of the argument are elab­ orated, and by ending with a recapitulation of the lesson to be retained by the listener or reader. The rhetorical 164 structure of this kind of dialogue is more evident when compared to the structure of Fontenelle*s dialogues, for example, where generally no formal conclusion is reached, no final lesson is emphatically taught, where the reader is left to draw from the author*s dialectic implications and nuances of thought and feeling.^ The difference in structure between the dialogues of the two writers is partially explained by the different types of audience for whom they wrote and by their own differences of temperament and views of reality, Pension's tendency to go straight to the point, to resort to preachments and exhortations and to draw formal conclusions are more the trademarks of an orator imbued with the rules for composing sustained discourse than of a dialectician,

LES DIALOGUES SUR L*ELOQUENCE

The structure of the Dialogues sur l 'Sloauence is similarly more expository than dialectical in method, and the question of structure concerns itself more with the order in which Fenelon, that is "A", takes up the various principles and elements of eloquence than in the subtle arrangement of speeches employed in arriving at a partic­ ular truth. The latter method is employed notably once in the first dialogue when "A", by means of a series of questions which at first appearance seem to have little bearing on the subject, leads HB" to discover for himself (and at the same time to correct a previously held mis­ conception) the true aim of eloquence. In this passage, and in the first dialogue in general, we see that FSne- lon's spokesman controls the direction in which the con­ versation will move, and that he knows how to lead the discussion to his own pre-determined conclusions. "B" asks at one pointi Ou me menez-vous? "A” repliesi "Je ne vous m£ne p lu st vous a lle z to u t se u lt vous voilSL arrivS heureusement au terme" (XXI, 21). "A'"s method, to be successful, depends on his ability to manipulate the questioning. Fenelon uses this Socratic method notably in the first dialogue, precisely the one in v/hich the topic of discussion is the nature and aims of eloquence, the aspect of rhetoric discussed by Plato's Socrates in the Phaedrus and Gorrrias. In other words, both F£nelon*s ideas and method have their source in Plato. By the end of the first dialogue, however, "A" has so well established his authority on the subject in the minds of the other two speakers that in the remaining two dialogues, it is "B" and "C" who ask the questions on which "A" expands. ”BM|s questions are open and direct, seeking points of information only* "B" does not attempt to manipulate the conversation toward some distant ob­ jective he holds in the back of his mind. Thus FSnelon 166 abandons in the second dialogue not only the substance of Plato's dialogues but their method as well. The quest­ ioning and answering resembles more the dialogues of Crassus and Antonius in Cicero's De Oratore. just as the ideas of the second dialogue are taken from Cicero. The third dialogue follows the same question and expository answer format as the second one. In the second and third dialogues, the presence of various speakers does, in theory, conform to F§nelon's statement on the advantages of the dialogue, but the lack of characterization and descriptive setting makes for artificiality and weakens the dramatic potential of the form. The element of sus­ pense, the pleasure of surprise at hearing an unexpected reply, the eagerness to hear theanswer that will satisfy all questions, which F6nelon saw in the dramatic nature of the dialogue are only feebly made evident in FSnelon's own dialogues. His use of phrases such as "Achevez done", "...la conversation d'hier nous a laissSs en impatience d'en entendre la suite", ",..je suis venu 5 la hfite de pour d'arriver trop tard", give a semblance of urgency and of deep interest in the subject of conversation. The occasional use of the exclamatory "Quoi!" marks the re­ action to an unexpected replyt the phrase "Vous vous Schauffez trop, monsieur" or "Votre zble me fait plaisir" reveal the speaker's emotional involvement in what he is saying. • 167 Underlying the apparent arbitrary arrangement of topics discussed within the dialogues is a discernable order based on FSnelon's rhetorical principles previously cited, and adhering to patterns of arrangement found elsewhere in FSnelon's work. This arrangement also follows to a large degree the order found in other manuals of rhetoric of FSnelon's day, without, however, adopting the obvious separation of topics or division followed by the writers of more formal treatises, * In formal organization, FSnelon adopts the Platonic practice recommended by "A" of placing at the outset of the dialogue ah example which serves as a basis for the ensuing discussion. Just as Socrates and Phaedrus en­ gage in conversation over the merits of a speech by Lysias, Fenelon's three speakers begin their discussion of eloquence by examining the merits of a recently heard sermon. The aspects of the sermon criticized includet invention (selection of materials, that is, a suitable Scriptural text), of order (as applied to the use of divisions), of elocution (style fleuri versus style simple) and delivery. The three dialogues can be considered as a single, organic whole, organized along the lines of a single discourse, with exordium, statement of principles, narra­ tion and conclusion. In the first dialogue, as we have seen, "A" firmly establishes his superior knowledge on matters relating to eloquence, doing so with kindly modesty. The opening discussion, then, fulfills the pur­ poses of the exordium by establishing in the reader's or listener's mind certain virtues of the chief spokes­ man, and disposing the audience favorably toward him, and consequently, toward his opinions. The principles to be discussed appear also in the first dialogue» what is eloquence and what are its aims. The second dialogue is an elaboration of more* specific matters related to eloquence* preuves. neintures. mouvoments. the use of memory. The th ir d dialogue, w hile concerned more spec­ ifically with questions pertaining to pulpit oratory, brings together in several relatively long speeches var­ ious concluding statements found here and there through­ out the work. Here we find speaker "C" given the role of summarizing the major points made by "A". Giving the recapitulatory role to a different speaker has the ad­ vantages of repeating the major points of the argument in a slightly different form, of verifying the fact that "A" has successfully persuaded his listeners of the truth of his arguments, and in relieving "A" of a role bordering on sermonizing, FSnelon's attempt to build,toward a final climactic pitch is evident in the speeches given to MCM, Throughout the first two dialogues, "C"'s voice is scarcely heard in the exchanges between "A" and "B"t in the final dial- logue, however, "C" assumes a major role, gradually emer­ ging as the chief spokesman among "A"'s converts, "A" comments on "C"*s zeal toward the end of the dialoguei "Votre zfcle me f a i t p l a i s i r , , , ,Ce que vous d ite s e s t v e r i­ table, II ne faut pourtant pas le dire trop fortement,, (XXI, 105), The display of feeling illustrates the true mark of persuasion advanced at the end of the first dial­ ogue, and the role of emotional as well as rational ad­ herence in judging the effectiveness of eloquence,*^

The last speech of the dialogues is reserved, however, for "A" who, instead of capping the emotional build-up with a final passionate appeal, returns to a more dis­ passionate tone in his exhortation to remember such and such. These dialogues as a whole further follow the "natural" 18 order of chronology. The first dialogue bases its major argument on Plato's writings, the second on Cicero's, the last on Saint Augustine's, The tracing of the chrono­ logical development of a subject is frequent in Plnelon's writings. In the "Projet de rhStorique" and the "Projet de po€tique" he relates the origin and subsequent devel­ opment of those disciplines across the major epochs of h is to ry . These dialogues fu rth e r show an order o f movement 170 from the specific to the general, from the example to the principle, from the concrete to the abstract, "A" makes the point that the guiding principles of pulpit oratory are the same as those of eloquence in general, and consequently the major part of the work is devoted to the latter despite the fact that all three interlocutors are preachers. FSnelon dismisses the compilers of rules for rhetoric, including Aristotle ("Cette Rhgtorique quoique tr&s belle, a beaucoup de prdceptes secs, et plus curieux qu'utiles dans la pratique"), in favor of a few basic principles which can best be learned from a study of examples. A final kind of order deals with the subservience of the pagan and the material to the Christian and the spiritual, best illustrated by the statements showing that Christ*s words on Christian virtue are the supreme example of true eloquence.

THE LETTRE A L 'ACADEMIE

The Lettre & l*Acad6mie. too, is carefully ordered according to patterns heretofore illustrated, despite FSrielon's statement, "je vais parler au hasard" (XXI, 156).^ His opening remarks comprise a conventional exordium* flattery intended for the addressee, Dacier ("Le choix que 1'AcadSmie a fait de votre personne pour l'emploi de son secretaire perpStuel est digne de la 171 Compagnie et promet beaucoup au public pour les belles lettres”), and an expression of personal inadequacies for the task before him as well as of modesty!

J*avoue que la demande que vous me faites au nom d'un corps auquel je dois tant m ’embarrasse un peu. Mais je vais parler au hasard puisqu'on l'exige, Je le ferai avec une grande defiance de * mes pensSes, et une sinc&re deference pour ceux qui daignent me consulter (XXI, 156),

The "P ro je t du D ictionnaire" ( I ) , "P ro jet de G ram m aire(II), " P ro je td e ‘RhStorique" (IV) and "P ro je t de PoStique" (V) follow the logical order of simple to com­ plex, from the precise meaning of the individual word as the basic unit of speech to the correct usage ofwords in sentences, to the skillful use of sentences to form opinions and make judgments, to an even more artistic use of language to inspire the transport of others. This order is, moreover, that laid out by the Academy itself in a r t i c l e 26 of its statutes dating from 163^, which said in effecti "II sera composdS un dictionnaire, une grammaire, une rhStorique et une poStique sur les observations de l'Acad€mie." The order is also that observed in the school curriculum of the day, according to which pupils studied grammar, followed by rhetoric and poetic, The place given to the "Projet d*enrichir la langue" fits naturally be­ tween the sections on grammar and rhetoric, since it deals with the basic unit of the word, from the standpoint 172 of etymology, sound, meaning and combined forms to the arrangement of words in phrases. The next three pro.lets call for treatises on tragedy, comedy and h is to ry , th a t is , on in d iv id u al genres in either prose or poetry, all three being major genres practiced in antiquity by respected authors. For whatever reasons Flnelon was prompted to write separate sections on these three genres, each of the three does, in a general way, illustrate one of the basic means of persuasiont history relies primarily on objective facts ("le bon historien n'est d'aucun temps ni d'aucun pays")t comedy paints men as they are» tragedy portrays great events which excite violent passions ("II faut sSparer d'abord la tragSdie d'avec la comSdie, L'une reprSsente les grands Sv6nements qui excitent les violentes passionsj 1* autre se borne 8 reprSsenter les moeurs des homines dans une co n d itio n privlle" (XXI, 211), Chapter IX, entitled "RSponse 8 une objection sur ces divers projets", constitutes a refutation in advance of anticipated arguments concerning all the preceding projects. Although brief, it serves the same purpose as the refutatio in rhetorical debate. The final chapter, "Sur les anciens et les modernes", is a tactful compro­ mise between overt partisanship for the ancients and com­ plimentary remarks addressed to the moderns. As the concluding statement to the Lettre it serves well as an example of FEnelon's psychological approach to his audience and his handling of speech arrangement. The def­ erential tone adopted, so unlike the authoritative tone of the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence, befits the audience situation. In the Lettre FEnelon is addressing his peer group composed of more or less equally learned men of letters and of taste» and he does not, therefore, attempt to impose his own views through exhortation or impassioned reasoning. He recognizes at the outset that the Academy will be divided in its views of the questions under con­ sideration, and that such disagreement is only natural. But FEnelon includes in these remarks some indirect flat­ tery along with a subtle appeal for moderation.

Mais je ne suis nullement alarm? d'une guerre civile qui serait si douce, si polie, et si modErEe, II s'agit d'une mati&re oEl chacun peut suivre en libertS son goClt et ses idEes, Cette Emulation peut etre u t i l e aux l e t t r e s (XXI, 238 ),

In the ensuing ten points made by FEnelon we find him by turns conceding a point to the moderns, criticizing the ancients, gently chiding partisans of the former and issuing advice and warnings. The order of arguments is such that the partisans of neither one side nor the other are offended nor judged superior. The next to last para­ graph summarizes FEnelon's observations and shows his 17^ desire to remain impartial.

Je n*ai garde de vouloir juger en parlant ainsi» je propose seulement aux homines qui ornent notre si£cle de ne mSpriser point ceux que tant de si&cles ont admires, Je ne vante point les anciens comme des mod&les sans imperfectionst.je ne veux point Ster 2l personne 1'espSrance de les vaincre, je souhaite au contraire de voir les modernes victo- rieux par l*§tude des anciens m£mes qu'ils auront vaincus, Mais je croirais m'lgarer au-delS. de mes bornes, si je melais de juger jamais pour le prix entre les comlufctans,, , (XXI, 260),

His final arguments may be summarized thuslyt the anc­ ients are admirable without being perfectt the moderns may surpass the ancients in perfection someday, but only by dint of studying the ancients as models, In conclusion we may say that the work as a whole is arranged along the lines of a sustained discourse, with exordium, elaboration of points, refutation and conclu­ sion! the various projects within the work follow the pattern according to which the author proposes what should be done, followed by an examination of what the Greeks did, and how the Romans followed suit, FSnelon follows his own advice by pinning his hopes for the improvement of the French language and letters on a careful study of respected models among the ancients. His concluding section is carefully written so as to flatter everyone and offend no one, and thereby to insinuate his own ideas in his listeners* minds rather than imposing them. 175 THE TRAITE DE L*EDUCATION DES FILLES

The TraitS de 1*Education des filles best illustrates FEnelon's understanding of human psychology, and conse­ quently, the need for the speaker, or in this case the teacher, to organize and present his arguments in various ways according to the understanding of his listener. He recommends to the teachert "Cbservez toutes les ouver- tures que 1'esprit de 1*enfant vous donneraj t&tez-le par divers endroits, pour dEcouvrir par o& les grandes vEritEs peuvent mieux entrer dans sa tete" (XVII, 50)» and later he saysj "II faut se rEgler selon l'ouverture de leur esprit, et selon leur besoin" (XVII, 58). Chapter IX is devoted specifically to feminine psychology and how the teacher should handle the "dEfauts" common to young girlG, Although the treatise ostensibly deals with the education of girls, it deals specifically with matters of feminine education only in the opening and closing portions. The main part of the treatise discusses matters applicable to either sex. The education of girls, then, is treated as a digression on the broader question of education in general, just as the discussion of pulpit oratory gave way to a discussion of oratory in general in the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence. FEnelon*s program of instruction is designed to fit the child's stages of development* in the earliest years, 1 ? 6 it is based on the child's natural tendency toward imita­ tion, Only good models should be offered to the child. At a later stage, the child*s imagination is exploited, and in particular the child's sensory capacity to visual­ ize, In a still later stage the child's faculty to reason is guided and developed. FEnelon recognizes the fact that not all children develop at the same rate and that the tutor must await the proper moment (XVII, 4-9), FSnelon incorporates two short dialogues of his own invention to illustrate how the teacher may order and pre­ sent his lesson. The dialogue consists primarily of skillfully formulated questions to elicit those answers which will ultimately lead to the final truth to be learned. Each dialogue opens with a reference to a concrete object or specific event familiar to the child and leads to some elementary understanding, at least, of the difference between body and soul. Movement is from the concrete to the abstract. In a different context FSnelon speaks of the order ordinarily used in education. He sayst "Remarquez un grand dSfaut des Iducations ordinairesi on met tout le plaisir d'un cot€, et tout l'ennui de l'autre* tout l'en- nui dans l'Stude, tout le plaisir dans les divertisse­ ments. .. .T^chons done de changer cet ordrei rendons l'Stude agr€able» cachons-la sous l'apparence de la liberty 177 et du plaisir...(XVII, 30). In calling for a fusion of pleasure and instruction, the primary aims of rhetoric, Fgnelon further stresses the similar concerns of the educator and the rhetorician. We see here also a restatement of the rhetorician's or­ ganizational principle that beneath an appearance of dis­ order and freedom lies a pre-conceived order leading to a pre-determined end. FSnelon's conception of order in rhetoric and education in the broadest sense is one which includes an appeal to both man's sensory nature and reas­ on, one which moves from external appearances to a deeper, hidden reality. According to him this is God's own orderi "Dieu, qui connatt mieux que personne 1'esprit de l'homme qu'il a form£, a mis la religion dans des faits populaires, qui, bien loin de surcharger les sim­ ples, leur aident 5. concevoir et & retenir les mystSres" (XVII, 4-3). He repeats here the notion expressed earlier in the Dialogues sur 1* Sloouence that the Christian re­ ligion is "toute historique" and that the suite of events and external signs recorded in the Bible are the out­ ward manifestation of God's plan.

II faut ignorer profondSment l'essentiel de la re­ ligion, pour ne pas voir qu'elle est toute historiquei c'est par un tissu de faits merveilleux que nous trouvons son Stablissement, sa perpStuite, et tout ce qui doit nous la faire pratiquer et croire (XVII, *3). 178 For FEnelon, the kind of order that gives a rhetor­ ical composition organic unity has its parallel in re­ ligion and in the universe itself. The TraitS de 1*exis­ tence de Dieu. Part I, bases its demonstrations of God's existence on the order of the universe ("Le tout est si bien arrangS")t Part II bases its demonstrations on the invisible, abstract arguments of the mind. In all of the works examined in this chapter we see at work a mind that tends to arrange and classify and to seek an order that is natural and immutable. In dis­ course this order depends on the nature of the subject, the occasion and the audience situation for its detail* and on the dual nature of man, the sensual and rational, in its general plan. In this respect, FSnelon is very much a member of th e C la s s ic a l p erio d ,

TELEMAQUE

In discussing order in TSlSmaque we must look at the novel from the standpoint of its overall structure and from the standpoint of individual episodes or speeches within the novel. In the overall structure of the novel, FEnelon of- served the form dictated by literary tradition. This conventional form was succinctly defined by Ramsay in his "Discours sur le po&me €pique"t 179 Quand 1 'action du po&me 6pique est longue et n'est pas continue, le po&te divise sa fable en deux par­ ties i l'une, oft le hSros parle, et raconte ses aven- tures passSesi 1*autre oft le po&te seul fait le rScit de ce qui arrive ensuite & son hSros (XX, l x v i i ) ,

Such is the division of TglSmaaue* in the first six books T§lSmaque recounts his past adventures to Calypso* in the remaining twelve books, FSnelon himself tells the story of what happens to his hero. Ramsay comments fur­ ther on this structure in* TelSmaaue*

Par cette division de ce que notre pobte raconte, et de ce qu*il fait raconter & T6l§maque, il rappelle toute la vie du h6ros, il en rassemble tous les 6v§nements, sans blesser 1*unit§ de 1'action prin- cipale, et sans donner une trop grande durfie a son poeme (XX, lx v iii).

Ramsay th u s reco g n izes th e u n ity of th e whole work* th e use of two narrators S. la Homer and Virgil adds variety and maintains reader interest. The literary intention in FEnelon's use of two narrators, however, is overshadowed by a moral one. In the first six books T£l§maque*s educ­ ation has been a negative rather than a positive one. Mentor has shown T6l§maque what dangers a young prince may encounter and what weaknesses in himself need correct­ ion. In the remainder of the novel, TfilSmaque is more mature* less a passive victim of forces around him, more an attentive student of political and moral maxims and •a leader in his own right. 18 0 Concerning the ordering of the individual episodes in the novel, Ramsay comments againi

Tous les Episodes de notre auteur sont continus, et si habilement enclaves les uns dans les autres, que le premier amfcne celui qui su it,...les transi­ tions qu'il fait de 1'episode 8 l*action principale font toujours sentir 1‘unitS du dessein (XX, lx ii).

These laudatory remarks echo F6nelon*s theoretical comments on the arrangement of a discourse. It is within the individual speeches in TSlSmaque, however, that FSnelon's practice of rhetorical order can best be seen. Some aspects of this order have already received comment in our discussions of special or com­ mon topics (Chapter I), and of logical proofs (Chapter II), In the following discussion references will be made to two speeches from Tgl$maque--one by T€lSmaque and ono by Mentor, both of which can be found in the Appendix, TSl8maque*s speech is an argumentative discourse. Most of the men who spoke before Tl?l£maque answered the question in favor of the king who is invincible in war. Thus the first half of TSlSmaque's speech consists of a refutation of those arguments, and the last half of his speech consists of his own stronger arguments for the peace-loving king. In the first two sentences, T8l8maque restates the topic of debate, with some qualification of terms, and makes known his own position. Then he begins 181 his condemnation of the king invincible in war, and paints the unhappy results of war for the state and its subjects. His primary logical proof is the example of Greece conquering Troy, and all the disorder and moral de­ cline which ensued. He uses hyperbole to heighten the ef­ fect of his argumentt "Les meilleurs princes,,,sont con- traints de faire le plus grand des maux.,."i "combien y a-t-il de scSllrats,,,?" "Jamais aucun peuple"* as well as certain provocative words such as "pour dStruire, pour ravager, pour renverser le monde", which in this example fall at the very end of this section of his speech and contrast with "non pour rendre un peuple heureux par un sage gouver*nement," He then begins the second section by conceding a point to his opponent! "II est vrai qu'il n'est pas pro- pre S. de grandes conquStes..,." From this point on, how­ ever, he speaks only of the positive aspects of the peace­ ful king, and enumerates such a king's advantages, first in foreign affairs, then in domestic matters. This part of the speech is nearly twice as long, the length in it­ self constituting a kind of proof that the peaceful king is more desirable than the warring king. His speech con­ cludes with the arguments thati although the king him­ self may not be knowledgeable in warfare, he will have generals in his state who are? he will have the support of friendly allies* his subjects will be devoted enough 182 to die for his cause* the gods themselves will fight for him. Thus, the peaceful king actually is stronger since he has greater resources. These four resources are ar­ ranged in an ascending order of strength. The speech ends with a formal conclusion which again restates the topic of debate and sets forth TllSmaque's p o sitio n . The first two sentences of Mentor's speech perform three functions* l)they state the question to be decided* how to preserve liberty and maintain glory without blood­ shed, 2) they ingratiate the speaker with the audience* "0 hommes g5nSreux...,Je loue votre zfcle, and 3) they introduce the topic of the expedient* "souffrez que je vous reprisente un moyen facile de conserver la liberte,.," The remainder of the first section of the speech is an argument against war, a refutation of the course of action favored by the assembled chieftains. His chief arguments in this section are based on a combination of inartistic p ro o fs, in th is case, an example* and emotional appeals. Both Nestor and Philoctfcte are called upon to testify to the evils of war, and the example of Troy is evoked. Emo­ tional appeals take the form of exclamations* "Quelles divisions entre les chefs! Quels caprices de la fortune! Quels carnages des Grecs par la main d'Hector! Quels mal- heurs,,,!"* apostrophes to the assembled crowd and to 183 the godsi "0 peuples hespSriens", "0 Grecs", "0 dieux"t and a general description of war in strong termst "...le plus grands des maux", "Vous n'oublierez jamais ce que les Grecs ont soufferts.. The last section of the speech addressed to the crowd iB a full description of Mentor's plan to insure peace. Mentor's arguments rest on concrete proposals which should ostensibly appeal to his listeners' reasont "La persuasion ne sera pas difficile, si. vous voulez m'lcouter avec un esprit d§gag§ et tranquille," His chief arguments revolve aroundt 1) the peace and liberty desired is at his aud­ ience's disposal, 2) Idomlnee, their enemy, is ready to entrust his own life and liberty and that of his people to them, 3) IdomSnee is making the offer not out of fear but out of wisdom and a sense of ju s tic e . Toward the end of this section Mentor makes an ethical appeal on behalf of Idomenlei "Celui qui avoue ses fautes & son ennemi, et qui offre de les rSparer, montre par 1& qu'il est devenu incapable d'en commettre et que 1'ennemi a tout 2L craindre d'une conduite si sage et si ferme, 2L moins qu'il ne fasse la paix," This is followed by a prediction of the fateful consequences that will befall them if they refuse peace and justicet and finally, all the gods are called upon to witness the just proposals being offered. The two speeches show a number of p a ra lle ls i the division into two general parts, the first one a refutation of opposing views, the second one a statement of the speaker's viewj the first section relatively more appeal­ ing to the audience's emotions, the latter section more appealing to reason, Both speeches use arguments based on precedent (the example of the Trojan War), and both appeal to what the audience finds, advantageous or exped­ ient at the same time that they argue for the worthy. Both conclude with a reference to the gods and their sense of what is just. On the basis of these two speeches, then, Fenelon's practice appears to be similar to that of the novel as a whole insofar as the ordering of events is concerned, FSnelon first presents what is negative and destructive, allowing unbridled passions to operatei he then presents what is positive and just—the side of the gods, seen from a Christian point of view.

In summarizing, FSnelon's theoretical statements on order follow closely those of the ancient rhetoricians, A speech should be divided into the four or five tradition­ al parts recommended by Cicero, yet the ordering of part­ icular arguments will depend upon the particular audience and occasion. In practice, the sermons, T6l6maaue and the Lettre & 1'AcadSmie are clearly structured according to traditional rhetorical or generic formst major oratorical addresses in TglSmaque observe the pattern of refuting the opponent's arguments followed by a defense of the 185 speaker*s position, A prominent feature of Flnelon's concept of order is the use of dialogue, which allows greater adaptability to the audience's condition than does pre-structured discourse. 186

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER IV ■^Cicero, De Oratore. trans, by W, Sutton and H. Rack- ham, 2 Vol. (Londont Heinemann, 1942), I, 536 ff. 2 Aristotle, Rhetoric, trans. by W, Rhys Roberts, The Mod­ ern Library (New Yorki Random House, 1954)> Bk, III, x i i i - x i x . ■^Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria. trans. by H. E, Butler, 4 Vol. (Londonr Heinemannj New Yorki Putnam, 1921- 22), Bk. V II, 1, i . ^Ibid.. Bk. VII, viii. Cf. Pascali "Cet ordre consiste principalement S. la digression sur chaque point qui a rapport A la fin, pour la montrer toujours'," Pensjes, texte Stabli et annotS par Jacques Chevalier (Paris* Gallimard, 1962), P ara. 72. ^ Cf, Pascalj "Je sais un peu ce que c'est, et combien peu de gens l*entendent." Ibid.. Para. 70. O rIn speaking of dialogue in TSlgmaoue we should keep in mind that it differs from simple conversation in that its ultimate purpose is serious and is essentially a debate over ideas. O See Ferdinand Brunot*s presentation of the Pfcre Bouhours* Entretiens d'Ariste et Eugfenet "Ce livre out un succ&s immense, C'Stait un dialogue dont le fond trSs bigarrS devait plaire par sa variStS meme aux hommes et aux femmes du temps". Cited by Haillant, FSnelon et la Predication. p. 32. John W, Cosentini, in his JFontenelle's Art of Dialogue (New York, 1952), p, l4, cites Rudolf Hirzel*a thesis in Per Dialog, ein literarhistorisches Versuch, that the dialogue, because it is a discussion, flourished during the revolutionary periods of world history both as a sign and as a mode of expression of their spiritual strife» and Johann Egilsrud's view in Le dialogue des morts' dans les littSratures frangaise. allemande et an- glaise t16^-4-1789) tParis. 1934) that the sunset years of Louis XIV's reign constituted such a period. ^Cf, "Projet de rhetorique" where FSnelon states that after arriving at the first principle of his subject the orator "...le tourne et le retourne, pour y accou- tumer ses auditeurs les moins pSnStrants.,." (XXI, 1?8), 187 ■^Marguerite Haillant, FSnelon et la Predication, p. 150. n ibid.. p. 150. 12 J, Truchet, "Pour un inventaire des probl&mes", Dix- sentifeme sifecle. No. 80-81 (1968), 8. ^See Haillant, FSnelon. pp, 137-140, for a fuller des­ cription of sermons and plans. ^ Ib id . . Appendix II, Plan IV, p., 184-. 1? ■^Concerning the choice of form, E gilsrud s ta te s j "Sa connaissance de Lucien lui avait rendus oensibles les avantages de la forme qui nous occupe, bien qu'il critiquait le contenu trop exclusivement satirique. Le succ&s de Fontenelle la lui proposait aussi, Et peut-etre que la publication, en 1688, des Nouveaux Dialogues des Dieux pour le Divertissement do Mgr. le Due de Bourgogne a donne HT FEnelon 1'idee d'utiliser, pour la meme fin, des dialogues imitCs de Lucien. Des questions de temperament personnel motivbrent aussi ce choix, De dispositions dScidEment intellec- tuelles, e'est 5 la raison que FEnelon finissait toujours par s'adresser et non au sentiment. Son enthousiasme moral lui-m§me reposait sur une perception intellec- tuelle du bien et du mal..." Egilsrud, Le 1 Dialogue des morts*. p. 6 3 . ^John W. Cosent ini, Fontenelle's Art of Dialogue, p. 192. 17«A" cites Plato at the end of the first dialogue» Platon dit qu'un discours n'est Eloquent qu'autant qu'il agit dans l'Sme de l'auditeur* par 15, vous pouvez juger sflrement de tous les discours que vous entendez. Tout discours qui vous laissera froid, qui ne fera qu'amuser votre esprit, et qui ne re- muera point vos entrailles, votre coeur, quelque beau q u 'i l p a ra is s e , ne s e ra p o in t Eloquent (XXI, 40- 41). 18 C. Perelman and L, Olbrechts, The New Rhetoric, a Treatise on Argumentation, trans, by John Wilkinson and Purcell Weaver (University of Notre Dame Press, 1969), p. 503. ■^FEnelon spent approximately five months revising the Lettre. FEnelon, Lettre 5 l'Acadfmie (Paris* editions PetitLarousse), p, 6, CHAPTER V STYLE AND FIGURES

Literary critics from FSnelon's day to our own have found Flnelon's style worthy of comment, recognizing its unique qualities and its significance in the evolution of French prose. It is most commonly described as "fluid”, "graceful", "harmonious". Gustavo Lanson's analysis of his prose, based on a descriptive passage at the end of Book IV of TSlSmaoue. is perhaps typical*

Une prose sensuelle, molle, voluptueuse, touchante, decorative, un ruissellement de descriptions et 1 d'images faites pour aller & l^me par les yeux...

Relatively few critics have noted the variety of styles in F6nelon*s writings, however, since most of them lim it themselves to an appreciation of T6l5maaue. The judg- 2 ments of several other critics are given in the notes. In his theoretical writings, FSnelon himself recog­ nizes the traditional hierarchy of styles. In the Dialogues sur 1*^100uence we read* "D'ailleurs il faut reconnaitre que tout discours doit avoir ses inSgalitSsi il faut tan- tot de la naivetS et de 1*exactitude, tantfit de la sub­ limity et de la v^h^mence" (XXI, 78). A fault common to 189 most speakers is to want to keep to a high plane throughout their speech, thinking that pomp and ornamentation is sufficient for fine discourse*^ In the "Projet de rh&torique" the three styles as defined by Cicero and reiterated by Saint Augustine are described more explicitly!

II faut,,.parler d'une fa$on abaissee et familiSre, pour instruire, submissei il faut parler d'une fa- gon douce, gracieuse et insinuante, pour faire aimer la v§rit&, temperatet il faut parler d'une fagon grande et veh 6mento, quand on a besoin d'entrainer les hommes, et de les arracher & leurs passions, g ra n d ite r (XXI, I 67 ),

Pleasing expressions should be used only because fow per­ sons are "assez raisonnables pour goflter une vSritS qui est s&che et nue dans un discours." As for the sublime and vehement style, it should not be flowery. Through­ out the Dialogues sur 1*eloquence and in the "Projet de rhStorique", FSnelon's constant theme is that the style of true rhetoric is natural, that is, simple and familiar, varied, devoid of ornaments whether they be in the form of conceits, puns, epigrams, antitheses, pomposity or other "flowers". It is on the question of style that so many of the famous orators of Antiquity are reviewed and judged, The Church Fathers themselves are not exempt from criticism FSnelon excuses their stylistic weaknesses, however, on 190 the grounds that they were the innocent victims of an already corrupt rhetoric, or because their faults were more than offset by other stylistic strengths. Saint Jerome, for example,

...a encore ses dSfauts pour le style* mais ses ex­ pressions sont males et grandes, II n'est pas r§gu- lier? mais il est bien plus Eloquent que la plupart des gens qui se piquent de l*§tre (XXI, 112),

Saint Leon is "enflS" but "grand" (XXI, 113). Finally, Fenelon suggests that these writers held high views on the rules of eloquence but followed the fashion of their time in order to secure an audience. Although he might be accused of.excusing the stylistic weaknesses of the Church Fathers out of loyalty, those passages suggest that where the relative value of thought and expression is concerned, FSnelon rates thought to be of much greater importance. He does not, however, excuse any of his contemporaries so charitably,

As for figures, Fgnelon says nothing concerning their various types, and relatively little concerning their use, reducing by his silence the importance traditionally accorded to this part of rhetoric. In the

Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence he uses the word figure, or fjgur§. only thirteen times* six in reference to Biblical style, once in reference to Demosthenes, twice when crit­ icizing a contemporary preacher whose sermons lacked 1 9 1 figures, and four times when quoting Cicero and describ­ ing the ideal orator. In the "Projet de rhStorique" FSne- lon does not once speak of figures* in the "Projet de poStique" he speaks once of the "bold and majestic" fig-

* u res in th e Book of Job, the grandes figures of poetry, and of inversions in poetry among the Ancients, which "se tourr£.ient en grande fig u re " (XXI, 189).

Thus Fenelon, while not at all interested in the technical aspect of figures, that is, in their different types and classifications, is very much aware of the force and beauty they are capable of adding to discourse or poetry. In our preceding discussions of types of appeals and order, we have indirectly pointed out a number of figures which FSnelon used with considerable frequency.

Some of these figures are by their nature closely linked to the type of appeal FSnelon wished to make. When wish­ ing to convey a sense of movement, for example, FSnelon profitably employs the figure of asyndeton* "il dSchire, il Igorge, il nage dans.la sang."

Rhetorical questions and parenthesis are used to convey heightened emotional effect. In his sermons,

Fenelon frequently interrupts his narrative of the life of a saSnt to make a special appeal to his audience. In the sermon on Saint Theresa we read*

Les jeux m§mes de son enfance fair a lent dSjSL sentir en elle les prSmices du SainL-Esprit, Qui ne croirait, 192

tnes Fr&res, qu'une ame si prSvenue sera pr£serv5e de la contagion? Non, non, elle ne le fut pas,,. (XVII, 248).

Ellevoyait d'une vue fixe J8sus seul, et Jesus crucifiS, Sa memoire se perdait dans ce grand ob- jet,,,,0 hommes dedaigneux ot incr^dules, qui osez tout mesurer & vos courtes spSculations,..(XVIII, 250).

The entire narrative of the sermon consists of a series of alternating paragraphs, one recounting the episodes in the life of the saint, the other an appeal to the list­ ener to try to imagine or to feel in himself that occur­ rence.

Emotional appeals are aided also by the use of a- postrophoi Calypso in her fit of jealousy appeals to

Venus, to Cupid and to the absent Tel&naque (Bk. vi, 135)j

T8l§maque in moments of despair apostrophizes Mentorj Nestor, his dead son Pisistrate (Bk. xvi, 438)1 Philocles, his

"aimable grotte"(Bk, xi, 298 ), Exclamations and hyper­ bole are likewise used for emotional effect, as is ana­ phora, which by marking a certain rhythm in the sequence of clauses, appeals to feeling,

Hypotypose, or the depicting of things in such a vivid way that one imagines seeing them, is at the very basis of his concept of •peindre.-* He frequently uses the present tense to render past events more vivid.

In discussing FSnelon's use of dialogue we saw how he used the figure of prolepsis, a figure by means of 193 which he anticipates an objection on the part of the ad­ versary i and upobole, the response to that objection.

Still other figures are used to support logical ap­ peals, Chief among these are antithesis in words and thought, related to the common topic of dissimilarity and contraries! .and climax, related to the topic of degree,

Parallelism is one of the most-used figures in achiev­ ing the harmonious rhythmic sentences which characterize much of FSnelon's prose. This parallelism takes the form of both symmetry of length and symmetry of structure,

T£l§maque's reply to the question put to him by the old men of Crete furnishes many examples. Elsewhere, nouns and attributes frequently occur in pairs, contributing to the sense of balance and harmony,^

In the remaining pages of this chapter we will exam­ ine how FSnelon in various works adapts his language to his aims of proving, painting and moving, giving special attention to the use of one rhetorical figure, the simile.

The figure of the simile has been chosen for detailed study because it appears to be one of F§nelon*s favorite figur­ ative devices, and because it reflects perhaps better than other figures different levels of style. The frequency with which similes appear in various works, as well as the nature of the comparisons themselves, will help bring to light the fundamental themes of FSnelon's thought.? It 19*1- is hoped that the enumeration and classification of FSne- lon's similes might also serve as a norm for judging the practice of other French classical writers,

Fenelon uses above all the familiar dialogue form when seeking to instruct. His frequent use of that form has already received comment. The chief advantage that the dialogue form offers for the purpose of instructing is that it provides the author with much more flexibility in the presentation of his ideas, and aims at greater clarity by enabling him to repeat in different ways those points which are in danger of not being understood. The small number of participants helps create a feeling of in­ timacy which calls for a less formal vocabulary and style.

This feeling is evident in the fictional dialogues between teacher and pupil incorporated in the Trait6 do l'Jducation des filles and in the exchanges between Mentor and TSl6- maquet it is evident to a lesser degree in the Dialogues sur l1gloquence and the Dialogues des morts where, despite a certain warmth and affection seen occasionally in greet­ ings, the characters maintain their formal dignity and dis­ tance, particularly in the latter work. The language in these dialogues is relatively unadorned, simple and direct.

The language of the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence, in particular, is nearly free of figurative language, serv­ ing as it does as a means of communicating ideas among reasonable men. The few figurative expressions which do 195 appear are common enough as to lose any vividness they might originally have had. All but one of these express­ ions are put in the mouth of "A", who serves as teacher,

"A" speaks of the "froid" orator* oratory which "heats up" the listener or leaves him cold* oratory that "coule de source" (tv/ice)* the orator who "me glace le sang"* the orator who "coud des lambeaux" in putting together his sermons* and later, "coudre ensemble des passages rappor- t£s." He speaks of a "torrent" of eloquence, of the ora­ tor who fails to communicate his ideas to his audience*

"c'est un torrent qui a passS tout d*un coup, et qui laisse son lit &. sec"* some speeches are "maigres et affamSs"* speakers who are "malades" cannot hope to "guSrir" their listeners.

The use of analogy in these dialogues is relatively greater* many analogies are borrowed from Antiquity* Plato's analogues of the arts of the mind and body and the false arts of sophists and false rhetors, unnatural dress and cuisine* analogues between false ornaments in oratory and those in music and Gothic architecture* analogy between the poet and the painter* and between the unjudicious ora­ tor and the cook who seasons his dishes improperly, "A" hopes to find in a preacher a "p&re qui parlfit S. ses en- fants avec tendresse"* and "pasteurs qui donnassent la pSture aux troupeaux selon leurs besoins," Near the end of the work, "A" resorts to a familiar type of maxim to 196 express the primacy of thought over expression! "il faut avoir du pain avant que de chercher des ragofits." In praising the sublime quality of the Old Testament, "A" cites

Isaiah's metaphor of the universe conceived as a tent and a kingdom as a grain of dust.

The language of the Dialogues des morts. while still serving instructional ends, is more varied, Although the style remains conversational for the most part, we find a greater frequency of similes and artfully constructed sent­ ences, Many speeches contain periodic sentences whoso art­ fulness belies the supposed spontaneity of the dialogue form. We find Iviarcus Coriolanus speaking of the relation­ ship between individual and society in a style more approp­ riate to declamation than to conversation!

Si la sociStfi d'hommes dans laquelle nous sommes nSs manque S, la justice et 2l la bonne foi, nous ne lui devons plus rien, nous rentrons dans les droits naturels de'notre libertS, et'nous pouvons aller chercher quelque autre sociStS plus raisonnable pour y vivre en repos, comme un voyageur passe de ville en ville selon son goflt et sa commodity (XIX, 261),

In the dialogue between Cicero and Demosthenes, F§ne- lon gives to each orator a speaking style exemplifying his style of oratory. He puts in the mouth of Cicero, for example, speeches which conform to the orator's character­ istic abondancei

Peut-tu comparer la richesse de ton g§nie 2L la mienne, toi qui est'sec, sans ornementt qui est toujours 197 contraint par dee bornes Stroites ot resserrles* toi qui n'§tends aucun sujeti toi S. qui on ne peut rien retranchcr, tant la manifcre dont tu traites les'su- jets, si j'ose me servir de ce terme, est affamSe? au lieu que je donne aux miens une Stendue qui fait ajouter a mes ouvrages (XIX, 253).

In another speech Cicero is made to emphasize the art­

fulness of his orations by the accumulation of balanced

phrasesi

On ne pouvait s'empScher, en entendant mes Oraisons, d'admirer mon espri*t, d'etre continuellement surpris de mon art, de s'Verier sur moi, de m*interrompre Q pour m'applaudir et me donner dec louanges (XIX, 25^0.

Such speeches contrast sharply with those given to

Demosthenes in the same dialogues. The letter's simplic­

ity and rapidity, praised by FSnelon in the Dialogues sur

1*Eloquence and the "Projet de rhStorique", is evident in

the brief answer he gives to Cicero's accusation of self-

praise* "II est vraij j'ai tort, je 1'avoue* je me suis

laissS emporter..." (XIX, 252), In comparing his own

eloquence with that of Cicero, we find "un discours qui

croit et qui se fortifie 9. chaque parole par des raisons

nouvelles", as "A" describes Demosthenes' speech against

Philip of Macedonia,^ The opposing qualities of the two

orators are clearly and concisely stated, particularly in

the first half of the speech, in a series of antithetical

clauses, whose otherwise balanced rhythms are interrupted

.by the series of quick, insistent accents occurring in 198 groups of threei "je frappais, j’abbattais, j*atterraio"i

"prScises, fortes, claires": and "simple, grave, austere."

Attempts at informal spontaneity are seen in the ex­ pressions used by the interlocutors in greeting each otheri

"Ah; bon jour, mon ami"! "Te voilS. toujours agrSable"i

"Hoi dieuxt qu'est-ce qui se prSsente 21 mes yeux?"t "H§! bonjour Platon." Much of the potential liveliness of the dialogues is lost, however, because the conflicting points of viev/s that are frequently presented are too readily reconciled, What is contrasted so often in the dialogues is not two opposing philosophical views, each with its own valid arguments, but rather two contrasting lives or actions whose factual nature cannot be disputed. Char­ acters are reduced to making observations on their past with which their interlocutors must often necessarily agree. Thus we frequently find expressions such asi "II est vrai,,,"i "Je l'avoue"» "J'en conviens"j which, al­ though often followed by an objecting mais. dull the sharpness of the debate,-

More stylistic interest is to be found in the Dialogues des morts in the choice of similes, A small number of them belong to low style because of their humble references'!

,,,on fSt la guerre avec Spargne, comme il plantait ses choux et ses oignons (XIX, 279),

...gouverner la rSpublique comme sa petite chaumi&re (XIX, 285). 1 9 9 Tu itais comme un chien qui aboie contre tous les passants (XIX, 285).

...passionnis,,.comme les enfants pour leurs jouets (XIX, 142).

,..c'est la pelle qui se moque du fourgon (XIX, 436).

C'est qu'un enfant qui joue dans un chemin, et qui ne veut pas interrompre son jeu pour laisser passer une charrette, fait par dipit et par mutinerie ce qu'un homme ne fait point par raison (XIX, 214),

Most of the remaining images fall into well-defined categories, such as comparisons with things found in nature, often uncontrollable natural forces*

...de ces princes, ou plutit de ces monstres affamis de carnage (XIX, 124),

On voit en lui les commencements d'un grand prince, comme on remarque dans un bouton de rose naissante ce qui promet une belle fleur (XIX, 124),

...la chicane est un monstre nS pour divorer le genre humain (XIX, 179).

...traiter l'autre /partie des hommes) comme des bites de charge (XIx, 193).

Ha'ir le genre humain, c'est ha'ir une michante bite (XIX, 198).

...des hommes qui ne sont pas hommes, mais des renards en finesse, et des tigres en cruauti (XIX, 200).

Un serpent qui se glisse entre des fleurs est plus & craindre qu'un animal sauvage qui s'enfuit vers sa taniire dis qu'il vous apergoit (XIX, 209).

...tu faisais du bruit comme les torrents qui ravagent tout (XIX, 242).

...des mouvements, semblables fi. des foudres (XIX, 253).

...qui a peur de son ombre comme un li&vre (XIX, 275). ...les richesses vous viennent comme un torrent (XIX, 313).

Another commonly used image is that of the family and

family relationships, often used in relation to political questions!

La terre entifcre n'est qu'une seule patrie commune, o& les hommes des divers peuples devraient vivre comme une seule famille (XIX, 150).

Citoyens, qui me regardaient tous comme leur pfcre (XIX, 167),

Tu as fait comme un pfere, qui, pour rendre son fils modSrd et docile, le vendrait pour lui faire pasGer sa vie dans I'esclavage (XIX, 175).

Un pfcre ne saurait cltre plus attach^ 9. son fils que je l'Stais 9 toi (XIX, IB9 ).

De meme qu'un chef de famille ne doit jamais s*en- teter pour la grandeur de sa maison (XIX, 193).

On doit regarder comme une vraie mSre cette sociSt6 qui nous a donnf? la naissance (XIX, 267).

J'ai toujours aimS mes sujets comme mes enfants (XIX, 383). J'aimerais encore mieux que vous eussiez §t6 le p&re du peuple que le pSre des lettres (XIX, 38*0.

Toute la Prance m'a pleurS comme le p6re de toutes les families (XIX, 399).

In the above similes, socio-political relationships are compared to those of the family, based on authority and compassion of father for child, and on mutual love and re s p e c t. Images pertaining to physical health or sickness com­ prise another significant category: 201

La jeunesse est done une etrange maladie (XIX, 131).

II

Si vous entries dans un hopital de bless6s, ririez- vous de voir leurs blessures? Les plaies du corps ne sont rien en comparaison de celles de l'£me (XIX, 182),

Le m6decin hait la fifcvro et toutes les autres mala­ dies qui tourmentent les corps dec hommes*.,,los vices sont les maladies des ames*,..le monde est un grand hopital,...1'avarice, l'ambition, I'envie et la colSre, sont des plaies plus grandes et plus dan- gereuses dans les fimps, que des abefcs et des ulcSres ne le sont dans les corps (XIX, 204-5).

IIs essaient de nouveaux rem&des pour se gu6rir, et de nouveaux mets pour se ragoilter (XIX, 244).

Pour lui rendre l'aT>p6tit, il faudrait lui faire souffrir la faim (XIX, 245).

...une ebne que vous avez gangrenS (XIX, 365).

...cette politique cruelle et trompeuse dont vous 6tiez empc;sonn6 (XIX, 402),

Here, the ills of society and of the soul are compared to physical illnesses.

Finally, a number of images occur expressing the ephem­ eral or transitory nature of things*

L'autorit6 vous a SchappS comme un songe (XIX, 162),

Toute la vie n'est peut-6tre qu'un songe continuel (XIX, 248).

Comme un homme qui s'Sveille voit disparaitre tous les fantomes qu'il croyait voir et toucher pendant ses songes (XIX, 248).

...comme un voyageur passe de ville on v.ille selon son goflt et sa commodite (XIX, 261). 202

...comme des gens ressuscitSs qui sortent du tombeau {XIX, 269).

Notre gloire passS n'est plus qu'un songe (XIX, 289).

Despite the large amount of discussion devoted to military warfare, onlj' two images occur related to that subject*

Vous avez donnS un souper magnifique, comme un pol- tron va au combat en d6sesp6r§ (XIX, 29*0.

,,,te couvrir de mon corps, comme d’un bouclier (XIX, 189).

Few, if any, of the images found in the Dialogues des morts are strikingly original. Most of them could be classified as instructional in design, that is, they serve to clarify or render more vivid a moral or political lesson being taught, rather than serving as more decoration.

Very nearly all of them relate in a general way to a con­ cept of the universe or society as a stable, orderly entity based on "natural" relationships such as the fam­ ily, or on the cyclical nature of plant life* and one which should be protected against the disruptive forces of vice and uncontrolled passions. They are conventional images which belong to the classical tradition to be pass­ ed on from one generation to the next, The frequency of images, while not great, strikes the reader as being more than would be found normally in ordinary conversation.

This frequency, along with the functional nature of the 203 images, points up the fact that in these dialogues FSnelon’s

intention was to instruct the young Due de Bourgogne in

various areas of conduct, and not, as in the Dialogues

sur l'6loquence, to educate mature and reasonable men on

the nature of eloquence.

In contrast to the two works.in dialogue form, the

sermons are characterized by their emotive force. Much

of the vehement tone found in them is due to the great number of interrogatives, exclamations and apostrophes,

Not all such figures of thought, however, express emotion.

Some interrogatives, for example, constructed in parallel fashion, serve to instruct the listener by appealing to his judgment:

Que deviendraicnt les fimes dociles pour autrui, et‘ d§fiantes d*ellos-mSmes qui auraient horreur de pr8- f&rer leur propre sens 9 colui de 1'assemblSe la plus digne d'etre crue qu'il y ait sur la terrc? Que deviendraiont les humbles, qui craindraient avec raison bicn davantage de so tromper eux-mSmes, que d'etre trompSs par I'Eglise? (XVII, 18*0.

Mais comment pourriez-vous 8tre la pasteur des peu- ples, si votre grande.ur vous sSparait d'eux, et vous rendait inaccessible 9 leur Sgard? Comment conduiriez- vous le troupeau, si vous n'Stiez pas appliqu§ 9 ses besoins? Si le peuple ne vous voit jamais que de loin, .iamaiB que grand, jamais qu' environnS de tout ce qui eto.uffe la confiance, comment oseront-ils percer la foule, se jeter entre vos bras, vous dire leurs peines, et trouver en vous leur consolation? Comment leur ferez-vous sentir un coeur de p9re. si vous ne leur montrez qu’un maitre? (XVII, 154).

The balanced clauses acquire added force by means of the repetition of .jamais and the shifting of verb tenses from 20k the hypothetical conditional to the more immediate pres­

ent/future.

Many more interrogative constructions occur as ex­

pressions of indignation!

Ah! insensSs! que faites-vous? quel jugement pend sur votre tete! Qui me donnera des paroles pour 1*exprimer? (XVII, 257).

Comment osent-elles dire, ces sectes nouvelles, que 1'idolStrie rSgnait partout avant leur rSformo? Toutes les nations ayant 6tS donnSes par le P&re au Fils, JSsus-Christ a-t-il laissS perdre son heritage? Quelle 'main plus puissante quo la sienne le lui a ravi? Quoi done, sa lumi&re §tait-elle Steinto dans l'univers? (XVII, 185),

The absence of parallel construction in the above exam­

ples indicates a shift of appeal from judgment to feeling.

Feeling is expressed even more through exclamations

and interjections than through interrogatives. Through

the use of interjections FSnelon shows his compassion for

Mary in her time of suffering!

Oui, il me semble que je l'entends y ajouter, dans l'amertume de son coeur, ces paroles touchantes« H§! n'y a-t-il pas assez de temps que mon £me lan- guit dans les liens qui me tiennent ici-bas cap­ tive? H6las! que pouvait 8tre la terre pour elle,,, (XVII, 212),

With a series of exclamations FSnelon deplores the lack

of piety around himi "Malheureux! insensSs!,..0 ren-

versement du sens humain! 0 folie monstrueuse! 0 d§-

.mons, vous les ponoSdez,,," (XVII, ZlO) t or he cries out 205 against man’s too great love for the world* "0 folie monstrueuse! 8 renversement de tout l’homme! est-ce done 18, 8 quoi l'on tient tant? Quoi!.,," (XVII, 314).

More often, F8nelon*s exclamations are grouped and ordered more coherently, as in the "Pan£gyrique de Saint

Bernard"*

Malheur, malheur 8 nous qui trouvons souvent 1'oeuvre de Dieu impossible, parce quo nous la faisons sans foi et avec negligence I Malheur 8 nous, qui nous plaignons des obstacles que notre hauteur m§me, notre indiscrStion ou notre l£chet6 a form5s! (XVII, 229). 0 pSre! 8 p8re! disaient-ils frappant leur pointrine* 8 p8re! 8 conducteur des enfants dfIsrael! pour- uoi nous delaisser? H8las! la lampe ardente est teinte dans la maison do Dieu. Malheur, malheur 8 tnous! car nous avons pgchS, et Dieu nous frappo (XVII, 230).

The above two passages express deep feeling but maintain the nensSes. ordro and liaison that the examples just preceding lack.

The use of repeated exclamations occurs a number of times in passages whose tone is that of real invective.

In the following passages we find interrogatives, exclam­ ations and interjections combined in vehement apostrophes to Paris, to the Reform, and to human wisdom*

Que chacun de ceux qui sont'libres dise 8 soi-m8me* Malheur 8 moi si je n'SvangSlise! HSlas! peut-etre que tous les royaumes de I'Orient ensemble n'ont pas autant de prStres qu'une paroisse d'une seule ville. Paris, tu t'enrichis de la pauvretS des nations, ou plutot..,,tu perds pour toi-m8me 206

ce que tu enlSves aux autresi tu prives le champ du Seigneur de sa culture....tu prives les ouvriers de la recompense due au travail (XVII, 18?).

In his attack on Protestantism, FSnelon moves from speaking

about it to addressing it directly*

...c'est 3 la voix de l'enchanteur que vous pretez 1'oreille, Quoi done! le juge ne doit-il pas preter l'oreille, pour savoir sice qu'on lui dit est un enchantement ou une v£rit£? 0 RSformei n'Stait-ce pas assez d'inspirer 3 chaque particulier la t£m£ritS de se faire juge? fallait-il encore, pour comble de tSmSritS vouloir que chaque soit jugS 3. I'aveugle? (XVII, 299).

Human wisdom is repulsed vehemently*

Tais-toi,* philosophic curieuse et superbe, sagesse convaincue de folie, vils SlSments d'une science terrestre! Loin de moi, chair et sang qui ne rSvSlez point les’mystfcres! (XVII, 303).

In his constant dialogue with his listeners, F§nelon

often raises his tone to invective, reproaching them for

their blindness and cowardliness *

Aveugles, qui veulent mesurer l'ouvrage de Dieu par celui des hommes! (XVII, 137).

Lfiches et indignes ChrStiens! (XVII, 193).

Pourquoi ce ris d£daigneux, hommes de peu de foi, quand on vous raconte ce que la main de Dieu a fait? (XVII, 256).

Quoi, des hommes destines 3 jouir avec JSsus-Christ d'une gloire et d'une f£licitS Sternelles, ne se laisseront jamais toucher 3 tant de grandeurs qui leur sont prSparSes! Abrutis, stupidos, ensevelis dans 1'amour des choses sensibles, ils feront leur capital des biens grossiers, fragiles, imaginaires 207 de cette vie et le paradis ne sera que leur pis-aller! Quoi, ce ne sera que dans 1'extrSmitS d'une maladie incurable qu'ils voudront bien accepter, faute de mieux, le royaume du ciell (XVII, 21*0.

Occasionally, FSnelon breaks off his dialogue with the

* audience, ordering his listeners to impose silence on

their vain philosophy and reasont

0 hommes lSches, taisez-vousi la foi ne peut atten- dre rien de vous..,,Non, non» taisez-vous encore une foisi la foi ne peut attendre rien de vous qui soit digne d'elle (XVII, 281).

Along with the religious truths and the emotional

force of expression, the Sermons contain also passages

of lyricism appealing to the imagination. This lyricism

appears mainly in images of epic proportions, as when

FSnelon recalls to his listeners the expanses of place

and time covered by Christian missionaries!

Ni les sables brfllants, ni les dSsertB, ni les mon- tagnes,^ni la distance des lieux, ni les temp$tes, ni les ecueils de tant de mers, ni l'intemp§rie do l'air, ni le milieu fatal de la ligne ou l'on dScouvre^un ciel nouveau, ni les flottes ennemies, ni les cotes barbares, ne peuvent arreter ceux que Dieu convoie....Que le Midi, que l'Orient, que les lies inconnues les attendent, et les regardent en silence venir de loin (XVII, 179).

The image of the tree planted at Clairvaux takes on epic

proportions as Fenelon describes the results of Bernard's

work and of his descendants, who like Abraham's, have

.multiplied and spread! 208

Nagu^re ce n'Stait qu'une faible plante qui ram- pait sur la terre...maintenant il porto ses branches jusque dans le ciel, et il les Stend jusqu'aux ex- trSmitis de la terre. De Flandres, d'Acquitaine, d'ltalie, d’Allemagne, ils viennent en foule, 0 vents! portez-les sur vos ailes dans le sein de leur p&ret et que tous les peuples de l'univers, rendant gloire 21 Dieu, admirent sa feconditS (XVII, 228).

The prophetic vision which Fenelon has of the swift­ ness and completeness of Christianity*s dominion has an epic flavori

A peine, Jesus, l'attente et le d§sir6 des nations, est net et voici len Mages, dignes prSmices des Gentils, qui, conduits par l'Stoile, viennent le reconnaitre, Bientot les nations ebranlScs viendront en foule apr&s euxj les idoles seront brisSes, et la connaissance du vrai Dieu sera abondante comme les eaux de la mer qui couvrent la terre, Je vois les peuples, je vois les princes qui adorent dans la suite des siScles colui que les Mages viennent adorer aujourd'hui. Nations de 1*Orient, vous y viendrez & votre tour» une lumi&re, dont celle de l'etoile n'est qu'une ombre, frappera vos yeux, et dissipera vos ten&bres (XVII, 173)*

Lyricism in other forms appears as well. Elegiac lyricism permeates certain passages directed toward Mary,

Theresa and the New Convert, Fenelon speaks to Mary of her tears of grief shed at the death of Christ (XVII,

205)t and to Theresa of her tears at the moment of her conversion (XVII, 2^9). The New Convert is shown at her moment of contrition*

Aussitot un torrent de larmes coule de ses yeux, et rien ne lui est si doux sinon de pleurer. 0 qu'elles 209 sont precieuses ces larmes d'un coeur contrit et humili6I (XVII, 308).

Fgnelon describes the tears of joy v/ith which Pope Inno­ cent II admired Bernard's work at Clairvauxt

Ses yeux ne pouvaient se rassasier de voir ces anges de la terre. II rSpandit des larmes de joie, et les SvSques qui le suivaient ne purent s'empecher de pleurer avec lui, 0 douces larmesI qui nous donnera maintenant de pleurer ainsi, pour essuyer ces a u tre s larm es s i amtSres que nous a rra c h e n t tous les jours tant de mis&res et tant de scandales? (XVII, 22?).

In the latter three passages F6nelon utilizes the des­ criptions of sorrow or joy to instill an element of doubt and repentance in the hearts of his listeners. Mystical lyricism10 pervades the exordia and per­ orations of the sermons and the Plans de Sermons. In his invocations, FSnelon asks for "force, onction, lumiSre" through which the intelligence, wisdom and feeling of the Holy Spirit may be felt by his audience. He asks for the same power as was granted to Saint Bernardt

Que ces torrents de lumi&re de la grSce, qui coulSrent de sa bouche, pour inonder les villes et les pro­ vinces passent encore de ma bouche, quoique pScheur, jusqu'au .fond des coeurs (XVII, 223). Une voix douce et int&rieure,..fait tressaillir Ber­ nard jusque dans la moelle des os (XVII, 22*0 .

The New Convert feels the same "secret voice"» 210

J'entends la voix de l'Epoux qui m'appelle, Qu*elle est douce! elle fait tressaillir mes os humiliSs* et je m'ecriei 0 Dieu, qui est somblable 5. vous? Ici les jours coulent en paix, Un de ces jours purs et sereins, & 1*ombre de l'Epoux, vaut mieux que mille dans les joies du si&cle {XVII, 311).

In the exordium of the same sermon FSnelon uses the mys­ tical vocabulary of a Saint Theresa, with its fire, flames, and piercing arrowst

0 Esprit, o flamme celeste, qui allez embraser la vie time, soyez vous-jn§me dans ma bouche une langue de feu, Que toutes mes paroles, comme autant de fl&ches ardentes, percent et enflamment les coeurs (XVII, 155).

FSnelon's sermons, as we can see then, contain a variety of styles and tones expressing all nuances of thought and intention. The lyricism of the exordia and perorations appears to differ from the normal practice of seventeenth-century preachers, however, which was to employ a more rhetorical tone in the first exordium and in the peroration, and a more pedagogical tone in the second exordium and in certain doctrinal developments,'1''*'

FSnelon's use of various tones is not distinctive in it­ self, then, but rather in the manner of distributing those tones throughout the sermon,

A thorough study of images in the sermons would un­ doubtedly reveal that an overwhelming majority of them are 12 inspired by Biblical sources, A large number of them fall within a relatively few categories based on images 211 of water, fire, light and darkness, plant life, sickness and health, the shepherd and his flock. Images of water occur both as destructive and healing forces, emphasizing the notion of abundance and uncontrollable forcet

La connaissance du vrai Dieu sera abondante comme les eaux de la mer qui couvrent la terre (XVII, 17*0. La loi de Moise, ses miracles, ceux des proph&tes, n'avaient pu servir de digue contre le torrent de 1'idotratrie (XVII, 176). Les plages brfllantes d’Afrique ont et§ inondSes des torrents de la grfice (XVII, 177), La source des cSlestes bSnedictions ne tarit point (XVII, 187). Le fleuve de la grace ne tarit point, il est vraii mais souvent, pour arroser de nouvelles terres, il d£- tourne son cours, et ne laisse dans l ’ancien canal que des sables arides (XVII, 192), L'orgueil a rompu ses digues de nos eglises et inonde la terre (XVII, 193). Ici coule l'onction descendue des vives sources des proph&tes et des apStres pour inonder la maison de Dieu (XVII, 239).

Grace, conceived of in fluid terms, is like the final aim of persuasion, brought about by movement. Images of fire and light also stress notions of all- consuming forces and of grandeuri

L'Evangile,..Stait comme un feu devorant au fond de ses entrailles (XVII, 182), La foi s'est levee sur nos tetes, comme le soleil (XVII, 191). 212 Metaphors constructed around images of plant life are commoni

Dans ce champ h £ riss£ de ronces e t de buissons sauvages, naissent les myrtes, & la place des Spines croissent les lis. Jetez les yeux, mes FrSres, sur ce grand arbre plante 5. Clairvaux, Nagu&re ce n'Stait qu'une faible plante..M aintenant il porte ses branches jusque dans le ciel (XVII, 228). Mais oh sont les mains propres & recueillir ces riches moissons dont les campagnes de 1'Orient sont dSj& blanchies? (XVII, 228), Gardez-vous done bien d'entreprendre d'arracher d'abord tout le mauvais grain. Laissez-le croitre jusqu'3, la moisson de peur que vous n'arrachiez le bon avec le mauvais (XVII, 163),

Religious heresy is described in terms of plant lifei

Une partie des Pays-Bas, l'Allemagne, le Danemarck, la SuSde,'sont autant de rameaux que le glaive ven- geur a retranchSs, et qui ne tiennent plus 5. 1'an- cienne tige (XVII, 192). Pasteurs, rassemblez vos conseils et vos forces pour achover d'abattre ce grand arbre, dont les branches orgueilleuses montaient jusqu*au ciel, et qui est dSjS. 6branl6 jusqu'5. ses plus profondes racines (XVII, 186),

Images of water and plant life are joined in the foll­ owing passaget

Que trouve-t-il dans ce dSsert? Des plantes qu'un fleuve de paix et de grSce arrose, et oh fleurissent les plus odoriflrantes vertus (XVII, 309).

Light and fire are often chosen for their fluid q u a litie s* 213 Que de torrents de lumifcre et de grlice, qui coul&rent de sa bouche pour inonder les villes et les provinces passent encore de ma bouche (XVII, 223). Je ne vois plus qu'une terre que Dieu y a lancee (XVII, 192).

In the "Discours prononce au sacre de l'Electeur de Cologne" we find many metaphors of the pastor and his flock and of sickness and cures. The entire second point of the sermon is devoted to the religious obligations of the Elector to the Churchj consequently the Elector is compared to a shepherd in both political and spiritual d u tie s:

Vous voiiadone p asteu r des peuples a double titre. Si vous l'etes comme prince souverain, a plus forte raison l'etes-vous comme ministre de JSsus-Christ (XVII, 15*0. Descendez jusqu'a la dernifcre brebis de votre trou- peau (XVII, 156). Plus votre troupeau est grand, plus le pasteur aura a souffrir (XVII, 165). Soyez toujours le bon pasteur pret a donner votre vie pour vos chores brebis (XVII, 171). I Is £Ces glands princes' ne paissent point le trou­ peau, c'est du troupeau qu'ils se paissent eux- mlmes (XVII, 168).

Again, FSnelon speaks of religious heresy as a sickness, and of the needed remediest

La correction ressemble a certains remSdes que l'on compose de quelque poison (XVII, 162). 21k L’Eglise gSmit sentant ses mains liees, et voyant le malade repousser le remade prepare pour sa guSrison (XVII, 165).

Whereas images belonging to the various categories listed here can be found in all the sermons, their dis­ tribution by category varies according to the purpose of the sermon. Thus in the "Discours prononce au sacre de l ’Electeur de Cologne" we find a heavier concentration of images defining the relationship between ruler and people (the shepherd and flock) and the responsibilities of the ruler to society (curing it of the ills of heresy). These images are functional in that they instruct the listener, in this case the Elector, concerning his temp­ oral duties and spiritual role. The "Sermon pour la Fete de l'Epiphanie", on the other hand, shows a greater proportion of images built on the notion of torrential waters and fire appropriate to the missionary zeal which pervades the sermon. These images express movement and dynamic force, images in harmony with the idea of grace suddenly working its effects on the souls of unbelievers. They tend to be more persuasive than instructional, more dynamic than static. In the "Sermon pour la F§te de Saint Bernard" the image of the tree planted by Bernard, symbolic of religious faith and good works, is central to the idea of continuity and of the spreading strength of Christianity, The reader 215 does not so much feel that Fdnelon is trying to prose­ lytize in this sermon—v;e assume his audience already con­ sisted of believers in the Christian faith—as to render more vivid in his listeners' imagination the great work accomplished by the saint and to impress upon their minds the need for a second Bernard, Flnelon's images in the sermons are not greatly variedj they are, however, chosen in order to enhance FSnelon's particular instructional or persuasive aims,

Images in the Traits de 1* existence de Dieu are rel­ atively few in number. Those which do occur belong to the familiar, everyday world. The mind is compared to a book, for example* "On ferme et on ouvre son imagination, comme un livre, on entourne, pour ainsi dire, les feuillets" (I, 6^*) t the ribs are compared to branches emerging from a tree trunck (I, 5*0. The largely factual expository style of the treatise, particularly in the Premiere partie. changes sharply, however, in the several "Prifcres & Dieu" which terminate various sections of the work. The prayer which closes the Premi&re partie is especially lyrical and filled with images of light and darkness, movement, melting, fragility and eternity. Its parallel constructions, steady rhythms and lyrical tone give it the qualities of poetry. In tone, rhythm and thought it recalls the Psalms in praise of Creation and the greatness of God, 216 L'homme n'a des yeux que pour voir des ombres, et la v S ritl l u i p a r a it un fanomei ce qui n*est rien est tout pour lui* ce qui est tout ne lui semble rien. Que vois-je dans toute la nature? Dieu, Dieu partout, et encore Dieu seul. je ne sais ce que je deviens: tout ce qui n'est point vous disparait, et & peine me reste-t-il de quoi me tro u v er encore moi-meme, Qui ne vous voit point n'a rien vu, qui ne vous goflte point n'a jamais rien sentit il est comme s 'il n'Stait pas* sa vie enti&re n'est qu'un songe. Levez-vous, Seigneur, levez-vous: qu'fi. votre face vos ennemis se fondent comme la cire, et s'Svanouissent comme la fumSe.^

The end of the prayer swells in lengthening rhythms, then collapses into shorter ones to match the poet's weakened and trembling state:

Quand sera-ce, Seigneur? 0 beau jour sans nuage et sans fin, dont vous serez vous-meme le soleil, et oSl vous coulerez au travers de mon coeur comme un torrent de voluptS. A cette douce espSrance mes os tressaillent et s'Scrientt Qui e s t sem blable & vous? Mon coeur se fond, et ma chair tombe en dSfaillance, 8 Dieu de mon coeur, et mon Sternelle p o rtio n , 5

The poetic style evident in this prayer is most mani­ fest in TSlgmaque, which was generally accepted as a poem throughout the eigthteenth century.^ In his Discours sur le poSme gpique, Ramsay defined the kind of poetry found in Tglemaquet 21? Ce qui fait la pollsie n'est pas le nombre fixe et la cadence r£gl§e des syllabes, m is le sentiment qui anime tout, la fiction vive, les figures hardies, la beaut£ et la veritS des images, C'est l'enthou- siasme, le feu, 1'impStuositS, la force, un je ne sais quoi, dans les paroles et les pensecs, que la nature seule peut donner, Cn trouve toutes ces qualit&s dans le TglSmaque (XX, lxxxiv),.

Ramsay's definition includes the various components of good eloquence according to FSnelon's criteria: feeling, vividness, bold figures, beautiful and varied images: and adds to them that indefinable quality, enthusiasm, which ultimately distinguishes poetry from prose. In examining the style of Telomanue we will be concerned primarily with the way in which style and aim come together in the work, and with the kinds of figures and images used by the au th o r, Feeling, in FSnelon's rhetoric, is that final ingred­ ient which brings about change either in kind or of degree. In view of the fact that TSlgmaaue was composed for the training and edification of a young prince, it is natural that FSnelon should have used feeling as a persuasive force in his novel. Feeling in the novel operates on two levels. On the one hand, the individual characters, and T6l§maque in particular, react to various situations, adventures and counseling with feeling, thereby revealing to what degree the particular episodes within the novel have been persua­ sive as regards their conducti and on the other hand, the ’entire world of the novel including external nature is 2X8 infused with feeling so that the novel as a whole touches the reader and realizes its persuasive aim, On the former level, the feelings of the characters are revealed explic­ itly, while on the latter level, the approach is more subtle and "insinuant". From the opening scene of the novel where we see Cal­ ypso standing on the seashore "qu'elle arrosait de ses larmes" to the final episode in which Mentor discloses Cleom&ne's real identity fo Telemaque, we find expressions of joy and grief. Every chapter contains expressions such as "torrents de larmes", "des larmes aux yeux", "pleurer de joie et de tendresse", "larmes melSes de douleur et de joie", "saisi de douleur". The verbs sentir, etre touch!, g o ftter. a re among th e most fre q u e n tly employedr

...je me sentais Smu et embras!.,, I Is govttaient le doux et noble plaisir d'Scouter la raison,,, ,,,le goOt des plaisirs,,, ...gofiter je ne sais quoi de sublime et de pur,,, ...touch! des sentiments tendres de T!l!maque,.,

At times the verb sentir is used not to express feeling as a reaction to an external stimulus, but in the sense of knowing fully, or as a means- of communication in which words and reason are superfluous or less effective, T!l§- ,maque, for example, does not "understand" tho truth of Mentor's words, he "feels" the truth* or ho "feels" his 219 error in not listening to Mentor’s prudent advice.*^

IdomSnSe "feels" the fateful consequences of his wishes*

TSlSmaque causes the Greeks to feel the pleasure there is

in owing one's wealth to one's own work* and Mentor "fit

sentir & TelSmaque, par ce discours...."

Expressions of feeling occur.particularly following

speeches, short or long, whose aim is to instruct. It is

in these passages that Fenelon's theory of rhetoric is most apparent, and where we see just how Fenelon envisaged

the persuasive effect of particular speeches. The ulaire

et instruire concept surfaces in sentences such as*

...heureux ceux qui se divertissent en s'instruisant et qui se plaisent 5. cultiver leur esprit par les sciences (XX, Bk, ii, 32).

In reaction to the numerous speeches throughout the works we see the listener by turn "charm§", "transport^ de plaisir", "touch§", "troublS", "§mu", "persuadS". The speaker's tone and style likewise vary from speech to speech* "ainsi il raisonna", "il racontait avec grfice",

"d'un ton modeste et respectueux, mais libre et hardi",

"d'un ton s§v&re", "avec beaucoup de v£h§mence", "discours plein de rage", "parole simple et sans faste", "ses paroles sont des traits de feu",

Assuming that Fenelon describes speech delivery and listener reaction for reasons other than mere variety for the reader, we shall see now what kind of speech situation 220 occasions a given style and reaction.

Speeches in TSlemaoue fall into three general cate­ gories! those in which one character instructs another in the proper conduct befitting a ruler* those in which one character recounts his past adventures to another or to a small group of persons* and those which are pronounced in the presence of large assemblies. Of tho first kind, it is Mentor who speaks most often, and usually to Tele- rnaque. These speeches, both short and long, contain num­ erous maxims on wise government and moral conduct. Often 21 we are not told what effect the speech has on the listener* however, we are reminded occasionally that Mentor speaks with an authority and persuasiveness not known to mere mortals. On three occasions Mentor's words are shown to have a particularly strong effect on TSlSmaque. In all three of these instances, however, it is really the voice of Minerva that is heard, either directly (twice) or through the personnage of Mentor (once). In all three instances, too, the situation is one of despair or danger for TSlSmaque.

In the first of these passages, TSlSmaque finds him­ self relegated to the role of shepherd in the desert of

Oasis and is on the verge of succumbing to his misfortunes.

Suddenly he hears words of counsel addressed to him coming from a cave. A radical change takes place in him* 221

Ces paroles divines entr&rent jusqu'au fond de mon coeur» elles y firent renaJtre la joie et le courage. Je ne sentis point cette horreur qui fait dresser les cheveux sur la tete et qui glace le sang dans les veines, quand les dieux se communiquent aux mor- telsi je me levait tranquille* j'adorai 5. genoux les mains levees vers le ciel. Minerve, & qui je crus devoir cet oracle, En meme temps, je me trouvai un nouvel homme: la sagesse Sclaira mon esprit* je sentais 1' impStuosite de ma jeunesse (XX, Bk, ii, 3 D*

In the second passage, Mentor rescues T&lSmaque from the dangers of a "folle passion", ordering him to flee in all haste from the infested island*

Mentor dit, et aussitSt je sentis comme un nuage Spais qui se dissipait sur mes yeux et qui me laissait voir la pure lumi&re* une joie douce ct pleine d'un ferme courage renaissait dans mon coeur, Cette joie Stait bien differente de cette autre joie mollc et folStre dont mes sens avaient St§ d'abord empoisonnSst l'une est une joie d'ivresse et de trouble.,.* 1 'autre est une joie de raison, qui a quelque chose de bien- heureux et de cSleste* elle est toujours pure et £gale, rien ne peut l'Spuiser* plus on s'y plonge, plus elle est douce* elle ravit l'£me sans la troubler. Alors je versai des larmes de joie, et je trouvais que rien n'Stait si doux que de pleurer ainsi (XX, Bk, iv, 80).

The third situation occurs in the very last pages of the book when T£l£maque is about to be made independent of

Mentor's guidance. Mentor reveals his true identity* the voice of Minerva is described*

Sa voix est douce et mod§r§e, mais forte et insinu- ante* toutes ses paroles sont des traits de feu qui percent le coeur de TSlSmaque, et qui lui font res- sentir je ne sais quelle douceur delicieuse. 222

T?lemaque is overcome by her divine presencet

Tll?maque ?tait comme un homme qui, dans un songe, est oppress? jusqu'& perdre la respiration, et qui, par l'agitation p?nible de ses lfcvres, ne peut former aucune voix (XX, Bk. xviii, 515),.

Following Minerva's final speech T?lSmaque is "?tonn? et1 hors de lui-meme,"

All three speeches which cause TSlSmaque to swoon are 22 instructive in nature. They are devoid of any figurative * expressions, but are exhortative in tone. The effect on

T?l?maque is apparently due to the force of truth spoken in the words and the divine power heard in the voice, rather than to any particular artfulness in the expression,2-^

Except for the absence of figurative expressions, such discourse in its powerful effect, resembles the religious eloquence of the early Church as described by F?nelon in the Dialogues sur 1*eloquence, whose source of power was its truth and divine inspiration.

The second category of discourse, that of related past adventures, almost invariably "charms" the audience.

T?l£maque, who throughout the first six books recounts his adventures thus far in seeking his father, charms the goddess Calypso and her attendants. At the beginning of

Book III we read:

Calypso Scoutait avec ?tonnement des paroles si sages, Ce qui la charmait lo plus dc voir que 223 le jeune T8l§maque racontait ing§nument les fautes qu'il avait faltes par precipitation et en manquant de docilitS pour le sage Mentor...(XX, Bk. iii, 4#).

In Book IV Calypso is still filled with delight upon

listening to T8l§maque*s tales*

Calypso, qui avait 6t§ jusqu'S. ce moment immobile et transports de plaisir en Soutant les aventures de T8l8maque, 1 'interrompit pour lui faire prendre quelque repos (XX, Bk. iv, 67),

Mentor admonishes Tglemaque for allowing himself to be

carried away by the pleasure of reciting his adventures, and recognizes the enchanting effect of his speechi

Le plaisir de raconter vos histoires vou3 a entralnSt vous avez charme la dSsse en lui oxpliquant les dangers dont votre courage et votre inductrie vous ont tirS,,..vous..,1 'avez enchantSe par le r§cit de vos aventures (XX, Bk. iv, 69).

In Book VII, Adoam recounts to TSl8maque the story of Pygmalion's fall and tells him of the marvels of La

BStique. Following the former we read*

Aprfes qu*Adoam eut parlS ainsi, T§l8maque, charm8 de l'histoire que ce Ph§nicien venait de raconter, et plus encore des marques d'amitiS qu'il en rece- vait dans son malheur, l'embrassa tendrement (XX, Bk. vii, 162).

After the description of La BStique we are told that T8l8- maque was "charmS" and that he was "ravi d*entendre ces discours d'Adoam, et il se rSjouissait qu'il y edit encore au monde un peuple qui suivant la drcite nature, ffit si 224- sage et si heureux ensemble" (XX, Bk. vii, 176). Despite

Mentor*s warning to TSlSmacfue that the source of his pleas­ ure while speaking to Calypso is vanity, we see that Cal­ ypso's pleasure is derived not so much from the adventures

themselves as from Tel£maque's virtue in acknowledging his youthful weaknesses, TilSmaque's pleasure, while

listening to Adoam, likewise, comes not only from the story-telling itself but from the signs of friendship shown by Adoam in the one case, and by the thought of the people of La BStique in the other. Thus the narrative speeches within the novel, which contains both action- filled adventures and poetic descriptions of various locals, are conceived of as operating a certain charm on the listen­ er, the source of which is not solely the vividness of the fiction and its appeal to the imagination but moreso the power of thought or the wisdom expressed, V/e are reminded of "A"'s statement in the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence that pleasure may stem from all three means of persuasion— proofs, paintings and movement (XXI 50). Within the third category of speech we find four major examples of persuasive discourse pronounced before large assemblies. The first, third and fourth are spoken by TSlSmaquei the second one by Mentor, All four speeches are deliberative speeches on the waging of war and/or on wise government. In the first example TSlSmaque is called upon by the assembled wise men of Crete to answer the question of whether a king invincible in war or a peace- loving king is preferable. The speech is a carefully structured one showing the advantages and disadvantages of both types of king, but strongly favoring the latter.

Many people in the assembly do not agree with TSlSmaque's position, but "tous les vieillards dSclar&rent que j'avais parl£ comme Minos," Following the announcement to the gathered public that TelSmaque has been chosen as the new ruler of Crete, TSl&naque speaks again, this time to the entire crowd, refusing the honor but expressing his grat­ itude to the people of Crete, The tone of the speech is lofty and sincere, ending with an entreaty to choose a ruler on the basis of his actions rather than his words.

At this point the crowd reaction is seen, some wondering if TSlSmaque is not really some divinity in disguise«

A peine eus-je parl§ qu'il s'Sleva un bruit sourd, semblable 5. celui des vagues de la mer qui s'entre- choquent dans une templte, Les uns disaient: Est- ce quelque divinitS sous une figure humaine?

Following the remainder of T6l§maque's speech, the crowd reaction is indicated again: "Tous les vieillards, char- mSs de ce discours et voyant toujours croJtre les applau- dissements de 1'assemblSe..," (XX, Bk, v, 111), The chief reaction, then, is one of great admiration for the wisdom displayed by TSlSmaque,

The second public speech occasion is in itself a *

226

minor lesson in persuasive eloquence, both in theory and

practice. The occasion is the imminent v/ar between

IdominSe's Salente and the neighboring kingdom, one of

which Nestor rules. In the meeting betv/een Mentor and

Nestor, while surrounded by the assembled armies, it is

the eloquence of the two men which is signaled out for

pra i s e »

Nestor avait toujours passi pour le plus experi­ ments et le plus eloquent de tous les rois de la Grice,.,,La douce persuasion coulait de ses livres comme un ruisseau de miel,..,Il commengait 9. sentir les injures de la froide vieillessej mais ses paroles etaient encore pleines de force et de dou­ ceur* il racontait les choses passecs, pour ins- truire la jeunesse par ses experiences* mais il les racontait avec grace, quoique avec un peu de len- teur (XX, Bk. ix, 216),

Nestor*s eloquence, however, appears "flitrie et abattue"

compared to that of Mentor*

Les paroles de Mentor, quoique graves et simples, avaient une vivacitS et une autoritS qui commengait 9. mahquer 9. l'autre. Tout ce qu*il disait etait court, precis et nerveux. Jamais il ne faisait aucune re- dite* jamais il ne racontait que le fait nicessaire pour 1'affaire qu*il fallait dicider, S*il Stait obligi de parler plusieurs fois d*une mime chose, pour l'inculquer ou pour parvenir 9. la persuasion, c'itait toujours par des tours nouveaux et par des comparaisons sensibles. II avait mime je ne sais quoi de complaisant et d'enjoui, quand il voulait se proportionner aux besoins des autres et leur insinuer quelque viriti (XX, Bk, ix, 217).

At the end of Mentor's long speech proposing a peaceful

settlement to the hostilities, we are told the effect 22? of his wordsi

Le charme de ses paroles douces et fortes enlevait les coeurst elles Staient semblables 2l ces paroles enchantees qui tout 5. coup, dans le profond silence de la nuit, arr§tent au milieu de I'Clympe la lune et les etoiles, calment la mer irrit5e, font taire les vents et les flots et suspendent le cours des fleuves rapides,...D'abord il se fit un profond silence dans toute l'armSe.... .Toutcs les troupes, immobiles, avaient les yeux attaches sur lui..,.Tout ce qu'il avait dit demeurait comme gravS dans tous les coeurs, En parlant, il se faisait aimer, il se faisait croiroi chacun Stait avide et comme suspendu...(XX, Bk. ix, 224-5).

Following an initial period of silence, an emotional reaction sets in:

Enfin, apr&s un assez long silence, on entendit un bruit sourd qui se rSpandait peu S. peu,,,,C'5tait,,, un murmure doux et favorable. On d£couvrait dejZl sur les visages je ne sais quoi de serein et de ra- douci,,,,Le farouche Phalantus, avec ses Lac8dSmonions, fut surpris de trouver ses entrailles de fer atten- dries,...Philoct&te, plus sensible qu'un autre par 1 *experience de ses malheurs, ne put retenir ses larmes, Nestor, ne pouvant parler, dans le trans­ port 06 le discours de Mentor venait de le mettre, embrassa tendrement.Mentor sans pouvoir parler (XX, Bk. ix, 225)•

The power of the speech is further heightened when we le a rn th a t th e le a d e rs were n o t only moved em o tio n ally , but moved to act. They immediately put into effect Mentor's plan and peace is assured. As in T8l8maque's first public speech, it is the soundness of the arguments directed toward "un esprit dSgagS et tranquille" that effects the persuasion. Mentor offers immediate and con­ crete means for insuring peace, arguing that peace and 228. freedom are in the common interest of all the people assembled.

The style of the speech hardly justifies its impact upon the audience. The speech begins with the conventional appeal to be heard and some flattery of the audience, but there are no "figures hardies", nor "images touchantes"i the speech is rather an appeal aimed solely at the listen­ e r ^ wisdom arid sense of justice.

The audience reaction to TSlSmaque's last two major public speeches reveals that Telemaque has become a much more persuasive speaker. In the first of these speeches

TSlSmaque argues against "la fausse politique" before an assembly of army chiefs. At one point, "toute l'assemblSe

Smue" interrupts him to ask him to explain his apparent paradoxical statement that the league's certain victory would lead to the league's own ruin. TSlSmaque's re­ maining arguments are based on an appeal to honesty, vir­ tue and good faith. At the conclusion of the speech the audience reacts in a manner reminiscent of Mentor's aud­ ience i

Lorsque TSlSmaque acheva ce discours, il sentit que la douce persuasion avait coul8 de ses l&vres et avait passS jusqu'au fond des coeurs, II remarqua un profond silence dans 1'assemblSe* chacun pensait, non SL lui ni aux graces de ses paroles, mais 21 la force de la v6rit6 qui se faisait sentir dans la suite de son raisonnementt l'Stonnement 6tait peint sur les visages (XX, Bk, xv, 413). 229 Again, after an initial astonished silence, the crowd begins to stir and give way to its feelings*

Enfin on entendait un murmure sourd, qui se r§- pandait peu 5 peu dans 1'assemblSe* les uns re- gardaient les autres et n'osaient parler les premiers» on attendait que les chefs de 1’armSe se dSclarassent, et chacun avait de la peine & retenir ses sentiments (XX, Bk. xv, 413).

TSl£maque*s powerful persuasion is due primarily to the truth revealed through his reasoning, not to his own per- « son or to the "grace" of his words. This truth is inspired by Minerva* "...mais en applaudissant, chacun StonnS tournait les yeux vers le fils d'Ulysses, et on croyait voir reluire en lui la sagesse de Minerve qui 11inspirait"

(XX, Bk. xv, 413),

In a minor speech to several kings who wish to put the traitor Acanthe to death, TelSmaque is described as speaking with authority and vehemence, This speech dif­ fers from the preceding one in its use of short exclam­ atory sentences which have no sustained logical connection, and in the use of figurative speech comparing the proposed action to the behavior of "loups cruels" or shepherds who shear and flay their flocks instead of preserving them.

His words have their effect*

TllSmaque disait ces paroles avec une autoritS et une vShSmence qui entrainait les coeurs. et qui couvrait de honte les auteurs d'un si lache con- scil (XX, ri:. xv, 415). 230 Tel&naque's final major speech is made before the

assembled army leaders to persuade them to leave intact the

lands of the defeated Daumiens and to give them as king

one of their ovm famous captains. T5l£maque's arguments

consist of calmly stated reasons for pursuing such a

policy, proposed with no element of self-interest, and

appealing to his audience's sense of justice and modera­

tion. His wisdom and authority have their effect*

* Pendant que TSlSmaque parlait ainsi, avec une autoritS qu'on n'avait"jamais vue en nul autre, et que tous les princes, StonnSs et en suspens, admiraient la sagesse de ses conseils,.,(XX, Bk, xvi, 446).

The speech contains two figurative expressions* ''vos

prosperites se dissiperont comme la fumSe" and "ils sont

le jouet des nations"* but it is otherwise devoid of un­

usual or striking constructions.

It can be seen that nearly all of the speeches in

TSl€maque. whether private or public, which move the aud­

ience contain as their chief persuasive element "sagesse",

that is, appeals to reason and sense of virtue. The wisdom

contained in the speeches is often felt by the listener

to be divinely inspired. Additional persuasive elements in

the form of painted scenes, emotional appeals or figurative

expressions, all of which would-stem from human artful­

ness, are very nearly absent. On the other hand, speeches

.which "charn" the listener ar^ most often those which 231 recite past adventures and contain vivid descriptions of situations, places and actions. Although such adventures have a didactic aim, that aim is felt to be secondary to the aim of giving pleasure, or at least, the didactic aim is less directly revealed than in those speeches which

"move",

A comparison of Fenelon's theoretical remarks on style and his handling of speeches in TSlSmaoue indicate that FSnelon very consciously sought to distinguish be­ tween the functions of various styles. In the speeches which Mentor addresses to TelSinaque, Mentor speaks "d'une fagon abaissee et familiSre, pour instruire", to use the phrase from the "Projet de rhStorique", TfilSmaque's reactions are not described in any one particular way.

The narrators of past adventures speak "d'une fagon douce, gracieuse et insinuante, pour faire aimer la veritS."

The truths contained in these passages are taught indirect­ ly* the listener is charmed by their pleasurable form,

Major public speeches are.spoken "d'une fagon grande et vShSmente, quand on a besoin d'entraJner les hommes, et de les arracher 8. leurs passions," Both TfilSmaque and

Mentor in their major public speeches are able to turn an entire people from one course of action based on fear or hate and set them on a new path guided by reason and virtue.

The variety of styles within a single discourse, recommended in the Dialogues sur 1'Eloquence, is not 232

apparent in the speeches in Tel&maque, due perhaps to

the fact that all of the speeches are relatively short

compared to a sermon or other full-length public speech.

T6l§maque taken as a whole, however, does contain the

variety of styles sought by "A",

Fgnelon's use of similes and metaphors is for the most part limited to narrative passages. Few such ex­ pressions, it has been seen, appear in the public add­ resses, or in Mentor's didactic speeches to TSlSmaque,

In the remainder of this chapter we shall be concerned primarily with the kinds of similes found in the narra­ tive parts of the novel and with their function.

A compilation of similes used in TSlSmaque reveals that their total number is relatively small compared to the length of the novel, and that their distribution throughout the work is uneven, suggesting that FSnelon was aware of the dangers of excessive ornamentation, and that he chose his expressions with a specific purpose in mind.

In TSlSmaque. as in the other works we have seen, the range of similes as far as subject-matter is concerned

is not great. Several similes occur two or more times.

The most frequently used ones describe human character­

istics in animal terms, focusing on qualities of movement, unreasonable and uncontrolled emotion, strength or physical

formt 233 Mentor in battle ist

...semblable S. un lion de Numidie que la cruelle faim dSvore, et qui entre dans un troupeau de faibles brebis,..(Bk, i, 19)•

T§lSmaque, under the spell of Venus, describes his statet

...je rugissais comme un lion, dans ma fureur... (Bk. iv, 78).

In other passages Tellmaque utters criesi

...semblables aux rugissements d'un lion (Bk. vi, 131)

...semblable S, une b6to en fureur (Bk, vii, 16*0.

In his distress TelSmaque runsi

...semblable 8. une biche qu'un chasseur a blessSe (Bk. iv, 79).

Timocrate and ProtSsilas arei

...comme une lionne 8 qui on vient d,arracher ses petits (Bk, xii, 32*0.

Achilles and Philoct&te go into combatj

...comme deux lions qui cherchent ensemble leur proie (31c. xii, 327).

TelSmaque seeks out the enemy in battlei

...tel qu'un sanglier Scumant qui cherche le chasseur par lequel il a StS blessS (Bk. xiii, 333).

In hand to hand combat, TSlSmaque and Hippias aret

, comme deux bStes cruelles qui cherchent 8 se dSchirer (Bk. xiii, 33*1).

The soldiers hear T§lSmaquei

...rugir comme un lion furieux (Bk, xiii, 33?)•

Adraste in battle is like a

...tigre 8 qui des bergers assembles arrachent sa proie (3k. xiii, 35**-). 234

Or when he withdraws from battle he ist

...semblable fi, un lion affaml, qui, ayant etS repousse d'une bergerie, s'en retourne dans les sombres forets et rentre dans sa caverne, o& il aiguise ses dents et ses griffes, attendant le moment favorable pour §gorger tous les troupeaux,..(Bk, xiv, 368 - 9),

Adraste's and Philoct&te's eyes flash in combatt

...comme ceux d'un lion et d'un lSopard qui cherchent i se dechirer l'un 1'autre dans les campagnes qu'ar- rose le Caistre (Bk. xv, 427),

Greedy, self-serving kings are*

...comme des loups dSvorants (Bk, xiv, 387).

A prosperous city in the midse of a poor kingdomt

...ressemble & un monstre dont la tete est d'une gros- seur enorme et dont tout le corps, extSnue et prive de nourriture, n'a aucune proportion avec cette tete (Bk. xvii, 459).

Chariot wheels turn so fast that they appear1

...immobiles comme les ailsd'un aigle qui fend les airs (Bk. v, 100).

Venus advancest

...d'une demarche douce et legfcre, comme le vol rapide d'un oiseau qui fend l'espace immense des airs (Bk. viii, 179). The Bruttiens are*

...legers Si la course comme les cerfs et comme les daims (Bk. ix, 204),

T§l6maque's impetuous nature makes himt ...semblable Si un coursier fougueux qui bondit dans les vastes prairies, que ni les rochers escarpSs, ni les prScipices, ni les torrents n'arretent, qui ne con- nait que la voix et la main d'un seul homme capable de le dompter (Bk. xiii, 331).

Adraste escapest 235 ...comme un oiseau, d'une aile leg&re, Schappe aux filets des chasseurs (Bk. xiii, 355)•

In the Underworld the Soupqons:

voltigeaient...comme des hiboux dans la nuit (Bk. xiv, 386).

Inachus' walkt

,,.ressemble au vol d'un oiseau (Bk, xiv, *K)0).

TelSmaque springs on P6riandret

...avec la rapiditS d'un aigle qui fend l'air (Bk, xv, ^22) . Minerva moves through the airj

...comme un oiseau le fend de ses ailes (Bk. xviii, 515).

Other animals appearing in similes are the serpentj

in the wrestling match the contestants' arms are "entre-

lacSs comme des serpents" (Bk. v, 98): flattery "se glisse

comme un serpent" (Bk. xvii, ^89)t Calypso's words "se glisseront comme un serpent sous les fleurs" (Bk. i, 9)j

the bear, sheep, lambs, beasts of burden, the stag, fawn

and ants.

Human characteristics are associated with plant life.

Young TSlSmaque is*

...comme un jeune arbrisseau encore tendre, qu'on plie pour le redresser (Bk. iii, ^7).

Mentor's courage makes himi

...tel qu'un grand arbre que tous les vents conjurSs attaquent et qui demeure immobile sur ses profondes racines, en sorte que la tempete ne fait qu'agiter ses feuilles (Bk. v, 120),

Tilemaque's pride: 236

...se relevait toujours comme la palme souple se re­ live sans cesse d'elle-meme, quelque effort qu'on fasse pour l'abaisser (Bk. xiii, 331).

Other heros, compared to Hercules, are only likei

...les faibles roseaux auprfcs d'un grand chene (Bk, xii, 308).

Plant similes are invoked most often where death oc­ curs.

Enemy soldiers fall in battlei

...comme les feuilles, dans les derniers jours de l'au- tomne, tombent des f'orets, quand un fier aquilon, ramenant l'hiver, fait gemir les troncs des vieux arbres et en agite toutes les branches (Bk. xiii, 352).

IphiclSs is*

...comme une fleur qui s'Spanouit dans un champ et qui doit etre coupSe par le tranchant de la faux du moissonneur (Bk, xiii, 353).

Idom6n5e sacrifices his young son, who is describedj

...tel qu'un beau lis au milieu des champs, coup£ dans sa racine par le tranchant de la charrue, lan- guit et ne se soutient plus (Bk. v, 95).

In the same passage he is further describedi

...comme une jeune, et tendre fleur, est cruellement moissonn§e dSs son premier Sge (Bk, v, 96).

Arclsius speaks to T6l£maque of life's brevity»

Ainsi les hommes passent comme les fleurs, qui s'e- panouissent le matin et qui, le soir, sont flStries et foulSes aux pieds (Bk. xiv, 39*0.

Nestor's valiant captains fall in battlei

.,.comme les Spis dor6s, pendant la moisson, tombent sous la faux tranchante d'un infatigable moissonneur (Bk. xv. 426). 237 When Pisistrate is struck down*

...son teint se fl£trit comme une fleur que la main d'une Nymphe a cueillie dans les pres (Bk. xv, 426).

Nestor's grief and old age oppress his heart:

,..comme la pluie abat et fait languir, le soir, une fleur qui itait, le matin, pendant la naissance de l'aurore, la gloire et l'ornement des vertes cam- pagnes (Bk, xvi, 437).

Tellmaque's facial expression:

...se flStrit comme une belle fleur que les noirs aquilons viennent ternir de leur souffle cruel (Bk. xvi, 448). In other plant similes, Calypso towers above her nymphs:

...comme un grand chene dans une foret 6l&ve ses branches epaisses au-dessus de tous les arbres qui 1'environnent (Bk. i, 6).

Old men who are set in their v/ays are:

...semblables aux arbres dont le tronc rude et noueux s'est endurci par le nombre des annSes (Bk. xiii, 342),

Hippias falling in battle makes a horrible noise like: ...un grand ch£ne du mont Ida, que la hache a coupe par mille coups, dont toute la foret a retenti (Bk. xiii, 335).

Occasionally the simile develops into an extended analogy in which the figurative term is developed for its own sake and the literal term is temporarily forgot­ ten, The inclined head of the wounded Pisistrate:

,..ressemblait fi, un jeune arbre, qui ayant couvert la terre de son ombre et pouss§ vers le ciel ses rameaux fleuris, a 6ti entaml par le tranchant de la cognSe d'un bftcheron: il ne tient plus 2L la racine ni 3. la terre, mfcre fSconde qui nourrit les tiges 238 dans son sein» il languit, sa verdure s'efface* il ne peut plus se soutenir, il tombet ses rameaux, qui cachaient le ciel, trainent sur la poussi£re, flStris et dess£ches» il n'est plus qu'un tronc abattu et d§pouill£ de toutes ses graces (Bk, xvi, 1*39). IdomenSe in his grief is* ...semblable 5. un grand arbre qui couvre la terre de 1*ombre de ses rameaux Spais- e t dont un ver commence 8. ronger la tige dans les canaux d§li§s otl le sfcve coule pour sa nourriture* cet arbre, que les vents n'ont jamais SbranlS, que la terre fSconde se plaSt & nourrir dans son sein et que la hache du laboureur a toujours respecto, ne laisse pas do languir sans qu'on puisse dScouvrir la cause de son malj il se flStrit, il se dSpouille do ses feuilles, qui sont sa gloirej il ne montre plus qu'un tronc couvert d'une Scorce entrouverte et des branches sfcches: tel parut Idomlnle dans sa douleur (Bk. xvii, **83). The city of Salente is described ast ,,,cette ville naissante, semblable & une jeune plante, qui, ayant et§ nourrie par la douce ros£e de la nuit, sent, dfcs le matin, les rayons du soleil qui viennent l'embellir* elle crolt, elle ouvre ses tendres bou- tons, elle 6tend ses feuilles vertes, elle Spanouit ses fleurs odorifSrantes avec mille couleurs nou- velles: 5. chaque moment qu'on la voit, on y trouve un nouvel Sclat (Bk. viii, 186 ),2 2

A third large category of similes draws its figurative terms from water and topographical features. The char­ acteristic most often described relates to imposing forces in nature* torrential rivers, tall mountains, the ocean’s vastness or constant ebb and flow.

Mentor prophesies that barbarians w ill come: ...comme un torrent du haut des montagnes pour inonder votre ville (Bk. i, 17). T8l£maque in the clutches of evil is: 239 ...comme la mer, qui est le jouet de tous les vents contraires (Bk. vi, 130). Great conquerors* . , . ,re3semblent 8. ces fleuves d§bord£s qui paraissent majestueux, mais qui ravagent toutes les fertiles campagnes qu'ils devraient seulement arroser (Bk. vii, 172). ProtSsilas* arrogance falls* ...comme un rocher qui se dStache du sommet d'une montagne escarpfce (Bk, xi, 292). Philocl&s ignores H8g§sippe's entreaties* ...semblable 8 un rocher contre lequel les vents com- battent en vain et o& les vagues vont se briser en gSmissant (Bk. xi, 298). Ulysses is* ...semblable & un rocher, qui, sur le sommet d'une montagne,* se joue de la fureur des vents et laisse Spuiser leur rage, pendant qu'il demeure immobile (Bk. xiii, 324). TSlSmaque's passions are* ...sucpendue comme un torrent arrSte par une forte digue (Bk. xiii, 332). The burning of th e camp makes a noise* ...semblable 8 celui d'un torrent qui inonde touto une campagne et qui entralne par sa rapidity les grands chenes avec leurs profondes racines, les moiBSons, les granges, les Stables et les troupeaux (Bk, xiii, 345). TelSmaque moves rapidly about in the burning camp* ...semblable 8. un fleuve impStueux gui, non seulement roule avec precipitation ses flots ecumeux, mais qui entraJne encore dans sa course les plus pesants vaisseaux dont il est charg§ (Bk. xiii, 352). In the Underworld, the noise of the flame is* ... semblable 8 celui des torrents les plus imi;8tueux quand ils s'Slancent des plus hauts rochers dans le 24o fond des abimes (Bk. xiv, 379). The flow of the generations of men is» ...comme les ondes d*un fleuve rapide (Bk. xiv, 39*0. The true genius who leads the state is always ready to struggle against fortunei ...comme un nageur contre le torrent de l*eau (Bk. xvii, 467).

Certain water similes belong to religious imagery. In the Champs -Elysees a div-ine "something" flows through the hearts of the inhabitants! ...comme un torrent de la divinite meme (Bk. xiv, 391). Happinesoi ...fa it comme un flux et un reflux dans ces fimes unies (Bk. xiv, 391). Eternal reason isi ...comme un grand ocSan de lumifcret nos esprits sont comme de petits ruisseaux qui en sortent et qui y retournent pour s'y perdre (Bk. iv, 85). Mentor*s words flow* ...comme un fleuve de sagesse (Bk, xi, 306).

S till other similes are based on objects in naturei wind, lightning, fire, rays of light, hail: on the illusion of dreams: on mythological figures. Relatively few are based on objects belonging to civilization, or to the arts. Greatness is compared to: ...certains verres qui grossissent tous les objets (Bk. x, 245). 241 The army camp in i t s co n stern atio n ic» ...comme une maison desolSe qui vient de perdre un pSre de famille, l'appui de tous ses proches ct la douce espSrance de ses petits enfants (Bk, xiii, 339). Philoct&te's heart isi ...semblable S. un vase prScieux, mais fSle, d'ofc s'icoulent toutes les liqueurs les plus d§licieuses (Bk. xiii, 340). The fu n eral pyret ...ressemble & un bStiment regulier (Bk. xiii, 3^1). The wild boar attacks Antiope's horse* ...semblable aux pesantes machines qui Cbranlent les m u railles des p lus f o rte s v ill e s (Bk. x v ii, 481), An "esprit SpuisS" is "comme la lie du vin" (Bk, xvii, 465). As too much authority poisons kings* ...le luxe empoisonne toute la nation (Bk. xvii, 461), In an extended comparison, Mentor compares good government to music's harmony and to architecture's "justes propor­ tions" (Bk. xvii, 465-7).

The above sim ile s from TSlSmaque rev eal se v e ra l ch ar­ acteristics of FSnelon's thought and practice. Most of them are drawn from the world of nature as opposed to the artificial world of man. Since for FSnelon the concept of le naturel, one of the underlying principles of his aesthet­ ics, was often closely associated in meaning with JLa nature, it is not surprising to find in his works a preponderance of such similes. The classical principle of "peindre d'aprSs 242 nature" is illustrated in TSl&naque both in the literal way the novel presents simple persons living in a natural setting and in a figurative way by comparing human attrib­ utes and behavior to elements found in the external world of nature devoid of man's artifices.^ Many of FSnelon's similes are borrowed from classical sources and from the Bible, illustrating the extent to which FSnelon fused the classical world of the Greeks and the Biblical world of the Old and New Testaments. The passage describing the gods assembled around Jupiter's throne exemplifies this tendency. Here the insignificance of the world of mortals as viewed from the vantage point of the gods recalls the hymn to divine grandeur as sung by Isaiah, whose figurative language in these verses FSne- lon specifically praises in the Dialogues sur l 16loquence (XXI, 92). In TfilSmaque we readt

De ce lieu, les dieux aper$oivent les astres qui roulent sous leurs piedst ils voient le globe de la terre comme un petit amaB de boue: les mers immenses ne leur paraissent que comme des gouttes d'cau dont ce morceau de boue est un peu dStrerapS: les plus grands royaumes ne sont & leurs yeux qu'un peu de sable (XX, Bk. viii, 1?8).

In Isaiah 40:12-15 we read*

Qui a mesur€ dans sa main l'eau de la mer et SvaluS les dimensions des cieux?,,..Voici les nations sont comme une goutte au bord d'un seaul Elies valent un grain de poussi&re dans la balance,25 The comparison of the shepherd and his flock with the king and his people, which occurs in five passages (x,264* xiv, 387 * xv, ^15t xvi, *J43t xviii, 502-3), re­ calls many similar scriptural images. The comparisons of the virtuous king's name with a "parfum dSlicieux" re­ calls the expression "bonne odeur" of Christ, which appears in several sermons.2^ The similes involving lions and other rapacious animals, appearing particularly in battle narrative, recall like comparisons found in battle episodes in the Iliad. Similes occur in twice as great density in Books xiii-xviii of Tglemaoue as they do in the first twelve books. The conscious or unconscious imitation of Homer appears to manifest itself here, also, since the last six books contain, like the Iliad, relatively more battle scenes, while the first twelve books, like the Odyssey, relate the voyages of their respective heros.2^ Similes are often closely spaced appearing in clust­ ers of two or three* thus T£l£maque is described accord­ ing to his natural inclinations in terms of the supple palm tree, a "coursier fougueux", and a "torrent arr§tS par une forte digue." In another passage the enemy sold­ iers fall in battle like leaves in autumn* one of them is compared to a flower that blooms and is cut down by the sickle. The passing of time is the subject of another cluster of similes involving the passing of flowers, the 2 flow of the river, and pleasures that v a n is h like a beauti­ ful dream. The greatest concentration of similes appears at the end of the novel when Mentor is transformed into Minerva, Such clusters of similes appear along with, and give added force to, some of FSnelon's favorite themesi the domination of human passions, the transitory nature of th in g s human, the grandeur of things divine. The kinds of similes used in TglSmaaue differ from those found in FSnelon's other works. The proportion of similes based on elements in nature is much greateri those based on health/sickness, wearing apparel, and fam­ ily and household are much fewer. The latter categories, which comprised a significant proportion of the similes found in the previous works studied, by belonging to the familiar everyday world of Fgnelon's audience, illustrate didactic points which Fenelon wishes to make. Their pres­ ence is functional rather than decorative. The great num­ ber of nature similes in TglSmaque. however, some of which such as those based on the lion, leopard or palm tree, are exotic for the French audience, appeal to the reader's imagination more than to his reason. They serve to vivify certain actions and to intensify the pathetic element of certain scenes. Their presence is functional also, but in a less direct way. Their appeal to the imagination and to feeling provides a certain pleasure which makes the in­ structional aspect of the work more palatable. These similes 2^5 contribute to the poetic qualities of the work. Even the extended plant similes cited above, which the author seems to develop slowly for the sheer pleasure provided by such poetic activity, remain within the bounds of credibility, however, and contribute to the thought or feeling con­ tained in the passage rather than detracting as excessive ornamentation. To summarize, we can say that Fgnelon favors the simile, often in the extended form it had in the Homeric epics, as a figurative device. He chooses his similes for their functional value which may be instructional, imagin­ ative or pathetic. Instructional similes aimed at reason tend to predominate in the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence, and the Dialogues des morts. A greater number of poetic sim­ iles appear in TElEmaaue. being concentrated for the most part in the latter third of the novel in which major bat­ tle episodes involving TElemaque are narrated. This phen­ omenon parallels the frequency with which similes appear in the Iliad, suggesting conscious or unconscious imitation on FEnelon's part. Similes occur more frequently in nar­ rative passages than in discourse, without being entirely absent from the latter. Images appearing in the sermons vary in emphasis from one sermon to another according to the primary aim of the sermoni instructional in the case of the "Sacre de l*Electeur de Cologne"! persuasive in the case of the 2 46 "Sermon pour la F§te de l'Epiphanie," Concerning style, F6nelon*s style cannot be so easily characterized as some literary historians would have it, The sermons in partic­ ular show a variety and fusion of styles t familiar in the conversational tones, moderate in the scone-painting passages, grand in the epic visions and emotional appeals. Sentence structure, too, in the sermons and in Tel6maque. offers numerous examples of the "phrase courte et alerte", along with the "phrase mollc et entrainante", which gener­ ally characterize FSnelon's style. 2 4 ? FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER V

■^Gustave Lanson, L'Art de la Prose (Paris, 1908), p. 114-, 2 Andrew Michael Ramsay saysi Le style du Tglgmaque est poli, net, coulant, magni- fique,...Toutes ses pSriodes remplissent l*oreille par leur nombre et leur cadencet Rien ne choque, point de mots durs, point de termes abstraits, ni de tours affectSs, Les images de notre pobte sont aussi par.- faites, que son style est harmonieux, "Discours de la po6sie 6pique et de 1'excellence du po&me de TSlemaguc" (XX, lxxx).

Gustave Lansonj

. .,|sa prose; se rhy thme... en membres distincts de sept, huit, neuf*, dix syllabes, rarement de plus. La m§lodie du vocabulaire et des groupes de mots, assembles pros- que sans hiatus, est douce, voire douce&tro, agr^able- ment monotone, Avec F6nelon commence les cadences molles de.la phrasei l'harmonie consiste 21 bannir les cuivres de l'orchestre de style, et toutes les sonorites fortes. La phrase s'arrondit par des ad- jectifs, prolongis parfois en comparaisons. Art de la Prose, p, 116,

Ely Carcassonnet

FSnelon,,,n'a pas un style tout uni,,,,FSnelon a la limpidite et l'aisance, la sobri§tS ou l’abondance H volontS, Sa phrase prend souvent de l'ampleur, sans devenir piriodique: ce n'est pas une construction 6tag6e et savante, mais un flot qui s'Spanche librement,,,,les longueurs ou les bri&vet5s semblent Sgalement naturelles,

En g§n§ral, son style n*est pas si "trainant" que l'ont dit, aprfcs Voltaire, des critiques plus familiers avec TelSmaoue qu'avec ses Scrits de controverse et de spirituality, pynelon. 1*homme et I 1oeuvre (Paris, 1946), p. 104.

Antoine Adami

Le style de TyiSmaque offrait I'exeraple de cette beaut! naturelle et d'apparence nygligye, Sa grltce, sa fluidity, son yiygance aimable enchanterent les contemporains....l'art de FSnelon, dans ce livre, continue do slduire encoro d'excellents osprits.

Trop de mollesse se discerne dans le style, et trop 248

d'indecision. FSnelon n'a pour dlcrire que des 6pi- th&tes banales, que de comparaisons empruntees 5. la polsie grecque ou latine, au point de donner par- fois 1 'exasperante impression qu'il fait une sorte de centon d'Komlre et de Virgile,

II Stait, comme Lamartine, Strangement dSpourvu du don de voir les choses...,dans son style trop aim- able, dans la molle musiaue de ses phrases, dans la grlce trompeuse de ses recits, Histoire de la JLittS- rature franoaise au XVIIe sifecle. V, 175-67

■^'Laplupart des gens qui veulent faire de beau discours cherchent sans choix Igalement partout la pompe des parolesj ils croient avoir tout fait, pourvu qu'ils aient fait un amas de grands mots et de pensees vaguest ils ne songent qu'3. charger leurs discours d'ornements ,,,La veritable eloquence n'est grande et sublime que quand il faut l'etre"(XXI, 79).

"Saint Ambroise suit aussi quelquefois la mode de son temps: il donne 3. son discours les ornements qu'on estimait alors, Peut-etre meme que ces grands hommes qui avaient des vues plus hautes que les rfegles communes de I 1eloquence, se conformaient au godt du temps pour faire ecouter avec plaisir la parole de Dieu, et pour insinuer les verites de la religion" (XXI, 112).

In the "Projet de rhStorique" we read a similar pass­ age: "On en juge pair quelque metaphor dure de Ter- tullien, par quelque periode enflle de Saint-Cyprien, par quelque endroit obscur de Saint Ambroise, par quelque antithSse subtile et rimle de Saint Augustin, par quelques jeux de mots de Saint Pierre-Chrysologue, Mais il faut avoir Igard au gotit depravS des temps oh les Pfcres ont v5cu,,,.les P3res, instruits par les mauvais rhlteurs de leurs temps, Itaient entralnls dans le prSjugl universel, c'est 3 quoi les sages mimes ne rlsistent presque jamais" (XXI, 182-3),

%lnelon in discussing neindre is perhaps thinking of Quintilian's enargeia," which he defines as a technique which "makes us seem not so much to narrate as to exhib­ it the actual scene, while our emotions will be no less actively stirred than if we were present at the actual occurrence." Institutio Oratoria. VI, ii, 32. £ In a single paragraph we find:

"...le plus sage et le plus modlrl d'entre eux, Achille, 2^9 quoique invincible et invulnerable,. .il portat la terreur et la mort....Ulyssc,,.a port£ la flamme et le fer,,,,une valeur discrete et pr§- voyante,,, ,un courage bouillant et farouche*' (XX, Bk. ix, 199).

•7 fEly Carcassonne, Etat present des travaux sur Fenelon (Paris, 1939). g "...il est vrai que dans ma jeunosse, et pendant la plus grande par tie de ma vie, j'ai suivi la vie active et laborieuse de ceux que Platon appelle "politiques": mais quand j'ai vu que ma patrie avait change de face, et que je ne pouvais plus lui §tre utile par les grands emjjlois, j'ai cherche 2L la servir par les sciences, et je me suis retire dans mes maisons de •campagne pour m'adonnor 2t la contemplation et & 1 *etude de la veritS" (XIX, 256), Q ^Demosthenes sayst l’u occupais l'assemblee de toi-meme* et moi je ne l'occupais que des affaires dont je parlais. On t 'admirait: et moi j'6tais oubliS par mes auditeurs, qui ne voyaient que lc parti que je voulais leur faire prendre, Tu rSjouissais par les traits de ton espritt et moi je frappais, j'‘abbattais, j'attorrais par des coups de foudre, Tu faisais dire: Ah', qu'il parle biert! et moi je faisais dire: Allons, marchons contre Philippe. Cn te louait: on Stait trop hors de soi pour me louer quand je haranguais. Tu parais- sais orne: on ne decouvrait en moi aucun ornementj il n'y avait dans mes priSres que des raisons pr£~ cises, fortes, claires, ensuite des mouvements sem- blables & des foudres auxquels on ne pouvait r 6sister, Tu as £t§ un orateur parfait quand tu as §t§ comme moi, simple, grave, austere, sans art apparent, en un mot, quand tu as 8t§ DSmosth£nique: et lorsqu'on a senti en tes discours 1 'esprit, le tour et l'art, alors tu n'Stais que CicSron, t'iloignant de la perfection autant que tu t'Sloignais de mon caractSre" (XIX, 25^-5).

*°This is the expression used by Marguerite Haillant in FSnelon et la Predication, p, 151.

^ J . Truchet, Six Conferences, pp. 35-^2. 1 2 See B. Dupriez, FSnelon et la Bible. Les Origines du mysticisme fgnelonien CBloud et Gay, 1961).

13Cf. Psalm 18:15,

1/+Cf. Psalm 68:1-2. 250 ■^This is my own lineation,

^Pinch documents this point extensively, citing Terras- son, Pons, Sacy, La Motte, Montesquieu, DuBos among others. See The Sixth Sense, pp. 318-321,

^"II sentait la v£rit6 de ses paroles,” 1 8 Once Idom6n£e is "charmS" by Mentor's speech {XX, Bk, viii, 190)t TelSmaque is "touchS" by Mentor's words (XX, Bk, viii, 19b). ^The final speech beginst "Fils d'Ulysse, Scoutez-moi pour la derni&re fois, Je n'en ai instruit aucun mortel autant que vous,,..Je vous ai montrS, par des experiences sensibles, les vraies ct les fausses maximes,,.." (XX, Bk, xviii, 515). 20 This is the case when later in the second passage, TSlS- maque listens while Mentor talks to Hasael of the "pre­ miere puissance" that formed heaven and earthi "Quoique je ne comprisse point encore parfaitement la profonde sa-* gesse de ces discours, je ne laissais pas d'y goflter je ne sais quoi .de pur et de sublime* mon coeur en Stait SchauffS et le veritS me semblait reluire dans toutes ses paroles" (XX, 3k, iv, 85). 21 Cf. the resemblance to Saint Augustine's descriptions of the effects of speech as related by FSnelon in the Dialogues sur l'Sloouence and the "Projet de rhctorique", 22 One cannot but be struck by the rhythm of the sentences in these three similes, whose syntactical constructions are so similar, and in which rhythm and meaning are so closely joined. In each passage the figurative term is introduced and followed by a fairly lengthy relative clause containing the essential characteristic being compared. The author returns to the figurative term and in a series of three or four gradually lengthening independent clauses, describes the successive phases of the analogy. In the passage* "...il languit, sa verdure efface, il ne peut plus se soutenir, il tombe", we feel the hero's last feeble effort to sustain him­ self before falling* likewise the passage* "...elle croft, elle ouvre ses tendres boutons, elle §tend ses feuilies vertes, elle Spanouit ses fleurs odorif€rantes avec mille couleurs nouvelles" captures in its swelling rhy­ thms the expanding plant whose growth finally spills over into profuse blossoms and fragrance, 251 Such passages, for their qualities of clarity and harm ony, can be compared to the description of various river channels on Calypso's islandt "Les divers canaux/ qui formaient ces Jles/ semblaient se .iouer/ dans la campagnei/ les uns roulaient leurs eaux claires/ avec rapidity/ d'autres par de longs d§tours,/ revenaient sur leurs pas,/ comme pour remonter vers leur source,/ et semblaient ne pouvoir quitter/ ces bords enchantis" (XX, Bk. i, 7), of which Finch says: "Here music of words and of thought are identical, the limpid serenity- of the scene unfolds in serenely limpid language, unaf­ fected, exquisitely economical, strangely moving," The Sixth Sense, p. 46,

^Albert ChSrel establishes the semantic relationship between the terms le naturel and la nature as used by FSnelon in his article "L'luee du naturel et le senti­ ment de la nature chez FSnelon", Revue d'histoire littSraire franoaise, XVIII (1918 r, 6l0-8267 24 The ease with which Fenelon is able to fuse these two worlds is -made apparent in the Dialogues sur 1 * Elo­ quence where 'VA" explains their similarity! "Ce sont presque les memes cofltumes, les memes narrations, les memes images des grandes choses, les memes mouvements" (XXI, ?2). 2*5 -'La Sainte Bible, traduit en frangais sous la direction de l'Ecole biblique de Jerusalem (Parisi Editions du Cerf, 1961), 26 "Sermon pour Epiphanie" (XVII,182 )1 "Sermon pour la Fete de Sainte ThSr&se" (XVII,263 )« "Sermon pour la F§te d'un Martyr" (XVII, 279)•

^The Iliad contains nearly two hundred long similes and about thirty short-onesi the Odyssey contains about forty long and fifteen short. About three-fourths of all similes in the Iliad occur in battle narratives. Charles Rowan 3eye, The Iliad, the Odyssey and the Epic Tradition (New York, 1966), p. 105. T§l8maque contains about one hundred long and fifty short. CONCLUSION

We have seen to what an extent observations on rhet­ oric are scattered throughout P§nelon's work, and in what ways FSnelon tries to practice the rhetorical principles he lays down. In Chapter I we have defined FSnelon's con­ cept of rhetoric, found examples of demonstrative and de­ liberative speeches in his works, and shown what rhetorical models he preferred. The most important element of true rhetoric for him was moral trutht rhetoric which is based on any other aim than to improve the audience is false and should be banned. Pleasure, which may stem from the thought, the words or the emotional response, is admissible, but it

Ghould remain secondary to the larger aim,

FSnelon's condemnation of that false rhetoric which seeks primarily to please through inappropriate ornamenta­ tion, or to serve the speaker's own interests, is his res­ ponse to the deteriorated state of rhetoric as he viewed it in his ov/n day. He sees a parallel between the practice of many of his contemporaries and that of the Sophists of ancient Greece, which stresses form and style over truthj and he urges a return to the simple, natural style of Plato, De­ mosthenes, and the mature Cicero, His praise of Homer and

252 253 Virgil for the same reasons reveals the close relationship which rhetoric and poetry had for FSnelon and his contemp­ oraries. In establishing the moral basis of rhetoric Flne- lon seeks the authority of Plato,

F§nelon finds in Cicero the traditional means of achieving rhetoric's final aim, substituting the term paint­ ing for Cicero's middle term pleasing. Rhetoric seeks to persuade, then, by means of proving, or the use of logical appeals* by painting, or appeals to the imagination* and by moving, or appeals to the emotions.

In FSnolon's day, the traditional branches of judicial and deliberative oratory had lost much of their importance. Demonstrative oratory in the form of pulpit oratory re­ mained the most1 important branch. This is the branch which FSnelon practices most* we can see, however, examples of deliberative speeches in T§l€maque, Several examples of judicial oratory can perhaps be seen in the Dialogues des morts, but it does not occupy an important place in the works we have studied. This is due, perhaps, to the fact that Flnelon had not prior to 1696, by which date the fables, the Dialogues des morts and TSlSmaque had all been written, included legal pleadings in his pupil's study program .1 Examples of traditional elements of deliberative and demonstrative discourse have been pointed out, such as the use of various kinds of topics as sources of argument, and the relationship between demonstrative oratory and

the written Eloge which we find in TElEmaoue. We can see,

too, that FEnelon's own sermons fall into a hierarchy of genres ranging from the simple, didactic form appropriate

for the regular Sunday mass to the more elevated panegyric

for special occasions, FEnelon warns specifically in re­ gard to the panegyric against the dangers of false rhet­

oric.

The finest models of rhetoric are to be found ultimate­ ly in the Bible and the writings of the Church Fathers, des­ pite the occasionally corrupt form of the latter, FEne­ lon's predilection for the latter once again emphasizes his view that substance is of much greater inportance than expression.

In Chapter II, v/e have seen how FEnelon's portrait of the ideal orator as presented in the Dialogues sur 1* Elo­ quence comes to life in the orator/statesmen of TElEmaque, and how Fenelon's study program for the Due de Bourgogne aimed to produce a similar person to be the future king.

The orator, for FEnelon, was more than a public speaker? he was a teacher and public leader whose essential qualities were dEs intEressement, a general knowledge of the history and customs of one's country, and a concerned understanding of one's people. The moral character of the orator is a powerful persuasive force in itself? it should make itself manifest in the orator's speech. 255 In addition to the ethical appeal inherent in the orator's person, the orator must know how to bring about logical conviction in his audience, FSnelon seeks to con­ vince his audience primarily by means of examples, maxims

* and the testimony offered in the form of the Church's his­ tory and unbroken authority. Such appeals to man's common reason are primarily used in the sermons and Tgl6roaque. works aimed at the public at large or at his young pupil. An ex­ ample of dialectical reasoning occurs in the first dialogue on eloquence, and an example of abstract logic appears in the second part of the TraitS de l'Existence de Dieu, Doth of the latter works were composed with a different audience in mind, one more learned than the general public.

Appeals to the imagination and to feeling are necessary adjuncts to ethical and logical appeals. In Chapter III we have seen how FSnelon tried to visualize and to give movement to his subject in order to persuade his audience,

FSnelon's interest in the pedagogical and persuasive poten­ tial of word-painting extends to an interest in the tech­ niques of painting itself. His writings demonstrate his familiarity with a number of painters and their worksj and he judges them primarily on the basis of their life-like representation and the emotional response in the viewer.

The appeal to the imagination to which his concept of painting relates, is closely tied to movement, a term which includes the outward physical movement of the orator 256

or the visible action of an imaginative work, the music which stems from varied speech patterns, and the emotional response to external stimuli. The extent to which the latter takes place in the listener is the measure of effect­

ive persuasion.

In Chapter IV we have tried to show how FSnelon's concern for order, the most important component of his rhetoric, is reflected in his writings. The sermons fol­ low a conventional arrangement consisting of an exordium, two points and a peroration. The merit of his division into two points in that in his sermons the parts are nat­ ural divisions which support and complement each other, and not arbitrary divisions for the sake of form. Other aspects of order which we have seen include F 8nelon's extensive use of "natural" order in the form of chronology, a flexible order as regards the arrangement of smaller units within the total structure of a work, and the pract­ ice of an order in deliberative oratory that first seeks to refute the opposition, followed by arguments for the speaker's own position, and ending with some form of just­ ification for it by the gods.

The major aspect of order as examined here concerns

Fenelon's extensive use of the dialogue, a form which by its nature allows the freedom needed by the speaker in communicating effectively with his audience. The dialogue form provides the possibilities of joining together the 2 5 7 prerequisites to persuasion of flexible order, word de­

piction and dramatic movement. Fenelon's own success in

composing persuasive dialogues is questionable* his theory

proves stronger than its application.

In the last chapter we have seen how different types

of speeches in Tglemaque incorporate in varying degrees

the aims of the three traditional styles of oratory* the

familiar conversations between Mentor and TelSmaque are

primarily instructive* the speeches narrating past adven­

tures "charm" the listener* the more formal speeches de­

livered to large assemblies "move" the audience. The

first two types of speeches move the listener also, but

their primary effect appears to lie elsewhere. In the

sermons, we see a fusion of all three styles and aims.

In contrast to many of Fenelon's contemporaries who

devote large sections of their rhetorics to the discussion

of elocution, including a study of the figurative use of

language, £§nelon chooses not to. He is fully aware of

the power of figures, as his references to the use of

figures by the ancients demonstrate. FSnelon, too, uses

a variety of figurative patterns in making his appeals

to logic, imagination or feeling. One of his favorite

figurative devices is the simile, which he uses for its

functional rather than its decorative value. By its nature

the simile can play an instructive role in discourse since it tends to clarify for the audience the intent of the 258

speaker. By categorizing most of the similes used in

various works, we have tried to show how FEnelon made

the simile serve the particular aim he had in mind in

composing that work. These categories also help show what

traditional resources the writer of Fenelon's day had at

his disposal when searching for an apt expression, and

the "rhetorical*' classification of animals or plants,

for example, for particular aims.

After examining the various ways by which FSnelon seeks to persuade, the question still remains whether or not he actually relied more on one means of persuasion than on another, There is no doubt that FSnelon’s fiction al works, particularly TelSmaque, but the sermons as well, play extensively on the audience's emotions and sensibil­ ities, The emotional response is due to several factorsi the presence of similar emotions in the works (the role of movements is to inspire similar ones in the audience), the use of certain figures which appeal to the emotions, and the presence of harmonious sentence rhythms which play on the reader's sensibilities.

Perhaps the greatest source of emotional persuasion for FSnelon, however, did not lie in the above factors, which are after all the product of human artifice, but in the moral truths themselves, V/e see sometimes in his works that it is sufficient simply to remind the listener of a particular truth for an emotional response to take 259 place. This is often the case in Ttjlctnaaue— -Mentor has

only to remind TSlSmaque of his duty in order for T£l§-

maque to weep or to react in a similarly emotional fash­

ion as he recognizes the truth in question.

Christian truths, likewise, can in and by themselves

prove their own veracity. The preacher has only to make ■

them known:

...la veritable manifcre de prouver la vSrit6 de la religion est de la bien expliquer, Elle se prouve elle-m8me, quand on en donne la vraie idSe, Toutes les autres preuves, qui ne sont pa3 tirSes du fond et des circonstances de la religion meme, lui sont comme £trang£res. Par exemple, la meilleure preuve de la crNation du monde, du d6luge, et des miracles de Mo'ise, c'est la nature de ces miracles et la mani&re dont l'histoire en est 6crite: il ne faut, 2L un homme sage et sans passion, que les lire pour en sentir la veritS (XXI, 105).

Perhaps for the reason that such truths are self-evident

FSnelon tends to de-emphasize the role of logical proofs

in his works, logical proofs, that is, which require

raisonnement as opposed to common sense.

If, however, FSnelon's truths prove and persuade

by themselves, the art of rhetoric should not be necessary,

FEnelon obviously found it was, and the reason for it lay

with the audience. His rhetoric is shaped to a great ex­

tent by his conception of human nature in general and by

' his appraisal of specific audiences in particular. Several

comments shed light on his concept of human nature, In

the TraitS de I1education uon filles, he stales that child­

ren are naturally but little inclined towards the good, 260 and that if they are neglected from their earliest years

they become passionate and restless all their life long.

In the Dialogues sur 1*Eloquence he reminds us that man's

nature is such that God's truths, in order to be compre­

hended, must be clothed in sensory forms. These comments,

added to his unflattering opinion of the general public's

ability to grasp what is said in sermons, or its tendency

to seek pleasure over instruction in the public oratory

of the day, makes it apparent that he held no false illus­

ions concerning the ease by which persuasion might be 2 accomplished. Everything in Fenelon's theory of rhetoric

is conceived of in terms of the audiencet a subject mat­ ter for its edification, an order for its total understand­

ing, appeals to all its faculties for its final persuasion.

The formalistic aspect of rhetoric tends to disappear

in F&nelon's theory, to be replaced by the notion of qual­

ity, whose final criterion is to be found in the simple

Platonic formulat

...un discours n'est Eloquent qu'autant qu'il agit dans l'Ame de l'auditeur (XXI, 40). FOOTNOTES TO CONCLUSION

In a letter written in 1695 from Cambrai to the AbbS Fleury concerning the Due's study program for the rest of that year, F6nelon suggests that readings of legal pleadings be postponed until the following year since the Due's mind is not sufficiently developed and adapt­ ed to reasoning. Corresnondance, II, 353. 2 We are reminded, too, of Socrates' statement in the Dialogues des morts> Un homme ne peut presque rien sur les autres hommes, Les hommes ne peuvent rien sur eux-memes, par l'im - puissance o& l'orgueil et les passions les tiennent: a plus forte raison les hommes ne peuvent-ils rien les uns sur les autrest l'exemple, et la raison in- sinuSe avec beaucoup d'art, font seulement quelque effet sur un fort petit nombre d*hommes mieux nes que les autres, Une r^forme d'une rSpublique me parait enfin impossible, tant jo suis d5sabus£ du genre humain (XXI, 1^-7). APPENDIX

Tel£maque's speech on the question} "lequel des deux est preferable: d'un cote, un roi conquerant et invincible dans la guerret de 1*autre, un roi sans experience de la guerre, mais propre 5. policer sagement les peuples dans la paix" (XX, Bk. v, 10*f f f ).

Un roi qui ne sait gouverner que dans la paix ou dans la guerre, et qui n'est pas capable de conduire son peuple dans ces deux etats, n'es-t qu'H demi roi, Mais si vous compares un roi qui ne sait que la guerre, 5 un roi sage, qui, sans savoir la guerre, est capable de la soutenir dans le besoin par ses gSnSraux, je le trouve pr£fArable II 1'autre. Un roi entifcrement tournS & la guerre voudrait toujours la fairei pour Stendre sa domination et sa gloire propre, il ruinerait ses peuples. A quoi sert-il &. un peuple, que son roi subjugue d'autres nations, si on est malheureux sous son r&gne? D'ailleurs, les longues guerres entraJnent toujours aprSs elles beaucoup de dSsordres: les victorieux memes se dSr&glent pendant ces temps de con­ fusion. Voyez ce q u 'il en cotite 5. la Grfcce pour avoir triomphS de Troiet elle a 6t§ priv£e de ses rois pendant plus de dix ans, Lorsque tout est en feu par la guerre, les lois, 1'agriculture, les arts languissent. Les meilleurs princes memes, pendant qu'ils ont une guerre IL soutenir, sont contraints de faire le plus grand des maux, qui est de tolSrer la licence, et de se servir des mSchants. Com- bien y a-t-il de scSlSrats qu'on punirait pendant la paix, et dont on a besoin de r§compenser l'audace dems les de- sordres de la guerre! Jamais aucun peuple n'a eu un roi conquSrant, sans avoir beaucoup 5. souffrir do son ambition. Un con^uSrant, enivrS de sa gloire, ruine presque autant sa nation victorieuse que les nations vaincues. Un prince qui n'a point les qualitSs nScessaires pour la paix, ne peut faire goflter a ses sujets les fruits d'une guerre heureusement finiet il est comme un homme qui d£fendrait son chamg centre son voisin, et qui usurperait celui du voisin meme, mais qui ne saurait ni labourer ni semer, pour recueillir aucune moisson,' Un tel homme semble nS pour detruire, pour ravager, pour renverser le monde, et non pour rendre un peuple heureux par un sage gouvernement, Z(Z 263 Venons maintenant au roi pacifique. II est vrai qu'il n'est pas propre 8. de grandes oonquites* c'est-8-dire qu'il n'est pas ne pour troubler le bonheur de son peuple, en voulant vainere les autres peuples que la justice ne lui a pas soumis* mais, s'il est v?ritablement propre 8. gouverner en paix, il a toutes les qualit?s n?cessaires pour mettre son peuple en sGret? contre ses ennemis, Voici oommentt II est juste, mod?r? et commode 8 l'egard de ses voisins* il n'entreprend jamais contre eux rien qui puisse troubler sa paix* il est fidfcle dans ses alli­ ances, Ses alli?s l'aiment, ne le craignent point, et ont une enti?re confiance en lui, S'il a quelque voisin inquiet, hautain et ambitieux, tous les autres rois voisins, qui craignent ce voisin inquiet, et qui n'ont aucune ja­ lousie du roi pacifique, se joignent 8 ce bon roi pour 1'empecher d'etre opprim?, Sa probitS, sa bonne foi, sa moderation, le rendent l'arbitre de tous les Etats qui environnent le sien. Pendant que le roi entreprenant est odieux 8 tous les autres, et sans cesse expos? 8 leurs ligues, celui-ci a la gloire d'etre comme le p?re et le tuteur de tou3 les autres rois, Voil8 les avantages qu'il a au dehors, Ceux dont il jouit au dedans sont encore plus solides, Puisqu'il est propre 8 gouverner en paix, je dois supposer qu'il gouverne par les plus sages lois. II retranche le faste, la mollesse, et tous les arts qui ne servent qu'8 flatter les vices* il fait fleurir les autres arts qui sont utiles aux vSritables besoins de la vie* surtout il applique ses sujets 8 1'agriculture. Par 18 il les met dans 1'abondance des choses nScessaires. Ce peuple laborieux, simple dans ses moeurs, accoutum? 8 vivre de peu, gagnant facilement sa vie par la culture de ses terres, se multiplie 8 1*infini, Voil8 dans ce royaume un peuple innombrable, mais un peuple sain, vi- goureux, robuste, qui n'est point amolll par les volupt?s, qui est exerc? 8 la vertu, qui n'est point attach? aux douceurs d'une vie l&che et dSlicieuse, qui sait mSpriser la mort, qui aimqrait mieux mourir que perdre cette libert? qu'il goflte sous un sage roi appliqu? 8 ne rSgner que pour faire r?gner la raison. Qu'un conquSrant voisin attaque ce peuple, il ne le trouvera peut-?tre pas assez accoutum? 8 camper, 8 se ranger en bataille, ou 8 dresser des machines pour assi?ger une ville* mais il le trouvera invincible par sa multitude, par son courage, par sa patience dans les fatigues, par son habitude de souffrir la pauvret?, par sa vigueur dans les combats, et par une vertu que les mauvais succ&s memes ne peuvent abattre, D'ailleurs, si le roi n'est point assez experi­ ment? pour commander lui-meme ses arm?es, il les fera commander par des gens qui en seront capables* et il saura s'en servir sans perdre son autcrit?, Cependant il tirera du secours de ses’alliSs* ses sujets aimeront mieux mourir 264 que de passer sous la domination d'un autre roi violent et injustes les dieux memes combattront pour lui. Voyez quelles ressources il aura au milieu des plus grands perils, Je conclus done que le roi pacifique qui ignore la guerre est un roi tr$s imparfait, puisqu'il ne sait point remplir une de ses plus grandes fonctions, qui est de vaincre ses ennemist mais j'ajoute qu'il est nSanmoins infiniment superieur au roi conqu5rant qui manque des qualites nS- cessaires dans la paix, et qui n 'est‘propre qu'S. la guerre.

Mentor's speech to the assembled Greek chieftains (XX, Bk. ix , 213-4* 221-4)* 0 hommes g6nSrevx, assembles de tant de nations qui fleurissent dans la riche HespSrie, je sais que vous n'etes venus ici que pour 1'intSrSt commun de la liberte. Je loue votre z&le* mais souffrez que je vous repr6sente un moyen facile de conscrver la liberte et la gloire de tous vos peuples, sans repandre le sang humain. 0 Nestor, sage Nestor, que j'aporqois dans cette assemblee, vous n'ignorez pas combien la guerre est funcste S. ceux memes qui l'entre- prennent avec justice, ct sous la protection des dieux. La guerre est le plus grand des maux dont les dieux affli- gent les hommes, Vous n'oublierez jamais ce que les Grecs ont souffert pendant dix ans devant la malheureuse Troie, Quelles divisions entre les chefs! quels caprices de la fortune! quels carnages des Grecs par la main d'Hector! quels malheurs dans toutes les villes les plus puissantes, causes par la guerre, pendant la longue absence de leurs rois! Au retour, les uns ont fait naufrage au promon- toire de CapharSet les autres ont trouvS une mort funeste dans le sein m§me de leurs Spouses. 0 dieux, e'est dans votre col&re que vous arm&tes les Grecs pour cette Sclatante expedition! 0 peuples hespSriens! je prie les dieux de ne ous donner jamais une victoire si funeste. Troie est en cendres, il est vrait mais il vaudrait mioux pour les Grecs, qu'elle ffit encore dans toute sa gloire, et que le lfiche PSris jouit encore en paix de ses inffimes amours avec HSlfcne. Philoct&te, si long-temps malheureux et abandonnS dans l'xle de Lemnos, ne craignez-vous point de retrouver de semblables malheurs dans une semblable guerre? Je sais que les peuples de la Laconic ont senti aussi les troubles causSs par ia longue absence des princes, des capitaines et des soldats qui all&rent contre les Troyens, 0 Grecs, qui avez passS dans l'HespSrie, vous n'y avez tous passS que par une suite des malheurs qui ont §t§ los suites de la guerre de Troie! 265 Si je n'avais que des promesses 8. vous faire, vous pourriez refuser de vous y fieri mais jo vous offre des choses certaines et presentesj Si vous n'etes pas contents d 'a v o ir pour otages TljlSmaque e t moi, je vous fc ra i donner douze des plus nobles et des plus vaillants Cr6tois. Mais il est juste aussi que vous donnioz de votre c8t8 des otages, car Idomenee, qui desire sincfcrement la paix, la dSsire sans crainte et sans bassesse. II d6sire la paix, comme vous dites vous-memes que vous l'avez d8sir§c, par sagesse et par moderation, mais non par I 1amour d'une vie molle, ou par faiblesse 4 la vue des dangers dont la guerre menace les hommes. II est pret 8 p6rir ou 8 vaincre; mais il aimc mieux la paix, que la victoire la plus eclatante. II aurait honte de craindre d'etre vaincut mais il craint d'etre injuste, et il n'a point de honte de vouloir rSparer ses fautes, Les armes a la main, il vous offre la paix» il ne veut point en imposer les conditions avec hauteuri car il ne fait aucun cas d'une paix forc£e. II veut une paix dont tous les partis soient contents, qui finisse toutes les jalousies, qui apaise tous les ressentiments, et qui guSrisse toutes les defiances. En un mot, IdomSnee est dans les sentiments o& je suis stir que vous voudriez qu'il flit. II n'est question que de vous en persuader. La per­ suasion ne sera pas difficile, si vous voulez m'Scouter avec un esprit degage et tranquille. Ecoutez done, o peuples remplis de valeur, et vous, o chefs si sages et si unis, gcoutez ce que je vous offre de la part d'Idom§n§e. II n'est pas juste qu'il puisse entrer dans les terres de ses voisinst il n'est pas juste aussi que ses voisins puissent entrer dans les siennes. II consent que les passages qu'on a fortifies par de hautes tours soient gardSs par des troupes neutres. Vous Nestor, et vous Philoctfcte, vous tites Grecs d'origine» mais en cette occasion vous vous etes d^clarSs contre Idom6nSei ainsi vous ne pouvez etre suspects d'titre trop favorables 8 ses intSrets, Ce qui vous touche, e'est 1'intSret commun de la paix et de la liberty de I'HespSrie. Soyez vous-memes les dSpositaires et les gardiens de ces passages qui cau- sent la guerre. Vous n'avez pas moins d'inttirtit a em- pecher que les anciens peuples d'HespSrie ne dStruisent Salente, nouvelle colonie des Grecs, semblable 8. celles que vous avez fondees, qu'8 empecher qu'Idom§nSe n'usurpe les terres de ses voisins. Tenez l'Squilibre entre les uns et les autres. Au lieu de porter le fer et le feu chez un peuple que vous devez aimer, rtiservez-vous la gloire d'etre les juges et les mSdiateurs. Vous me direz que ces condi­ tions vous paraStraient merveilleuses, si vous pouviez vous assurer qu'Idom§nSe les accomplirait de bonne foit mais je vais vous satisfaire, II y aura, pour stiretS rSciproque, les otages dont je vous ai parle, jusqu'8 ce que tous les passages soient mis 2 66 en depot dans vos mains. Quand le salut de 1'HespSrie enti&re, quand celui de Salente meme et d*IdomSn§e sera & votre discretion, serez-vous contents? Dc qui pourrez- vous desorm ais vous d e fie r? S era-ce de vous-memes? Vous n'osez vous fier Si Idom§n§et et IdomenSe est si incapable de vous tromper, qu'il veut se fier 3. vous, Cui, il veut vous confier le repos, la liberty, la vie de tout son peuple et de lui-meme, S 'il est vrai que vous ne dSsiriez qu'une bonne paix, la voil3 qui se prSsente 3 vous, et qui vous ote tout prgtexte de reculer. Encore une fois, ne vous imaginez pas que la crainte reduise IdomSnee 3 vous faire ces offrest c'est la sagesse et la justice qui l'engagent 3 prendre ce parti, sans se mettre en peine si vous imputerez 3 faiblesse ce qu'il fait par vertu. Dans les commencements il a fait des fautes, et il met sa gloire 3 les reconnaStre par les offres dont il vous pr6- vient, C'est faiblesse, c'est vanitS, c'est ignorance grossi3re de son propre int6r£t, que d'esp5rcr de pouvoir cacher ses fautes en affectant de les soutenir avec fiertS et avec hauteur, Celui qui avoue ses fautes 3 son ennemi, et qui offre de les rSparer, montre par 13 qu'il est deve- nu incapable d'en commettre, et que 1'ennemi a tout 3 craindre d'une conduite si sage et si ferme, 3 moins qu'il ne fasse la paix. Gardez-vous bien de souffrir qu'il vous mette 3 son tour dans le tort. Si vous refusez la paix et la justice qui viennent 3 vous, la paix et la justice seront.vengSes, IdomSnee, qui devait craindre de trouver les dieux irritSs contre lui, les tournera pour lui contre vous. TSlSmaque et moi nous combattrons pour la bonne cause. Je prends tous les dieux du ciel et des enfers 3 t&moins des justes propositions que je viens de vous faire, BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary sources: FSnelon, Francois de Salignac de la Mothe. Les Averttures de TglSmaque. Chronoiogie et introduction par Jeanne- Lydie" Gore," Paris: Garnier-Flammarion, 1968 . . Correspondence de Fenelon. Archeveque de Cam- brai, 11 vols, Paris: A, LeClere, 1827-29. . Dialogues on Eloquence, translated and with an introduction by V/, s., Howell. Princeton, 1951. ______r__. Lettre & 1*AcadSmie. avec les versions primi­ tives. Edition critique par E. Caldarini. Droz, 1970. ______. Oeuvres de F6nclon. Archeveque de Cambrai, publiSes d'aprSS les manuscrits originaux, et les Editions les plus correctes. 22 vols. et 1 vol. de tables. Versailles: J. A. Lebel, 1820-30, . TSl6maque. 8dit8 par A. Cahen. 2 vols. Les Grands §crivains de la France. Hachette, 1920,

Secondary sources dealing with FSnelont Adam, Antoine. Histoire de la littSrature francaise au XVIIe sifecle. . Y.ol V: La Fin de l'§cole classique. Paris: Del Duca, 1956. Adler, Alfred. "FSnelon's Tglgmaoue: Intention and Effect”, Studies jLn Philology. LV (1958), 591-602. Barnard, H. C, Fgnelon on Education. Cambridge University P re s s , 19667 Bastier, Paul. Ffnelon, critique d'art. Paris, 1903. Borgerhoff, E, B, O, The Freedom of French Classicism. Princeton, 1950. BoulvS, L8on, JDe l 'hellSnisme chez FSnelon, Fontemoing, 1897, (Slatkine Reprints, Geneva, 1970) 267 268 3ourgoin, Auguste. Les Mattres de la critique au XVIIe siEcle. Paris, 1889. Bremond, Henri, Apologie pour Fenelon. Perrin, 1910, Broglie, Emmanuel de, Flnelon 5. Cambrai. Paris, 188^, Carcassonne, Ely, Etat present des travaux sur FSnelon. Les Belles Lettres, 1939. ______. FSnelon. I 1 homme et ^ oeuvre. Connaissance des Lettres, Hatier-BoTvin, 19^7. Ch6rel, Albert. Fenelon au XVIIIe sifccle en France, Paris, 191?. ______. Fenelon ou JLa religion du pur amour. Denoel, 193^. ______, "L'ldSe du naturel et le sentiment de la nature chez Fenelon", Revue d'histoirc littSraire de la France. XVIII (1911), 810-826. ______. "La PSdagogie fSnelonienne, son originalitS, son influence, au XVIIIe si&cle", Revue d'histoire littSraire de la France. XXV (I 918 ), 505-531. ______, La Prose poSticue franoaise. Paris, 19^0. Clayton, Vista, The Pro 3e Poem in French Literature of the Eighteenth Century. Columbia University Press, 1936. Cognet, L, Crepuscule des mystiques. Le conflit Fgnelon- Bossuet~! Descl§e et C ie., 19.‘r)8, Compayre, Gabriel. Fenelon et 1*Education attrayante. Delaplane, 1910. Dejob, C harles. "Deux conceptions de la fablei La Fon­ taine et FSnelon", Revue des Cours et Conferences. II (1898), 23-33. Delplanque, Albert. La Pensge de Ffnelon, d*aprfes ses oeuvres morales et spirituelles. Paris,- 1930. Dupriez, Bernard. Fenelon et la Bible. Les Origines du mysticisme fgnelonien. Bloud et Gay, 1961. 26? Egilsrud, Johann S. Le "Dialogue des morts" dans les litteratures francaise. allemande. et anglaise ( 1644- 1789) . Paris, 1934. Finch, Robert, French Individualist Poetry, 1686-1760. An Anthology. Toronto, 1972. . The Sixth Senset Individualism in French P o e try . 1666^ 1760 . Toronto, 1966, Gallouedec-Genuys, Frangoise. Le Prince selon Fenelon. Paris, 1963. GorS, Jeanne-Lydie, L'ItinSraire de F|nelon* humanisme et spirituality. Presses universitaires frangaises, 1957. Hepp, Noemie, "De 1'SpopSe au roman: 1l*0dyssge et TSlSmaque*", in La LittSrature narrative d'imagination. uentre cie Philologie romane de Strasbourg, Presses universitaires frangaises, 1961. ______. Homfere en France au XVIIe sifecle, Paris: Klincksiqck, T96&. Haillant, Marguerite, Fenelon et la Predication. Paris, 1969. Hillenaar, H. FSnelon et les Jesuites. La Kaye, 19<$7. Histoire littSraire de la France, sous la direction de P ie rre Abraham e t Roland DesnS, Vol. I I : De 1600 S, 1716, Paris: Editions sociales, 1966. Howell, V/, S, "Oratory and Poetry in FSnelon*s Literary Theory", Quarterly Journal of Speech. 37*1 (1951)* 1-1 0. Janet, Paul, FSnelon. Paris, I 892 . Landolf, Gottfried, L'EsthStique de FSnelon. Zurich, 1914,

Lanson, Gustave. L'Art de JLa prose. Paris, 1908 . Litman, Theordore A, Le Sublime en France (1670-1714). Paris: Nizet, 1971* Lombard, Alfred, FSnelon. et le retour & 1'antique au XVIIIe siScle. NeuchStel, 195^ Pizzorusso, Arnaldo, La Poetica di FSnelon. Milan, 1959. 270 Ramsay, Andrew Michael. Histoire de la vie de Messire Francois de Salignac de la Mothe Fenelon. archevgque Due de Cambrai. Amsterdam, 1729. Raymond, M arcel, Fgnelon. Les Grands Scrivains devant Dieu. Paris, 1967. Revillout, C, "Un probl&me de chronologie littSraire et philologique* date presumable dec ’dialogues' de Fenelon 'sur 1 'eloquence"'. Revue des langues romanes, 33.(1889), 5-30. Revue Fenelon. Recueil trim estriel, KumSro 3 (1912), Paris* H. Leclerc, St. Cyres, Viscount, Francois de Fenelon. First published in 1901, reissued by. Kennikat Press, New York/London, 1970. Schintz, A. "Flnelon, critique littSraire pr6curseur", Revue des Cours et Conferences. XXVIItl (1925-26), 587-601. . Tilley, Arthur, The Decline of the Age of Louis XIV, Reprint of the 1929 edition. New York* Barnes and Noble, 1968. Varillon, F, FSnelon et le our amour. Le Seuil, 1957.

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Aristotle, Rhetoric, trans, by W, Rhys Roberts, together w ith th e P o e tic s , tra n s . by Ingram Bywater. The Modern Library, New York* Random House, 1954. Augustinus, Aurelius, De Doctrina Christiana, trans, by John J, Gavigan, Washington* Catholic University of America Press, 1947, Baird, Albert Craig, Rhetoric, a Philosophical Inquiry. New York* Ronald P re ss, 19&5. Baldwin, Charles Sears. Ancient Rhetoric and Poetic. Hew York, 1924. . Medieval Rhetoric to 1400, New York, 1928, bary, Rene, La Rhtatorioue francaise. Paris* Pierre Le Petit, 1559. 2?X Black, E. "Plato's View of Rhetoric," Quarterly Journal of Speech, hk (1958), 361-37**. Bray, Rene, La Formation de la doctrine classioue. Paris. 1931. Brownstein, Oscar L, "Plato's Phaedrusi Dialectic as the Genuine Art of Sneaking." Quarterly Journal of Speech, 51 (1965), 392-398. Cicero. De Oratore. trans. by Sutton and Rackham. 2 vols. London i Heinemann, 19**2. Vol. 2t De Partitione Oratoria, trans, by H, Rackham. Clark, D, L, Rhetoric and Poetry in the Renaissance. New York, 1922. Corbett, E. P. J. Classical Rhetoric for the Modern Stu­ dent. revised edition, New York, 1971, Cocentini, John W, Fontenelle's Art of Dialogue, New York. 1952. Cousin, Jean, "RhStorique latine et classicisme fransais," Revue den cours et conferences. 3** ( 1932-3 ). Dainville, F, .La Naissance de l'humanisme moderne. Paris, 19 ** 0, Davidson, H, M, Audience. Words and Art. Columbus, Chioi The Ohio State University Press, 1965, Dix-septiSmo s iS c le , numSro s p e c ia l pour le tric e n te n a ire de la naissance de FSnelon, Nos. 12-13-1** (1951-2), ______. Points de vue sur la rhStoriaue. Nos, 80-81 (T968 ). Ehninger, Douglas. "Bernard Lami's 'L'Art de Parler'i A Critical Analysis," Quarterly Journal of Speech. 32i** (19**6), **29-**3**. Fleury, Claude. Trait£ du choix et de la mSthode des jstudes, Paris, 1882, France, Peter, Racine's Rhetoric, Oxford, 1965. ______. Rhetoric and Truth in F’rance. Descartes to Diderot. Oxford, 1972. Gordon, Alex L. Ronsard et la RhStorigue. Droz, 1970, 272 Highet, Gilbert. The Classical Tradition. Oxford, 1950,

Horace. On the Art of Poetry, trans, by T. S, Dorsch, in Clas'slcal Literary Criticism. Penguin Books. Balti­ more, Maryland, 1965.

Howell, W, S. Logic and Rhetoric in England. 1500-1700. Princeton, 1956.

Kennedy, George, Tho Art of Persuasion in Ancient Greece. Princeton, 1960. Lamy, Bernard, Do 1’art de parler. Paris, 1676.

Lantoine, H, Histoire de 1* enseignement secondaire en France au XVXIe et au~~debut du XVIlie s'ifecleV Paris, 1 ^ , Longinus, On the Sublime, trans. by T, S, Dorsch, in Classical Literary Criticism. Penguin Books, Balti­ more, Maryland, 1965.

Mornet, Daniel,’ Histoire de la clartg francaise. Paris, 1929. ______. Histoire de la littgrature franoaise classique. Paris, 19^7.

Munteano, B, "Des 'constantes* en litterature, Principes et structures rhgtoriques." Revue de littgrature com- parge. 1957, 388-420.

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