DOCSLIB.ORG

Youth Activism Before and During the Rose and Orange Revolutions In

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Youth Activism Before and During the Rose and Orange Revolutions In WHEN “IT’S TIME” TO SAY “ENOUGH!” Youth Activism before and during the Rose and Orange Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine by ALEKSANDRA DUDA A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Centre for Russian and East European Studies The University of Birmingham March 2010 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis focuses on the emergence and development of two youth opposition campaigns, Kmara in Georgia and Pora in Ukraine, campaigns which were part of the “coloured revolutions” which took place in Eastern Europe in 2003 and 2004. The thesis identifies, analyzes and compares the influence and the role of youth activism in post-communist countries, and attributes a new role to the Kmara and Pora campaigns as vanguards of oppositional protest and transmitters of public grievances in the under-researched context of semi-authoritarian regimes. Two sets of questions are answered in this study, which relate to how and why youth opposition campaigns occurred and developed in Georgia and Ukraine. These questions are addressed through a comparative analysis of the political and social contexts in which narratives on Kmara and Pora are placed. Based on the combination of four main approaches to the study of social movements – viz. political opportunities, resource mobilization, framing processes, and diffusion – the analysis enabled deep insight into various aspects of the emergence and development of Kmara and Pora's campaigns and exposed commonalities and differences between them. The study confirms that the fixed and volatile features that decided on the nature of Georgian and Ukrainian regime provide a key tool for understanding the outburst of youth political activism in a hybrid form of a political system. Dedication This thesis is dedicated to my parents, Stefania and Paweł. For their love, support, and encouragement. Acknowledgments First of all, I am greatly indebted to my two supervisors, Dr Katarzyna Wolczuk and Dr David J. White for their overall guidance, advice, and kind words of support, particularly during my moments of intellectual crisis. I would also like to express my gratitude to the CREES support staff for their help. I owe a huge amount to my friends in Tbilisi and Kiev, who helped me to arrange my fieldwork and who made my stay in Georgia and Ukraine an unforgettable experience. I am especially grateful to Sandro, Tea, Ako, Nina, Yuriy, and their friends for taking care of me during my study trips and allowing me to taste for a moment a real Georgian and Ukrainian life. I am also enormously grateful to my friends who supported me along my ups and downs while completing this thesis, particularly to Tomasz, Sylwia, Karenka, Claudinski, Nino, Ala, Mashka, and Aleko. I am grateful to the Liberty Institute in Tbilisi, the Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting in Kiev, and the John. W. Kluge Center in Washington D.C. for providing me with a base from which I could undertake my interviews and research abroad. I would like to thank to my all interviewees for sharing their experiences and perspectives with me and for giving up their time to take part in this study. Last, but by no means least, this thesis could not have been completed without funding provided by the Economic Social and Research Council (award no. PTA-030-2005-00270). Precious support came also from the University of Birmingham and the British Association for Slavonic and East European Studies. Table of Contents Chapter 1: GENERAL INTRODUCTION ...................................................................... 1 1. Research context ............................................................................................................. 1 2. Review of the relevant literature...................................................................................... 3 3. Rationale......................................................................................................................... 7 4. Research questions........................................................................................................ 11 5. Methodological approach and methods of enquiry......................................................... 13 5.1. Comparative analysis of two case studies........................................................... 15 5.2. Semi-structured interviews................................................................................. 18 6. Overview of the chapters............................................................................................... 19 Chapter 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK............................................................... 21 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................. 21 2. Approaches to the study of social movements ............................................................... 24 2.1. Multifactor approach.......................................................................................... 27 2.1.1. Political opportunities .......................................................................... 30 2.1.2. Mobilizing resources ............................................................................ 38 2.1.3. Framing the action ............................................................................... 48 2.2. Activism beyond borders ................................................................................... 53 2.2.1. Cross-national diffusion ....................................................................... 55 3. Student political activism .............................................................................................. 59 3.1. Characteristics of student activism ..................................................................... 61 3.2. Student activism: constraints and opportunities.................................................. 63 4. From theory to observation ........................................................................................... 67 Chapter 3: SEMI-AUTHORITARIANISM IN GEORGIA AND UKRAINE AS A CONTEXT FOR MOBILIZATION .................................................. 69 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................. 69 2. The concept of semi-authoritarian regime type.............................................................. 71 2.1. Defining features ............................................................................................... 71 2.2. Key areas of uncertainty .................................................................................... 76 2.2.1. Elites.................................................................................................... 76 2.2.2. Elections .............................................................................................. 79 2.3. Prospects for regime change .............................................................................. 83 3. Shevardnadze’s Georgia and Ukraine under Kuchma .................................................... 85 3.1. Personalization of the old regime ....................................................................... 86 3.1.1. Georgia ................................................................................................ 86 3.1.2. Ukraine ................................................................................................ 90 3.2. Elite alignments................................................................................................. 94 3.2.1. Georgia ................................................................................................ 94 3.2.2. Ukraine ................................................................................................ 97 3.3. Mapping divisions in the political landscape .................................................... 100 3.3.1. Georgia .............................................................................................. 100 3.3.2. Ukraine .............................................................................................. 104 4. Conclusions ................................................................................................................ 108 Chapter 4: YOUTH POLITICAL ACTIVISM AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS IN GEORGIA AND UKRAINE................................ 113 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 113 2. Students and protest during the Soviet era ................................................................... 116 2.1. Georgia............................................................................................................ 117 2.2. Ukraine............................................................................................................ 120 3. Transformative events and protest experience after 1991............................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • News Digest on Georgia
    NEWS DIGEST ON GEORGIA November 28 – December 1 Compiled by: Aleksandre Davitashvili Date: December 2, 2019 Occupied Regions Tskhinvali Region (so called South Ossetia) 1. Another Georgian Sent to Pretrial Custody in Occupied Tskhinvali Georgian citizen Genadi Bestaev, 51, was illegally detained by the „security committee‟ (KGB) of Russia- backed Tskhinvali Region across the line of occupation, near Khelchua village, for “illegally crossing the state border” and “illegal drug smuggling” today. According to the local agency “Res,” Tskhinvali court sentenced Bestaev, native of village Zardiantkari of Gori Municipality, to two-month pretrial custody. According to the same report, in the past, Bastaev was detained by Russia-backed Tskhinvali authorities for “similar offences” multiple times (Civil.ge, November 29, 2019). Foreign Affairs 2. Citizens of Switzerland can enter Georgia with an ID card Citizens of Switzerland can enter Georgia with an ID card, Georgian PM has already signed an official document. „Citizens of Switzerland can enter Georgia on the basis of a travel document, as well as an identity document showing a person‟s name, surname, date of birth and photo,‟ the official document reads. The resolution dated by November 28, 2019, is already in force (1TV, December 1, 2019). Internal Affairs 3. Members of European Parliament on Developments in Georgia On November 27, the European Parliament held a debate on developments in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries at its plenary session in Strasbourg. Kati Piri (Netherlands, Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats): “Large protests are currently held in Tbilisi since the government failed to deliver on its commitment to change the electoral code in 2020 to full proportional system.
    [Show full text]
  • No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011
    No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7324 2500 Fax: +44 20 7490 0566 E-mail: [email protected] www.article19.org International Media Support (IMS) Nørregarde 18, 2nd floor 1165 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: +45 88 32 7000 Fax: +45 33 12 0099 E-mail: [email protected] www.i-m-s.dk ISBN: 978-1-906586-27-0 © ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS), London and Copenhagen, August 2011 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS); 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/ legalcode. ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS) would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. This report was written and published within the framework of a project supported by the International Media Support (IMS) Media and Democracy Programme for Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It was compiled and written by Nathalie Losekoot, Senior Programme Officer for Europe at ARTICLE 19 and reviewed by JUDr. Barbora Bukovskà, Senior Director for Law at ARTICLE 19 and Jane Møller Larsen, Programme Coordinator for the Media and Democracy Unit at International Media Support (IMS).
    [Show full text]
  • Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
    In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia
    Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia Niklas Nilsson SILK ROAD PAPER January 2018 Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia Niklas Nilsson © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center American Foreign Policy Council, 509 C St NE, Washington D.C. Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodavägen 2, Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia- Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, Joint Center. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the American Foreign Policy Council and the Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this study are those of
    [Show full text]
  • Georgia: What Now?
    GEORGIA: WHAT NOW? 3 December 2003 Europe Report N°151 Tbilisi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................. 2 A. HISTORY ...............................................................................................................................2 B. GEOPOLITICS ........................................................................................................................3 1. External Players .........................................................................................................4 2. Why Georgia Matters.................................................................................................5 III. WHAT LED TO THE REVOLUTION........................................................................ 6 A. ELECTIONS – FREE AND FAIR? ..............................................................................................8 B. ELECTION DAY AND AFTER ..................................................................................................9 IV. ENSURING STATE CONTINUITY .......................................................................... 12 A. STABILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD ...............................................................................12 B. THE PRO-SHEVARDNADZE
    [Show full text]
  • Livinglike a Local
    Vol. 10, No. 87, 2 L$VG`%:`7+ February 2016 PASSIONATE ABOUT On the cover: Olha Zhenchak TRUFFLES OLGA ZHENCHAK DELIGHTFUL OWNER AND GENEROUS HOST (charming owner of Tartufo Trattoria) OF TRATTORIA TARTUFO Photography by: Yaroslav Monchak LVIV BECOMES CHESS CAPITAL AND IS SET TO CROWN Make-up by: Halyna Dzyuba THE NEW QUEEN! Ramada Lviv Hotel leave the rest to us sm Тел.: +38 (032) 243-00-10, моб.: +38 (067)320-44-77 [email protected], Hair style: Nadiya Kopystyns’ka www.ramadalviv.com.ua Living Like a Local Having spent several years in Ukraine, I am always amazed when I meet PARTY LIKE A LOCAL a foreigner that lives here and has yet to try a “truly Ukrainian” experience. I’m not talking about a bowl of borshch and plate of varenyky somewhere on There are so many reasons to celebrate in Ukraine – Eastern holidays, West- Rynok Square, but of the way your average, run-of-the-mill Ukrainian spends ern holidays, and special days for names, professions, and anniversaries – their day. If the words marshrutka, Dzidzio, and salo mean nothing to you – there is no shortage of different ways to celebrate either. While many foreign- then you might want to keep reading. For nearly 8 years, Lviv Today has been ers have already checked out one of Lviv’s many hopping clubs, Ukrainians showing Leopolitans, guests of the city, and foreigners living among us just prefer to party in a slightly different manner. If you’ve not yet been to a wed- what is going on in our great city and this month is no different – Ameri- ding or other large celebration, you are missing out on one of the most cultur- can lawyer Bate C.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgia: Background and U.S
    Georgia: Background and U.S. Policy Updated September 5, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45307 SUMMARY R45307 Georgia: Background and U.S. Policy September 5, 2018 Georgia is one of the United States’ closest non-NATO partners among the post-Soviet states. With a history of strong economic aid and security cooperation, the United States Cory Welt has deepened its strategic partnership with Georgia since Russia’s 2008 invasion of Analyst in European Affairs Georgia and 2014 invasion of Ukraine. U.S. policy expressly supports Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and Georgia is a leading recipient of U.S. aid in Europe and Eurasia. Many observers consider Georgia to be one of the most democratic states in the post-Soviet region, even as the country faces ongoing governance challenges. The center-left Georgian Dream party has more than a three-fourths supermajority in parliament, allowing it to rule with only limited checks and balances. Although Georgia faces high rates of poverty and underemployment, its economy in 2017 appeared to enter a period of stronger growth than the previous four years. The Georgian Dream won elections in 2012 amid growing dissatisfaction with the former ruling party, Georgia: Basic Facts Mikheil Saakashvili’s center-right United National Population: 3.73 million (2018 est.) Movement, which came to power as a result of Comparative Area: slightly larger than West Virginia Georgia’s 2003 Rose Revolution. In August 2008, Capital: Tbilisi Russia went to war with Georgia to prevent Ethnic Composition: 87% Georgian, 6% Azerbaijani, 5% Saakashvili’s government from reestablishing control Armenian (2014 census) over Georgia’s regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Religion: 83% Georgian Orthodox, 11% Muslim, 3% Armenian which broke away from Georgia in the early 1990s to Apostolic (2014 census) become informal Russian protectorates.
    [Show full text]
  • Survey on Political Attitudes August 2020 Demographics 1. There Are A
    Survey on Political Attitudes August 2020 Demographics 1. There are a number of ethnic groups living in Georgia. Which ethnic group do you consider yourself a part of? [Interviewer! Do not read. One answer only.] Armenian 1 Azerbaijani 2 Georgian 3 Other Caucasian ethnicity (Abkhazian, Lezgin, Ossetian, etc.) 4 Russian 5 Kurd or Yezidi 6 Other ethnicity 7 (Don’t know) -1 (Refuse to answer) -2 2. What is the highest level of education you have achieved to date? [Interviewer! Do not read. Correspond.] 1 Did not obtain a nine year diploma 2 Nine year diploma 3 High school diploma (11 or 12 years) 4 Vocational/technical degree 5 Bachelor’s degree/5 years diploma 6 Any degree above bachelor’s (Don’t know) -1 (Refuse to answer) -2 3. Which of the following best describes your situation? Please tell me about the activity that you consider to be primary. [Interviewer! Read out. Only one answer that corresponds with the respondent’s main activity.] I am retired and do not work 1 I am a student and do not work 2 I am a housewife and do not work 3 I am unemployed 4 I work full or part-time, including seasonal 5 jobs I am self-employed, including seasonal jobs 6 I am disabled and cannot work 7 Other 8 (Don’t know) -1 (Refuse to answer) -2 4. How often do you use the Internet? Do you use the Internet … [READ OUT] Every day, 1 At least once a week, 2 At least once a month, 3 Less often, 4 or Never? 5 [DO NOT READ] I don’t know what the Internet is.
    [Show full text]
  • Local Elites in the Years of Independence (The Example of Gurjaani District, Georgia)
    DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS IN TBILISI, SAME PEOPLE IN REGIONS: LOCAL ELITES IN THE YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE (THE EXAMPLE OF GURJAANI DISTRICT, GEORGIA) Giorgi Gotua he ruling political regime in Georgia has changed three times since 1990. Twice the government was replaced through non-constitutional means. None of these regimes were able to consolidate and reach consensus with different groups vying for power regarding basic insti- Ttutions and rules of game. Researchers studying the transition from autocracy to democracy point out various structural factors (culture, socio-economic factors) which they say deter- mine the successful consolidation of new democratic regimes. In recent years, more and more attention has been paid to political elites as essential actors able to decisively influence the direction of state development. Choices made by elites at certain stages of state development, the level of power and authority they ex- ercise in society and the character of relations among various factions determine the success of the process of forming and consolidating a new regime. Studies by G. Field, M. Burton and D. Higley demonstrate that the stability of a regime is directly linked to the degree of consensus among its various fac- tions regarding existing institutions and rules of game (another way to guaran- tee relative stability of the regime, dominance of one group over another, is not discussed as an option within the framework of this research).1 Georgia’s case can serve as a good example demonstrating the correctness of this thesis. During the period of independence three political regimes have changed in Georgia. The regime of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia – which followed the 1 This thesis is presented in: Field G., Hihley J., Burton M., National Elite Configurations and Transitions to De- mocracy // Classes and Elites in Democracy and Democratization: A Collection of Readings / ed.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidency Cultural Programme in Kraków
    Presidency Cultural Programme in Kraków 2011-08-23 4th “Divine Comedy” International Theatre Festival December 2011 The Divine Comedy festival is not just a competition, but also an opportunity to see the top shows by young Polish directors and the chance to compare opinions of Polish theatre with critics from all over Europe. The selection of productions is made by the most prominent Polish critics, journalists, and reviewers, while the decision on who walks away with the figurine of the Divine Comedian is made by an independent international jury. The festival is divided into three blocks. In the Inferno section – the contest for the best Polish productions of the previous season – the maestros of Polish theatre and their students compete for the award. Paradiso is the section of the festival devoted to the work of young, but already acclaimed, directors. The Purgatorio block includes accompanying events. It should be emphasised that this year the festival has changed its formula – traditionally the competition section and culmination of accompanying events fall in December, while the international section takes place all year round – every month excluding the summer holidays. Organiser: Krakow Festival Office www.boskakomedia.pl Opera Rara: A. Vivaldi – L’Oracolo in Messenia 8 December 2011 December’s performance in the Opera Rara cycle perfectly achieves the goals set by originator Filip Berkowicz when he began the project in 2009 – to present above all works which are rarely played or which have been restored to the repertoire after centuries of absence in concert halls. This will be the world première of the opera written by Antonio Vivaldi in the last years of his life, published just after his death and then lost for a very long time.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
    Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002
    Georgia Page 1 of 19 Georgia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002 The 1995 Constitution provides for an executive branch that reports to the President and a legislature. The President appoints ministers with the consent of Parliament. In April 2000, Eduard Shevardnadze was reelected to a second 5-year term as President in an election marred by numerous serious irregularities. International observers strongly criticized the election, citing interference by state authorities in the electoral process, deficient election legislation, insufficient representative election administration, and unreliable voter registers. The country's second parliamentary elections under the 1995 Constitution were held in 1999 and were characterized by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as a step toward Georgia's compliance with OSCE commitments. The civil war and separatist wars that followed the 1992 coup ended central government authority in Abkhazia and Ossetia, and weakened central authority in the autonomous region of Ajara and elsewhere in the country. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary is subject to executive pressure. Internal conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia remained unresolved. Ceasefires were in effect in both areas, although sporadic incidents of violence occurred in Abkhazia. These conflicts and the problems associated with roughly 270,000 internally displaced persons (IDP's) from Abkhazia, 60,000 from South Ossetia, and another 4,000-5,000 refugees from Chechnya, posed a continued threat to national stability. In 1993 Abkhaz separatists won control of Abkhazia, and most ethnic Georgians were expelled from or fled the region.
    [Show full text]