Pro , 2016, t. 26, s. 83-115 83

EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA

by Pavle Chanturishvili

Preface The conquest of Eastern Georgia by the in the 40s-50s of the 7th century cannot be discussed without reviewing the previous history of East- ern Georgia. It should be interesting whether this territory was independent or not at the time of the Arab conquest and if it was not - which foreign kingdom(s) or empire(s) dominated it and what social and political climate was there just before Arab invasion in Eastern Georgia. Byzantium proved to be an ultimate winner of the series of wars between Byzantium and Iran that lasted for more than one century. In spite of the fact that in V-VI centuries Iran established its direct con- trol over the Georgian kingdom of and abolished monarchy in n the 20-ies of the VI century, though, eventually, Eastern Geor- gia (former ) as well as Western Georgia remained under Byzantium’s control. These territories were ruled by Erismtavari (governor=Patricius=Patrikios patrikiosi) who was loyal to Byzan- tium and carried out pro-Byzantium policy just before the Arab invasion. By the period of Arab conquest the Patricius of Kartli was Stephen II (Stepanoz II) of Iberia, the son of Adarnase I of Iberia. Adarnase assisted the Byzantine-Khazar army with the siege of Tbilisi in 628 and was made a ruler of Kartli by the Byzantine Emperor .1 Mariam Lortkipanidze notes: ,,Just before the Arab invasion West Georgia as well as East Georgia were under political infl uence of Eastern Roman Empire but they were differently infl uenced by Byzantium. West- ern Georgia was much more connected to Byzantium and experienced its infl uence more than Eastern Georgia.’’2 That is the key reason why we

1 А. А. Богверадзе. Очерки Истории Грузии. Восстановление государственной власти в Картли. 170. 2 M. Lortkipanidze. The Character of the Arab Rule in Georgia, 2 (m. lorTqi- faniZe. arabTa mflobelobis xasiaTi saqarTveloSi). 84 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI see only Greek coins on the territory of Western Georgia and both Greek and Persian coins (almost with a same intensity) on the territory of East Georgia from the above-mentioned period.3 David Muskhelishvili suggests that for the fi rst time the Arabs ap- peared in Eastern Georgia in the 640s. He says that the fi rst Arab troops were only raiding troops, who left the soon. The same opin- ion is expressed by Mariam Lortkipanidze4, Zaza Abashidze5 and S.Dzimistarishvili6. Unlike Ivane , who wrote that Habib ibn Maslama came to Kartli in 643-6447 Muskhelishvili wrote that the Arabs headed by Habib ibn Maslama gained a strong foothold in Kartli only in 654/5 and introduced ,,Charter of Imminity’’ (,,Datsvis Sigeli’’) to Eastern .8 Simon Janashia agrees with Muskhelishvili.He also suggests that Habib ibn Maslama came to Kartli only in 654/5.9 This idea is confi rmed by Tabari (838-923), who in his well-known book ‘’Tarikh The History of Prophets,, ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ - ’’al-Rusul wa al-Muluq and Kings’’ says that in the 22nd year of Hijra (644): ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻗﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻜﻴﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻳﻔﺔ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﺎ ِﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﻓﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻜﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻳﻔﺔ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺠﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺳﺮﺍﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺘﺢ... ﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻗﺔ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﺔ ﻭ ﻗﺪ ﻣﻀﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺜﻬﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻗﺔ ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺑﻜﻴﺮ ,,After conquering Suraqa sent Buqair ibn ‘Abd Allah, Ha- bib ibn Maslama, Hudhaifah ibn-Usaid and Salman ibn Rabi’ah against the people living in the mountains bordering with . And sent Bu-

3 D. Muskhelishvili. The History of Georigia From IV to XIII Century, Volume 2, 121 (d. musxeliSvili. saqarTvelos istoria IV saukunidan XIII saukunemde). 4 M. Lortkipanidze. The Establishment of the Arab ’s Domination in Kartli. The Georgian-Arab Relationships in the VII-VIII Centuries, 172 (m. lorTqifaniZe. arab- Ta saxalifos gavlenis damyareba qarTlSi. qarTul-arabuli urTier- Tobebi VII-VIII saukuneebSi). 5 Z. . Georgia and the Georgians. Georgia in VII-VIII Centuries, 98 (z. abaSiZe. saqarTvelo da qarTvelebi. saqarTvelo VII-VIII saukuneebSi. araboba). 6 S. Dzimistarishvili. The Arabs in Georgia, 10 (s. ZimistariSvili. arabebi saqarTveloSi). 7 Ivane Javakhishvili. Invasion of the Arabs and Their Rule in the First Two Centuries, 73 (iv. javaxiSvili. Aarabebis Semoseva da maTi batonoba pirvel or saukuneSi). 8 D. Muskhelishvili. The History of Georigia. From IV to XIII Century, Volume 2, 125-126 (d. musxeliSvili. saqarTvelos istoria. IV saukunidan XIII saukunemde). 9 S. Janashia. The Arab Rule in Georgia, 357-365 (s. janaSia. araboba saqarT- veloSi). EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 85 qair to Mokan and Habib ibn Maslama in Tbilisi, Hudhaifah ibn-Usaid against those, who lived in the mountains of , Salman ibn Rabiah in another direction and wrote to them to conquer... Suraka died and ‘Abd ar-Rahman ibn Rabiah replaced him. The commanders sent by Suraka came back, none of them conquered the lands except Buqair.’’10 As we see, the fi rst raiding campaign of Arabs did not bring any results for them11, therefore after a few years they renewed the expedition under Habib ibn Maslama’s leadership. But who was Habib ibn Maslama? Ac- cording to the encyclopedia of Islam, Habib ibn Maslama was Mu’awiya ibn Abi Sufyan’s military commander, who was born in Mecca in 617 in a family belonging to the Qurayshi clan Fihr. Before coming to Georgia he took part in the conquest of Syria and distinguished himself as a good soldier in the battles with Byzantium. According to the encyclopedia of Islam, ,,By order of Mu’awiya, he conquered Armenia in 642; In the fol- lowing years he was given the governorship of Northern Syria and fought against the Mardaites(al-Jarajimah) and the Byzantines. At Siffi n (657) he commanded the left wing of the Syrian army and then, served as a representative of Muawiya in the negotiations with ‘Ali’’12 Mariam Lortkipanidze, who refers to Janashia, also notes that al- though Arabs came to the former Kingdom of Iberia in the 640s, they were more likely raiding troops.13 Unlike other scholars, Beniamin Silagadze took Javakhishvili’s side. Silagadze was writing that collation of Armenian sources helped him to suggest that ,,Charter of Immunity’’ should have been granted to Georgians by Habib ibn Maslama before 654/5 and Arabian sources allegedly support this opinion and sign directly that this Charter was granted to Georgians in the summer period of 64514. Simon Janashia describes in detail interesting historical events in the Caucasus before the Arab invasion: the author notes that Kartli and Armenia were under Byzantium control before Arab invasion. In 652 the governor of Armenia Theodoros Rshtuni turned against Greeks and subordinated Arme-

10 E. Sikharulidze. About Some Issues of the Arab’s First Millitary Compaigns in Georgia, 186 (e. sixaruliZe. saqarTveloSi arabTa pirvel laSqrobaTa zogierTi sakiTxisaTvis). 11 B. Silagadze. The Arab Rule in Georgia, 38 (b. silagaZe. arabTa batonoba saqarTveloSi). 12 The Encyclopedia of Islam. New edition. Edited by B. Lewis, V. L. Menage, Ch. Pellat and J. Schacht Volume III, 12 13 M. Lortkipanidze. The Character of the Arab Command in Georgia, 73 (m. lorTqi- faniZe. arabTa mflobelobis xasiaTi saqarTveloSi). 14 B. Silagadze. For the Dating of Habib ibn Maslama’s “Charter of Immunity’’, 84 (b. s i - lagaZe. habib ibn maslamas dacvis sigelis daTariRebisaTvis). 86 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI nia to the Arabs. Janashia also refers to old Armenian bishop and historian Sebeos, who wrote that Alvanian, Georgian and Siunik (Sivnieti) governors supported Theodoros Rshtuni. Probably Emperor Constans II (Konstanti- nos Pogonatos) - ,,Constantine the Bearded’’ who governed the empire in 641-668 (and not the Emperor Constantine III who governed only for four months) subordinated Armenia once more and pitched camp in the city of Dvin. He sent punitive forces to the allies of Armenia and disunited their union. Albanians and Sivnians, who did not surrender, were punished and ravaged by Greeks but the Georgians, who did not offer any resistance to Greeks, avoided their revenge,15 Janashia refers to another Armenian chroni- cler – John Draskhanakertel - whose records confi rm Sebeos’ information.16 The Arabs made a distinction between the people who subjugated to from the people who were subordinated by force ﺍﺻﻠﺤﺎﺡﻝﺹ them voluntarily -They also differentiated subjugated peoples from the point of rev ﻋﻨﻮﺓ . . enue taxes, not only by the religious side.17 In the 30s and 50s of the 7th century they conquered vast lands and territories. As the concept of a nation-state had not been formulated by that historical period of man- kind, the Arabs perceived different peoples as religious communities and presented relatively similar demands to them. We should suppose that the case was same with respect to Kartli. It is diffi cult to imagine that terms of the treaty for the Georgians had been radically different from the other contracts that had been already drawn on the territory of Syria-Palestine, Egypt and Iran. This form of treatise was not the novelty introduced by the Arabs. Treatise like that had about 3000 years history in the . ,,Charter of Imminiity’’ had already had a long history in the Per- sian and Romano-Byzantium realms with regards of subjugated peoples. In sum, these treatise implied participation of conquered and subjugated peoples in Roman wars in exchange for keeping their lives and property untouched. The best example for this in the period of Arab conquests was Romano/Byzantium deditio in fi dem - people asked Romans concession deditio, good faith fi des and preserving their lives, property and legisla- tion of their community in exchange for the fulfi llment of the terms of contract between them and Romans.18 In the Greco-Roman world, such people (called metoikos in Greek, peregrinus in Latin) were second-class

15 S. Janashia. The Arab Rule in Georgia, 360 (s. janaSia. araboba saqarTveloSi). 16 Ibid., 360 17 Л. И. Надирадзе, К Интерпретации Термина Ахл Ал-Китаб в «Охранной Грамоте» Хабиба Ибн Масламы) 48. 18 R. G. Hoylnad. In God’s Path. The Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire. p. 96. EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 87

citizens of an empire and were not allowed to hold public offi ces (unlike dhimmis, who hold public offi ces almost before middle period of Umayy- ads), own land, or marry a citizen.19 The religious issues of subjugated people was also transitioned to Ro- mans20 but as it is well known, Romans didn’t pay any attention to the religious matters of subjugated peoples and left it free and untouched. The Romans called the pact ,,foedera’’. There were equal ‘’aequa’’ and unequal ‘’iniqua’’ agreements between Romans and subjugated peoples. The main feature of these agreements was participation of subjugated , ’’ ,, ’’ peoples in Roman wars and aid of other material resources to them. Inas- corresponds’’ to the ’’’’,,ﺓﻡﺫﺫﻣﺔ,,,, ’’and ’,,’’’ﺍﻣﺎﻥﻥﺍﻡﺍ’’,,, , ’’much, we can suppose that, Arabic could approximately ﺻﻠﺤﺎ and ﻋﻨﻮﺓ Latin ,,fi des’’ ,,foedera’’ as well as be compared either with amicum populi Romani ,,the Friend of the Roman Empire’’– who became close allies of Romans and whose foreign affairs after subjugation was in Romans hands and the second group of those, who directly were incorporated into the Roman Empire. This doesn’t mean that Arabs borrowed these concepts from the Romans and Persians, but it means that Arabs were living in the same socio-political realms and were close to the international policies of the late antique world. The same approach and relations were in Iran. Khosrow II ordered his armies to kill everyone who would resist them, but not touch and show clem-

ency to peacefully subjugated and obedient ones and behave with them friendly, maintaining their prosperity and peace.21 The Arabs called Christians, Jews, Mazdeans and Sabeans who sub-

-The scientist Mahmoud Ayoub investi ﺫﻣﻲ ”jugated to them ,,dhimmis

designated ,,the ﺫﻣﺔ ’’gated that from the beginning the term ,,dhimma relationship of human being with God and human’s responsibility in this

relationship.’’22 Though, by passing time the meaning of this term was

’’dhimma,, ﺫﻣﺔdramatically changed. Al-Jawhari mentions, that term .’’hurma’’ – ,,something prohibited’’ ,,sacredness,, ﺣﺮﻣﺔ is the same as This term also was designating as ,,guarantee of security’’ and ,,protec- has a negative meaning ﺫﻡaman’’ but in the verbal form,, ﺍﻣﺎﻥ tion’’ like -mazmum’’ is the same as ,,op,, ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ judgment’’ ,,blaming’’ and,,

pressed’’ ,,humble’’ and ,,condemned.’’,,Dhimmah’’ also means ,,agree- and ,,the holiness of agreement’’ and its ﻋﻬﺪ’’ment’’ ,,contract’’,,’ahd

19 Ibid., 97. 20 Ibid., 97. 21 Ibid., 97. 22 Mahmoud Ayoub. Dhimmah in Quran and Hadith, Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Society, 25.

88 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI

,,inviolability’’, ,,sanctity of contract.’’ Finally, this term was established and justifi ed as term designating ,,specifi c relationship of non-Muslim population with Muslims’’.23 Gocha Gaparidze writes: ,,In the ,,dhimmis’’ were Chris- tians, Jews, Mazdeans and Sabeans, who lived in the Muslim State and who according to the theory of Fiqh subjugated to Muslims during (,,Fu- tuh Period’’) Islamic conquest period and recognized Muslim sovereign rule. They were paying a tribute, imputed upon the foreign confessors – poll-tax called ,,jizia’’ and land-tax – ,,kharaj.’’Dhimmmis were keep- ing their faith, fulfi lling religious orders (by some restrictions) and had ’dhimmahs,, -ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔintegrity and property immunity according to agreement.’’ Dhimmi communities enjoyed certain self-government ac- cording to their religious canons. Religious leaders of communities (pa- triarch, catholicon and metropolitan within Christians and Rabin to Jews and Mobad with Zoroastrian community) were defending their commu- nities’ interests before Muslim governor. They had a wright to judge the members of their religious community according to their religious can- ons, punish heretical and apostates. The agreement would be abolished if ,,dhimmi’’ abused or criticized the Holy Quran, Islam or Prophet Mu- hammad, married or commited adultery with Muslim women, converted Muslim to other faith, did not pay taxes, robbed a Muslim on a road or helped enemy of Muslims during the war. According to Islamic Law houses of ,,dhimis’’ had to be lawer than Muslims’ ones. Thimis were not allowed to ride horses or camels, carry weapons, ring bells in a loud voice, read their holy books in front of Muslim(s), show pigs in public. It was specifi ed for them to wear distin- guished clothes and hats and bury their dead silently and inconspicuously. If the agreement did not include these regulations, then their non-perfor- mance did not abolish the pact of protection.24 The status of the ,,People of the Book’’ was regulated almost from the birth of Islam. In his lifetime, the Prophet Muhammad came into contact in Arabia with comminities of Jews in Medina and Khaibar in the Hijaz and with a large and fl ourishing Christian community at Najran in the Yemen in 622.25 A document, so-called ,,Constitution of Medina’’ was

23 Ibid., 31. 24 G. . The Encyclopedia of Islam. ,,Dhimis.’’ The article is certifi ed by Giorgi Lobja- nidze’s translation of the Holy ,,Quran’’ 558-559 (g. jafariZe. islamis enciklope- diuri cnobari. statia ,,zimiebi.’’ damowmebulia giorgi lobJaniZis mier. yurani). EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 89

put between them. This document contained such characteristics, that lat- er, in the early conquest period, became a model of negotiations between Muslims and non-Muslims. Also, in 631 the Christians of Najran made a treaty of protection with the Prophet. According to that pact, the Arabs had to protect the Christian religion and allow it to fl ourish. Christians were able to repair and rebuild churches; bishops and monks were exempted from taxes.26 Prophet Muhammad himself entered into many allieances with non-Muslim alike. From the Muslim historians it is well known that several pacts were negotiated between Prophet and people from Najran, Tabalah, Jarash, Ayla and so on in which they were promised protection of their lives, rights, property and beliefs in return for paying jyziah.27 Some authors even mention that ,,Once a dhimma pact is concluded, the dhimmis automatically become citizens of the Muslim State and share all basic rights of Muslims, regardless of which group is the ethnic major- ity or minority. It should be noted that the terminology of minority has no place in Islamic law.28 Establishing of institute of Jizya and imposing this tax upon ,,dhimmis’’in Islam is seen in the holy Quran (9:29): ,,Fight those who believe not in Allah nor the Last Day, nor hold that forbidden which hath been forbidden by Allah and His Messenger, nor acknowledge the religion of truth, from among the People of the Book, until they pay the Jizya with willing submission, and feel themselves subdued No fi xed rate for ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻌﻄﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﻏﺮﻭﻥ humiliated).’’29) jiziah was set either by the Quran or by the Propher Muhammad. The jurists, therefore, differ as to the amount of jizyah that should be paid. ,,A close study of the early history of Jyzia particularly since its impo- sition by the Prophet till later in the period of Khulafa’ Rashidun will reveal that it was a tax through the payment of which the non-Muslim subjects were expected to pay allegiance to the political authority of Islam. There is nothing to prove that it was imposed just to humiliate them or to make them socially degraded.’’30 Arabs knew about this tax from the Persians31. According to Shibli Nu’mani the word Jyzia itself kizyat) meaning a levy) ﻛﺰﻳﺖ is the Arabicised version of the word (kizyat) 25 C. E. Bosworth. The Arabs, Byzantium and Iran, 13-14 26 Ibid., 14. 27 Maher Y. A b u-Munshar. Islamic Jerusalem and its Christians, 46. 28 Ibid., 31. 29 Holy Quran. English Translation of the Meanings and Commentary, 506. 30 Ziauddin Ahmed and Ziauddin Ahmad. The Concept of Jyziah in Early Islam, 294. 31 Ibid., 303. 90 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI which the Persian rulers used to employ in administering the affairs of war.32 The Greeks are reported to have imposed a similar tax upon the in- habitants of the coastal regions of Minor during 500 B.C. The Ro- mans imposed similar taxes upon the people they conquered, and the amount was much heavier than what was late introduced a similar tax upon their subjects.33 Mahmoud Ayoub mentions, that in Hadith Muhammad appeals to Muslims army: ,,fi ght in the name of God and in the way of God. Fight those who disbelieve in God, but do not overindulge in cruelty, com- mit acts of treachery, mutilate people, or kill a child. If you besiege a fortifi ed settlement and its inhabitants request that you give them the dhimmah of God and His Prophet, do not give them either the dhim- mah of God or that of His Prophet. Rather, make with them the covenant (dhimmah) of yourself, your father, and your fellows. For it is better for you to violate your own dhimmah than to violate the dhimmah of God and His Prophet.’’34 Thus we conclude that when Arab military leaders in the 7th century concluded the treaty (dhimma) with the con- quered community, the picture was drawn in such a way as if the initia- tors of the peace treaty were the subjugated people, as if they were the fi rst to offer Arabs subjugation and truce. Each treaty was concluded between a concrete military leader (in our case it was Habib ibn Masla- ma) and the community subjugated by him. It was never concluded in the name of the Prophet Muhammad or Caliphe and of course never in the neme of Allah. According to the Hadith Muhammad said:,,He who hurts a dhimmi hurts me, and he who hurts me hurts Allah.’’35 Also Muham- mad said: ,,Whoever kills a person having a treaty with the Muslims, shall not smell the fragrance of paradise though its fragrance is per- ceived from a distance of forty years.’’36 It is very interesting that these contracts resemble each other and have protocol forms. The document offered to Georgians didn’t differ from other documents that were introduced by Arabs to subjugated peoples on the territories of Egypt, Iran and Syria-Palestine. Of course, it had its own distinctive features, particularly because population of Kartli was

32 Ibid., 294. 33 Ibid., 294. 34 Mahmoud Ayoub. Dhimmah in Quran and Hadith, Muslims and Others in Early Islamic Soci- ety, 29. 35 Maher Y. A b u-Munshar. Islamic Jerusalem and its Christians, 48. 36 Ibid., 48. EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 91

anwatan.’’ Proceeding from the fact, that,, ﻋﻨﻮﺓ not subjugated by force the text of ,,Datsvis Sigeli’’ had not reached to us in written form and had been preserved only in the documents of Arab historians, we will discuss this document from the general context. Almost in every document the main theme is an immunity of the faith of subjugated people, cooperation of subjugated people with Arabs or ,,reasonable neutrality’’ and maintain- ing the peace – in return of paying taxes. Despite of the fact that scientist Neophite Edelby neither defi nes geo- graphic location, nor mentions concrete subjugated peoples and is talking generally, we think he is worth of mentioning. The researcher writes that fi rst Arab conquerors were tolerant to the conquered peoples and to their faith. Presumably, the same case was with Georgians, who as mentioned above, subjugated to Arabs not by force, but by their own will. So, why Arabs would show any cruelty towards Georgians? They had not any rea- son for this. Neophite Edelby wrote that Arabs were interested only in maintaining peace and gathering tributes and taxes. Mariam Lortqipan- idze also mentions this fact and writes that the main purpose of Arabs in Kartli was gathering taxes from Georgians.37 First period of Arab rule of Kartli was not severe for Georgians38. Arabs were interested in maintaining the situation (status-quo) they had met in agriculture, especially in the early period of conquests, be- cause as Neophite Edelby mentions, owning land and working in agri- culture was forbidden for the Arabs, as the army had to be in permanent readiness for new wars and soldiers could have been called for a new war for conquering new lands any time39. ’’dar al’ahd,, ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ dar assulh’’ or,, ﺩ ﺍﺭ - ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ The Arabs called i.e. ,,land of peace’’ or ,,land of a treaty’’ - all those lands and territo- ries that were subjugated to them by peace and - - negotiations and they dar alharb’’ all those lands that were subjugated by,, ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ called force. On the ,,lands of peace’’ Arabs had maintained land for local land owners on the ground of ,,peace agreements’’ and paying the land tax – ,,kharaj’’in spite of the fact, that theoretically, the main land owner in the Islamic State was Allah. Land was of Allah and his Messenger40.

37 M. Lortkipanidze. The Character of the Arab Rule in Georgia, 76 (m. lorTqi- faniZe. arabTa mflobelobis xasiaTi saqarTveloSi). 38 B. Kupatadze. The Georgian States in VI-VII Centuries. Invasion of the Arabs in Georgia, 58 (b. kupataZe. qarTuli saxelmwifoebi VI-VII saukuneebSi. arabTa Semos- vla saqarTveloSi). 39 Neophyte Edelby. The Legislative Autonomy of Christians in the Islamic World, Muslims and Others, 46. 92 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI

Land of Kartli was also declared as a ,,Land of Peace.41’’ Together with religious freedom, Arabs afforded to subjugated peoples whole autono- my in administrative, legislative and juridical activities. They kept ad- ministrative and religion apparatus untouched. One of the main reasons for this was that the Arabs did not have any experience in governing of such apparatus. Anthonie Fattal agrees with Neophyte Edelby and mentions, that numerous Christians lived on the vast conquered lands by Arabs. In the Muslim Empire spiritual leaders of Christians (and other religious leaders too) maintained all traditional privileges that were granted to them in the late Sassanian or same period Byzantine rule42. Vanquished Christians did not change their faith and preserved old canons. In most cases Muslim magistrates did not interfere in the disputes of Chris- tians even if they were asked about it.43 Precisely this is mentioned by Mariam Lortkipanidze, who wrote: ,,In the beginning Arabs who were on more primitive step of development rather than vanquished ones, were not interfering in the domestic affairs of those conquered peoples. Politician institutes, language of offi ce and religion had been kept untouched.’’44 We do not have any reason to suppose that there was a different at- titude towards the Georgians. In the beginning Arabs did not interfere in the domestic affairs of Georgians. In view of the fact, that army of Habib ibn Maslama did not stay for a long time on Kartlis’ soil and left soon, we should suppose that except the necessity of paying taxes and other terms concluded in the agreement between Georgians and Arabs, any particular, radical changes should not have occurred in the judicial and religious ap- paratus of Kartli of that period. S.D.Goitein supposed, that Muslim Arab conquerors specially set humiliating terms for the vanquished peoples, but Albrecht Noth writes more logical variant, in our opinion, that this ,,humiliating’’ regulations show us clearly Muslims’ aim of maintaining Bedouin distinctiveness be- fore foreign majority and foreign environment and that these regulations do not have anything to do with humiliation and discrimination of the

40 M. Lortkipanidze. The Character of the Arab Rule in Georgia, 77 (m. lorTqi- faniZe. arabTa mflobelobis xasiaTi saqarTveloSi). 41 Ibid., 77. 42 A. Fattal. How Dhimmis Were Judged in the Islamic World, Muslims and Others, 84. 43 Ibid., 77. 44 M. Lortkipanidze. The Character of the Arab Rule in Georgia, 71 (m. lorTqi- faniZe. arabTa mflobelobis xasiaTi saqarTveloSi). EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 93 subjugated peoples, though it doesn’t have any relation with Muslim’s tolerance either.45 One of the most diffi cult and interesting research studies is to show the difference as far as possible, which regulation could be from early period, which one from the middle period or late period. These regu- lations are known as ,,Regulations of Umar’’ and probably had been forming for decades. We do not know exactly, but probably it could be created either by Umar Ibn al-Khattab (634-644) or Umar II (717-720). Scholars argue about this even today, but it is clear, that different terms were added to these regulations for different regions, cities and peoples in different historical periods of time, but it is without a question, that in ,,Regulations of Umar’’ there are clear refl ections of the oldest agree- ments concluded between Arabs and ,,dhimmis’’ which were negotiated during the oldest period of Arab invasion ,,Futuh Period’’ (from 634 to the end of 640-es). Scholar Albrecht Noth concluded that the oldest regulations of ,,Futuh Period’’ (and that is our subject of interest too) towards different nations (and very probably towards Georgians too) were somehow similar to each other and included these regulations: a) Christians should not give shelter to the enemies of Muslims and should not collaborate with them b) Christians should inform Muslims about any treasonable act c) Christians should not wear weapons d) they should give a shelter to the Arab soldier (who could fall behind his army), regale him with food during 3 days e) they should not prevent Muslims from pitching a tent in temples, chapels during day and night f) they should open the doors of churches or monasteries in front of passenger soldier Arab even if latter sat on the horse. The last 3 regula- tions are especially interesting for us, because at one glance they look like humiliating ones, because it was giving Muslims the right of enter- ing temples of Christians that are the most sacred places for them. But, again, referring to Abrecht Noth it becomes clear, that regulations like these 3 ones should have been a reminiscent of the earliest period of the Arab conquests (futuh period) when Arab soldier who was still in phase of war and may have lost the way or fall behind his army may have been in demand of food. The same is about pitching a tent chapels and temples. Regarding of the fact, that soldier could occur in any diffi cult situation during the war or battle period, he could, generally speaking, need the place of sanctuary for taking a shelter or taking a rest and break

45 Albrecht Noth. Problems of Differentiation Between Muslims and Non-Muslims: Re-reading the ,,Ordinances of ‘Umar’’(Al-Shurut Al-‘Umariyya), Muslims and Others, 123. 94 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI it or its garden during day and the night time for pitching a tent in it. Probably, these regulations were worked out in a state of clear mind by Arabs and were practical for them as history shows. Georgian historians are divided in 2 groups regarding the entrance of armies of Haib ibn Maslama into Kartli: one group say, that Ha- bib came to Eastern Georgia in 644 and the second group say that he came in 654-5. 1) It is well known that the Arab conquest was very fast. After fi nal consolidation of when Arabs began expansion outside it, they managed to conquer vast territories in a short period and that’s why it would not be surprising, that Arabs had entered the territory of Kartli already in 644 2) The second considera- tion (654-655) is based on the fact, that the Arab conquests in general had two directions: towards the West and East, so that the Arabs from the beginning could have conquered territories of Syria-Palestine and Egypt in the West and simultaneously Iran in the East and only af- ter suffi ciently prolonged conquer of Iran46 they could come towards Kartli. This opinion is mentioned by Mariam Lortkipanidze.47 Beny- amin Silagadze wrote about it: ,,After occupying Dvin in Armenia, on October 6, 640, the Arabs did not stay there for a long time. The cause of their sudden leaving was the fact that they were busy with the wars against the Persian Shah Yazdegerd III and had no time for Armenia. That this was really so is proved by the fact that as soon as Arabs de- feated Persians, they immediately returned to trying to conquer and subjugate it.’’48 Mariam Lortkipanidze mentions that ,,Charter of Immunity’’ i.e. ,,Datsvis Sigeli’’ is issued in the time of Calipha Uthman ibn Affan reign’s (644-656) last period (654-5)49. Janashia also mentioned that the Arabs came to Kartli not in 643-5 as Javakhishvili has written.50 Anyhow, Janashia is writing that people of Kartli (who after their sub- jugation by will to Arabs can be called ,,dhimmis’’) thought practically

46 Manoucher Parvin and Maurie Sommer. Dar Al-Islam: The Evolution of Muslim Territorial- ity and its Implications for Confl ict Resolution in the Middle East, 13. 47 M. Lortkipanidze. The Arab Rule and the South-West Georgia, 91 (m. lorTqi- faniZe. Aaraboba da samxreT-dasavleTi saqarTvelo). 48 B. Silagadze. The Arab Rule in Georgia, 36-37 (b. silagaZe. arabTa batonoba saqarTveloSi). 49 M. Lortkipanidze. The Establishment of the Arab Caliphate’s Domination in Kartli. The Georgian-Arab Relationships in the VII-VIII Centuries, 172 (m. lorTqifaniZe. arab- Ta saxalifos gavlenis damyareba qarTlSi. qarTul-arabuli urTier- Tobebi VII-VIII saukuneebSi). 50 M. Lortkipanidze. ,,Charter of Immunity’’ of Habib ibn Maslama, 61 (m. lorTqi- faniZe. habib ibn maslamas ,,dacvis sigeli’’). EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 95 not to show resistance to Arabs and surrendered by will51. The main arti- cles of Georgian ,,Charter of Immunity’’=,,Datsvis Sigeli’’ did not differ very much from other Charters of security that were negotiated in dif- ferent conquered cities and regions: 1) Arabs left faith of Georgians un- touched 2) Georgians became loyal to Arabs and were paying Jizya – per capita yearly tax ,,one dinar per year’’ and the Kharaj – land tax for each household. 3) Both sides agreed not to change the number of households: Georgians would not unite them and the Arabs would not break them up into small groups 4) The one who would have become Muslim, would be exempted from taxes 5) Georgians were obliged to help Arabs in different affairs, including the war period. In return for all these, Arabs promised to give Georgians the immunity of protection. Though, before subordinating Tbilisi, Arabs probably had two small battles with Georgian peasants not with regular army near the city. Ac- cording to al-Baladhuri: ﺣﺪﺛﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻚ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﺳﺎﺭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺑﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﻮﺍ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺩﻭﺍﺑﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻮﺍ ﻟﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﺨﺮﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﺝ ﻓﺎﻋﺠﻠﻮﻫﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﺎﺗﻠﻮﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺸﻔﻮﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬﻭﺍ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺏ ﺛﻢ ﺍﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻓﻘﺘﻠﻮﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﻌﻮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺬﻭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻓﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻊ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻢ 52 ,,The elders of the city Dvin =Dabil, (according to Baladhuri Habib ibn Maslama after subjugation of the capital of Armenia Dvin, granted Charter of Immunity to the local population.53) among them Barmak ibn ‘Abd Allah said to me: ,,Habib ibn Maslama, with his army, went to 55 conquer Jurzan.54 When they reached ,,Zat al-Lujum’’ (Arabs) let some of their horses free, taking off their reins. Local people (peasents) came against them, made them retreat and took with them as many reins and horses as they were able to. (Arabs) attacked them again, killed them (peasents) and took back their horses and reins. And the place was called ,,Zat al-Lujum.’’ Then the description of Theophile’s visit to Habib ibn Maslama is given, as well as Habib’s answer to Georgians about agreeing

51 S. Janashia. The Arab Rule in Georgia, 357-365 (s. janaSia.Aaraboba saqarT- veloSi). 52 E. Sikharulidze. About Some Issues of the Arab’s First Millitary Compaigns in Georgia, 188 (e. sixaruliZe. saqarTveloSi arabTa pirvel laSqrobaTa zogierTi sakiTxisaTvis). 53 Большаков. История халифата том 2. Эпоха великих завоеваний, 633-656. .Thus was called Kartli fi rst by the Persians and then by the Arabs ﺟﺮﺯﺍﻥ 54

55 96 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI

on truce. Eter Sikharulidze questions the ideas of Baladhuri and Yaqut al-Hamawi about the name ,,Zat al-Lujum.’’ Yaqut al-Hamawi writes: ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻢ – ﺟﻤﻊ ﻟﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﺭﺽ ﺟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ55 ,,Lujum – is the plural of Lijam. Zat al-lujum is a well-known place in Jurzan, in the envinors of Tbilisi’’. Eter Sikharulidze remarks that ,,Yaqut directly indicates that ,,zat al-lujum’’ is populated place in Jurzan in the envinors of Tbilisi. Thus, we must look for Zat al-Lu- jum near Tbilisi. Eter Sikharulidze thinks that in this case we have to deal with Lochini56 (loWini) Arabic ,,Lujum’’ should be Georgian ,,Lochini.’’57 It seems that Arabs found similitude between Georgian ,,Lochini’’ and Arabic ,,Lujum’’ and added ,,zat’’ to it. Thus, Lochini became known in Arabic historiography as Al-Lujum.58 As it is known Tbilisi people had pastures in Lochini. ,,Tbilisi peo- 55 59 ple55 had pastures here.’’ This fact proves that in Al-Lujum of Arabian sources Lochini is meant. David Agmashenebeli’s (David the Build- er’s) historian tells us: Once a caravan came with a lot of treasure. They were accompanied by lots of Turks. Having heard about it, the king sent his fi fteen best servants to bring back the private herds of the town.’’60 Eter Sikharulidze writes: ,,Besides, the Arab army going to Tbilisi from Dvini, had to pass through Lochini.’’61 After defeat in Al-Lujum (Lochin) valley, a group of Georgian noblemen, under the leadership of Theophile visited Arabs. This group gave precious presents to them, praised them and asked for truce. Though, Pavle Topuria does not agree with Eter Sikharulidze and ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻔﺎﻥ :writes that according to al-Tabari

ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ .E. Sikharulidze. Min kitab mu’jam al-Buldan, 85 (e. sixaruliZe 55 .(.(ﻥﺍﺩﺏﻝﺍﻣﻌﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻥﻡﺍﺝﻉﻡ Also, see A l-Ya q u t. IV. Page 351 About Some Issues of the First Millitary Compaigns of the Arabs 62in Georgia, 188 (iakuTi. , IV gv. 351 damowmeba e. sixaruliZisa. saqarT- veloSi arabTa pirvel laSqrobaTa zogierTi sakiTxisTvis). 56 The place near Tbilisi. 57 Ibid., 190. 58 Ibid., 190. 59 Iv. Javakhishvili. The History of the Georgian People, book 2, 43 (iv. javaxiS- vili, qarTveli eris istoria, wigni 2). 60 The Historian of David the Builder. The Life of the King of the Kings David the Builder.The Geor- gian Chronicles, 1, 349 (daviT aRmaSeneblis istorikosi. cxovreba mefeT-mefesi daviTisi. qarTlis cxovreba, damowmeba eTer sixaruliZisa. saqarTveloSi arabTa pirvel laSqrobaTa zogierTi sakiTxisTvis) 190. 61 E. Sikharulidze. About Some Issues of the Arab’s First Millitary Compaigns in Georgia, 190 (e. sixaruliZe. saqarTveloSi arabTa pirvel laSqrobaTa zogierTi sakiTxisTvis). 62 . 62 .

EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 97

ﺭﺿﻰ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﺭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻓﺘﺘﺢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻄﻬﺎ ﺟﺎءﻩ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻁﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺠﺎءﻩ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻳﺴﺄﻝ 62 ,,During the reign of Uthman Muslims conquered Tbi- .ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺎ62 lisi. Allah is satis. fi ed by him. Habib ibn Maslama headed to Arminia, conquered many cities and when he reached the midst of the country (of Armenia) messenger of the Patrikios of Jurzan came to him. Habib had already decided to go (and conquer) Jurzan, when the messenger met him and asked Habib ibn Maslama to write to them (the people of Tbilisi) Charter of Immunity.’’ Pavle Topuria writes that Yaqut al-hamawi brings us the most precise story. According to him the messenger of the Patrikios of Kartli met with Habib ibn Maslama not in the vicinity of Tbilisi (Lochini) but in the midst of Armenia.63 Eter Sikharulidze observes Arabic sources (Al-Baladhuri, Yaqut and Al-Tabari ) and mentions that on the road to the Habib ibn Maslama was met by the ambassador of the people of Tbilisi whose Theopile’’ (Theophile) who,, ,ﺗﻔﻠﻰNikala’’ or,, ﻧﻘﻠﻰ name was either was sent by Georgians’ Patrikios to the Arabs. He gave them some gifts and asked them Charter of Immunity (once more, we return to the general picture of these pact-immunities, in which we see, as if conquered peoples were asking Arabs to give them immunity and defense and there is not any indication, that before negotiating the treaty, Arabs by the high probability themselves were offering surrender – capitulation or war without mercy to different cities). Habib ibn Maslama took this gift into consideration as a future tax - ,,Jizya’’ and sent his private trustee man ‘Abd ar-Rahman ibn Jazi Sulami and sent with him the document - ,,Charter of Immunity’’, called ,,Datsvis Sigeli’’64. Eter Sikharulidze gives an example of both vari- ants – Baladhuri and Tabari. In the variant of Al-Baladhuri we read: ,,…and then… your messenger Nikala has showed up before me and other be- lievers who were with me and said on your behalf, that we are people, sublimed and preceded by Allah. In that way had done Allah, glory to God many times, may Allah grant peace and honor on Muhammad - His

62 E. Sikharulidze. Yaquti’s Information about Georgia and the Caucasus, From the Book of Mu’jam al-Buldan, 42 (e. sixaruliZe. iakuTis cnobebi saqarTvelosa da kavkasiis Sesaxeb). 63 P. Topuria. From the History of the Georgian National Self-consciousness. An Interpretation of One Notifi cation of al-Tabari, 146 (p. Tofuria. qarTvelTa erovnuli TviTSe- mecnebis istoriidan, tabaris erTi cnobis interpretacia). 64 E. Sikharulidze. From the History of the Arab-Georgian Relationships. Arabian ,,Charters of Immunity.’’ 169 (e. sixaruliZe. arabeT-saqarTvelos urTierTobebis istoriidan. arabuli ,,dacvis sigelebi.’’).

98 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI

Messenger, the best Creature among His creatures. And I tell you, that you want to make a peaceful agreement with us. I have taken into con- Charter of,, ﺍﻣﺎﻥsideration your gift as ,,Jizya’’ and have written to you Immunity’’ in which I lay down terms to you. If you accept it - it is good, but if you ignore it – you will face the war in the name of Allah and His Prophet. Peace be upon those, who follow the right path.’’ Within Al-Tabari we read: ,,In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful, from Habib ibn Maslama for the people of Tbilisi from Jurzan, from the land of Harmaz. Peace be upon you. I glorify Al- lah, there is no God, but Allah. Your messenger Theophile came to us and brought a story from you. He gave us what you brought away with him and told us on your behalf that we were not such ignorant people as you thought. We had been such people, before Allah did lead us to the right path, He is strong and glorious, thanks’ to Muhammad, may Allah grant peace and honor on Him, He strengthened us with Islam, after weakness, paganism and humble. Theophile told us, that you want peace with us. I am not against this, neither are those believers, who are with me. I send best ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺟﺰء ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻰ to you ‘Abd ar-Rahman ibn Jazi Sulamii law and Quran expert and with him the book of the ,,Charter of Immu- nity’’. If you agree with it, he will give you this book, but if you ignore it – then we will declare war against you, because Allah does not love betrayers.65 As Eter Sikharulidze mentions, the letter is always supple- mented with the text of ,,Charter of Immunity’’ itself. Within Baladhuri we read: ﺑﺳﻡ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺭﺣﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺣﻳﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻛﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻥ ﺣﺑﻳﺏ ﺑﻥ ﻣﺳﻠﻣﺔ ﻻﻫﻝ ﻁﻔﻠﻳﺱ ﻣﻥ ﻣﻧﺟﻠﻳﺱ ﻣﻥ ﺟﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻣﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺳﻬﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻳﻌﻬﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻭﺍﻣﻌﻬﻡ ﻭ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻭﺍﺗﻬﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻧﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﺻﻐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺟﺯﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻝ ﺍﻫﻝ ﺑﻳﺕ ﺩﻳﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻟﻛﻡ ﺍﻥ ﺗﺟﻣﻌﻭﺍ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻫﻝ ﺍﻟﺑﻳﻭﺗﺎﺕ ﺗﺧﻔﻳﻔﺎ ﻟﻠﺟﺯﻳﺔ ﻭ ﻻ ﻟﻧﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺭﻕ ﺑﻳﻧﻬﻡ ﺍﺳﺗﻛﺛﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻧﺎ ﻧﺻﻳﺣﺗﻛﻡ ﻭ ﺿﻠﻌﻛﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺩﺍء ﷲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻭﻟﻪ ﺻﻠﻌﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺗﻁﻌﺗﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﺗﺎﺝ ﻟﻳﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﻣﻥ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﻝ ﺍﻟﻛﺗﺎﺏ ﻟﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻁﻊ ﺑﺭﺟﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ ﻋﻧﺩﻛﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻳﻛﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﻧﻰ ﻓﺋﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﻣﻧﻳﻥ ﺍﻻ ﺍﻥ ﻳﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻧﻬﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺑﺗﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻣﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﺻﻼﺓ ﻓﺎﺧﻭﺍﻧﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻻ ﻓﺎﻟﺟﺯﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻳﻛﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻥ ﻋﺭﺽ ﻟﻠﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ ﺷﻐﻝ ﻋﻧﻛﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﺭﻛﻡ ﻋﺩﻭﻛﻡ ﻓﻐﻳﺭ ﻣﺄﺧﻭﺫﻳﻥ ﺑﺫﻟﻙ ﻭ ﻻ ﻫﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺽ ﻋﻬﺩﻛﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻟﻛﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻋﻠﻳﻛﻡ ﺷﻬﺩ ﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺋﻛﺗﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻳﺩﺍ66

65 Ibid., 170. 66 Ibid., 170. EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 99

,,In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. This is a ,,Charter of Immunity’’ from Habib ibn Maslama to the people of Tbilisi from of Kartli of Kirmizi (Kermez) district, on condition of the guarantee of safety of your lives, churches, shrines, praying and faith by recognition of your humiliation and (paying) Jizya. Each household must pay one dinhar. You do not have right to unite households for decreasing jizya and also we do not have the right to divide it in to pieces for increas- ing it. We will accept your good advice and help as much as you can against enemies of Allah and His Messenger, may Allah grant peace and honor upon Him. You have to regale Muslim safely during the night by permitted meal for us -,,People of the book.’’ And if Muslim falls behind (of his army) you have to accompany him to the nearest army of believ- ers (Muslims) if it is not impossible for you. If you become Muslims and pray, you will be our brothers in faith and if not, then you have to pay Jizya and if something happens with Muslims and your enemy subjugates you, then, you will not be punished for this and this (incident) will not be considered as abolishing your Charter of Immunity. These are your rights and your duties. Allah and His angels are witnesses. Allah is enough as witness.’’ ﺑﺳﻡ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺭﺣﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺣﻳﻡ ﻫﺫ ﻛﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻥ :In Tabari’s version we read ﺣﺑﻳﺏ ﺑﻥ ﻣﺳﻠﻣﺔ ﻻﻫﻝ ﺗﻔﻠﻳﺱ ﻣﻥ ﺟﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻬﺭﻣﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺳﻛﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻭﺍﻟﻛﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻭﺍﻣﻌﻛﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻳﻌﻛﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻭﺍﺗﻛﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺑﺻﻐﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺟﺯﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻝ ﺍﻫﻝ ﺑﻳﺕ ﺩﻳﻧﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻟﻧﺎ ﻧﺻﺣﻛﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺻﺭﻛﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻭ ﷲ ﻋﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﺎﺯ ﻟﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﻝ ﺍﻟﻛﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺷﺭﺍﺑﻬﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺩﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻳﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺿﺭ ﻓﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺣﺩ ﻣﻧﻛﻡ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻠﻣﺗﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻣﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﺻﻼﺓ ﻭ ﺃﺗﻳﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﺯﻛﺎﺓ ﻓﺎﺧﻭﺍﻧﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻭﺍﻟﻳﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻥ ﺗﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻥ ﷲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺗﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺯﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺫﻧﺎﻛﻡ ﺑﺣﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻭﺍء ﺍﻥ ﷲ ﻻ ﻳﺣﺏ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺋﻧﻳﻥ ﺷﻬﺩ ﻋﺑﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺣﻣﻥ ﺑﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺣﺟﺎﺝ ﻭ ﻋﻳﺎﺽ ﻭ ﻛﺗﺏ ﺭﺑﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻬﺩ ﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺋﻛﺗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺃﻣﻧﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻳﺩﺍ6677 ,,In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. This is a book in the name of Habib ibn Maslama for the people of Tbilisi from Jurzan area, from the land of Armaz(i), on condition of the guarantee of safety of your lives, properties, churches, shrines and praying by recogni- tion of your humiliation and paying of Jizya. We will accept your good advice and help against enemies of Allah and our enemies. You have to regale a Muslim, who is in demand of meal and drink during the night

67 Ibid., 171-2. 100 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI

time by the food which is allowed to us - ,,People of the Book’’ and you have to accompany him to the nearest army, so that nothing damages you. If you became Muslims, pray and pay Zakat, you will be our brothers in faith and our Mawali68. And who (dares and) renounces Allah and His Messenger and His Book (Quran) and His (Muslim) community after- wards, war will be declared to him, because Allah does not love betrayers. Witnesses are ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid, Hajjaj and I’yad. This book was written by Rabah. Allah and His angels and believers are witnesses. Allah is enough as witness.’’. Ivane Javakhishvili mentioned that the messenger of Georgians (Ni- kala or Theophile) had been not only the representative of the people of Tbilisi city, but also the representative of other places of Eastern Georgia (Manglisi, , etc). On the ground of the fact, as if, Arab scribes did not know the names of these topographical places, the letters were mu- tilated as some of them were gapped and some were mutilated by them.

In Javakhishvilis’ opinion, that is the key reason why Tbilisi is located sometimes in the district of Manglisi and in other places – in Armazi and sometimes in both of them.69 Simon Janashia was mentioning that this document ,,Charter of Immunity’’was delivered only for the people of Tbilisi ,,from the red Mariam ﻻﻫﻞ ﻁﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻣﺰ Kartli’’ from Manglisi70 Lortkipanidze thinks that it is possible to correct the variant of Al- Baladhuri by the variant of Al-Tabari, whereas the word ,,Kermez’’ is changed by Armaz/armazi. By the high probability, the Arab scribes made mistake, and the reason for this was they were not familiar with the location of ,,Armaz’’ and- had not heard about this geographical red. 71 Eter- - ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻣﺰ’’area and changed it with more familiar ,,Kermez - Sikharulidze brings description of Baladhori and Tabari and writes that in all variants of ,,Charter of Immunity’’ ,,Datsvis Sigeli’’this phrase :is described- differently ﻻﻫﻞ ﻁﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻣﺰ 1) For the people of Tbilisi from Manglisi, which is located in Read Kartli (Baladhuri). 2) For the people of Tbilisi from Jurzan, from the land of Armaz (Tabari)

68 People, who were not the Arabs, though adopted Islam for the different reasons and purposes. 69 Iv. Javakhishvili. Invasion of the Arabs and Their Rule in the First Two Centuries, 75 (iv. javaxiSvili. arabebis Semoseva da maTi batonoba pirvel or saukuneSi). 70 S. Janashia, The Arab Rule in Georgia, 364 (s. janaSia. araboba saqarTveloSi). 71 M. Lortkipanidze. ,,Charter of Immunity’’ of Habib ibn Maslama, 62 (m. lorTqi- faniZe. habib ibn maslamas ,,dacvis sigeli.’’). EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 101

3) For the people of Tbilisi, from the community of Manglisi of Kartli of Armaz (Yaqut) 4) For the people of Tbilisi, from the community of Manglisi, of Jurzan district (Baladhuri. Deed of Jarrah). Eter Sikharulidze mentions that one thing is common for these vari- ants: in each variant we see clearly that the ,,Charter of Immunity’’ was given to the people of Tbilisi and that the city was located in the district of Kartli (called ,,Jurzan’’ by the Arabs) and except of the text of Al-Tabari, Tbilisi is included in the region of kartli and district of Manglisi. Only the word ,,Kermez’’or,,Harmaz’’ is disputable. Eter Sikharulidze was refer- ring to the idea of Giorgi Tsereteli and writing that here should be im- plicated not ,,Armaz’’ but ,,Kermez’’maybe because ,,Kermes’’ ,,coccus ilicias’’or ,,coccus cacti’’- was extracted here. As Giorgi Tsereteli men- tioned ,,Kermes’’ – coccus ilicias is a parasite of cortex of oak, which was utilized in a dry form for manufacturing of red diestuff.72 But later Eter Sikharulidze changed her opinion after observing the most important source – Habib ibn Maslama’s ,,Charter of Immunity’’ i.e. Abu Ubaid ver- sion, which was written 50 years ealier and which was used by Baladhuri himself as a guidance.73 was VIII-IX ﺍﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻼﻡAbu Ubaid al-Qasim bin Salam cc. Arab philologist, jurisprudent and theologian. In his work ,,Ketab al- Amwal’’ i.e. ,,Kitab al-Amwal’’ he discuses the questions of the state polity of Caliphate, landownership and tax system. In this book a special chap- ter is devoted to the treaties concluded by Muhammad and his followers with the so-called ,,Sulhi people’’ (Ahl as-sulh). In this chapter Habib ibn Maslama’s ,,Charter of Immunity’’ and his letter to the Tbilisi population are also discussed.74 It must be mentioned that the preserved texts in Abu Ubaid’s book somehow differ from al-Baladhuri and al-Tabari versions. There is small difference with Habib ibn Maslama’s ,,Datsvis Sigeli’’ too, but the most important difference is that in Abu Ubaida’s version Kartli is discussed not in Armazi area but in Armenia area. Eter Sikharulidze observes: ,,We think that the original form and the most correct form must be ,,Ard al-Hirmin’’ as it is confi rmed by Abu

72 E. Sikharulidze. From the History of the Arab-Georgian Relationships. Arabian ,,Charters of Immunity.’’ 174 (e. sixaruliZe. arabeT-saqarTvelos urTierTobebis is- toriidan. arabuli ,,dacvis sigelebi.’’). 73 E. Sikharulidze. Abu Ubaydian Variant of Habib ibn Maslama’s ,,Charter of Immunity,’’ 4 (e. sixaruliZe. habib ibn maslamas ,,dacvis sigelis’’ abu ‘ubaidiseuli varianti). 74 Ibid. 102 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI

Ubaid. All the rest (Ard al-Kermez and Ard al-Harmaz) are its distorted (created from the graphic mixture) varietiese.’’75 She adds, that ,,indi- cating Tbilisi in Armenia area is natural for Arab tradition. According to Caliphate administrative division, Jurzan (Kartli), together with Ar- menia and Arran was united in Armenia district and together with Azer- baijan and Al-Jazira made the northern region of Caliphate.’’76 In Eter Sikharulidze’s opinion Abu Ubaidisean version confirms that the ,,Char- ter of Immunity’’ is given only to Tbilsi population.’’77 The text of the ,,Charter of Immunity’’i.e.,,Datsvis Sigeli’’ is preceeded by the title made by Abu Ubaid: ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻻﻫﻞ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻼﺩ ِﺍﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎ. ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ: ﺣﺪﺛﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ: ﻗﺮﺃﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺉ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ 78ﺍﻻﺯﺭﻕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺔ 78 ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﺫﺍ ﻓﻴﻪ:

ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ 78 ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻻﻫﻞ ﻁﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻬ ِ ِﺮﻣ ﻦ ...78 ,,This is a book of Habib ibn Maslama to the population of Taplis (in original) of Armenia.’’ Armenia in this text is marked with ,,Ard al- ﺍﺭﺽ ِﺍﻟﻬ ِﺮﻣ ﻦ ’’.Hirmin Then the author names his source, a resident of Armenia Ahmad ibn al-Azraq: ,,Abu Ubaid says: ,,Ahmad ibn al-Azraq, one of the residents of Armenia, said: I have read Habib ibn Maslama’s book – or when they were reading it, I was looking into it – the book about the truce with Tbilisi (Taplis) population. There was the following in it: ,,In the name of Allah, the gracious and Merciful. This is the book of Habib ibn Ma ﺽﺭﺍﺍﺭﺽ .slama to the population of Tbilisi (Taplis), from ard al-Hirmin 79 ’’’’ ِﺍﻟﺤ ِﺮﻣ ﻦ" Then the text again discusses the terms of Charter of immunity, which do not greatly differ from the other versions and inspite of the fact, that it is the earliest version, I did not bring the wole text, neither I brought here ’’ Habib’s answer to the gift from Tbilisi’s people (which was equal to 100 dinars), ’’the answer does not differ much from the other texts either. But I would like to mention one important detail from the answer to which

75 Ibid., 9. 76 Ibid., 10. 77 Ibid., 10. 78 Ibid., 12. 79 Ibid., 9. EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 103

Eteri Sikharulidze paid attention. In Habib ibn Maslama’s answer we read that Georgians praised Arabs, asked for truce and the Arabs agreed to it. Habib said: ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺪﻳﺘﻜﻢ, ﻓﻘﻮﺗﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﻣﻨﻮﺍ ﻣﻌﻰ – ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺋﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻑ ﺟﺰﻳﺔ ﻭ ﻻ ﻓﺪﻳﺔ ,,Theophile gave me your gift, which we, I and the belivers who were with me, estimated the goods and money to be 100 dinars, which is not fi xed for you. For every household a Jizia is fi xed – a whole dinar and not a ransome.’’ Habib ibn Maslama required from Tbilisi people not one time ransome but a regular tax-Jizia.80 Otar Tskitishvili’s research is also noteworthy. He reviews the work of Baladhuri and Tabari’s contemprorary historian Abu Muhammad ibn A’tham al-Kufi ,,Kitab al-Futuh’’ i.e. ,,The book of conquests’’ especially the part which is about Habib ibn Maslama’s coming into Georgia. The ti- tle of the article is ,,Ahmad ibn A’tham al-Kufi about the First Arab Cam- paigns in Georgia.’’ This author also writes that Tbilisi was located in the area of Armenia. It is also very important that the Datsvis Sigeli, dated by Ahmad ibn A’tham exactly coincides with Simon Janashia’s opinion in connection with the date of giving the Datsvis Sigeli.81 In Otar Tskit- ishvili’s work we read that Habib ibn Maslama raided Armenia fulfi lling Calipha Uthman’s order, as well as the other Arab military leader Salman ibn Rabiah al-Bahili, not at the same time but only after the latter died af- ter the fi ght against Khazar’s near the town Balanjar (Baranjar) on August 12, 652 or on August 1, 653.82 As Ahmad ibn A’tham al-Kufi wrote, Calipha Uthman saddened by the death of Salman ibn Rabiah al-Bahili, ordered Habib ibn Maslama to raid Armenia. Habib started to Armenia with 6000 infantry and horse cavalry and camped in Khlat, and from there went to Siraj-Tair (still impossible to localize). From there he wrote a letter to Jurzani (Kartli) population.83 Unfortunately there is nothing said about the contents of the letter in the text. At least it seems that his answer was that one group of georgian nobility came to Habib ibn Maslama, and agreed on truce on the condi- tion of paying 80000 dirham. We see this sum, 80000 dirham, given to Habib ibn Maslama by the Georgian nobility, for the fi rst time in Arabian

80 Ibid., 9. 81 O. Tskitishvili. Ahmad ibn A’tham al-Kufi . About the First Millitary Compaigns of the Ar- abs in Georgia, 95 (o. cqitiSvili. ahmad ibn asam al-qufi. arabTa pirveli laSqrobebis Sesaxeb saqarTveloSi). 104 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI texts. We knew that Georgians gave Habib 100 dinars, which was not included in the established sum of Jizia and not as a ransom. It seems that the 80000 dirhams were one time tax, a contribution and not an annual tax, because when the imposed sum is an annual tax, Ahmad ibn A’tham mentions it. Unfortunately, the author did not give the contents of the text. Tskitishvili notes that if we share Janashia’s point of view according to the development of the events and take into consideration Ahmad ibn A’tham al-Kufi ’s information, it is quite possible to date back Habib ibn Maslama al-Fihri’s ,,Datsvis Sigeli’’i.e. ,,Charter of Security’’ to 653-654, but pointing to the fact that the fi rst civil war in Caliphate began in 651 and therefore they had no time for foreign affairs, will not do as an argu- ment.84 Otar Tskitishvili comments that Janashia knew perfectly well the tidings in Caliphate after Uthman’s assassination (June 17,656) the hard situation; therefore he commented that Habib ibn Maslama’s ,,Charter of Immunity’’ for Georgians should have been registered in 654-655, i.e. before Uthman’s death.85 It is also very important that the knowledge about Arabs raid in 644- 5 becomes more preciese. Ahmad ibn A’tham’s text enables us to fi nd out that Salman ibn Rabiah (wuth whom Habib ibn Maslama might have been too) had a military campaign in Kartli: ﺛﻢ ﺳﺎﺭ (ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﺔ) ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻠﻘﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺼﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ. ﺛﻢ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻲء ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻄﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻨﺔ. ﺛﻢ ﺭﺟﻊ ﻫﻮ ﻭ 86ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﺮ ﻧﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﺍﻥ...86 ,,Then he (Salman ibn Rabiah) left Beylagan and set a camp in Barda fortress. The local population arranged a truce with him offering ﺑﺮﺩﻉ money. He took the money, gave it to his warriors, thus encouraging them. Then Salman ibnRabiah together with his army went to Jurzan and made a truce with its population on a certain tax, which they pay him annually. Then he and his friends left the place, they crossed the river land.’’87 ِﺷ ﺮﻭﺍﻥ Mtkvari in Georgian) and went to Shიrvan) ﻛﻮﺭﺍ al- Habib ibn Maslama’s Charter of Immunity found out in Humaid ibn Zunjawaih’s ,,The Book of Propherty’’ by Otar Tskitishvili is also note-

82 Ibid., 96. 83 Ibid., 96, 101. 84 Ibid., 97. 85 Ibid., 97-98. 86 Ibid., 100. 87 Ibid., 102.

EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 105 worthy. Humaid ibn Zanjuwaih (796-865) was Abu Ubaida’s pupil,, a lawyer by education, who wrote ,,Kitab al-Amwal.’’ There is a slight and very unimportant difference between the texts by Abu Ubaid and Ibn Zanjuwaih.88 Humaid ibn Zanjuwaih copied his teacher’s work consci- entiously and added proper indications. There is almost no difference between this and Abu Ubaid’s text so we will discuss only the fi rst part. This part is warth of mention- ing, because it opposes Eteri Sikharulidze ‘s opinion relying on Abu Ubaid that Tbilisi was included fi rst in the Armenia region, and then, in Armazi land. Otar Tskitishvili writes: ,,There is no doubt that ,,al- Harmaz’’ ,,al-Harmazi land’’ is well-known Armazi and this toponym is correctly used by ibn Zanjuwaih, but with Abu Ubaid it is written in a distorted form ,,Al-Harman.’’ The incorrect form of the toponym can be explained by several reasons: by the mistake made by a copyst, by a mistake made while proof-reading or by Abu-Ubaid’s ignorance about the existence of Armaz and not ,,al-Harman.’’89 This is how it is written there: ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻻﻫﻞ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎ. ﺣﺪﺛﻨﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺣﺪﺛﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻻﺯﺭﻕ – ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺔ – ﻗﺎﻝ: ﻗﺮﺃﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ, ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺉ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎ ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ – ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﺫﺍ ﻓﻴﻪ

ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ

ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻻﻫﻞ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻬﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺎﻻﻣﺎﻥ ,,This is Habib ibn Maslama’s charter for the population of Taplis, Armenia country: Humaid mentions: Abu Ubaid says: Ahmad ibn al –Az- rak, a resident of Armenia narrated to me: he said he had read Habib ibn Maslama’s Charter, that is, it had been read and I was looking in it, about the truce with Tbilisi population, and there is in it: In the name of Allah, gracious, merciful, this is Habib ibn Maslama’s charter of security for the population of Taplis, of al-Harmazi country.’’90 Pavle Topuria supports Otar Tskitishvili’s opinion and writes: The most correct version is al-Tabari’s version, whereas Persian historian was

88 O. Tskitishvili. Habib ibn Maslama’s ,,Charter of Immunity’’ in the ,,Book of Property’’ of Humaid ibn Zanjuwaih, 108 (o. cqitiSvili. habib ibn maslamas ,,dacvis sige- li’’ humaid ibn zanjuvaihis ,,qonebis wignSi.’’). 89 Ibid., 109. 90 Ibid., 104. 106 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI writing that Tbilisi is located in the Armazi land of Jurzan region.91 Did Habib ibn Maslama conquer only Tbilisi or other territories too in Eastern Georgia? Were or not taxes imposed on Georgians heavy for that time and how did the Arabs instruct themselfes while laing Georgians under tribute? First of all, we must mention the idea of Mariam Lortkipanidze, who wrote that ,,Charter of Immunity’’ of Habib ibn Maslama was reffered not only to the population of Tbilisi, as Eteri Sikarulidze has mentioned, but to all Easter Georgians.92 This idea is based on the consideration, that Patrikios of Karli, Stephen II was a ruler of whole Iberia (Jurzan), not only of Tbilisi and the messenger of Stephen II named Theophile, of course, was repre- sentative of the supreme authority of the whole Eastern Georgia.93 Similar opinion was expressed by Otar Tskitishvili: ,,It is a fact, that according to Abu Ubaydean version, we have to suppose that ,,Charter of Immunity’’ issued by Habib ibn Maslama could have been addressed to all Eastern Georgians, not only to the population of Tbilisi.’’94 Also, the name of geo- graphical area of ,,Manglisi’’ in Baladhuri’s variant, fi rms above-mentioned opinion of Mariam Lortkipanidze.95 Mariam Lortkipanidze writes, that in spite of the fact that Abu Ubaidean variant is older than Baladhuri’s one, we do not know exactly what was written in the original text of the ,,Charter of Immunity’’ of Habib ibn Maslama. In original text instead of ,,Ard al- Hirmin’’ maybe Armazi or Manglisi had been written and the Arab scribes, probably had changed Georgian ,,Armazi’’ or ,,Manglisi’’ to well-known Armenia and ,,Ard al-Hirmin.’’ As for ,,Manglisi,’’ it could have been omit- ted by Arab scribes in the original text.96 Mariam Lortkipanidze also writes, that in the text of Abu Ubaid, it is written that the story was preserved by narration, so, it could have been changed dramatically.97

91 P. Topuria. From the History of the Georgian National Self-consceousness. An Interpretation of One Notifi cation of al-Tabari, 146 (p. Tofuria. qarTvelTa erovnuli TviTSe- mecnebis istoriidan, tabaris erTi cnobis interpretacia). 92 M. Lortkipanidze. The Establishment of the Arab Caliphate’s Domination in Kartli. The Georgian-Arab Relationships in VII-VIII Centuries, 173 (m. lorTqifaniZe. arabTa saxalifos gavlenis damyareba qarTlSi. qarTul-arabuli urTierTo- bebi VII-VIII saukuneebSi). 93 Ibid, 173. 94 O. Tskitishvili. ,,Charter of Immunity’’ of Habib ibn Maslama in the Writing of Abu Ubayd, 198 (o. cqitiSvili. habib ibn maslamas ,,dacvis sigeli’’ abu ubaidis TxzulebaSi). 95 M. Lortkipanidze. The Establishment of the Arab Caliphate’s Domination in Kartli. The Georgian-Arab Relationships in VII-VIII Centuries, 173 (m. lorTqifaniZe. arabTa saxalifos gavlenis damyareba qarTlSi. qarTul-arabuli urTierTo- bebi VII-VIII saukuneebSi). 96 Ibid., 173. 97 Ibid., 174. EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 107

Ibn al-Faqih al-Hamadani enumerates in detail the points in Georgia conquered97 by Habib: ﻓﻔﺘﺢ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺴﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻔﻰ ﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺷﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻠﺤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺭءﻭﺳﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻴﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﺮﺟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺩﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻭﺓ97 ﻳﺆﺩﻭﺍ “Habib ibn Maslama conquered for Uthman ibn Affan the following parts of Armenia (Irminia): Jurzan, Qasfar, Qisal, Khunan, Samsakhi, al- Jaraman, and Qsfi si bis, Shavshit and Bazalit by peace under the terms of the agreement that they pay taxes per capita and on land and agreed with Sanarians and population of Klarjit and Dudania about taxes.’’99 Baladhuri also describes which other places besides Tbilisi were ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺣﻮﺍﺭﺡ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻔﺮ ﺳﺴﻰ :occupied by Habib ibn Maslama ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺴﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺘﺴﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻠﺤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻦ ﺩﻣﺎء ﺍﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻄﺎﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻭﺍ ﺍﺗﺎﻭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺭﺿﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺭءﻭﺳﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﺮﺟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻭﺛﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺧﻴﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺧﻴﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻁﻬﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺩﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻭﺓ It is said, that Habib ibn Maslama subjugated Hvarh, Qsfrisi, Qasal, Sam- sakhi Jardaman, Qustasji, Shawshat and Bazalit by the peace truce, on the condition that they (Arabs) would not shed blood of the population, would not destroy their shrines and city walls and that they (the subjugat- ed people) would pay taxes on land and per capita. And agreed on truce with the population of Klarjit, Thrialit, Kakhet, kukhet, Artal, Bab al-Lal and agreed on truce with Sanarians and Dudanians on the term of tax.’’100 Eteri Sikharulidze (on the basis of analysis of other scholars) gives ﺳﻤﺴﺨﻰ Khunan- -ﺧﻨﺎﻥ:the names of these places with utmost precision -Bazal – ﺑﺎﺯﻟﻴﺖ Shavsheti– ﺷﻮﺷﻴﺖ – ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥSamtskhe – – ﺧﻮﺧﻴﻂKakheti – ﺧﺎﺧﻴﻂﻁﻱﺥﺍﺥ – – ﺛﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺖKlarjeti – ﻗﻠﺮﺟﻴﺖeti - Qsovrisi – ﻛﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺲ Darial(an)i – ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻼﻝ Artaani – ﺍﺭﻁﻬﺎﻝKukheti -- - - - Didoes didoelebi (nation in The Republic --– ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺩﺍﻧﻴﺔ Qsani – ﻛﺴﺎﻝﻝﺍﺱﻙ - -- - 98 - - E. Sikharulidze. About Some Issues of the Arab’s First Millitary Compaigns in Georgia, 187 (e. sixaruliZe. saqarTveloSi arabTa pirvel laSqrobaTa zogierTi sakiTxisaTvis) 99 Ibid ., 187. It should be designated that above-mentioned places are of course, territories in Kartli, but Arabs, probably,

did not know the names of that places and probably because of beeng unfamiliar with them, Arab scribes defaced them. That is the reason that the names of these Georgian places were changed in this strange way. 100 Ibid., 189. These places were also defaced probably by the Arab scribes.

-- - - 108 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI - -

Tsanareti. 101 The only daubtful – ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺭﻳﺔKaspi – ﻛﺴﻔﺮ(of Daghestan name is and . According to Eter Sikharulidze ,,Javakhi’’ . ﻛﺴﺘﺴﺠﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺭﺡ ,Qustasji – ﻛﺴﺘﺴﺠﻰi.e. ,,.’’102 As for ﺡﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺣﻮﺍﺭﺡ may be read in it is an undiscovered place in Georgia. Thus, we can make a retrospection of the whole picture. After legiti-

mizing the ,,Charter of Immunity’’ with Tbilisians, Habib ibn Maslama subjugated: ,,Javakheti, Ksovrisi, Qsani, Khunani, Samtskhe, Gardabani, , Shavsheti, Bazaleti with truce, on condition that the subjugators would not ruin their shrines and city walls and they (the Georgians) would pay taxes on land and per capita. He arranged truce with the population of Trialeti, , Khukheti, Artaani, Darial(an) as well as Tsanarians and Didoelians on the condition of paying taxes.’’103 An idea, that Ar- abs conquered land in Kartli one by one is also supported by Mariam Lortkipanidze.104 It is also noteworthy that Arabs imposed on Tbilisians only Jizia, but the subjugated beyond Tbilisi had to pay both Jizya and Kharaja.105 ,,Probably, taxes imposed on Christian population in the beginning of the Arab conquest were not much if any heavier in amount rather then the previous taxes imposed on Christians by Persian and Roman Empires. In the hurry of rapid conquest the Muslems cannot have narrowly consid- ered what each district could contribute, and must have been very largely dependent upon the information supplied by those who capitulated to them. The offers made by the capitulating population world, one might expect, be based upon the taxes they were already paying.’’106 ,,During the time of the Caliphs, the treaty lands continued to pay Jizya/Kharaj tribute as before, because their tax, according to the terms of the treaty, could not be increased above the stipulated amount.’’107 For exact com-

101 Ibid., 191-2. 102 Ibid., 192. 103 E. Sikharulidze. About Some Issues of the Arab’s First Millitary Compaigns in Georgia, 193 (e. sixaruliZe. saqarTveloSi arabTa pirvel laSqrobaTa zogi- erTi sakiTxisaTvis). 104 M. Lortkipanidze. The Establishment of the Arab Caliphate’s Domination in Kartli. The Georgian-Arab Relationships in VII-VIII Centuries, 176 (m. lorTqifaniZe. arabTa saxalifos gavlenis damyareba qarTlSi. qarTul-arabuli urTierTo- bebi VII-VIII saukuneebSi). 105 Eter Sikharulidze. About Some Issues of the Arab’s First Millitary Compaigns in Georgia, 194 (e. sixaruliZe. saqarTveloSi arabTa pirvel laSqrobaTa zogi- erTi sakiTxisaTvis). 106 R. B e l l. The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment. The Christian Population at the Arab Conquest, 174-5. 107 Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam (Harvard, 1950). Certifi ed by Ziauddin Ahmed and Ziauddin Ahmad, The Concept of Jizya in Early Islam, 302. EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 109 parison of different ,,Charters of Immunity’’ and analyzing that they all were negotiated under very similar principles by Arabs with ,,dhimmis’’ who subjugated to Arabs without war, we think that some examples of them should be brought here. For example, Baladhuri wrote108 about the conquest of Damascus: ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺍﺫ ﺩﺧﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺋﺴﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻬﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻻ ﻳﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﻲء ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﻢ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻬﺪ ﷲ ﻭ ﺫﻣﺔ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ (ﺹ) ﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻔﺎء ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻻ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺍﻋﻄﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺔ107 ,,This is what Khalid ibn al-Walid gave to the inhabitants of Damscus when he enters the city. He will give them immunity (guarantee of safety) of their lives, properties, churches and walls of their city, (and promised) that it will not be destroyed and (nobody from) Arabs will (occupy) and live in their houses and take anything from their houses and homes. They have (strong) warranty of Allah for this agreement and from His Messen- ger (Peace be upon Him) and also Caliphs and other believers (that they) will not be under any threat (on condition) that they pay ,,Jizya.’’

The terms given to Damascus seem to have become the model of the arrangements which were made with other places in Palestine and Syria.109 This is what we read in Baladhori about the conquest of the city of ,,Raqqa’’: ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﻰ ﻋﻴﺎﺽ ﺑﻦ ﻏﻨﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺔ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺩﺧﻠﻬﺎ: ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺎ ﻻﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺋﺴﻬﻢ ﻻ ﺗﺨﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻻ ﺗﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺫﺍ ﺍﻋﻄﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺤﺪﺛﻮﺍ ﻣﻐﻴﻠﺔ , ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﻻ ﻳﺤﺪﺛﻮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ ﻭ ﻻ ﺑﻴﻌﺔ , ﻭ ﻻ ﻳﻈﻬﺮﻭﺍ ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺳﺎ ﻭ ﻻ ﺑﺎﻋﻮﺛﺎ ﻭ ﻻ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﺎ

ﺷﻬﺪ ﷲ ﻭ ﻛﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍ

110ﻭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻋﻴﺎﺽ ﺑﺨﺎﺗﻤﻪ

108 Al-Baladhori. Proceedings of the Second Symposium on the History of Bilad al-Sham During The Early Islamic Period Up to 40 A.H./640 A.D. Edited by Muhammad Adnan and Ihsan Abbas, 252. 109 R. B e l l. The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment. The Christian Population at the Arab Conquest, 171. 110 Al-Baladhori. Proceedings of the Second Symposium on the History of Bilad al-Sham During The Early Islamic Period Up to 40 A.H./640 A.D. Edited by Muhammad Adnan and Ihsan Abbas, 260. 110 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI

,,In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. This is what ‘Iyad bin Ghanam grants to the inhabitants of the city of Raqqa when he entered the city: He gave them guarantee of safety of their lives, properties, churches, that would not be destroyed and nobody from the Arabs would occupy their houses, until they pai ,,jizya’’ imposed upon them. (That Arabs) will not kill them. No accident will happen to their churches and shrines, but they should not ring bells and not celebrate their Easter (loudly) and not show crosses publicly. Allah is a witness. Allah is enough as witness. And ‘Iyad certifi ed it by his seal.’’

And lastly this is what we read also within Baladhori about conquest of the city of Mah-Dinar (Nahavand ): ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﻰ ﺣﺬﻳﻔﺔ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ: ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺿﻴﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻐﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻠﺔ , ﻭ ﻻ ﻳﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﺋﻬﻢ. ﻭ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ: ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻁﺎﻗﺘﻪ, ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﻭﺍ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ , ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻭﺍ ﺟﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﻢ, ﻓﺄﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ , ﻭ ﻧﺼﺤﻮﺍ. ﻓﺎﻥ ﻏﺸﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻟﻮﺍ ﻓﺬﻣﺘﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺌﺔ.

ﺷﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻌﻘﺎﻉ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ, ﻭ ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﻥ, ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﻥ.

ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﻡ111 ,,In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. This is what Hudhayfah ibn al-Yaman gave to the inhabitants of the city Mah Dinar (Nahavand): He gave them guarantee of safety of their lives, properties, land and (promised) that Arabs will not (force them to) change their religion and will not interfereing and (prevent them from) their commercial affairs. And they have immunity as far as they pay Jizya every year: every adult should pay for his guarantee of safety as much as he can, and they should show the way to traveller (who may be lost). They also should give a rest to the passing Muslim soldiers who passed through their district and have to give them shelter during day and night and give them a good advice and information (about the loca-

111 Ibid., 260-261.

EARLY PERIOD OF ARAB OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GEORGIA 111 tion of the nearest army). But if they lie, in that case, our guarantee of immunity will be annulled. It is witnessed by al-Qa’qa’ ibn ‘Amr and Nuayym ben Mukarran and Suwayyd ben Mukarran. It was written in the month of ,,Muharram’’ Conclusion Before fi nal coming of the Arabs to Eastern Georgia, probably, in 644- 5 they are raiding the territory of Caucasus and are shaking supremacy of Byzantium demonstrably in this region. Of course, Byzantium is trying to help its allies. Probably, in the beginning Byzantium deals with this aim well and forces Arabs to leave the region temporarily (or Arabs leave by themselves) but presumably, after fi nal subjugation of Iran (whole terri- tories of Syria-Palestine, Egypt and Armenia were already in Arabs hand) general Habib ibn Maslama enters territory of Kartli in 654-5 with signifi - cant forces and Byzantium cannot help Georgians and the latter subjugate to Arabs by peace agreement. Terms of the ,,Charter of Immunity’’ that Habib ibn Maslama gave to Eastern Georgians, was similar to the old Charters of Immunity that were granted to other peacefully subjugated cities and towns in Syria-Palestine and Iran in the early period of the conquest (called ,,Futuh Period’’) and probably, was not heavy for the Georgians. The Arabs left faith of the Georgians, their churches, shrines and so- cial order untouched on the condition of paying poll-tax and land-tax and other terms that were involved in the ,,Charter of Immunity.’’It is not known for sure, but after subjugating to Arabs when their army entered the territory of Kartli, Georgian peasants according to Baladhuri had two small battles with them near Tbilisi. In the first battle they were defeated, but in the second one - Arabs were victorious. But we support (in our opinion much logical version) of Pavle Topuria, who is referring on al- Yaqut and writes, that Habib had already decided to go (and conquer) Jur- zan, when the messenger met him (on the territory of Armenia) and asked Habib ibn Maslama to write to them (the people of Tbilisi) Charter of Im- munity.’’ So, why there should be any battle between Arabs and Georgian peasants, if representative (Theophile) of Patrikios of Kartli (Stephanoz II) had already asked for truce and peace, before Arabs entered the soil of Kartli? There was not any reason for this. The terms of Charter of Immu- nity, given to the people of Tbilisi, like other charters that Arabs granted to the peacefully subjugated peoples of Syria-Palestine and Iran in the 112 PAVLE CHANTURISHVILI early period of the conquest, the so-called ,,Futuh period’’ must not have been very heavy for the Georgians. Also, the mentioning of Tbilisi in the Armenia land cannot be accidental. It is possible that Arab historians, who lately described invasion of the Arabs in Kartli thought that Tbilisi was located in Armenia, not in Kartli, because they probably saw the division of the Caucasus and the administrative disposition of this region in that way. Nevertheless, as we sew, there is no fi nal opinion about it and it is quite possible that in that vague place of the ,,Charter of Immunity’’ there might have been ,,Ard a-Harmaz’’ (the land of Armaz) instead of ,,Ard al-Hirmin.’’(the land of Armenia) Allegedly, the ,,Charter of Immunity’’ that concerned the inhab- itants of Tbilisi was not dramatically different from the ,,Charters of Im- munity’’ that were introduced by the Arabs in 630-640-ies. Also, granting of such documents was not unfamiliar for old peoples of the Middle East. The Arabs were somehow, continuers of that tradition. Arabs were giving very similar terms to those cities, towns and other territorial units that subjugated to them peacefully. Tbilisi and other cities of Eastern Georgia were not exclusion either. In spite of the fact, that we do not possess origi- nal texts that had to be introduced to those Georgian territories one by one, terms of ,,Charters of Immunity’’ for those territories, by high prob- ability were not much different from the terms that were introduced to the inhabitants of Raqqa, Damascus, Aleppo, Nehawand and Jerusalmem. While formulating and introducing these pacts, the Arabs were led by one system and very similar principles during the early conquest period. The Arabs were introducing more or less similar terms and conditions to peacefully subjugated Jews, Christians, Zoroasrians and Sabeans in spite of the fact that the subjugated peoples were living on the different administrative and territorial units and far from each other on those vast territories that were conquered by the Arabs. ABSTRACT 113

Early period of Arab occupation of Eastern Georgia

The present essay is about the earliest period of the conquest of former kingdom of Iberia (Eastern Georgia) by Arabs. The work is divided into three main parts: the preface, the main text and conclusion. The work begins with the preface – with the short review of the history of Eastern Georgia before Arabs, the antagonism between Iran and Byzantium in the 6-7 cc and the situation in the Middle East before the appearance of Islam. It is elucidated that in the Middle East there were continuous wars between Iran and Byzantium for domination in this region and in the Transcaucasia as well. After continuous wars between these emires was domi- nated by Byzantiums’ victory and before Arabs coming pro-Byzantine policy was established on the territory of Eastern Georgia, as well as Western Georgia, and of course, pro-Byzantine policy was held on these former Georgian kingdoms (know principalities, where Eristavi and Erismtavari were imposed by Byzantia). In the main text the ideas of different scholars (Muskhelishvili, Javakhishvili, Janashia, Silagadze, Lortkipanidze, Sikharulidze) are reviewed. The supposition is expressed about the logicality of both dates. It becames clear that Habib ibn Maslama sup- posedly came to Kartli in 654-655 although before his coming in 644-645 Arabs already raided Transcaucasia heade by Salman ibn Rabia and shook Byzantium’s infl uence on this territory. Janashia’s information about the presumable events be- fore Arab’s coming is also given. To prove this, Tabari’s information is reffered. Tabari wrote that Suraka, after conquereing Azerbaijan, sent a number of comman- ders to conquer countries near Armenia, among them was Habib ibn Maslama sent to Tbilisi. But after Suraka’s death, when his place was occupied by Abd Arrah- man ibn Rabiah, the commanders sent by Suraka came to him and it appeared that none of them, except Buqairi, had conquered the country they had been sent to. Janashia’s information, relying on Sebeus, about the presumable development of the events before Arab’s coming is also given. The identity of Habib ibn Maslama is also given. Then the essence of the territories conquered by Arabs is discussed, as well as the terms offered by Roman/Byzantians and Persians to the territorial units and population who subjugated to them by their own will. There is and extencive re- view of the rights of Dhimmis, relying on Gocha Japaridze’s article: ,,Dhimmis.’’ It becomes clear that Arabs as descendants of that epoch, had similar principles with Romans, Byzantians and Persians in connection with the subjugated peoples. It appears that Arabs, like Romans, Byzantians and Persians had worked out prin- ciples in connection with the peoples subjugated by their own will or by force. The meaning of the terms ,,dhimma’’ and ,,dhimmi’’ is also discussed. Mah- moud Ayoub opinion is given. The short history of these terms is also given relying on Mahmoud Ayoub and Robert Hoyland. The rights of dhimmis – the Christians who were subjugated to Arabs by their own will – is also discussed. It becomes clear that at the beginning of subjugation, which is called ,,Futuh Period’’ Arabs left inviolate the administrative, judicial, structures as well as the working languages – 114 ABSTRACT

Greek and Persian, i.e. the situation which they saw on the conquered lands remai- ned inviolate. Arabs did not make any important changes, the reason of which, supposedly, was their inexperience in governing large territories. ,,Omar’s regula- tions’’ are also discussed and which of the regulations was of an earlier period and which of later period. Albrecht Noth’s analysis is emphasized, because he found out which regulations were the earliest, i.e. regulated during the conquering period. It becomes clear, that at the starting stage Arabs did not impose any regulations to discriminate or humiliate them. Those regulations which seemed to be established by Arabs with the aim of humiliation, appear to be created for differentiation. The aim of Arab Muslims was to differentiate Muslims from non-Muslims. The latter were required to rear specifi c clothes and covering for the head. But appeared that wearing such clothes was characteristic for Christians even before appearance of Arabs. Muslims made it obligatory to preserve their selfhood on those vast terri- tories and among those foreign people, the relations with whom was quite new for them. As it seems, Arabs acted from ,,self-defensive position’’ as they were afraid of being mixed up with foreignrs and loosing their own selfness. The regulations, which are supposed to be worked out at earliest stage, and which were of vital importance for Arab Muslims, are also discussed. There is a wide opinion that the regulations were worked out with the aim of humiliating, but relying on Albrecht Noth it becomes clear that these regulations were worked out to meet the necessities of Arabs and not to humiliate Christians. In the main text Habib ibn Maslama’s biography is also given and what was the situation when he came to Kartli. How he met the representative of Georgians (Theophile or Nikala). The general situation, which concerns the inhabitants of ,,Datsvis Sigeli.’’ The work discusses the variants of Baladhurian and Tabarian versions of the Georgian ,,Datsvis Sigeli,’’ the speech of the Georgian representa- tive which he gave Arabs before concluding the contract, Habib’s answer and the document itself – the book of the inviolability and its terms. After that it is discussed that before granting the Charter of Immunity to Tbilisi people, there had been two battles at ,,Zat al-Lujumi’’ in the vicinity of Tbilisi. The fi rst battle was won by Georgians but Arabs attacked them again, defeated Georgians. Much attention is paid to Eteri Sikharulidze’s opinion that ,,Zat al-Li- jum’’ must have been Lochini. But Pavle Topuria did not agree with this opinion. He wrote that the most trusty information about this was written by al-Yaqut, who wrote that the representative of the Georgians came to Habib ibn Maslama and asked for truce in Armenia, not in Lochini. So, his opinion is also discussed. The question why instead of Armaz ,,Kermez’’ is wed in Baladhuri’s text is discussed in detail. Then follows a wide discussion about the earliest version of the text of Ubaidi- sean Charter of Immunity, considered in detail by Eteri Sikharulidze who says that the most correct form is ,,Ard al-Hirmin, i.e. the country of Irminia, as for other versions they are distorted forms. The scholar considers that it was not unusual for Arabs to indicate Tbilisi not in Kartli or Jurzan but in Irminia country. It was characteristic to Arabian tradition. Then follows the title of Abu Ubaida’s text and the sentence which clearly shows that Kartli is aaloted in Irminia country. We read that Abu Ubaida’s source was a resident of Irminia (Armenia) Ahmad ibn al-Azraq, ABSTRACT 115 who told Abu Ubaida about Habib ibn Maslama’s Charter of Immunity. Then Ha- bib’s answer about the gift by Tbilisi people is discussed. It appeared that the cast of the gift was 100 dinar which was regarded as their future Jizia and explained that they wanted regular contribution and not one time ransom, , which was later refl ected in the Charter of Immunity as well. After that Otar Tskitishvili’s research is considered that part of Abu Muhammad ib A’tham Al-Kufi ’s work ,,Kitab al-Futuh’’ that is ,,the Book about Conquests’’, when Habib ibn Maslama concluded the Charter of Immunity with Georgians. The author wrote that the charter was presented to the population of Tbilisi, of Arminia land, and the date of this event exactly coincides with Simon Janashia’s version. It is also mentioned here that we come across paying 80 000 dirhams and not 100 dinars, and that Arabs required not one time ransome but a regular contribution. Afterwards Habib ibn Maslama’s Charter of Immunity in the ,,Book of Property’’ by Humaid ibn Zanjuwaih is discussed. Otar Tskitishvili’s opinion that Tbilisi was supposed to be not in Armenia land but in Armazi region. We also discussed what other regions besides Tbilisi were subjugated by Arabs. The places named by ibn al-Faqih and Baladhuri in the Eastern Georgia are enu- merated; some of them are daubful. In connection with this Eteri Sikharulidze’s analysis about some vague names is mentioned. And in the end, in their restored form, all the places conquered by Arabs in Kartli are enumerated. The main thing is, that the document given to Georgians, known by the name of ,,Datsvis Sigeli’’ is compared to the same document given to other cities and regions. It becomes clear that Arabs had one and the same principle for the peoples who subjugated to them by their own will and the terms stipulated to Georgians did not differ much from the terms stipulated to Aleppo, Damscus, Jerusalem and other towns. In the conclusion of the work is summaraized and once more emphasized that the religion, monastreies, churches and state system remained inviolable in ex- change of taxes for households and land and after requirements of the Datsvis Sigeli. Georgians were not an exception. It is also mentioned that Arabs used simi- lar principles with the Christians who subjugated to them by their own will in spite of their geographical situation and cultural and national differences offerd them similar conditions in exchange of paying taxes.