Status, Competition, and Violent Islamic Mobilization in Indonesia
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The Revival of Tradition in Indonesian Politics
The Revival of Tradition in Indonesian Politics The Indonesian term adat means ‘custom’ or ‘tradition’, and carries connotations of sedate order and harmony. Yet in recent years it has suddenly become associated with activism, protest and violence. Since the resignation of President Suharto in 1998, diverse indigenous communities and ethnic groups across Indonesia have publicly, vocally, and sometimes violently, demanded the right to implement elements of adat in their home territories. This book investigates the revival of adat in Indonesian politics, identifying its origins, the historical factors that have conditioned it and the reasons for its recent blossoming. The book considers whether the adat revival is a constructive contribution to Indonesia’s new political pluralism or a divisive, dangerous and reactionary force, and examines the implications for the development of democracy, human rights, civility and political stability. It is argued that the current interest in adat is not simply a national offshoot of international discourses on indigenous rights, but also reflects a specifically Indonesian ideological tradition in which land, community and custom provide the normative reference points for political struggles. Whilst campaigns in the name of adat may succeed in redressing injustices with regard to land tenure and helping to preserve local order in troubled times, attempts to create enduring forms of political order based on adat are fraught with dangers. These dangers include the exacerbation of ethnic conflict, the legitimation of social inequality, the denial of individual rights and the diversion of attention away from issues of citizenship, democracy and the rule of law at national level. Overall, this book is a full appraisal of the growing significance of adat in Indonesian politics, and is an important resource for anyone seeking to understand the contemporary Indonesian political landscape. -
Kontenkeuangan Bprs Hi
Mendorong pertumbuhan berkelanjutan melalui peningkatan sumber daya insani Perkembangan Bank Pembiayaan Rakyat Syariah di tengah kondisi ekonomi yang kurang kondusif. Menjadikan Bank Pembiayaan Rakyat Syariah Harta Insan Karimah Parahyangan untuk terus melakukan perbaikan di segala bidang. Pengembangan telah dilakukan antara lain di bidang Teknologi informasi, inovasi produk dan layanan, peningkatan jaringan kantor dan peningkatan kualitas Sumber Daya Insani yang profesional, andal dan integritas tinggi, sehingga diharapkan memberikan kontribusi pada perbaikan hasil kinerja dalam aspek operasional maupun finansial. BPRS Harta Insan Karimah Parahyangan berkomitmen mendorong pertumbuhan berkelanjutan melalui peningkatan sumber daya insani untuk menciptakan budaya pengendalian internal yang efektif dan patuh terhadap peraturan yang berlaku, mengoptimalkan berbagai peluang bisnis tanpa mengenyampingkan mitigasi resiko yang akan timbul di kemudian hari. Kesinambungan Tema 2015 Meningkatkan kemampuan dan melayani BPRS HIK Parahyangan mampu menghasilkan posisi keuangan yang kuat sehingga dapat menghadapi lingkungan bisnis bank yang dinamis. BPRS HIK Parahyangan sesuai dengan visi dan misinya, terus meningkatkan kualitas layanan melalui peningkatan kualitas sumber daya insani dan peranan teknologi informasi guna mempertahankan loyalitas para nasabah. 2016 Mewujudkan Harmoni untuk kesejahteraan bersama Komitmen untuk memberikan layanan yang handal dan terpercaya serta maju bersama dalam ketentuan syariah telah menempatkan BPRS HIK Parahyangan -
RADICALIZING INDONESIAN MODERATE ISLAM from WITHIN the NU-FPI Relationship in Bangkalan, Madura
RADICALIZING INDONESIAN MODERATE ISLAM FROM WITHIN The NU-FPI Relationship in Bangkalan, Madura Ahmad Zainul Hamdi IAIN Sunan Ampel, Surabaya - Indonesia Abstract: This article tries to present the most current phenomenon of how moderate Islam can live side by side with radical Islam. By focusing its analysis on the dynamics of political life in Bangkalan, Madura, the paper argues that the encounter between these two different ideological streams is possible under particular circumstances. First, there is a specific political situation where the moderate Islam is able to control the political posts. Second, there is a forum where they can articulate Islamic ideas in terms of classical and modern political movements. This study has also found out that the binary perspective applied in the analysis of Islamic movement is not always relevant. The fact, as in the case of Bangkalan, is far more complex, in which NU and Islamic Defender Front (FPI) can merge. This is so Eecause at the Eeginning, F3,’s management in the city is led by kyais or/and prominent local NU leaders. Keywords: Radicalization, de-radicalization, moderate Islam, radical Islam. Introduction A discussion on the topic of contemporary Islamic movements is filled with various reviews about radical Islam. As news, academic work also has its own actual considerations. The September 11th incident seems to be a “productive” momentum to tap a new academic debate which was previously conducted only by a few people who were really making Islam and its socio-political life as an academic project. Islamism, in its violence and atrocity, then became a popular theme that filled almost all the scientific discussion that took ideology and contemporary Islamic movements as a main topic. -
Charisma and Rationalisation in a Modernising Pesantren: Changing Values in Traditional Islamic Education in Java
Charisma and Rationalisation in a Modernising Pesantren: Changing Values in Traditional Islamic Education in Java Achmad Zainal Arifin A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Religion and Society Research Centre University of Western Sydney, Australia 2013 Principal Supervisor: Professor Dr. Julia Day Howell Associate Supervisor: Professor Dr. Bryan S. Turner Dedication My beloved wife, Irfatul Hidayah, and my children, Muhammad Zeva Wagiswari and Athifa Ramaniya, for your patience and support during my study My parents, Bapak Tholchah Aziz (Alm.) and Ibu Aisyah, and brothers and sisters, Mbak Iva, Mas Barok, Mas Mus, Mbak Ema, Yuni and Nuk, for your sincere prayers for my success Bapak Syamsuddin (Alm.) and Ibu Jauharoh, and all families in Tebon, for kindly support and help to me and my family Phd Thesis | Achmad Zainal Arifin | ii Acknowledgements My study would never have been undertaken without support from a number of people and institutions. First of all, I would like to thank AusAID officers, who granted me the Australian Leadership Award Scholarship (ALAS) and the Allison Sudrajat Award (ASA) to start my PhD program at Griffith University and finish it at University of Western Sydney (UWS). I also thank the Dean of the Social Sciences and Humanities Faculty (FISHUM) and staff, for their understanding in letting me finish this study, though I joined the faculty only a couple of months before, and KH. Ahmad Munawwar (Gus Tole), the board members of Komplek L, Pesantren al-Munawwir Krapyak, and all fellow santri, who helped and supported me in my application for the scholarship, as well as providing me with valuable data during my fieldwork. -
The Populism of Islamist Preachers in Indonesia's 2019 Presidential
The Populism of Islamist Preachers in Indonesia’s 2019 Presidential Election Yuka Kayane University of Tsukuba Populism without leadership? he literature on populism in Asian countries over the past two decades has generally featured charismatic and often autocratic leaders, as notably demonstrated elsewhere by the rise (and fall) of Thaksin Shinawatra due to his vehement rhetoric that antago- Tnized political elites in Bangkok, Rodrigo Duterte’s brutal and lawless war on drugs, and the continuous electoral success of Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government, which prop- agates a divisive rhetoric that alienates Muslim minorities.1 Those analyses and media com- mentaries have highlighted personalistic leaders’ political strategies for seeking or exercising governmental power based on direct, unmediated, un-institutionalized support from large numbers of mostly unorganized followers.2 While the aforementioned top-down populism with powerful leadership has often attracted significant attention, recent studies have shown that there are varieties of other forms of populist mobilization; some take bottom-up forms of social movement, while others have both personalist leadership and social movement.3 In addition, its characteristics substantially depend on local context, such as the ideological bases that are most appealing to the specific society, the figures best positioned to succeed in gaining acceptance as a representative of the people, and how antagonistic oppositions are constructed. The term ‘populism’ was widely used during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election, in which both candidates––Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Prabowo Subianto––leveraged the 1 Joshua Kurlantzick,“Southeast Asia’s Populism is Different but Also Dangerous,” Council on Foreign Relations, November 1, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/southeast-asias-populism-different-also-dange rous, accessed December 12, 2019. -
Reconceptualising Ethnic Chinese Identity in Post-Suharto Indonesia
Reconceptualising Ethnic Chinese Identity in Post-Suharto Indonesia Chang-Yau Hoon BA (Hons), BCom This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The University of Western Australia School of Social and Cultural Studies Discipline of Asian Studies 2006 DECLARATION FOR THESES CONTAINING PUBLISHED WORK AND/OR WORK PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION This thesis contains sole-authored published work and/or work prepared for publication. The bibliographic details of the work and where it appears in the thesis is outlined below: Hoon, Chang-Yau. 2004, “Multiculturalism and Hybridity in Accommodating ‘Chineseness’ in Post-Soeharto Indonesia”, in Alchemies: Community exChanges, Glenn Pass and Denise Woods (eds), Black Swan Press, Perth, pp. 17-37. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis). ---. 2006, “Assimilation, Multiculturalism, Hybridity: The Dilemma of the Ethnic Chinese in Post-Suharto Indonesia”, Asian Ethnicity, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 149-166. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis). ---. 2006, “Defining (Multiple) Selves: Reflections on Fieldwork in Jakarta”, Life Writing, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 79-100. (A revised version of this paper appears in a few sections of Chapter Two of the thesis). ---. 2006, “‘A Hundred Flowers Bloom’: The Re-emergence of the Chinese Press in post-Suharto Indonesia”, in Media and the Chinese Diaspora: Community, Communications and Commerce, Wanning Sun (ed.), Routledge, London and New York, pp. 91-118. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter Six of the thesis). This thesis is the original work of the author except where otherwise acknowledged. -
Building Social Cohesion and Identity Against Radicalization and Terrorism
BUILDING SOCIAL COHESION AND IDENTITY AGAINST RADICALIZATION AND TERRORISM Reflianto1, Farida Ariani2 and Nora Afnita3 1Post Graduate of State University of Malang, [email protected]. 2Post Graduate of State University of Padang, [email protected] 3STIT Syekh Burhanuddin Pariaman [email protected] Abstract protecting the environment and building The aim of this research is to build resilience to conflicts. However, the social cohesion and identity against maintaining whatever has been achieved radicalization and terrorism activities in the and expanding the coverage of the multicultural society of Kampung Pondok in success is complicated by the recent Padang City. The subject of this study was the political reformation, compounding the entire of youth society at Kampung Pondok. Data of this research collected by using the effects of other existing conflicts and open ended interview form, observation and historically rooted social tensions. The focus group discussion. The personality and old and new conflicts, crises, and identity of subject was measured by using Big transitions threaten human security on Five Inventory. The Analysis data of this multiple levels and even appear any research used explorative analysis. Research kinds of radicalization and terrorism. findings reported that there are many ways Radicalization continues to be a in building social cohesion and identity dangerous issue for the countries in the against radicalization and terrorism those world and become an important concern, are involving all youth into positive local especially in conflict countries such as in custom activities and build a trust the Middle East and the developed framework, equal citizenship, and inclusion. The good manner for youth can be conducted countries that trigger conflict and by 1) reconstructing the deradicalization dissatisfaction due to their policies. -
Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Radicalism, Intolerance
VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA: RADICALISM, INTOLERANCE WINTER 2017 AND ELECTIONS A PROJECT FROM THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Radicalism, Intolerance and Elections Copyright © 2018 International Republican Institute. All rights reserved. Permission Statement: No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the written permission of the International Republican Institute. Requests for permission should include the following information: • The title of the document for which permission to copy material is desired. • A description of the material for which permission to copy is desired. • The purpose for which the copied material will be used and the manner in which it will be used. • Your name, title, company or organization name, telephone number, fax number, e-mail address and mailing address. Please send all requests for permission to: Attn: Department of External Affairs International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20005 [email protected] VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA: RADICALISM, INTOLERANCE AND ELECTIONS WINTER 2017 International Republican Institute IRI.org @IRI_Polls © 2018 All Rights Reserved 2 IRI | WINTER 2017 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Approach hardship and its defense of free expression. • In late 2017, the International Republican However, members of the nationalist parties, Institute (IRI) conducted a series of focus group which control government, were less critical of discussions (FGDs) to gain insight into the the government and its overall representation of local political dynamics in West Java that are constituents and ability to address the country’s contributing to radicalism and intolerance, with primary challenges. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Program Studi Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies Konsentrasi Kajian Komunikasi Dan Masyarakat Islam
ANAK MUDA, DAKWAH JALANAN DAN FRAGMENTASI OTORITAS KEAGAMAAN: Studi Atas Gerakan Dakwah Pemuda Hijrah dan Pemuda Hidayah HALAMAN JUDUL Oleh: Muhamad Ibtissam Han NIM: 1620010052 TESIS Diajukan kepada Pascasarjana UIN Sunan Kalijaga Untuk Memenuhi Salah Satu Syarat guna Memperoleh Gelar Master of Arts (M.A.) Program Studi Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies Konsentrasi Kajian Komunikasi dan Masyarakat Islam YOGYAKARTA 2018 ABSTRAK Tesis ini mengkaji gerakan dakwah di kalangan anak muda di Bandung, dengan studi kasus Shift Gerakan Pemuda Hijrah dan Pemuda Hidayah. Penelitian ini berkontribusi dalam studi mengenai diseminasi otoritas keagamaan, terutama yang beredar di kalangan anak muda. Penelitian ini adalah studi kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode etnografi selama kurang lebih tiga bulan dengan melakukan serangkaian wawancara mendalam terhadap para aktivis juga jamaah, baik itu dari komunitas Shift Pemuda Hijrah maupun komunitas Pemuda Hidayah, serta partisipasi observasi dengan mengikuti berbagai kegiatan yang mereka selenggarakan. Tesis ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat kesinambungan antara gerakan dakwah yang dipelopori oleh Shift dengan gerakan yang pernah ada sebelumnya di Bandung, yaitu masjid masih menjadi sentral dalam gerakan dakwah. Namun terdapat juga perubahan dari gerakan sebelumnya yaitu aktor-aktor yang berperan penting dalam gerakan tidak lagi berasal dari tokoh yang memiliki pengakuan di bidang keagamaan baik secara figur pribadi maupun afiliasi dengan lembaga agama yang memiliki otoritas. Mereka justru lahir dari komunitas subkultur anak muda. Perbedaan latar belakang komunitas di kalangan anak muda yang berkaitan dengan perbedaan budaya dan kelas sosial membuat aspirasi mereka berbeda. Upaya akomodasi terhadap aspirasi yang berbeda tersebut melahirkan gerakan dakwah jalanan yang semakin beragam. Pada akhirnya otoritas yang dimiliki oleh figur maupun gerakan tidak terpusat pada satu ustaz dan satu gerakan tetapi menyebar kepada banyak ustaz dan juga gerakan sekaligus menyempit pada segmentasi audiensi tertentu. -
The Construction of Mass Organization Publication in Islamic News Portals Dwi Latifatul Fajri1, Agus Triyono2
ISSN 2685-2403 MEDIO Vol 2, No 1, July 2020, pp. 37-61 The Construction of Mass Organization Publication in Islamic News Portals Dwi Latifatul Fajri1, Agus Triyono2 Abstract The issuance of the Government Regulation in Lieu of Law Number 2, the Year 2017 on the Mass Organization, has gained several pros and cons before its legal verification. One of the most significant applications of the regulation is in the disbandment of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia without undergoing legal process due to the renewal of regulation, namely the contrario actus principle. The news on mass organization regulation also becomes the highlight of Islamic news portals, namely Eramuslim.com, Nu.or.id, and Hidayatullah.com. The three portals are chosen for the study due to their frequent published news on the mass organization and their position at the top ranks for the most-visited news portal (Alexa.com). Despite being the same Islamic-based media, the three portals have distinctive news framing. This study applied the framing analysis model by Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki. The Nu.or.id reported there was much support for the issuance of the mass organization regulation based on the religious context, and many sides are against the peaceful action of 299. Hidayatullah.com claims that the regulation has discriminated against and limited the freedom of speech of mass organizations. Lastly, Eramuslim.com views regulation as a political tool used by the government. Based on Golding and Murdock, Hidayatullah.com and Nu.or.id have organizational interests to carry on their news; therefore, it shows an apparent tendency to take sides. -
Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Seto, Ario
www.ssoar.info Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Seto, Ario Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Seto, A. (2019). Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(2), 187-208. https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-0021 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Ario Seto ► Seto, A. (2019). Islamist buzzers: Message flooding, offline outreach, and astroturfing.Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(2), 187-208. Based on ethnographic research on Islamist buzzers – social media political operators tasked with making particular online conversation subjects trend – in Indonesia, this article details the process of how the proliferation of insensitive message in both the online and offline realms plays a role in mobilizing those sympathetic to religious fundamental- ism. As this research shows, the interviewed buzzers were one of the driving forces behind the massive success of the fundamentalist Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI) as they mobilized people to participate in the organization’s political rallies between 2016 and 2017. Driven by altruistic volunteerism and sense of community, these actors go beyond their duty as click-farmers.