SECTION I; Overseas News; Pg

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Copyright 1986 The Financial Times Limited Financial Times (London,England) September 5, 1986, Friday SECTION: SECTION I; Overseas News; Pg. 3 LENGTH: 313 words HEADLINE: Malaysian Chinese Party's New Leader BYLINE: Wong Sulong, Kuala Lumpur BODY: Mr Ling Liong Sik, 43, a medical doctor, has taken over the presidency of the faction-torn Malaysian Chinese Association, the largest Chinese political party in Malaysia, from Mr Tan Koon Swan who resigned after he was jailed by a Singapore court. The MCA central committee which accepted his resignation has also promoted Mr Lee Kim Sai as the party's deputy president. Mr Ling, Mr Lee and Mr Chan Siang San are MCA representatives in the 24-member Malaysian Cabinet. Mr Tan, who had been MCA president for only nine months, was given a two-year jail sentence by the Singapore High Court last week for his part in stock market manipulation which led to the collapse of Pan- Electric Industries, the Singapore salvage, property and hotel group, last December. Observers say the new MCA leaders will find it tough going as they lead the demoralised and financially indebted (as a result of the recent general elections) MCA into the Malaysian coalition Government, now dominated by the United Malays National Organisation of Dr Mahathir Mohamed, Prime Minister. Mr Ling could also face problems in confirming his leadership at the MCA party elections next year because he lacks grass-root support. This is aggravated by his English-educated background, when the bulk of the party's membership is Mandarin-speaking. Meanwhile, Miss Penny Chang, Mr Tan's wife, and Mr Loong Yoke Pin, a close business associate, have taken over the management of Grand United Holdings and Supreme Corporation, two publicly listed companies controlled by Mr Tan. Mr Loong, who was one of the three businessmen who put up the S Dollars 40 m (Dollars 20 m) bail for Mr Tan during his recent trial, has been appointed GUH executive chairman, while Miss Chang was appointed Supreme's managing director. Trading in the two companies has been suspended since the Pan-Electric crisis. .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

THE RISE and FALL of DR LING LIONG SIK (Bernama 23/05/2003)
23 MAY 2003 Ling-Politics THE RISE AND FALL OF DR LING LIONG SIK By: Alan Ting KUALA LUMPUR, (Bernama) - He was not seen as a likely presidential candidate of the MCA during the infamous clash between Datuk Dr Neo Yee Pan and Datuk Tan Koon Swan in the 1980s. Having thrown his weight behind Koon Swan, he was like any other "generals" in the bitter party tussle, till a twist of fate propelled him to the helm of the oldest and biggest Chinese party, a job he held for almost 17 years. That twist of fate came on Sept 3, 1986 when he, as the deputy president, was appointed to the top post, replacing Koon Swan who had to resign after being sentenced to a two-year jail and a fine of S$500,000 for criminal breach of trust in Singapore. Born on Sept 18, 1943, Dr Ling had his early education at the King Edward VII School in Taiping before joining the prestigious Royal Military College (RMC) in Sungai Besi. From the RMC, Dr Ling studied medicine at the University of Singapore in 1961 and by 1966, he served as a doctor at Penang General Hospital before opting for private practice in Butterworth in 1975. The medical doctor, with a dead-pan face and gravel voice, launched his political career in 1968 when he joined the MCA and worked his way up to become a Central Committee member in 1974. EARLY YEARS In the same year, he was picked to stand in the Mata Kuching (now called Bagan) parliamentary constituency on an MCA ticket and won, retaining the seat for two subsequent terms.
[Show full text]
A Study on Interruptions by the Chairperson in the Dewan Rakyat
ACCOUNTABILITY IN THE PARLIAMENT OF MALAYSIA: A STUDY ON INTERRUPTIONS BY THE CHAIRPERSON IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn vorgelegt von Nor Azura binti A Rahman aus Johor, Malaysia Bonn 2021 Gedruckt mit der Genehmigung der Philosophischen Fakultät der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn Zusammensetzung der Prüfungskommission: Prof. Dr. Stephan Conermann (Vorsitzende/Vorsitzender) Prof. Dr. Christoph Antweiler (Betreuerin/Betreuer und Gutachterin/Gutachter) Prof. Dr. Claudia Derichs (Gutachterin/Gutachter) Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 26 November 2020 i ABSTRACT The election of the chairman of the House of Representatives, a chamber of the Malaysian parliament, has always been determined by the ruling party. The centralization of executive power has also absorbed the function of the chairman, so that the chairman acts partisanly in parliamentary debates. Also, the chairman has developed into an institution that carries out agenda-setting within the framework of the parliament. This raises the conceptual question of whether legislation in Malaysia is still performed independently by the parliament. The observed patterns require an attempt to re-conceptualize the roles as well as the assigned meaning of various expressions of parliamentary routine, including those that are unwritten and informal, for instance those which can also be termed “subjective forms of rule” at one's own discretion. In my doctoral thesis, I apply an interdisciplinary analytical framework that relates to accountability studies, as well as micro- sociological direct interaction, the interpretations of procedural interactions in conversation, as well as studies of political discretion in parliamentary operations. My main research question asks how the Speaker of Parliament fulfils his responsibilities by disrupting ongoing parliamentary debates.
[Show full text]
CHAPTER 3: OVERVIEW of POLITICAL EVENTS and NATIONAL BUDGET ANNOUNCEMENTS in MALAYSIA the Focus of This Research Study Is On
CHAPTER 3: OVERVIEW OF POLITICAL EVENTS AND NATIONAL BUDGET ANNOUNCEMENTS IN MALAYSIA The focus of this research study is on the impact of political events and national budget announcement on the local stock market. For the purpose of this project, a set of 38 discrete political events with different dates of occurrence which cover a time period of three decades starting from 1981 have been selected. Though a longer perspective is useful in providing a broader view of the picture, this study will not cover events prior to 1981, except for occasional reference and summary during the analysis. The scope of the selected political news is limited to government-oriented announcements which can be broadly categorized into six major types: Dissolutions of the Parliament, General Elections, party elections, the changing of administration leadership, the reshuffle of cabinet and extraordinary political events. This study, however, does not include news from the opposition party. The second part of the research will be dealing with the national budget announcements which broadly include some of the major information such as the country's GDP, balance of payment, fiscal policy, and tax policy. Fifteen years of national budget from 1998 to 2011 have been collected for testing and analysis on their impact on the Malaysian market reactions. 38 3.1 Political events from 1981—1990 The first event of this study dates back to 15 May 1981 when Hussein Onn, the then Prime Minister of Malaysia, first announced his intention to resign due to health problem (Mean, 1991) and would pass the Premiership to Mahathir Mohamad.
[Show full text]
Chinese Responses to Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia 1957-96
Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 34, No.3, December 1996 Chinese Responses to Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia 1957-96 RENG Pek Koon * Owing to their status as an immigrant minority community, the political, social and economic life of Chinese in Peninsular Malaysia (known as Malaya in the period before 1963) has inevitably been shaped by initiatives emanating from the dominant Malay community. According to the latest census figures released in 1995, Chinese form 29.4% of the population in Peninsular Malaysia compared to 57.4% for Malays and 9.5% for Indians [Government of Malaysia, Department of Statistics Malaysia 1995: VoLl, 40J. This paper examines the impact of Malay hegemony, which emerged with independence in 1957, on Chinese political and economic life. The interplay of Malay ascendance and Chinese responses over the last four decades has undergone three distinct phases: (1) 1957-69 - Alliance coalition rule; (2) 1970-90 National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition rule and implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP); (3) 1991-present - implementation of the National Development Policy (NDP). During the first phase, Chinese experienced meaningful political participation and made significant economic gains. The second phase saw concentration of power in the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a concerted implementation of Malay affirmative action policies, and a concomitant marginalization of Chinese political activity. In the current phase, NDP policies, shaped by the objectives of Prime Minister Mohamad Mahathir's "Vision 2020," have produced a political and economic climate more conducive to Chinese interests. Before turning to a discussion of Chinese political and economic activities in the country, I would like to first consider the manner in which the three core ethnic identifiers of "Malayness" - bahasa, agama, raja (language, religion and royalty) - have been utilized by the Malay political leadership in public policies to reflect Malay hegemonic status in the Malaysian polity.
[Show full text]
Electoral Politics and the Malaysian Chinese Association in Johor
ISSN 0219-3213 2018 no. 20 Trends in Southeast Asia ELECTORAL POLITICS AND THE MALAYSIAN CHINESE ASSOCIATION IN JOHOR LEE HOCK GUAN AND NICHOLAS CHAN TRS20/18s ISBN 978-981-4843-18-8 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 789814 843188 Trends in Southeast Asia 18-J04855 01 Trends_2018-20.indd 1 19/11/18 3:55 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 18-J04855 01 Trends_2018-20.indd 2 19/11/18 3:55 PM 2018 no. 20 Trends in Southeast Asia ELECTORAL POLITICS AND THE MALAYSIAN CHINESE ASSOCIATION IN JOHOR LEE HOCK GUAN AND NICHOLAS CHAN 18-J04855 01 Trends_2018-20.indd 3 19/11/18 3:55 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2018 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved.
[Show full text]
Nanyang Hua Chi'ao
ANG KEDAITU ON WO FOCK N; çHUhiASTREET, ICat, (BLACKSMITH)H) NANYANG HUA CHI'AO To MALAYSIAN CHINESE: he Eme gence of A New hineseentity In alaysia ¡j NANYANG HUA GHI'AO To MALAYSIAN CHINESE: The Emergence of a New Chinese Identity in Malaysia Sau Foong Ng Honours Thesis, Department of Politics, University of Adelaide, South Australia, 1999 In the loving memory of my grandfather Dato Ng Kuok Thai CONTENTS Abstract i Acknowledgements ii Disclamer iii Introduction i. Research Methodology 3 ii. Chinese Identity Transition in Malaysia 5 Chapter I Emigration to Malaya: From Chinese to Overseas Chinese 15 i. The `Overseas Chinese' Model of Transition 26 Chapter II Political Struggle and the Formation of MCA 35 i. Formation of MCA 36 ii. From Independence to May 1969 38 Chapter III May13th1969 and the New Economic Policy 45 Chapter IV The Failure of the `Overseas Chinese' Model: Chinese Disunity 50 Chapter V The Adoption of the `Malaysian Chinese' Model: `Malaysian Chinese' 64 i.Tan Sri Lim Goh Tong 68 ii. Tan Sri Robert Kuok Hock Nien 73 iii. Quek Leng Chan 77 iv. Dato Lee Oi Hian 79 Conclusion 84 References 88 Interviews 88 Publications 88 Publications (Foreign Language) 92 Unpublished Papers & Dissertations 92 Journals 92 Other References 93 Pictures (Front Cover) 93 ABSTRACT It is argued that the success of Overseas Chinese in SoutheastAsia lies in their unique `Chineseness'. This unique`Chineseness', asmany argued created a chain of broad networks that linksChinese with Chinese together.Although the assumption may be true ina broad context, in Malaysia this assumptiondoes not hold.
[Show full text]
Case Study on Pan-Electric Crisis
Case Study on Pan-Electric Crisis MAS Staff Paper No. 32 June 2004 PAN-ELECTRIC CRISIS CASE STUDY JUNE 2004 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This paper examines and evaluates MAS’ three main policies during the Pan-Electric Industries Limited (Pan-El) crisis – closure of the Stock Exchange of Singapore (SES), setting up of the lifeboat fund, and MAS’ communication strategy. This exercise is carried out in the context of the regulatory regime at the time of the crisis, using a crisis management framework that focuses on two criteria – effectiveness and cost. At the end of the paper, the reader should have a better idea of the facts surrounding the Pan-El crisis and the lessons that could be learnt from such an experience as they apply to future crisis prevention and crisis management. 2 Before the Pan-El crisis, the stockbroking community, along with the companies listed on the SES, was essentially unregulated. While some might point to the membership and listing requirements set out by the SES as examples of regulation, the fact is that the SES had no enforcement powers to make sure either stockbroking firms or listed companies conformed to its rules. There was no continuous off-site supervision and no prudential limits were set for stockbroking firms. Under such circumstances, great reliance was naturally placed on voluntary disclosure by the parties involved. 3 In stark contrast to this lenient atmosphere, the regulatory regime immediately after the Pan-El crisis swung in the opposite direction. Forward trading was completely banned (trading could only take place on an immediate delivery basis), a not unexpected action given that it was such contracts which had caused the Pan-El failure to spread throughout the entire stockbroking industry in the first place.
[Show full text]
I. Introduction: Arbitration in Malaysia— History and Infrastructure
1 MALAYSIA Tan Sri Dato’ Cecil Abraham, Dato’ Sunil Abraham and Syukran Syafiq* I. INTRODUCTION: ARBITRATION IN MALAYSIA— HISTORY AND INFRASTRUCTURE A. History and Current Legislation on Arbitration 1. Historical evolution of law relating to arbitration The island of Penang was founded in 1786. Penang subsequently became part of the Straits Settlements comprising Penang, Malacca and Singapore. In 1874, the British entered into treaty arrangements with the Sultans of the Malay States, and British protection was extended to the whole of Malaya and the British legal system was introduced to Malaya. The Arbitration Ordinance XIII of 1809 of the Straits Settlements was Malaysia’s first piece of arbitration legislation. This Ordinance was then replaced in Penang and Malacca by The Arbitration Ordinance 1890. In 1950, the Arbitration Ordinance 1950 replaced the 1890 Arbitration Ordinance for all the States of the then Federation of Malaya. The 1950 Ordinance was based on the English Arbitration Act of 1889. British North Borneo and Sarawak adopted the English Arbitration Act of 1952 as their respective Ordinance in 1952. In 1963, North Borneo and Sarawak joined the Federation of Malaysia. On 1 November 1972, Malaysia adopted the arbitration laws prevailing in Sabah and Sarawak and it became known as the * Tan Sri Dato’ Cecil Abraham, Senior Partner with Cecil Abraham & Partners, is a Barrister-at-Law of Middle Temple and graduated with an LL.B. Hons from Queen Mary College, University of London. He is a fellow of Queen Mary College and a Bencher of Middle of Temple. He was admitted to as an Advocate and Solicitor of the High Court of Malaya in 1970.
[Show full text]
The New Economic Policy and the Chinese Community in Peninsular Malaysia
The Developing Economies, XXXV-3 (September 1997): 262–92 THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY AND THE CHINESE COMMUNITY IN PENINSULAR MALAYSIA HENG PEK KOON INTRODUCTION ACIAL rioting in May 1969, and the government’s subsequent implementation in 1971 of the twenty-year New Economic Policy (NEP) to address the root R causes of interethnic tensions, traumatized Peninsular Malaysia’s Chinese community. The NEP, with its preferential treatment of Malays and its apparent assault on Chinese economic, educational, and cultural interests, led many Chinese to question whether they had a viable future in the country. However, when the NEP drew to a close, both the Malay and the Chinese political and business leader- ship appeared essentially satisﬁed with its results. The policy succeeded in its highly ambitious twin goals of social restructuring across racial lines and poverty reduction mainly within the Malay community. More fundamentally, when the policy drew to a close in 1991, racial tensions in Malaysia had been dramatically ameliorated. Quite remarkably, the structural changes in Malaysia’s political economy pro- duced by the NEP were not accompanied by political or economic instability. Dur- ing the NEP’s life span, the country’s average annual growth rate was 6.7 per cent (Malaysia 1991b, p. 21). Malaysia emerged as one of the most successful econo- mies in Southeast Asia by the late 1980s. The expanding economic pie clearly made it easier for Chinese to accept preferential treatment of Malays, including Malay domination of Malaysian politics and the bureaucracy. At the same time, it enabled an expanding Chinese middle class to participate as active partners in Malaysia’s extraordinary economic advance.
[Show full text]
Tan Koon Swan JP (President from Nov. 1985 – Sept. 1986) Mr Tan
Tan Koon Swan JP (President from Nov. 1985 – Sept. 1986) Mr Tan was born to a poor family. Even as a young boy, he showed his entrepreneurship by helping his parents who were hawkers. He finished his form five in a missionary school, worked as a clerk with Lembaga Lektrik Negara and studied part-time to finish his High School Certificate. Later, he became a laboratory technician with LLN then moved on to be an investigator of Inland Revenue Department and a tax consultant with Esso. He got his break in 1970 when he became the General Manager of Genting Highlands Berhad and helped to make the resort a success. His involvement in politics began in 1977 when he accepted an invitation by the then MCA president Tan Sri Lee San Choon to head the Koperatif Sebaguna Malaysia (KSM) and Multi-Purpose Holdings Berhad (MPHB). He was to spearhead Chinese participation in all spheres of economic development. Mr Tan made his political debut in the general elections on July 8, 1978 when he won the Raub parliamentary seat in Pahang. He joined the MCA Central Committee in 1979 and became the chairman of MCA Wilayah Persekutuan State Liaison Committee. In the 1982 general elections, he again won a parliamentary seat in the DAP stronghold of Damansara. In 1984, the MCA plunged into a crisis sparked off by phantom membership. It came to a head on March 17 when a group of Central Committee members held a seven-hour meeting and demanded a task force to investigate the existence of phantom membership.
[Show full text]
School of Ministry 2007 | 02 Rev
Contents + 02 Editorial + 03 Board of Directors + 04 Chairman’s Address + 05 Principal’s Address + 06 SOM Lecturers + 012 SOM Graduates Testimonies + 024 Administrative Staff & Facilities + 025 Tung Ling House + 026 Class Photos of SOM 2007 + 034 SOM Alumni Testimonies + 036 Pastoral Interns Program (English) + 038 Master of Theology (English) + 039 School of Ministry (Mandarin) + 040 Pastoral Interns Program (Tamil) + 041 School of Ministry, India + 042 Advertorials PASS IT01 | SCHOOL OF MINISTRYON 2007 TUNG LING SEMINARY “THEREFORE DO NOT us to make a decision to sweat. All this is certainly true BE ASHAMED OF THE when God calls us to come up higher. His ladder is not TESTIMONY OF OUR LORD… for the slothful. WHO HAS SAVED US AND Many ladders in life reach upwards. Only ONE CALLED US WITH A HOLY however touches eternity. God always, always, always CALLING, NOT ACCORDING calls us to a higher place from where we are today. TO OUR WORKS, BUT ACCORDING TO HIS Go HIGHER! OWN PURPOSE AND GRACE WHICH WAS GIVEN TO US IN CHRIST JESUS BEFORE TIME BEGAN.” 2 TIMOTHY 1: 8-9 editorial No Christian is called to remain where he is on the day he was saved. ‘Stagnant’ is not in God’s vocabulary. COME UP HIGHER Salvation is not merely the instance when we accepted Jesus as our Lord and Savior. It is a long process of (Graduation song) being moulded by God as He pleases. As Paul said in Philippians, “work out your own salvation with fear When I lay down my all, I hear a voice call and trembling”.
[Show full text]
CHINESE VIEWS ANI) PERSPECTIVES Lee Kam Hing
Kajian Malaysia, Vol. XXI, Nol I&2, 2003 TIJF. BAMIPATERA POLICY: CHINESE VIEWS ANI) PERSPECTIVES Lee Kam Hing The STAR Publication Kuala Lumpur This paper takes the statementsof various Chinese leaders and Chinese- based organizations to arrive at some general understanding of how the community responded to the bumiputera policy of the state. Of the Chinese and Chinese-basedpolitical parties, the paper considers the stand of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia, both being in the ruling coalition, and the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) especially over the New Economic Policy (NEP), introduced inl97l which carriedmuch of the aspirations of the bumiputera policy. It also refers to the position of the non- political organizations. Of these, the most important is the Associated Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry which represents the Chinesebusiness community and the Suqiu whose statementjust before the 1999 general electionswas endorsedby over 2,000 of the Chinese associationsin the country. It looks also at the political views of Tan Cheng Lock and Lim Lian Geok who articulated early Chinese position in a period of transition to an independentnation. In all, the individuals and the organizations represent a fair cross-section of the Chinese community. Chineseviews on the bumiputera policy are undoubtedly groundedupon a concern about their own rights and interest. What the bumiputera programmes are and how these were to be implemented shape the response of the Chinese. The reaction did vary over time and with different groups of Chinese as the bumiputera policy was implemented. Indeed as the nation develops, the Chinese recognizedthe need to adjust to the new political imperatives within which the bumiputera policy was located.
[Show full text]