Oppositional Movements in Egypt, from 1952 to Mubarak’S Downfall
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Political Parties and Public Opinion in Egypt. February 2014
Political Parties and Public Opinion in Egypt. February 2014. Mohammed el-Agati Nick Sigler Nick Harvey MP Poll study by Sobhy Essaila Foreword by Greg Power Political Parties and Public Opinion in Egypt Political Parties and Public Opinion in Egypt Researchers in the order of the papers: Greg Power : (Director of Global Partners Governance) (Political researcher and the executive Mohamed El-Agati : Director of the AFA) (Head of international relations for UNISON Nick Sigler : syndicate) (Member of House of Commons and Former Nick Harvy : Minister) (Pollster and expert at Al-Ahram center for Sobhi essela : strategic and political studies) Publishers: Arab Forum for Alternatives and Global Partners Governance No. filing Publishing and Distribution +2 01222235071 [email protected] www.rwafead.com These papers are the product of an internal seminar. They are issued in a non-periodic manner and reflect only the views of their authors and not necessarily the opinion of the Arab Forum for Alternatives (AFA) or any of its partner institutions. Index CHALLENGES FOR POLITICAL PARTIES IN TRANSITIONAL ELECTIONS - ORGANISATION, POLICIES AND IDENTITY .............................................................. 7 ANALYSIS OF A STUDY ON THE ORIENTATION OF EGYPTIANS REGARDING POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND POLITICAL PARTIES............................................ 11 OPINION POLLS AND EGYPTIAN POLITICAL PARTIES (BENEFITSAND PITFALLS) ... 21 POLITICAL PARTIES AND CAMPAIGNING: CONCLUSIONS FROM THE POLL .......... 27 EGYPTIANS’ PERSPECTIVES ON POLITICAL -
Map of Egyptian Political Parties (2011-11-17)
El#Fadyla# Party# El#Asala# El#Nour# Religious# Party# Map$of$Egyp*an$$ Buidling#&# Party# Development# poli*cal$par*es$ Party# First&Phase&of& Islamist&Alliance& Islamic# #Egypt# Equality#&# Revolu?on# Jus?ce#Party# Parliamentary&Elec3ons& Labour#Party# Egyp?an# Party# (28&November2011)! Revolu?on## Egyp?an#Arab# Democra3c& Socialists# Alliance& Federa?on# Conserva?ves# $ Party## Party# Peace## Reform#and# Freedom#and# Jus?ce#Party# Democra?ic# Renaissance# Reform#&# Party## Development# Free#Egypt# Party# Party# Civiliza?on#Party# Human#Rights# Comple3ng& #Altyar#Party## and#Ci?zenship# Revolu3on& Alliance& Egyp?an# Wafd# Na?onal# Ci?zen# Party# El#Wasat# El`Adl# Party## Party# LeA## Right## Revolu?onary# New# Free## The# Cons?tu?onal## Guards## Karama# El#Ghad# Indipendent# Modern# Socialist# Party## Party# Popular# Egypt#Party## Alliance## Egyp?an# Allliance#Party# Nasserist# 12#Poli?cal#Islam#par?es# # Egyp?an# Equality#&# Party## Alwa i# Socialist# Development# 9##Former#NDP#members`#par?es## Party# Party## Democra?c# Tagammu’# Front# 2#Nasserist#par?es## 2#Socialist/Communist#par?es# Social# 5#CenterSLeA#par?es Democra?c# # Party# 6#Center#par?es## 41#poli?cal#par?es## 5 Liberal parties # ### Masr# 36$new$poli*cal$par*es#aAer#25# Alhuryya# Free# Egyp?ans# Egyp3an&Bloc& January#Revolu?on#### Updated:#17.11.2011# Party# # # Secular## # 1 List of political formations with basic information FANS Alliance Leader or Candidates in the Website Registrat PARTY (Faceb ion prominent Notes following governorates: ook) figures Yes Cairo / -
The Muslim Brotherhood in the Arab World and Islamic Communities in Western Europe1
January , 2012 The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center The Muslim Brotherhood in the Arab World and Islamic Communities in 1 Western Europe The emblem of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan. The white circle is imprinted with the movement's militant motto: Allah is our objective, the prophet [Muhammad] is our leader, the Qur'an is our law, jihad is our way, death for the sake of Allah is our most exalted aspiration." Despite it belligerent motto, the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan has shown a great degree of pragmatism and has been an opposition the Hashemite regime can tolerate, so far even after the regional uprisings. 1Supplement and update for the June 19, 2011 ITIC study of the Muslim Brotherhood, "The Muslim Brotherhood is an Islamic mass movement whose worldview is based on the belief that “Islam is the solution” and on the stated aim of establishing a world order (a caliphate) based on Islamic religious law (Shariah) on the ruins of Western liberalism..." at http://www.terrorism-info.org.il/malam_multimedia/English/eng_n/pdf/ipc_e174.pdf. Overview General Remarks 1. This study is updates and supplements the ITIC's June 2011 study of the Muslim Brotherhood. It examines the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and other Arab countries in the wake of the past year's regional uprisings. It deals with the nature of the movement in each country, its relations with the various regimes and evaluates its chances of exploiting regional unrest to its own ends. It also examines the Muslim Brotherhood's branches in Western European countries and the implications of its activity for both internal European affairs and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. -
LB-Parteienmonitor Ägypten 2011 Update
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. ÄGYPTEN SAHRA GEMEINDER Parteienmonitor Ägypten 2011 – ANDREAS JACOBS ELISABETH TREPESCH aktualisierte Version 27. November 2011 Der regierende Oberste Militärrat hat den Beginn der ersten Wahlen zum ägyptischen www.kas.de Parlament nach dem Sturz Mubaraks auf den 28. November 2011 festgelegt. Etwa 50 Millionen Ägypter/innen sind in einem sich über drei Monate hinziehenden Wahlprozess dazu aufgefordert, ein neues Parlament zu wählen. Wie viele der ca. 60 zugelassenen Parteien tatsächlich mit Direktkandidaten oder Listen zur Wahl antreten, ist unbekannt. Gleichzeitig haben Mitglieder nicht-zugelassener Parteien die Möglichkeit, als unabhängige Kandidaten oder auf den Listen von Wahlbündnissen an den Wahlen teilzunehmen. Der vorliegende Parteienmonitor gibt einen Überblick über die gegenwärtig aktiven ägyptischen Parteien und ihre mögliche politische Bedeutung. Aufgrund der Unübersichtlichkeit der ägyptischen Parteienlandschaft, der Vielzahl von Neugründungen, Allianzen und Auflösungen erhebt diese Aufstellung keinen Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit. Die Einschätzung der politischen Bedeutung der genannten Parteien beruht auf einer Auswertung der ägyptischen Presse und ist als subjektives Stimmungsbild zu verstehen. Übersicht Religiös ausgerichtete Parteien ______________________________________ 3 Hizb al-Hurriya wa al-Adala _______________________________________________ 3 Hizb al-Wasat al-Gedid___________________________________________________ 3 Hizb al-Islah wa al-Nahda ________________________________________________ -
United We Stand...Divided We Fall Political Opposition Fragmentation
The American University in Cairo School of Humanities and Social Sciences United we Stand...Divided we Fall Political Opposition Fragmentation Post-Mubarak A Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts By Asmaa Samy Abdullah Mohamed Under the supervision of Dr. Kevin Koehler January 2017 1 This Work Is Dedicated To To those who went to streets in 2011 calling for ‘Bread…Freedom…Liberty’ and from whom I learnt the significance of unity…To those who sacrificed their lives starting from Khaled Said and Sayed Belal henceforth…To those who lost their eyes or any of their organs such as Ahmed Harara….To those who lost their freedom such as Alaa’ Abd El-Fattah, Ismail El-Iskandrani, Shawkan, Doma, etc. and from whom I learnt the meaning of sacrifice…To anyone dreamt or called for a just and democratic political system where everyone is equally represented and has a voice. 2 Table of Contents Abstract Acknowledgments Chapter One: Introduction and Literature Review 1. Introduction……………………………………………………………...…….7 2. Literature Review…………………………………………………………….10 3. Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………........22 4. Conceptual Framework…………………………………………………........24 5. Research Design……………………………………………………………...31 a. Case Selection: Egypt (11 February 2011 – 30 June 2013)………..…......31 b. Variable Operationalization……………………………………………....32 c. Measurement of Indicators…………...………………………………..…32 Chapter Two: Man on Horseback: The relation between SCAF and political opposition post-Mubarak 1. Introduction………………………………………………………………..…34 2. The Military under Mubarak: Most Privileged or Main Victim………..……35 a. The Military’s Position under Mubarak……………………………….....36 b. Military’s Reaction to 2011 Mass Demonstrations…………………....…39 c. -
Redalyc.Oppositional Movements in Egypt, from 1952 to Mubarak's
Nómadas ISSN: 1578-6730 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Puig Montada, Josep Oppositional movements in egypt, from 1952 to mubarak’s downfall Nómadas, vol. 49, 2016 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=18153282014 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Nómadas. Revista Crítica de Ciencias Sociales y Jurídicas Volumen Especial: Mediterranean Perspectives | 49 (2016) OPPOSITIONAL MOVEMENTS IN EGYPT, FROM 1952 TO MUBARAK’S DOWNFALL Josep Puig Montada Universidad Complutense1 Summary.- Account of the main oppositional movements in Egypt, since Nasser’s rise to power until Mubarak’s downfall, considering both Islamist and secularist organizations and their relationship. Keywords.- Egypt, contemporary history, Nasser, Sadat, Mubarak. On 30 June 2012, the first civilian president of Egypt was sworn into office; Mohammad Morsi was also the first president of the country elected in fair polls. After the military coup of 23 July 1952, led by Gamal ʻAbdel Nasser2, Egypt did not experience a democratic form of government until the revolution of January 2011. For 60 years, the Egyptian army kept control of a country of now over 80 million people. That the regime remained so long in power can be explained by the long-lasting conflict with Israel, by widespread repression, and by the capacity to create a network of vested interests, adapting to new social and economic situations. -
Polarized Discourse in the Egyptian News
Polarized Discourse in the Egyptian News Dinamika Ilmu P-ISSN: 1411-3031; E-ISSN: 2442-9651 2015, Vol. 15 No. 1 Polarized Discourse in the Egyptian News: Critical Discourse Analysis Perspective Mohammed Mahmoud Eissa English Department, Faculty of arts, Suez University, Egypt [email protected] Abstract The aim of this study is to investigate ideological structures of polarized discourse coded in the reports of two online news websites: egyptindependent and ikwanweb. The study focuses on online news reports relating to three interrelated events: the issuing of a constitutional declaration by Egyptian president, the aftermath clashes outside presidential palace and the issuing of the Egyptian draft constitution. The analysis of these reports is conducted within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis. The features of the ideologies of polarized discourse are traced through: Quotation patterns and Labeling. The study concludes with a discussion of how both websites establish a dichotomy of we versus them. In addition, the reports of each website marginalize the other through what is termed as ' Absent News'. Keywords: polarization, quotation patterns, labeling, CDA, news actors, ideological square, stereotypes A. Introduction Since 25 January 2011, Egyptian revolution has been in the limelight for its uniqueness and the dramatic changes it caused in the Middle East in general and in Egypt in particular. One of these dramatic changes is the media manipulation of events. To be precise there has been ‘media war’ among different opposing parties. Mass media played a noticeable role in deepening points of difference and polarization reaching a tug-of-war. In this context, this research detects the different forms of polarized discourse represented by news reports in two news websites: Ikhwanweb and Egyptindepenedent. -
Cairo Report
Democratic Developments and Regional Security in the Middle East CAIRO, 30-31 OCTOBER 2011 This workshop, organized by the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs and the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, took place at a seminal moment in history as Egyptian society stands on the verge of upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections and key constitutional decisions which will determine the legacy of the 25 January Revolution. MAIN POINTS To solidify the gains of the 25 January Revolution, Egypt is conducting a vibrant dialogue on core democratic principles such as respect for the law, parliamentary rule, sovereignty of the people, and respect for minority rights. There is a diversity of perspectives among the Islamic movements in Egypt. Their role is expected to increase following the coming parliamentary election. This should not in itself be seen as a rejection of modernity or an attempt to isolate the country from the West. The military has played a positive role in the Revolution, but it must tread carefully to avoid fostering antagonism during the coming months. Many are looking forward to the moment when the military will surrender the control of political life. Most agree that Sharia law will influence the new constitution. Interpretation of Sharia law and the role of the parliament and judges in the emerging system are being debated in a lively civic dialogue. There appears to be widespread consensus however, including among representatives of Islamic parties, that civic law, as voted by the Parliament, will always be the basic law of Egypt (even if influenced by Islamic values), and religious and cultural minorities will be protected under the new constitution. -
Israel Vis-À-Vis the Palestinians
Volume 17 | No. 1 | April 2014 Israel vis-à-vis the Palestinians: Four Strategic Options | Amos Yadlin The Anti-Israel Toolbox: From Hard Power to Soft Tools | Abdullah Swalha The Jordan Valley in an Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement | Ron Tira Who in Israel is Ready for a Peace Agreement with the Palestinians? | Olena Bagno-Moldavsky and Yehuda Ben Meir Civilian Service in Israel’s Arab Society | Nadia Hilou and Idan Haim Revolution at a Crossroads: The Struggle for the Nature of the Islamic Republic | Raz Zimmt The Kurdish Awakening and the Implications for Israel | Gallia Lindenstrauss and Oded Eran Lebanon and the United Nations Special Tribunal: Between (Un)Accountability and (In)Stability? | Benedetta Berti and David Lee Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 17 | No. 1 | April 2014 CONTENTS Abstracts | 3 Israel vis-à-vis the Palestinians: Four Strategic Options | 7 Amos Yadlin The Anti-Israel Toolbox: From Hard Power to Soft Tools | 21 Abdullah Swalha The Jordan Valley in an Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement | 33 Ron Tira Who in Israel is Ready for a Peace Agreement with the Palestinians? | 47 Olena Bagno-Moldavsky and Yehuda Ben Meir Civilian Service in Israel’s Arab Society | 57 Nadia Hilou and Idan Haim Revolution at a Crossroads: The Struggle for the Nature of the Islamic Republic | 69 Raz Zimmt The Kurdish Awakening and the Implications for Israel | 83 Gallia Lindenstrauss and Oded Eran Lebanon and the United Nations Special Tribunal: Between (Un)Accountability and (In)Stability? | 95 Benedetta Berti and David Lee Strategic The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and ASSESSMENT enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, on Israel’s national security agenda. -
Hamas and Palestine
Hamas and Palestine Hamas and Palestine: The Contested Road to Statehood analyses the Palestinian Islamist movement, Hamas, between 2005 and 2017. The book expounds how Hamas has employed a dual resistance strategy, consisting of political and armed resistance, as a mechanism to achieve, maintain, and defend its continued political viability. Hamas entered politics to transform the role of the Palestinian Authority from an administrative institution into one driving the Palestinian quest for independence. To achieve this the analysis explains how Hamas implemented a process of soft-Islamisation in Gaza. This was intended to build the institutional capacity of the Authority based on the bureaucratisation and professionalisation of key institutions, while selectively increasing the role of Islam in society. The book provides a detailed explanation of key shifts in Hamas’s political behaviour as it adapts to the vagaries and vicissitudes of governing Gaza, despite the imposition of Israel’s political and economic siege. Employing the Inclusion-Moderation theoretical framework, the book traces Hamas’s transformation from a non-state armed group into a legitimate actor in Palestinian politics. The book’s analysis also highlights the key role that Hamas’s national liberation agenda has on shifting its behaviour towards adopting more moderate and inclusive policy stances. Specifi cally, the analysis demonstrates how Hamas has made measurable shifts in it political behaviour towards accepting the primacy of the two-state solution, and its dealings with Israel and the Peace Process. The book provides a comprehensive assessment of Hamas’s time in government and its capacity to deal with the vicissitudes of governing.