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Moving the American Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem: Challenges and Opportunities
MOVING THE AMERICAN EMBASSY IN ISRAEL TO JERUSALEM: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY OF THE COMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT AND GOVERNMENT REFORM HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION NOVEMBER 8, 2017 Serial No. 115–44 Printed for the use of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.fdsys.gov http://oversight.house.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–071 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Nov 24 2008 09:17 Jan 19, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 H:\28071.TXT APRIL KING-6430 with DISTILLER COMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT AND GOVERNMENT REFORM Trey Gowdy, South Carolina, Chairman John J. Duncan, Jr., Tennessee Elijah E. Cummings, Maryland, Ranking Darrell E. Issa, California Minority Member Jim Jordan, Ohio Carolyn B. Maloney, New York Mark Sanford, South Carolina Eleanor Holmes Norton, District of Columbia Justin Amash, Michigan Wm. Lacy Clay, Missouri Paul A. Gosar, Arizona Stephen F. Lynch, Massachusetts Scott DesJarlais, Tennessee Jim Cooper, Tennessee Trey Gowdy, South Carolina Gerald E. Connolly, Virginia Blake Farenthold, Texas Robin L. Kelly, Illinois Virginia Foxx, North Carolina Brenda L. Lawrence, Michigan Thomas Massie, Kentucky Bonnie Watson Coleman, New Jersey Mark Meadows, North Carolina Stacey E. Plaskett, Virgin Islands Ron DeSantis, Florida Val Butler Demings, Florida Dennis A. Ross, Florida Raja Krishnamoorthi, Illinois Mark Walker, North Carolina Jamie Raskin, Maryland Rod Blum, Iowa Peter Welch, Vermont Jody B. -
Page 1 of 1 Bloomberg Printer-Friendly Page 16/03/2009
Bloomberg Printer-Friendly Page Page 1 of 1 Israel Says Hamas Must Free Shalit or Risk Worse Deal (Update2) Share | Email | Print | A A A By Jonathan Ferziger March 15 (Bloomberg) -- Israeli envoys told Hamas that time is running out to reach an agreement that would free hundreds of Palestinian prisoners in exchange for captive Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. “We want to bring Gilad home and we’re making an enormous, unprecedented effort to do it,” Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said in broadcast remarks at the beginning of his weekly Cabinet meeting in Jerusalem. Yuval Diskin, head of Israel’s Shin-Bet security service, and government negotiator Ofer Dekel conveyed the message through Egyptian mediators today that the Palestinian Islamic movement will no longer be dealing with Olmert if it doesn’t accept a deal now, Olmert spokesman Mark Regev said. Benjamin Netanyahu, who is trying to assemble a new government to succeed Olmert as prime minister, will probably demand a tougher deal, analysts said. Olmert is ready to release about 450 Palestinians in exchange for Shalit, Israel’s Haaretz newspaper reported, without saying where it got the information. “Hamas may go for it because they know that it will be much more difficult to free their prisoners under Netanyahu,” Ephraim Kam, an intelligence specialist at Tel Aviv University’s Institute for National Security Studies, said in a telephone interview. “The people he’s probably going to have in his Cabinet are going to be much more reluctant to release Hamas prisoners than Olmert is.” Hamas Demands A Hamas spokesman in the Gaza Strip said there’s been no word from Egypt that Israel accepted the group’s conditions, which include the release of 450 Hamas prisoners as well as any women, children and leaders of Palestinian factions in Israeli jails. -
Command and Control | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Command and Control by David Makovsky, Olivia Holt-Ivry May 23, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Olivia Holt-Ivry Articles & Testimony his week, the world's major powers resumed negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program. Should they fail, T the specter of a possible Israeli strike looms large, seeming to grow more likely as Tehran's nuclear program advances. In recent weeks, however, the conventional wisdom has shifted to favor the view that Israel is not on the cusp of a strike against Iran. This has been driven in part by public comments from former Israeli security officials -- notably former Mossad head Meir Dagan and former Shin Bet head Yuval Diskin -- questioning the wisdom of such an attack. An Israeli strike is not feasible, the thinking goes, so long as its security community remains divided -- and the thinly veiled threats of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak are therefore mere bluster. Don't be so sure. Dagan and Diskin's views aren't likely to tell us much about the likelihood of a strike on Iran one way or the other. For starters, they're former officials -- given the sensitivity of this issue, and the recent media misinterpretation of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff Benny Gantz's remarks earlier this month, no other current members of the security establishment are likely to go public with their views. -
Peace Between Israel and the Palestinians Appears to Be As Elusive As Ever. Following the Most Recent Collapse of American-Broke
38 REVIVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE PROCESS: HISTORICAL LES- SONS FOR THE MARCH 2015 ISRAELI ELECTIONS Elijah Jatovsky Lessons derived from the successes that led to the signing of the 1993 Declaration of Principles between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization highlight modern criteria by which a debilitated Israeli-Palestinian peace process can be revitalized. Writ- ten in the run-up to the March 2015 Israeli elections, this article examines a scenario for the emergence of a security-credentialed leadership of the Israeli Center-Left. Such leadership did not in fact emerge in this election cycle. However, should this occur in the future, this paper proposes a Plan A, whereby Israel submits a generous two-state deal to the Palestinians based roughly on that of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s offer in 2008. Should Palestinians find this offer unacceptable whether due to reservations on borders, Jerusalem or refugees, this paper proposes a Plan B by which Israel would conduct a staged, unilateral withdrawal from large areas of the West Bank to preserve the viability of a two-state solution. INTRODUCTION Peace between Israel and the Palestinians appears to be as elusive as ever. Following the most recent collapse of American-brokered negotiations in April 2014, Palestinians announced they would revert to pursuing statehood through the United Nations (UN), a move Israel vehemently opposes. A UN Security Council (UNSC) vote on some form of a proposal calling for an end to “Israeli occupation in the West Bank” by 2016 is expected later this month.1 In July 2014, a two-month war between Hamas-controlled Gaza and Israel broke out, claiming the lives of over 2,100 Gazans (this number encompassing both combatants and civilians), 66 Israeli soldiers and seven Israeli civilians—the low number of Israeli civilians credited to Israel’s sophisti- cated anti-missile Iron Dome system. -
The Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995
Catholic University Law Review Volume 45 Issue 3 Spring 1996 Article 15 1996 The Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 Geoffrey R. Watson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation Geoffrey R. Watson, The Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995, 45 Cath. U. L. Rev. 837 (1996). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol45/iss3/15 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE JERUSALEM EMBASSY ACT OF 1995 Geoffrey R. Watson * Congress has voted to move the U.S. Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. On October 24, 1995-the day of the Conference on Jeru- salem here at the Columbus School of Law of The Catholic University of America-Congress passed the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995.1 The President took no action on the Act, allowing it to enter into force on November 8, 1995.2 The Act states that a United States Embassy to Israel should be established in Jerusalem by May 31, 1999, and it provides for a fifty percent cut in the State Department's building budget if the Embassy is not opened by that time.' The Act permits the President to waive the budget cut for successive six-month periods if the President determines it is necessary to protect the "national security interests of the United States."' In these pages and elsewhere, several contributors to this symposium have addressed the policy questions raised by the Act.5 I will focus on the Act's interpretation. -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
Adi Strauss Edan Kleiman Owner of the Strauss Group ZDVO Chairman APRIL 28 TUESDAY - from Sorrow to Joy
ALOC T H HE EI M B Tamir Pardo Reuven Rivlin Former Director of the Mossad President of Israel ISRAEL 20/20 INSIDE EDITION Security & Leadership Conference Moshe Ya’alon Dan Halutz Former Minister of Defense Former IDF Chief of Staff 26-30 April 2020 Ritz-Carlton, Herzliya, Israel FEATURED SPEAKERS Join us for an inside look at the state of security in Israel and the region as the country’s most respected policy-makers and elite Yuval Diskin Gilad Shalit military personnel offer their Former Head of the Shabak Survivor of 5 years of Hamas captivity unique insights. Information and Registration: [email protected] [email protected] Adi Strauss Edan Kleiman Owner of the Strauss Group ZDVO Chairman APRIL 28 TUESDAY - From Sorrow to Joy * Morning Lt. Gen. (Res.) DAN HALUTZ, former IDF Chief of HIGHLIGHTS Staff and former IAF Commander Briefing withLt. Gen. (res.) MOSHE (BOGIE) * TENTATIVE, subject to change YA’ALON, former IDF Chief of Staff and former Minister of Defense APRIL 26 SUNDAY - Opening Day Afternoon Meet with DR. STEVE JACKSON, Senior Neurosurgeon, Neurosurgery Department, Rabin Medical Center: Treating Severe Brain Damage in Morning Opening Remarks by ZDVO Chairperson Adv. EDAN IDF Wounded Veterans. Severely wounded veteran KLEIMAN, ZDVF Executive Director Dr. MOSHE AHARON KAROV, treated by Dr. Jackson on SHEMMA, Col. (Res.), and ADRIAN TEPER, Conference evacuation to the hospital, will be in attendance Organizer and ZDVF Director for Latin America. Meet with TAMIR PARDO, former director of the Evening Attend Israel’s official Yom Ha’atzmaut Mossad: The Challenges of the Mossad and (Independence Day) Celebration and Torch- Changes in the Intelligence Arena (with special Lighting Ceremony at Mount Herzl, Jerusalem surprise guest to be announced) Afternoon AVRAHAM SINAI: The Rabbi From Hezbollah, the remarkable story of the Israeli spy in Hezbollah APRIL 29 WEDNESDAY - Yom Ha'atzmaut Maj. -
Israel Debates No. 1 26
Israel Debates No. 1 26. February 2009 The Israeli domestic discussion on the Gaza war The Cast Lead military operation that the Israeli military waged against Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip, from December 27, 2008 through January 17, 2009, was and is still being intensely discussed in public in Israel, as well as among Israeli politicians and security experts. From the outset, Israeli public opinion – with the exception of the country’s Arab citizens – was overwhelmingly in favor of the operation. When the hostilities ended after 22 days, some 50% of Israelis even called for the fighting to continue, not believing that the threat from the Gaza Strip has been definitively dealt with. Another characteristic of public opinion is that practically there were no expressions of empathy with the large number of casualties among the Gaza Strip’s population, among the population generally as well as in the media. Below we present the opposing views of two renowned Israeli security experts, illustrating the range of the Israeli domestic debate on the handling and results of the military operation. Although the two authors reach radically different conclusions, they both advance valid arguments for their positions. Dr. Reuven Pedatzur, a lecturer at Netanya College, represents a highly critical position on Operation Cast Lead. He concludes that the “use of military force against Hamas was unavoidable,” but that this does not justify the “excessive use” thereof. He also identifies the unclear objective and the lack of an exit strategy, and in light of the “satisfaction and self- praise” on the part of the military and the politicians, he warns against drawing inappropriate conclusions from this operation, which was “not war – it is not even a real battle.” In contrast, Prof. -
THE CHALLENGE of GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications
BROOKINGS 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20036-2103 www.brookings.edu ANALYSIS PAPER Number 23, July 2011 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications Daniel Byman Gad Goldstein ANALYSIS PAPER Number 23, July 2011 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications Daniel Byman Gad Goldstein The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2011 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu Table of Contents Executive Summary . iv Acknowledgements . ix The Authors . x Introduction . 1 The Nature of the Challenge in Gaza . 3 Factors Beyond Gaza to Consider . 18 Policy Options . 24 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications The Saban Center at BRooKings iii Executive Summary lthough both the United States and Israel Hamas draws on many resources to stay in power . devote tremendous attention to the Middle Most notably, Hamas has long exploited its infra- East peace process, the Gaza Strip and its structure of mosques, social services, and communi- HamasA government have continued to vex Ameri- ty organizations to raise money and attract recruits . -
Reflections on the Future of Jerusalem*
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The Catholic University of America Columbus School of Law Catholic University Law Review Volume 45 Issue 3 Spring 1996 Article 5 1996 Reflections on the uturF e of Jerusalem Samuel W. Lewis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation Samuel W. Lewis, Reflections on the uturF e of Jerusalem, 45 Cath. U. L. Rev. 695 (1996). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol45/iss3/5 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REFLECTIONS ON THE FUTURE OF JERUSALEM* Samuel W. Lewis** The devilishly complex problem of Jerusalem incorporates a witches' brew of history, legal theories, clashing religious beliefs, diplomatic lega- cies of bloodshed, and colonial rule. The term, "City of Peace," often applied so hopefully to this unique place, all too often throughout history has been a bitter mockery of reality. Yet, that phrase correctly identifies Jerusalem as the necessary keystone for any truly lasting, comprehensive peace between Arabs and Jews. I am not a lawyer. I acquired a good deal of my knowledge of interna- tional law through "on-the-job training" during my eight years as United States Ambassador to Israel. That experience confirmed the truth of Pro- fessor Ruth Lapidoth's observation that "basically, the Jerusalem ques- tion is of a political nature, and I ...doubt how much law can contribute to the solution."1 Indeed, if diplomats and politicians could only place the word, "sovereignty," in a deep freeze somewhere for several decades, a workable and politically acceptable arrangement for the Holy City would become infinitely more achievable. -
Political Parties and Public Opinion in Egypt. February 2014
Political Parties and Public Opinion in Egypt. February 2014. Mohammed el-Agati Nick Sigler Nick Harvey MP Poll study by Sobhy Essaila Foreword by Greg Power Political Parties and Public Opinion in Egypt Political Parties and Public Opinion in Egypt Researchers in the order of the papers: Greg Power : (Director of Global Partners Governance) (Political researcher and the executive Mohamed El-Agati : Director of the AFA) (Head of international relations for UNISON Nick Sigler : syndicate) (Member of House of Commons and Former Nick Harvy : Minister) (Pollster and expert at Al-Ahram center for Sobhi essela : strategic and political studies) Publishers: Arab Forum for Alternatives and Global Partners Governance No. filing Publishing and Distribution +2 01222235071 [email protected] www.rwafead.com These papers are the product of an internal seminar. They are issued in a non-periodic manner and reflect only the views of their authors and not necessarily the opinion of the Arab Forum for Alternatives (AFA) or any of its partner institutions. Index CHALLENGES FOR POLITICAL PARTIES IN TRANSITIONAL ELECTIONS - ORGANISATION, POLICIES AND IDENTITY .............................................................. 7 ANALYSIS OF A STUDY ON THE ORIENTATION OF EGYPTIANS REGARDING POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND POLITICAL PARTIES............................................ 11 OPINION POLLS AND EGYPTIAN POLITICAL PARTIES (BENEFITSAND PITFALLS) ... 21 POLITICAL PARTIES AND CAMPAIGNING: CONCLUSIONS FROM THE POLL .......... 27 EGYPTIANS’ PERSPECTIVES ON POLITICAL -
U.S. Policy on Israel Held Hostage by Threats and Outdated Arguments
Prof. Kontorovich Jerusalem Embassy testimony U.S. Policy on Israel Held Hostage by Threats and Outdated Arguments Prepared written testimony of: Prof. Eugene Kontorovich Northwestern University School of Law; Kohelet Policy Forum U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Oversight & Government Reform, National Security Subcommittee hearing: “Moving the American Embassy to Jerusalem: Challenges and Opportunities” November 8, 2017 1 Prof. Kontorovich Jerusalem Embassy testimony Chairman DeSantis, Ranking Member Lynch, and honorable members of the Subcommittee, I am honored to be invited to testify before you today about implementing the Jerusalem Embassy Act, which will take full effect on Dec. 2, absent a presidential waiver issued prior to that date. I am a professor at Northwestern University Pritzker School of Law, where I teach constitutional and international law. I am also the head of the international law department at the Kohelet Policy Forum, a Jerusalem think-tank. I have written dozens of scholarly articles on various aspects of U.S. foreign relations law and the Arab-Israeli conflict, which have been published in leading law reviews and peer- reviewed journals. My scholarship has been frequently cited in leading foreign relations cases in federal courts, and I have testified repeatedly before Congress, as well as the European Parliament. I also co-wrote an amicus brief to the Supreme Court in Zivotofsky v. Kerry, the Jerusalem passport case. My testimony today will explain the reasons behind the U.S. embassy’s current location, and explain the structure of the Embassy Act. It will show that the Embassy’s location outside of Jerusalem undermines U.S.