HESPERIA 75 (2006) THE GRAVE OF MARIA, Pages 267-288 WIFE OF EUPLOU5
A Christian Epitaph
Reconsidered
ABSTRACT
A well-known epitaph for Maria, wife of Euplous, excavated at Corinth as in 1931 and originally dated to the late 4th century, has been described "incompetent" and unworthy of the substantial cost of the grave.We show that itwas carefully engraved in two stages in the Justinianic era, a date confirmed a by r??valuation of the site and the lamps found with the grave. We suggest new interpretation of the text, and consider the occupations of the seller and the purchaser of the grave in the context of 6th-century Corinth. Criteria for are an dating Early Christian Corinthian epitaphs proposed in appendix.
to was An inscription dedicated Maria, wife of Euplous, found in situ in 1931 in the entrance to a Roman chamber tomb northwest of ancient a Corinth.1 The plaque is slightly irregular square of greenish-blue schisty m m on marble, 0.35 high, 0.38 m wide, and 0.028 thick. Three crosses as as a the stone, well the language, show that it is Christian document. a In the inscription, Euplous records that he had bought the grave from one a exca certain Anastasios, for and half gold pieces. In the original, brief was vation report, the inscription dated between 380 and 395 on the basis over was of lamps found the grave.2 This dating endorsed by John H. Kent, one who commented: "Were it not for this evidence [of the lamps], would to one be tempted date it at least century later (as does Bees) and probably several centuries later because of the decadence of the shapes of its let ters and the appalling incompetence of the letter-cutter."3 The excavator, Josephine Plainer, had observed that "it seemed a very poor grave indeed to cost one a have and half gold pieces."4
and discussion on site. Our thanks also We also thank the 1.1-2301; SEGX1154; Corinth anonymous Hesperia no. 44. to Kathleen Slane for and VIII.3, pp. 174-175, 530, pi. checking referees for their suggestions. All dates The is in to the in are gravestone normally housed adding precision descriptions of this article after Christ unless is the Corinth Museum, but currently the lamps; James Herbst for skillfully otherwise noted. on in to its exhibition the Museum of Byzan returning this plaque original 2. Shear 1931. tine Culture in Thessaloniki. state; and Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst for 3. Corinth VIII.3, pp. 174-175, are most to constant in no. We grateful Guy Sand her help and, particular, for 530; Bees 1941, pp. 55-60, new no. ers, director of the Corinth Excava arranging for photographs of the 30. for to work on this which were taken 4. tions, permission lamps (Figs. 2-3), Corinth Notebook 555, p. 68. material and for his helpful suggestions by Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti.
? The American School of Classical Studies at Athens 268 MARY E. HOSKINS WALBANK AND MICHAEL B. WAL BANK
we a new In the present article offer interpretation of the text, showing was that the epitaph carefully engraved in two stages and that the script is a a appropriate for the Justinianic era, date that is confirmed by r??valua tion of the grave site and its associated finds. We also consider the wider implications of these revisions and, in particular, the occupations of the people mentioned in the inscription. Kent's text and translation are as follows:
+
+ 'EvGa?e k?t? Mocp?oc, Gc?cppcovyuvf| Eu7iXorj f)vi?%ou, o? ?yopaaa? TTiv?nv?v Erj7CAOD?rcapoc 5 Avaaxaaiou UTrnpexou Xpio?vou ?vo? t?ji-ugu Kai ?o?? x?? xijicc? Avaaxaorco Kai Anc?cbv ?c^ona?av 7rap' auxo? ?Ti?GnKa x?v xix?ov. exeXev 10 xnaev ?? f] jaaKap?a xfj 7cp(?) ?? Ka?av5(?v) Ievx8v?p(icov). +
Here liesMaria, the modest wife of Euplous the teamster. servant I, Euplous, bought the grave from Anastasios the for one one to and half gold pieces; I gave the purchase price Anastasios, received full rights from him, and put the epitaph in place. My blessed wife died the eleventh day before the Kalends of September [August 22].5
MARIA'S GRAVE
was was most a no. The tomb in which Maria buried the southerly of group 5. Corinth VIII.3, p. 174, 530. 6. It that the fountain house of four Roman chamber tombs built into the cliff opposite the hill of appears was use in the Late a brought back into Cheliotomylos. The cliff is separated from Cheliotomylos by ravine Roman since the main which runs a stream fed from a at the head of the ravine. period supply through spring tunnel cuts across two of the arcoso The of the chamber tomb had intruded a no used building upon longer lia in the north chamber. A detailed fountain house of the Greek tomb consisted taken period (Fig. l).6The original description of the fountain house, a from the excavation is of two chambers with arcosolia let into the walls; at later stage, two notebook, given were across a Landon (2003, pp. 48-51). graves dug into the floor of the south chamber, the line of by was to 7. The coin of Valentinian III disused, secondary supply channel the fountain house, and the floor of worn, and must, therefore, was tiled over. moderately the chamber a have been deposited considerable at As in other chamber tombs of the Roman period Corinth, nearly time after it was minted. Coins of all the sarcophagi and graves held multiple burials; corpses had also been Arcadius (383-392), Theodosius I at rear of Valentinian II deposited in the reservoir the of the south chamber. The date (383-392), (375-392), andTheodosius II (408-423)?found construction cannot be determined precisely, but the tomb had probably either in in the or in been built the late 2nd and and coins found either in graves, reservoir, by century, lamps or the fill?were also moderately or was used dur the in fill within the tomb show that it still that graves being extremely worn, indicating they, the 5th and into the 6th The latest coin found in a was were well after the dates ing century. grave too, deposited minted under Valentinian III (425-455).7 Other small, almost illegible of issue given here. THE GRAVE OF MARIA, WIFE OF EUPLOUS 269
Greek fountain house
1. Plan of chamber tomb Figure the location of Maria's showing 0 1 grave. J. Herbst, after J. Plainer, Corinth Notebook 555, p. 74
were coins of the 5th and early 6th century found at floor level in the south chamber. entrance. Marias grave lay parallel to the north wall of the A shallow at west bed had been cut in the and the walls built with 8. Larger slab, end: L. 1.20 ground up alternating layers xW. 0.80 smaller at east end: was m; slab, of broken tiles and cement. The skeleton, which badly disintegrated, lay x m. L. 0.65 W. 0.80 The layer of with the head to the west so that it faced into the tomb. A narrow marble cement and tiles covered ca. 0.80 m of slab, about 0.70 x 0.10 m, marked the foot of the The cover, 1.85 m the slab and extended the width grave. larger x 0.80 m consisted of two limestone slabs of different ca. m on long wide, (poros) of the grave by 0.10 the north a set cement x side and 0.30 m on the south side. sizes, but at the west end layer of broken tiles in (1.50 1.20 m), 9. Corinth Notebook 555, p. 68. partially covering the larger slab, lengthened the surface of the grave by The is that the "other m implication 1.10 and widened it by 0.40 m.8 were bones" also equid, but the descrip at over The inscribed plaque had been placed the head of the grave, tion in the notebook is not entirely was lapping onto the tiled area; it cemented to the surface and carefully clear, and both the container and its framed with broken tiles that formed a decorative border. A container contents were discarded. The grave a coarse was 1.60 m below the surface when described by the excavator as "large Roman stamnos" had also been excavated. The relation of the stamnos a cemented to the cover at the west end; it contained "the jaw of horse and to the is not recorded, but inscription also other bones."9 Since the funerary plaque could easily have been placed that the tiled surface was wider given on the cover slab of the grave, the purpose of the extended tile and cement on the south side, the stamnos is likely surface seems to have been to a suitable base for the stamnos. The to been in the left provide have placed upper orientation of the with the head to the meant that one would hand corner of the (southwest) cement corpse, west, to to and tile layer. have had go into the tomb the marble slab marking the foot of the MARY E. HOSKINS WALBANK AND B. 270 MICHAEL WAL BANK
turn to grave and then around in order read the epitaph. One might have expected the body and the inscription above it to face outward, toward the so entrance, that the grave could be immediately identified by mourners, but not evidently the normal (though canonical) Christian practice of placing the corpse facing east to await the resurrection took precedence. Never theless, Maria's grave, with its large container, tiled surface, and inscribed a plaque occupied prominent position in the entrance to the tomb, and it to someone would have been immediately visible approaching this tomb or a visiting other tombs little further along the path above the ravine. The was a grave also unusual in that it had been used for single burial, whereas other graves and sarcophagi in the chamber tomb, with the exception of one of the graves beneath the tiled floor, contained at least two, and often multiple, burials.10
GRAVE OFFERINGS
Maria had received a Christian burial, and, aswas customary, there were no grave goods within the grave. However, the excavator recorded six lamps on cover were that had been placed the of the grave, and another three found on cover nearby in the fill. T Leslie Shear dated the lamps the between 380 a non and 395, thus providing terminus post quern for the burial and the inscription, but recent research calls this dating into question.11 Only three of the six found over the have survived all had lamps grave (1-3; Fig. 2); 10. See CorinthXlV,pp. 162-167, been lit and one can assume that were forMaria.12 they funerary offerings and Wiseman 1967a, pp. 31-35, for The first is an Attic from the Chione that post-glazing lamp (1) workshop descriptions of Early Christian graves. cement construc was active atAthens during the second half of the 5th century and the first The broken tile and a tion used inMaria's grave was com half of the 6th century. The second lamp (2) is Corinthian imitation of mon in Late Roman an a on on the period. Such Attic glazed lamp with vine pattern the rim and rays the disk, a grave would involve some labor and which had been retouched. The Corinthian imitation is dated in original expense. Poorer graves consisted of the second half of the 5th and the of the 6th reused or tiles over century beginning century, sarcophagi propped over with a and the retouched version should be later. The third lamp (3) found the body, sometimes covered a a a of Small children were the grave is Corinthian imitation of North African lamp with jeweled layer plaster. buried in cross monogram on the disk (which had been occasionally large amphoras; deliberately chipped away). to the top would be broken off allow The prototype is now securely dated at Carthage in the late 5th and 6th cen for insertion of the corpse and the turies and the Corinthian imitation should be slightly later. It is evident container then laid in the earth. cannot be used to Marias see n. from these revised dates that the lamps place 11. For Shear's dating, 2, a above. Sanders summarizes burial and epitaph in the late 4th century; rather, they suggest date toward (2004) recent work in southern Greece and the end of the 5th or in the first half of the 6th century. at in now also Corinth particular. See Slane and Sanders 2005 on the chro of at Lamps Found over the Grave nology Late Roman pottery Corinth. 1 Attic 2 post-glazing lampFig. 12. The descriptions of the other three written at the time of L-589. Intact. H. 0.035, L. 0.098, W. 0.069 m. lamps, on excavation (Corinth Notebook 555, Reddish yellow clay, unglazed. Worn mold and dumpy shape. Burning pp. 154-155), are similar to those of nozzle. Raised on rim, a wreath or row of Disk: pattern probably globules. plain the One of the with traces of two five holes and airhole. Nozzle not set off surviving lamps. missing framing-rings; filling a on the lamps had chi-rho monogram from rim or flanked Broad solid handle with on surface by grooves. triple groove top disk and a base similar to that of 5 meets baseline. Base: blurred XIO NH C within two was found near very signature | almond-shaped (Fig. 3), which the grooves. The final C is incomplete and smaller than the previous letters. Although grave. THE GRAVE OF MARIA, WIFE OF EUPLOUS 271
Figure 2. Lamps found overMarias grave: Attic post-glazing lamp 1 and and 3. Scale 1:2 Corinthian lamps 2 MARY E. KIN AND 272 HO S S WALBANK MICHAEL B. WAL BANK
the rim are this is to patterns different, lamp very similar Karivieri 1996, pp. 200 201, nos. 133,135,136, pis. 11, 47; Karivieri comments that no. 133 may be one of the latest of the Chione or even a products workshop, 6th-century copy. Date: second half of the 5th century to first half of the 6th century.
2 Corinthian lamp Fig. 2
L-588. Intact. H. 0.034, L. 0.092, W. 0.074 m. Red Surface finish is on nozzle. clay, unglazed. spalding underside of Burning on nozzle. Imitation of an Attic glazed lamp with vine pattern of six leaves and four clusters on rim and on the cross rays disk. Disk retouched: raised single-line with four filling holes in quarterings; large airhole at edge of disk and grooves from airhole to wick hole. Solid handle with on surface offset triple groove upper strongly from lower mold; handle ends in a leaf. Base: Y (or O on its side) within three concentric circles. Cf. Garnett no. for but the incised lines 1975, 6, general form, that set off the underside of the nozzle are on this and normally lacking example the cross has been added to the disk. The Attic model was a lamp similar to that published m Agora VII, p. 146, no. 1566, pi. 28. Date: second half of the 5th century to beginning of the 6th century for the original Corinthian imitation; this retouched version should be later.
3 Corinthian lamp Fig. 2 most m. L-591. Intact, except of disk missing. H. 0.03, L. 0.113, Wr 0.064 Red on nozzle. Imitation of a North African clay, unglazed. Burning lamp: concentric circles on of dots. Disk: traces of rim, separated by pairs (two circles) cross near channel to wick hole. Pronounced jeweled monogram airhole; broad large handle. Base: concentric circles in center two luting ridge. Knob surrounded by rows of dots, all within thicker raised circle. The disk, which had at least three filling holes, has been deliberately chipped away. Imitation of a Hayes Type II, for which a date in the late 5th and 6th centuries is now confirmed at Carthage; see Fulford and Peacock 1994, pp. 37-40. The type was also found in 7th-century at see et no. destruction levels Emporio: Ballance al. 1989, p. 121, 330. Cf. Corinth XVII, p. 83, no. 142, dated to the 6th century. For discussion of the distinctive see features of Corinthian imitations of North African lamps, Garnett 1975, pp. 195-197. to Date: late 5th 6th century, and perhaps later.
Lamps Found near the Grave
more were near Three lamps, which had also been lit, found in fill the mourners grave (4-6; Fig. 3). They may have been deposited by visiting seems more other burials within the tomb, but it likely that these lamps were intended for Maria, because of their proximity to her grave. An Attic post-glazing lamp (4) is dated in the second half of the 5th century. an a A Corinthian imitation of Attic post-glazing lamp with crouching on lion the disk (5) has its prototype in the late 5th century, but the heavily retouched vine-and-cluster patttern on the rim suggests a somewhat later date in the 6th century for the Corinthian lamp. The third lamp (6) has a to figured disk showing Abraham about sacrifice Isaac, with the hand to ram a of God pointing the behind Abraham and palm branch behind an Isaac representing wood for the burnt offering. This well-known type, a imitation of North African lamp, has been found elsewhere at Corinth and at Kenchreai and is now dated in the late 5th to mid-6th century. THE GRAVE OF MARIA, WIFE OF EUPLOUS 273
near Figure 3. Lamps found in fill Marias grave: Attic post-glazing lamp 4 and Corinthian lamps 5 and 6. Scale 1:2 MARY E. HO S KIN S WAL BANK AND MICHAEL B. WAL BANK 274
4 Attic post-glazing lampFig. 3
L-594. Intact. H. 0.034, L. 0.098, W. 0.066 m. on nozzle and on disk to Reddish yellow clay, unglazed. Heavy burning up on which handle suggests that it had been overfilled. Herringbone pattern rim, slopes slightly on one side. Disk: plain, with keyhole framing-ring and broad channel to largewick hole. Four filling holes and airhole. Broad solid handle, with double and meets Base: within two almond groove flanking grooves, baseline. shaped grooves, incised branch with K below; two stamped circles at base of handle and two at base of leaf. Cf. Agora VII, p. 142, nos. 1414-1416, pi. 27, and p. 188, nos. 2722-2734, pi. 43; see also Karivieri 1996, pp. 203-204, esp. no. 145, pi. 13. Karivieri dates the post-glazing examples from the second half of the 5th to the 6th early century. Date: second half of the 5th century.
5 Corinthian lamp Fig. 3
L-595. Intact. H. 0.032, L. 0.093, W. 0.066 m. finish is on side and base. on nozzle. Red clay. Surface spalding right Burning Imitation an Attic with retouched vine and cluster on of post-glazing lamp heavily rim.Disk: lion crouching right,within a raised framing-ring; two filling holes. Noz zle flanked by grooves and airhole, not punched through. Solid handle with hatching on end of handle extends to base. Base: within two upper surface; almond-shaped grooves, incised branch with impressed circles on left and right. See Agora VII, pp. 175-176, nos. 2410-2416, esp. the bases of 2412 and 2415, pi. 38, and Kari vieri no. from a context. Garnett 1996, p. 177, 48, pi. 4, 6th-century 1975, p. 194, no. is another from the same Garnett also classed this 13, pi. 43, example mold; as a of an The with incised branch but lamp copy Attic unglazed lamp. prototype, no letters on the base, should not be earlier than the late 5th century.
Date: 6th century.
6 Corinthian lamp Fig. 3 Part of nozzle L. W. 0.068 m. L-596. missing. H. 0.026, 0.107, Overfired, dark red clay with white inclusions. Imitation of aNorth African Rim: concentric circles with stars and diamonds within. Disk: lamp. alternating with sword in raised hand to sacrifice with the hand Abraham facing right Isaac, of God pointing to the ram behind Abraham, and a palm tree behind Isaac. Two to filling holes and airhole; framing-ring with wide channel nozzle. Knob handle to base Base: incised circle with rosette in all with ridge extending ring. center, same as less finished within raised circular ring. From the mold (but neatly than) Garnett 1975, p. 197, no. 19, with considerable bibliography (but Corinth IV. 1, no. is a see also Kenchreai no. which p. 286, 1468, later generation); V, p. 81, 424, more is stylized. Date: late 5th to mid-6th century.
THE INSCRIPTION
now come to The is 0.017-0.033 m no. We the inscription (Fig. 4). lettering 13. Corinth VIII.3, pi. 44, 530. not 14. These comments should not be high. Kent misread line 6: the reading is clearly %puaivou and xpioivoi). Kent was on It should also be noted that the ismisleading, in that misinterpreted. working published photograph the Corinthian in difficult the vertical streak on the left of his inscriptions prominent nearly light photograph, circumstances at the end of the 1940s some not exist on the which distorts the of lines, does stone.13We and and he com beginning during the 1950s, believe that Kent s does not do to the on sev commentary justice inscription pleted the manuscript of Corinth VIII.3 s text not before his death. eral counts (compare Kent above, p. 268, with Fig. 4).14 First, the body long THE GRAVE OF MARIA, WIFE OF EUPLOUS 275
Figure 4.Maria's epitaph (1-2301). Courtesy Corinth Excavations
of the text is, overall, carefully set out on the stone in regularly spaced lines with the left margin aligned and, except in fine 9, employing syllabic division use at Une ends. Second, the "appalling incompetence of the letter-cutter" (to to are Kent's words) applies only certain words in lines 1-4, which under some lined below. In lines 10-11, the "incompetence" of lettering (also rest text underlined), although evident, is less apparent. Third, the of the is a to quite well cut in competent, rather "bookish" hand that is easy read.
'Ev0a?? Kixe Map?a,
ac?xppcuv yovn, Eukaou TjyuSxou, o? ?yopaaa? xt^v Aryvov EimAon? 7iap? Avaaxaaiou UTinpexon XpUG?vou ?vo? f?uv?croKai ?o?? x?? xiu?? Avaaxaaico Kai Acjc?ow ?c^ouG?av rcap' auxo? ?7c?0r|Ka x?v xixXov. ?xekexi 10 xuG8v ?? fi jiaKapia xr\ 7ip(6) ?? Ka^av?(cbv) l?vxev?p(icov).
can one The inconsistencies in the lettering easily be explained if reads and understands the text as a whole. Lines 1-3: The underlined words are the name of the deceased and
the name and occupation of her spouse, the former in the nominative, the latter in the genitive. Line 4: The underlined word is the name of the spouse, now in the nominative. Lines 10-11: These lines contain the date of death of the deceased. MARY E. HOSKINS WALBANK AND MICHAEL B. WAL BANK 276
Figure 5. Proposed reconstruction of in its state. the precut plaque original Reconstruction by J. Herbst
We have avoided making gender distinctions, in the belief that in these cause so descriptions lies the of the "appalling incompetence" that exercised are cut a Kent. The relevant words of lines 1-3 and 4 in cramped and rather awkward style, albeit one that clearly attempts to emulate the bulk of the room text; the letters have been cramped because there is insufficient for these words in the spaces allotted to them. In contrast, the redundant relative in line 3 (o?) is quite widely spaced. The underlined words in lines are a 10-11 also cut in style that is different from the bulk of the text, but they are much less cramped and awkward. was a The implication of these inconsistencies is that Marias epitaph names as "precut" plaque and that the and occupations of lines 1-3 and 4, were well as the dating information in lines 10-11, added later, after the plaque along with the grave plot had been sold to Euplous by the hyperetes was Anastasios (line 5). Anastasios, presumably, responsible for having name are the stele prepared, since his and occupation competently cut and a spaced. Because the plaque had been cut for future, unknown purchaser, itwas laid out with gaps left for the relevant names, occupations, and date of death; see the reconstruction of the precut plaque in Figure 5. Unfor 15. The blank spaces on the stone the space left in line 1, sufficient for a four-letter name, tunately, although would have offered the mason some such as was too small for the five-letter name so the final Anna, Maria, For a flexibility. example, longer name, was the left and the of the alpha represented only by diagonal beginning such asMaKe|?ovia (CorinthVIII.3, thus the The deceased's occu no. sloping crossbar, preserving right margin. p. 197, 644), EuT\)|xiavr| (Corinth no no. or pation (yuvfi) has properly spaced letters; it presented problems since VIII.3, p. 198, 650), Oi?olorpair, same (Corinth VIII.3, p. 199, no. 658), could the alternative entry (ocvrjp)would be of the length. The conventional have been continued on the next line, adjective oc?xppcov is satisfactorily sexless and could apply to either husband replacing Gc?xppcov. recop|y?a r\ Guy?rrip or wife.15 (CorinthVIII.3, p. 197, no. 646) The mason created an additional for himself cut problem by maintaining might have been instead of Map?a | names syllabic division, so that the wife's and the husband's each could Gcocppcov yx*vr\. THE GRAVE OF MARIA, WIFE OF EUPLOUS 277
one even be written entirely in line (this decision may have been made by a names are Euplous). As result these cramped and the redundant rela tive ?? in line 3 is explained; it was clearly added to fill up the awkward on space remaining after Tyvi?%o\).16It is also worth noting that this stone Euplous's name in the genitive occupies almost exactly the same space as one it does in the nominative, although the genitive is letter shorter. One assumes that Anastasios (or his mason) allowed spaces for standard-length names names and descriptions, spaces that did not quite fit with the actual and occupations engraved here. In other words, this plaque is the lapidary as a equivalent of today's standard printed legal form, such will, in which are gaps left for names, dates, and personal details.17 The somewhat tidier can condition of lines 9-11, giving the date of death, be explained in the same was a way, since this standard formula, beginning with ?xeXeUTnaev ?? and followed by the date, which could be written out in full or contracted, as it is here, to suit the occasion. The script of the original inscription is somewhat cramped and are are en the letters close set?indeed, almost joined?but they carefully was a graved. The lettering added to this original inscription the work of some different mason, but he took pains to copy, within the constraints of the available spaces, the style of his predecessor. He attempted, for a same example, to maintain fairly regular right margin, while at the time an preserving uneasy syllabic division, with the result that lines 7, 8, and 9 are extended into the right margin, while lines 10 and 11 are contracted to the left. on stone There is also evidence the itself that the plaque had been some care: a prepared with there is very faint and intermittent vertical to an guideline mark the left margin, and equally faint and intermittent horizontal guideline to mark the middle of the plaque (below line 5). In mason line 1 the original inscribed the three syllables at the center, ?EKITE, so a arc on in taller lettering, that this line forms shallow roughly centered the cross carved above it. mason The second attempted to inscribe in the space at the end of line 1 the five letters of Maria's name, but failed to observe that the origi same nal mason's design called for these letters to be on the scale as the first four letters (EN0A); instead, he continued to make his letters on the same scale as the central six letters and thus when he 16. If a (AEKITE) found, Euplous had been pickle came to inscribe the final that this letter would the merchant (oa^ueryap?ou, Corinth alpha, impinge upon of the correct he as VIII.3, no. 551), a bath attendant right margin plaque. To this, used the penultimate iota no. a (?a^viKapiou, 534), poultryman the left diagonal of alpha, and joined this to the original left diagonal by (aireuTapiou, no. 542), or identified a new so by and shallower, downward sloping diagonal stroke, that the origi the ethnic Avaro^-ucou (no. 522), there nal became the crossbar, but with an extension into the would have been no need to add the diagonal upward Kent remarks that "the rho has been added later in a redundant o? after fjvio%ou. right margin. clumsy at a In the later addition was an not a 17. Compare the practice whereby attempt ligature."18 fact, iota, rho, marble for were inserted into the between the rho and the new It is sarcophagi export space alpha. possible out in the and fin were to roughed quarries that the letters of the entire epitaph intended be painted, both to to ished according the purchaser's make them more readable and also to conceal errors of the sort described blanks were left for wishes; funerary but no trace of remains scenes or here, paint today. inscriptions, and sometimes The well-cut, serifed cross, at the spaces for portraits of the deceased. large, carefully positioned beginning of line and into the See Ward-Perkins 1980, pp. 41-48. 1, extending margin rather like the illuminated letter 18. Corinth 174. at a VIII.3, p. the beginning of manuscript, is clearly part of the original, precut MARY E. HOSKINS WAL BANK AND MICHAEL B. WALBANK 278
are text. The upper and lower margins of the text marked by two smaller crosses. The upper, centrally placed cross may also have been a feature of more cut the original preparation since it is deeply and placed directly above the midpoint of line 1. The lower cross is both shallower and off was as ameans center, and it probably engraved of delineating the bottom to of the plaque, prevent later, unauthorized additions to the text. The lightly engraved letters contrast well with the dark, semimatte finish of 4 the marble. (Figure is somewhat misleading, in that the photographic on are process highlights the tiny flaws the surface, which less apparent in was reality.) Finally, the decorative border of tiles in which the plaque set would have concealed the irregular edges of the stone, thus improving the overall appearance of the inscription.19 we Given all these features, conclude that this inscription is not "in or competent" "decadent" at all.The original, precut text looks very different from earlier texts and inscriptions, but reflects the style of the Justinianic was era,when renewed attention being paid to literary and other manuscript texts. now On epigraphic grounds, therefore, Maria's epitaph may be placed in the first half of the 6th century. The evidence of the lamps above and near the grave does not conflict with this dating, although it would also allow for a later date.
THE STONE OF THE PLAQUE
a Further evidence for 6th-century date can be deduced from the type of stone used for the plaque and its likely provenance. Kent describes as more the plaque "blue-green schist" (a accurate description is "schisty are marble").20 This stone is not native to Corinth, and similar fragments as sometimes described in the inventories "Karystos stone," although the authority for this statement is uncertain. Many other grave plaques from are a Late Roman and Byzantine Corinth made of similar schisty marble, or seems usually green, but in some cases gray blue. It likely that this at- ( tractive material was not imported initially to be used for gravestones, but as for some other, more specific purpose, such the decoration of the floors or or walls of churches well-appointed houses. Very few of these slabs bear were mortar incrustations, which suggests that they not recycled from or were collapsed demolished buildings, but builder's surplus?"offcuts" or in modern parlance?sold when the project projects for which they were were are destined completed. Most of these grave plaques between m were 0.015 and 0.03 thick, which further indicates that they intended use as or originally for decorative paving wall revetment.21 most are The findspots of of these plaques in the Fountain of the Lamps or at Kokkinovrisi, west of the city, but the dates given in the publications
tion of these marble 19. From the careful sketch made by around the plaque. schisty plaques, m. the excavator (Corinth Notebook 555, 20. See Corinth VIII.3, p. 174. it is very rarely less than 0.04 The were is p. 67), it appears that broken tiles 21. The thickness of the slabs used description of colors subjective, set ca. at in since here there is no on the with the straight edges (each for funerary inscriptions Corinth equivalent 0.10 m in a neat line this with the Munsell chart. length) forming period varies, but, excep THE OF WIFE GRAVE MARIA, OF EUPLOUS 279
are census vague and imprecise.22 A rough of published and unpublished storeroom are examples in the of the Corinth Museum shows that there or approximately 115 plaques fragments of plaques of schisty marble, and of these, 70 are green, 25 gray, 5 blue, and 15 in other colors. If we are correct as we or in regarding these plaques builder's surplus, should look for public stone was are private buildings inwhich such used. Two notable examples the great Lechaion basilica and the richly decorated bath in the Panayia Field, both dated by their excavators to the first half of the 6th century. was The Lechaion basilica largely completed by the early 6th century, with some or additions made during the reign of Justin (518-527) shortly after, now and the Panayia bath has been firmly dated in the mid-6th century. The rubble-and-cement construction of the two buildings is similar and in same were each building the types of schisty marble slabs used in floors and were or wall decoration: many colors employed, but mostly pale green, gray, were blue.23We consider it highly likely that the basifica and the bath projects are the sources of these "offcuts," and that the dates of these grave plaques thus not earlier than the end of the 5th or the first half of the 6th century.
THE LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTION
some The wording of the inscription provides additional, indirect infor can or mation.24 Most of the Christian epitaphs at Corinth that be read are restored dated either by reference to the traditional Roman calendar more to current or, frequently, the month; often the year of the indiction is to added.25 InMaria's epitaph the date is given simply according the older on calendar?she died the 11th day before the Kalends of September?with no mention of the indiction. The buying and selling of tombs and burial was a spaces long-accepted practice in the Roman world and the funerary was as as inscription used to confirm ownership well commemorating the dead.26 Inscriptions that gave details of the item being transferred and its
22. see that of the of the Lechaion but later used for For published examples, baptistery assessment, general nos. are to Since the were Corinth VIII.l, pp. 92-118, 135 basilica. We grateful him for dating purposes. cycles nos. our to not cannot in isolation 197; VIII.3, pp. 172-209, 522-720; drawing attention the similarity numbered, they revet to Pallas and Dantis 1977, pp. 62-83, between Maria's plaque and the be related another dating system. nos. ment slabs used in the Lechaion basil 26. The need to include essential 1-30 and Appendix; Clement 1980; Robinson 1962, p. 117 (1-2543); ica and the Panayia bath. The white information is particularly clear from mortar Wiseman 1967b, pp. 422-424 (1-2680). lime with which the schisty the epitaph of Nikostratos, the marble are in the marble revetments of the bath found at in the Co Unpublished examples listed Panayia worker, Stimanga were not on Corinth Museum inventories. Current held in place is found the rinthia (IG IV 437; Pallas and Dantis as It is a analysis of associated materials such grave plaques. 1977, pp. 82-83). long, nicely 24. For the formulae in and with pottery, lamps, and coins is resulting employed cut, well-spaced inscription in see n. Christian in the Corin the work of revised and later dating; 11, Early epitaphs regular margins, perhaps above. thia, see Sironen 1997a, p. 34 (summa Nikostratos's father or brothers whom see he but the last line and a 23. Lechaion basilica: Pallas rized in SEGXLVU 289) and 1997b, predeceased, to was 1977, pp. 165-171, where references pp. 741-745. For Christian epitaphs half, recording that the plot bought to see one the excavation reports from 1953 from Attica, Sironen 1997a (sum from Theodoros the muleteer for are see and a half are small 1965 also given. Panayia bath: marized in SEGXLSni 38). gold pieces, very out and an addition. Sanders (1999), who points (p. 475) 25. The indiction cycle of 15 years cramped, clearly is close to was set in 312 for tax that the plan of the bath very originally up 28o MARY E. HOSKINS WALBANK AND MICHAEL B. WALBANK
cost were sum legal documents; the of money sealed the transaction publicly a was no and established ownership.27 In this respect grave plot different from any other possession. A law of Justinian passed in 537 (Novel 47) to current made reference the indiction obligatory for the dating of docu ments and for all financial transactions. It cannot be assumed that such a or law would have been applied immediately rigidly in the private sphere, but the absence of the indiction from the dating formula inMaria's epitaph, combined with the reference to the Kalends, the traditional method of a or dating, does suggest date before not long after 537, rather than later in the 6th century. can now a A few Corinthian epitaphs be dated to specific year: or 1. Selene died on_June in the sixth consular postconsular year = of Valentinian III (no indiction given) year 445/6. 2. Person unknown aged 24 years died on_in the third year of = the indiction in the second consulship of Justin I year 524. on 3. Euphrasia of pious memory died September 17 in the 12th = year of the indiction in the third consulship of Justinian year 533.
a In two other epitaphs the chronological indicators provide way to deter or mine the year possible years of death: on 4. Polychronios the singoularios died the Monday before the Kalends of June (May 18) in the 14th year of the indiction, and his death can thus be dated to the year 431. on 5. Elias died Monday, July 8, in the 15th year of the indiction, which could be either 552 or 597.28
a One cannot draw firm conclusions from such small sample; Polychronios, was a on mat for example, clerk the governor's staff dealing with financial ters, which may account for the reference to the current indiction, rather a than consular year, long before it became obligatory. Even so, it does was appear from the wording of these epitaphs that the indiction being
to names nor can 27. In addition Maria's inscrip date be restored (Cor pp. 493-494). Euphrasia: Pallas and refer to no. revised tion, 18, perhaps 19, epitaphs inth VIII.3, pp. 186,196,201-203, Dantis 1977, pp. 67-68, 6, or nos. no. the purchase of the grave grave plot. 584, 639, 669, 675). The epitaph by Feissel (1985, pp. 277-279, 15). Six include a of of the n. 27 the epitaphs purchase price Polychronios singoularios (Pallas Polychronios (see above): one a Dantis no. is 581 the most satisfac and half gold pieces, but with and 1977, pp. 63-64, 2) editors thought from minimal dating: Andreas the pickle complete. His grave plot, bought tory date, but Feissel (1985, p. 368, from on Andreas the cost two no. out that 18 was a merchant, bought Geryon gravedigger, gold 96) pointed May is its to the in and that the April 20?this certainly the purchase pieces?perhaps proximity Sunday 581, only year since refers to basilica near the in on a was date, Andreas having (unexcavated) amphi which May 18 fell Monday restored the grave (Corinth VIII.3, theater increased the price. 431. Elias:Wiseman 1967b, pp. 422 no. the are pp. 179-180, 551); Georgios 28. Contra Kent (CorinthVIII.3, 424 (1-2680). Years 642 and 687 who that no also for but since the gravedigger, bought from Tryphon, the p. 173), thought epitaphs possible Elias, and in the found in the of the goatskin cloth merchant, could be dated. Selene: Corinth VIII. 1, pottery vicinity no. was late or 11th year of the indiction (Corinth pp. 96-97, 145, revised by Feissel grave 6th, possibly early 7th, no. Person we have the earlier VIII.3, pp. 180-181, 556, revised (1981, pp. 491-493). unknown: century, preferred no. no. See the below for the by Feissel [1985, p. 363, 40]); in Corinth VIII.3, pp. 178-179, 548, dates. appendix involved in dates. the remaining four epitaphs neither heavily restored by Feissel (1981, problems establishing THE GRAVE OF MARIA, WIFE OF EUPLOUS 281
adopted informally before 537 and that later in the century the indiction alone, combined with the day of the week or the month, rather than the was old Roman calendar, the accepted method of dating.
THE IDENTITIES OF MARIA, EUPLOUS, AND ANASTASIOS
are two more There points to be made regarding Kent's edition of this text. a First, he translates Euplous's occupation (r]vio%o?) as "teamster," term a that accords with his feeling that this inscription is crude, semiliterate a more production, which would be appropriate for lowly carter. The usual translation of the word is "driver." The word ?|vio%o? is connected with as as horses and includes the much grander meaning, going far back Homer, noun occur of "charioteer."29 Both the and the verb f|vio%?t>co frequently races in inscriptions relating to chariot in Panhellenic and local agonistic festivals of both Greek and Roman date in the East.30 During the Roman period chariot racing changed in character and by the late 5th/early 6th century it had became amass spectator sport, on a par with football or ice context was no a ama hockey today.31 In this the f]vio%o? longer wealthy teur an a of good family, but expert performer who often acquired devoted sums following and earned large of money.32 The funding of such civic entertainments had also changed in that there were fewer local individuals who could afford the considerable on was expense of putting shows. The sport largely financed by the state, were a and charioteers, like other professional performers, paid salary out our of public funds. The outstanding example in period is the famous was races charioteer Porphyrius, who winning and gaining exceptional honors at Constantinople and elsewhere for most of the first half of the 6th teams as as a century?and changing often modern hockey player. There were many other well-known drivers, some of whom would have come on quite high the social scale by virtue of their success. This is not to sug gest, of course, that Euplous moved in such circles, but by this time chariot
29. is also an = as as 'Hvio%o? occupational XOprjy?a f|Vi?%ou corigiam aurigalem the gladiator, well the sacred = name and the related verb f|Vio%e?co is charioteer's reins. festivals, from civic life. Cameron's a or frequently used in philosophical 31. Chariot racing in the Classical books (1973 and 1976) are amine of on metaphorical sense, but these usages and Hellenistic periods: Bell 1989. information and source material are not relevant here. The differences between Greek and charioteers, their social status, and 30. Horses were to main Roman chariot their in expensive racing: Humphrey organization late antiquity. tain and not used as draft 1-24. Chariot races in the in normally 1986, pp. See, particular, Cameron 1976, animals. Mules vehicles and 1st and 2nd centuries at the Isthmian on pulled pp. 201-222, chariot racing in the were as as were used pack animals, festival and the Caesarea: Corinth eastern cities. Liebeschuetz (2001, uou^i nos. a donkeys: v?muleteer?appears VIII.l, pp. 14-25, 14-16, updated pp. 204-210) provides valuable in a Corinthian Biers and 1970. discussion of funerary inscription by Geagan public spectacles in the and 32. Alan Cameron out (Pallas Dantis, 1977, pp. 69-70, points 5th and 6th centuries, the empire-wide no. and also in the of Niko that chariot as a became 8) epitaph racing sport reorganization and funding of the stratos 26 For the in the cities of the Greek East as well as (n. above). equation popular shows, their political of with see also in the 3rd the fivio%o? charioteer, century, following dis significance. Diocletian's Price Edict 11.119: appearance of the gymnasium and 282 MARY E. HOSKINS WALBANK AND MICHAEL B. WA L B A N K
a racing had become regular feature of city life, and not only in the metro centers. politan To take the hockey analogy further, Euplous may well a have been minor-league driver competing at entertainments in the smaller cities of mainland Greece, which would surely have included Cor seat inth, the capital of Achaea and the of the provincial governor. If were a as this the case, Euplous would have had regular income well as a certain social status. a no a Corinth had long history of chariot racing, but evidence of hip as podrome has yet been found. It is probable that, elsewhere in Greece, a structure on was used for races.33 Another temporary open ground to was one epitaph gives credence the idea that there at least equestrian some at a establishment of kind Corinth: small funerary plaque records that Korinthas the horse doctor died in November in the fifth year of the are indiction.34 The size of the plaque and the schisty marble very similar to as are Maria's epitaph, the layout of the inscription, the lettering, and a cross the cutting of the serifed crosses, which include large initial and two one one text. centrally placed crosses, above and below the The two plaques must at same have been produced approximately the time. A veterinary a 33. A site near the Isthmian sanctu surgeon might have been employed by wealthy local Corinthian, or even was identified Broneer the but he could also have been on the staff of a ary by (Isthmia governor, professional as a II, pp. 117-122) hippodrome of stable; the two are not not racing incompatible. the Classical period, but its size has is in was It worth bearing mind that, when Maria's grave excavated, the been determined, nor whether it was coarse used for chariot large, stamnos carefully cemented at the head of the grave contained Roman-style racing. a On for chariot in the the bones of horse. It is tempting to think that there is a connection provisions racing eastern see 1986, between these remains and race provinces, Humphrey Euplous's occupation. Horses, especially pp. 438-539, esp. pp. 525-528. See horses, were credited with and were often anthropomorphic feelings, they also Romano 2005, where the author known name to the crowds in the so it is that the a by arena, quite possible postulates the existence of circus in remains of a animal were the northwest of his favorite given special burial, although this may quadrant Corinth; not stamnos on however, remains have been the original purpose of the Maria's grave.35 It hypothesis, unproven. 34. Clement 1980 SEGXXXV seems clear that the stamnos and were cemented in at the (= inscription place was 256). The plaque found in the same time and that the former was part of the grave. The stamnos original southwest forum, but not in situ. have been amarker, but itwas more to have been intended may just likely Clement's description is inaccurate; to be a was no cross funerary urn.36 The normal Christian burial rite inhumation, there is space for another in was a even the left corner of the to but Euplous himself not necessarily practicing Christian, if upper plaque was a balance the cross carved in the upper Maria was, and he may have preferred to be cremated. Since he in corner. right peripatetic and sometimes dangerous occupation, he could also have made (1973, pp. 177-183) event to 35.Toynbee in the of his death elsewhere, for his ashes be returned a provision, gives selection of the hundreds of to his wife's grave in Corinth. The Christian community generally favored known names of racehorses and the was was in multiple burial, but Maria the sole occupant of this grave, which many representations art, which seem to the in which sealed by the layer of cement after her inhumation; there does not testify special regard or horses were held. to have been any other provision for the burial of Euplous members of 36. No other details of the vessel their families.37 were recorded. "Stamnos" has been status as a and salaried driver the excavators Euplous's proposed professional puts used by Corinth for different of Maria's in a different The sum of one and a purchase price grave light. types of containers used for Roman or cremation burials. half nomismata, gold pieces, paid by Euplous appears to have been the period 37. is a at was a It speculation, of course, but normal price of decent grave plot Corinth?when it bought by some Euplous could also have bought the person of substance, who could also afford to record his purchase in beside Maria's grave in the tomb It to plot the is difficult estimate the entrance a funerary inscription. notoriously buying (see Fig. 1), where there is of in the ancient that the sources cover such wide unused an power money world, given space. Without inscrip a area circumstances. most tion it is to know. wide geographical and different The helpful impossible THE GRAVE OF MARIA, WIFE OF EUPLOUS 283
discussion of prices and salaries in the 5th and 6th centuries is by C?cile can Morrisson; the following examples, which reasonably be applied to a Corinth, are taken from her study.38 Between 494 and 541, in time of a an good harvests, nomisma would buy 30-40 modii of wheat; in 531 untrained slave under 10 years of age cost 10 solidi; in the 6th century a one a a pig cost solidus; donkey three solidi. At the end of the 5th century a skilled artisan earned quarter solidus per month; during the 6th century his wage went up to a third of a solidus per month; in 505-507 aworker alone a a a earned four carats day, but worker with donkey earned double?eight a carats. These figures make it unlikely that the cost of good grave plot means a and inscription would have been within Euplous's if he had been mere carter. one a or It is not surprising that grave plots costing and half two gold pieces should belong to moderately prosperous individuals. We have little a an men to go by, but most of those who could afford grave with epitaph a or tion trade occupation.39 Andreas, the pickle merchant, and Tryphon, own the trader in goatskin and cloth, presumably had their businesses. or Georgios, the gravedigger sexton who bought from Tryphon, would have been employed by the church. The only grave plot at Corinth known to cost two to a on have gold pieces belonged Polychronios, singoularios same was the governor's staff, but at Argos, the price of two gold pieces a someone paid by tribune and also by called Aspar, otherwise unknown.40 or This suggests that government employees?civil military?could afford the higher price. There is also the grave of Nikostratos, the marble worker, was one found at Stimanga in the Corinthia, to be considered; this sold for a and half gold pieces by Theodoros the muleteer.41 At first glance itmay seem someone an strange that in such apparently menial occupation should a a one be in position to sell grave plot for and half gold pieces. However, occupation need not automatically define status. Louis Robert concluded term a that the uodaicov?muleteer?could also refer to those in charge of cursus section of the publicus (the state-maintained transport system), which was was on an responsible for the transport of heavy baggage.42 Stimanga was important ancient road to the coast that part of the major road nexus on so centered Corinth, the provincial capital, it is possible that Theodoros was the muleteer also in government service. But whatever the status of source Theodoros, it is in the milieu of people with a reliable of income as a that Euplous, salaried performer, should be placed.
or so 38. Xp?Givoc v?|iiG|ia xpug?vou taphs mentioning trades and occupa unusual that he must be connected was the standard coin in tions have been found at Corinth. a gold (solidas with (perhaps descended from freed introduced Constantine have been classified and discussed man the Latin) by I, They of) renowned general Aspar, which became the unit of account in or briefly by Avram?a (1997, pp. 134 his family. the There were but she has not taken all the dis 41. n. Byzantine period. 72 136), See 26, above. The inscrip nomismata or solidi to a Roman cussion of earlier commentators into tion was near a pound found large church of of and 24 carats to a solidus. account. She translates occu at gold Euplous's Byzantine date. A grave plot Cor as a Morrisson (1989, pp. 239-264) pro pation "cocher." inth located in cemetery to the east vides a detailed that includes a 40. was a analysis Tribune: Vollgraff 1903, of the city also sold by "Theo no. table (pp. 252-256) of prices and sala pp. 266-267, 19. His epitaph, like doros the muleteer" (Pallas and Dantis sources. was near a no. ries with conversion values and that of Polychronios, found 1977, pp. 69-70, 8); this may well a more see a no more same one For general discussion, Jones church, desirable and doubt be the person, but cannot be sure. 1964, pp. 841-872. expensive location. Aspar: Mitsos 1937 39. A name substantial number of epi (= SEGXL 350). The Aspar is 42. Robert 1955, pp. 46-54. 284 MARY E. HOSKINS WALBANK AND MICHAEL B. WAL BANK
concerns The final point to be made about Kent's edition his translation as of the occupation of the seller, Anastasios, "servant." This is correct, but in a Christian context imTip?Tn? also means a minor ecclesiastic official, as a or a such deacon subdeacon.43 In selling off burial spaces Anastasios as a must surely have been acting representative of the church. No basilica or come Christian cult place, which would naturally have under ecclesiastical jurisdiction, is known to have existed in the vicinity of Maria's grave, but there is substantial evidence of Christian burial in the neighboring group of traditional Roman chamber tombs, which had probably been built in area the 2nd century.44 This is good agricultural land well outside the city; the tombs in the cliff above the ravine are somewhat removed from the on important cemetery in the plain below and the slopes of Cheliotomylos, are not to access. and they particularly easy We wonder whether these fam on an was ily tombs had originally been built the boundary of estate that to later bequeathed the church. By the 6th century much of the church's wealth and income came from such endowments, which were administered a by the local bishop.45 The bishop of Corinth, metropolitan under Thes salonike, was resident at Lechaion several miles away; itwould have been a normal for member of his staff, Anastasios, to supervise church property as in Corinth and in that connection to sell grave plots there, well as, in or this case, providing the precut plaque for the buyer?whoever he she might be.46 Guy Sanders has remarked upon the general lack of activity at Corinth during the first part of the 6th century, perhaps due to earthquake For this we that Anastasios was answerable damage. reason, too, suggest to the authorities at Lechaion.
CONCLUSION
carter at a Euplous the lowly the end of the 4th century has become profes a man some sional charioteer of the late 5th or early 6th century, of sub stance. He may not have been a practicing Christian himself, but he cared own a enough for his wife to bury her well in her grave in good location with a suitably worded inscription that he bought from the church, after which she received the customary offerings of lighted lamps. Maybe she died in one or of the earthquakes during the plague that devastated Corinth in the first half of the 6th century. Were Euplous's ashes placed in the container? someone Was it Euplous himself who added the bones of the horse?or never else who thought it appropriate? We shall know.
s.v. For a discussion of church in 43. Lampe 1961, p. 1444, UTcn 45. building the bath the Panayia Field see see p?Trj? E. 1-3; also Ivison (1996, finances in the 6th century, Jones also had connections with the episcopal 904-914. It is sometimes establishment in but there is pp. 105-106), who follows Lampe and 1964, pp. Lechaion, a member of assumed that the Corinthian church no evidence to the idea calls Anastasios "probably support except was because of the number the of the of the bath the local lesser clergy." wealthy similarity plans exca in the such and the Lechaion basilica n. 44. Shear 1931. The tombs of large basilicas diocese; (see 23, are not reflect a and the fact that the same ex vated in 1930-1931 being restudied buildings may general above) are ostentatious marble was used in and Shear's dates under revision. prosperity, but rather the pensive, imported in have a few individuals. the decoration of both Per Many of the lamps the tombs display of wealth by buildings. now be 46. It is to think that the the marble used in Corinth fell Christian symbols and should tempting haps or owner or contractor for off the back of a mule cart. dated in the 5th early 6th century. responsible APPENDIX CRITERIA FOR THE DATING OF EARLY CHRISTIAN EPITAPHS AT CORINTH
use a Because private inscriptions wider range of scripts than do official are more inscriptions, they difficult to date, and at Corinth the paucity of to we datable public inscriptions adds the problem. In this article have used other features, in addition to the script, to help determine the approximate date. These criteria may be useful to other scholars. The analysis is based on or 341 complete fragmentary gravestones.
Script
occur: no Three styles of lettering the first, the "angular" style, has rounded letters;47 the second, the "rounded" (or "cursive") style, employs rounded forms wherever possible;48 and the third, the "mixed" style, is generally but uses some letters and rounded, angular (i.e., alpha, epsilon, mu, sigma, omega).49 These distinctions alone, however, cannot be used to provide a secure not a date since the styles do have chronological progression. The to rounded and mixed styles appear be contemporary, whereas the angular come or style, which had in earlier, either persists is reintroduced in the second half of the 6th century. The epitaphs of Polychronios and Maria are or entirely in the rounded cursive style, that of Euphrasia ismixed, and are that of Elias is entirely angular. However, several epitaphs that dated are only by the indiction probably late 6th century and are mixed.
Summary + Angular style: 38 published 3 unpublished + Rounded style: 176 published 9 unpublished + Mixed style: 107 published 8 unpublished Not 40 An analyzed: unpublished50 47. example of the "angular" is no. style Corinth VIII.3, pi. 50, 585. 48. See Corinth VIII.3, pi. 46, Style and Layout of the Epitaph no. 542. 49. See Corinth VIII.3, 46, a pi. The gravestone of Maria exhibits phenomenon that may also be an aid no. 541. to her This is the in which the first line of the text are chance dating epitaph. way 50. These fragments is inscribed: the central letters are made a little taller than those at finds or come from excavations of the each were end of the as if to draw the viewer's attention. It is common latter half of the 20th century, and line, fairly not available for for to on a study. the first line of such inscriptions be engraved larger scale, but 286 MARY E. HOSKINS WALBANK AND MICHAEL B. WALBANK
are are on there not many examples in which only centrally placed letters a scale. larger are Completely preserved examples of this phenomenon the epitaphs of Euphrasia, Korinthas, and Elias;51 the unpublished 1-71-42 is another. a cross Each of these is further distinguished by large inscribed at the begin one ning of the first line, occupying letter space;Maria's epitaph is the most cross are elaborate example of this practice. Gravestones lacking this initial the epitaphs of Iulianos and Polychronios52 and the unpublished 1-2849. an cross are Further possible instances with initial the epitaphs of Dem[- -], two Andreas, Ammiane, Poul[- -], unknown persons, and Venenatos;53 pos cross are an sible examples lacking this unknown person and Nikeas.54 This arrangement may be an attempt to make this and similar gravestones an no resemble ogival stele, but examples of such stelai survive at Corinth.
Type of Stone Used
are A substantial number of epitaphs (ca. Ill examples) inscribed upon to thin, schisty marble plaques, similar in thickness Maria's gravestone; the are or colors green, blue, gray. One of these, the epitaph of Euphrasia, is to a.d. secure 51. Pallas and Dantis securely dated 533.55 The remainder lack external dates, but Respectively, 1977, 67-68, no. 6; Clement 1980 many of them are dated the year of an indiction. pp. by SEGXXXV andWiseman are a (= 256); There also few instances (ca. 31) of thin plaques of ordinary 1967b, pp. 422-424 (1-2680). marble or other stone. Two of these both of white have plaques, marble, 52. Corinth VIII.3, p. 187, no. 587, that bracket the above Of the earliest is been assigned dates group. these, and Pallas and Dantis 1977, pp. 63-64, or use no. 2. Polychronios, in 431, and the latest is Elias, in 552 597.56 The of 53. Corinth VIII.l, 100, no. 152; white, rather than schisty, marble suggests that the stock of schisty marble p. nos. was not VIII.3, pp. 180,187,192,202, 552, plaques yet available in 431 and had been exhausted by the second 588, 621, 673; andWiseman 1969, half of the 6th century. pp. 92-93 (1-2708,1-2709). 54. Corinth VIII.l, pp. 99-100, no. and no. 550. External Dating Indicators 151, VIII.3, p. 179, n. 55. See 28, above, for precise date. are 56. Pallas and Dantis 1977, pp. 63 Of the 341 fragments of grave monuments used in this analysis, 74 64, no. 2, and Wiseman 1967b, dated the year of the indiction (without which indiction is by identifying pp. 422-424 (1-2680). meant) and 21 are dated month alone, without an indiction date; of by 57. Our numbers differ slightly from these are in the older Roman calendar the those in Sironen's 21,8 style (mentioning Kalends, published analysis or new of the formulae in Nones, Ides of the month) and 13 in the calendar style (giving the (1997b) employed one the Christian from the numerical day of the month and, in case, the day of the week). Thus, Early epitaphs Corinthia. His with a total of 95 bear some kind of date, but, of these, in seven study overlaps fragments only ours in that these formulae include the cases is there reference to external of that to any another, system dating, is, names owner and occupations of the consular or dates. The 246 are undated.57 regnal remaining fragments and of the occupant of the tomb, the the of purchase price, date purchase, Summary and the date of death. He does not No date of any kind: 246 fragments (all published) discuss the materials used for these Date indiction: 74 two in the old nor the of the by fragments, including style epitaphs script inscrip new tions. He includes monuments other and 72 in the style of calendar (70 published and four than thin to our the plaques which unpublished) is because Date month alone: 21 in the old study largely confined, but, by fragments, including eight nature so of of the fragmentary of many and 13 in the new of calendar (all to style style published) these inscriptions, he limits himself Date indiction and/or with consular or dates: 58 most a by month, regnal the complete examples (from seven total of ca. fragments (all published) 360). THE GRAVE OF WIFE OF EUPLOUS MARIA, 287
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