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Kristjana Loptson The “Housing Economy” and Housing Insecurity in Canada by Kristjana Loptson A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Alberta © Kristjana Loptson, 2017 Abstract This dissertation situates Canada’s housing system, and the policy framework that shapes it, within a broad political economy context in order to understand the evolving nature of housing in the country. The study is motivated by a concern about the social implications of rampant housing insecurity, which occurs when households cannot access, or have only insecure access to adequate housing. Housing insecurity manifests in a range of ways and is reflected in the high number of people presently experiencing or at risk of homelessness; in the low rental vacancy rates in many cities; in the number of evictions occurring due to rent arrears; in long social housing waiting lists; and in shelter costs that are, across the country, unmanageably high for many households. I contend that identifying and understanding the barriers preventing effective policy responses to housing insecurity requires a careful analysis of Canada's complex housing system, including appreciating how profoundly important housing assets have become to Canada’s economy. Homeownership has come to serve as a crucial financial instrument, and this political economic reality has transformed the meaning of housing tenure and seriously constrained housing policy options. A core contention of this dissertation is that as Canada's housing system has evolved, the Canadian economy has increasingly developed into a “housing economy”— a term I use to describe a paradigm of economic growth characterized by a highly financialized housing system in which a substantial proportion of the country’s wealth and debt are generated and stored. Key features of Canada’s housing economy include a growing rate of homeownership, an expansion of credit collateralized by housing assets, debt-fuelled consumer spending that is tied to home values, low interest rates, housing speculation, and increasing mortgage securitization. The deep integration of housing and the financial sector have transformed how Canada’s housing system is governed today; housing policy has become deeply integrated with, and made increasingly subservient to, macroeconomic objectives. As Canada’s housing economy has developed, so has an extensive network of people with deeply entrenched interests in ii maintaining high residential property values, and this makes Canada’s housing policy framework and, thus, housing insecurity, politically intractable. I demonstrate that the increased significance of residential real estate to the Canadian economy has greatly limited the types of housing policies that are viewed to be economically desirable and politically implementable, and conclude that this has weakened the willingness and capacity of elected officials to effectively address housing insecurity. Until Canadian governments — particularly the national government — acts to delink housing from the financial system, housing policies aimed at reducing housing insecurity will not be effective. iii Preface This thesis is an original work by Kristjana Loptson. The research project, of which this thesis is a part, received research ethics approval from the University of Alberta Research Ethics Board, “Housing politics and housing policy: The political economy of tackling housing insecurity in Canada,” No. Pro00048649, May 30, 2014. iv Acknowledgments I am grateful for my time in the political science department at the University of Alberta. From the very start of my PhD, I felt that I was exactly where I belonged, and I am thankful to all the faculty, staff and students for creating such a warm environment. As a student, I found myself surrounded by smart, funny and supportive mentors and peers, who offered me valuable guidance, encouragement and friendship all along the way. I truly hit the luck jackpot when Steve Patton agreed to supervise my project. I could not have found a better supervisor. He gave me the freedom to run off in a million new directions with my research, and always offered me wise direction back when I wandered out too far. The ideas developed in this dissertation reflect his intelligent input and thoughtful guidance, and were it not for the constant encouragement I received from him at every stage, I don’t know how I would have finished this dissertation (at least with my sanity intact). I feel very blessed to have had a supervisor who is not only a great academic, but also a truly great person. Similarly, I owe many thanks to my committee members, David Kahane and Judy Garber for their careful reading, clear thinking and valuable input into this dissertation. I am also thankful for the helpful feedback I received from my arm’s length examiner, Damian Collins and external examiner David Hulchanski. It was a real privilege to have David Hulchanski, whose work has been deeply inspiring and formative to my thinking about housing, act as my external examiner. I am indebted to all the people who agreed to be interviewed for my project, and for the time and insights they generously provided so that I could better understand this topic. In addition to the people who participated in this study, I am grateful for the countless people I have spoken with about housing over the past six years who broadened my perspective. Special thanks v to the many people who shared with me their experiences of struggling with housing insecurity, and who motivated me to pursue this research. I was fortunate to receive financial support during my PhD from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), the International Council for Canadian Studies (ICCS), the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS), and the University of Alberta. Over the past six years, I also received valuable academic mentorship from many people. Special thanks to David Kahane, who has been a true role model. Thanks also to Robert Nichols, Yosuke Hirayama, Roger Epp, Cressida Heyes, Catherine Kellogg, and Graham White. And of course, thank you to my family and friends for the moral support. I am especially thankful for the encouragement I have received from my mom, Karen Brander, who read every single draft of my dissertation and told me it was brilliant (even when it wasn’t) and who has been my number one cheerleader since birth. Finally, I am grateful beyond words for having a partner who has added so much meaning and joy to my life. Thank you, Patrick, for making life so much fun. Kristjana Loptson Edmonton, Canada September 2017 vi Table of Contents INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1 Background ............................................................................................................................................... 1 Research questions, methods and theoretical perspective ........................................................................ 6 Statement of argument ............................................................................................................................ 18 Outline of dissertation chapters .............................................................................................................. 19 Situating this study within the existing research .................................................................................... 21 CHAPTER ONE: CONCEPTUALIZING HOUSING AS A SYSTEM OF SOCIAL RELATIONS ................................................................................................................................ 31 The housing system ................................................................................................................................ 32 The housing policy framework ............................................................................................................... 35 Conceptualizing the state ........................................................................................................................ 37 Terminology: Public, private and third sector ........................................................................................ 43 Variations in housing systems ................................................................................................................ 44 Housing development and dwelling allocation ....................................................................................... 47 Public and third sector non-profit housing ............................................................................................. 53 For-profit housing ................................................................................................................................... 57 Housing tenure ........................................................................................................................................ 59 CHAPTER TWO: THE POLICY FRAMEWORK OF CANADA’S HOUSING SYSTEM ...... 65 Official classifications of housing .......................................................................................................... 68 Municipal land use and housing ............................................................................................................. 70 Canada’s housing stock .........................................................................................................................
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