International Journal of Korean History(Vol.11, Dec. 2007) 117
G G G The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life During the Mid-Chosǂn Era
* LEE |
Introduction
Chosǂn sought to implement a state management system that was based on Neo-Confucianism. In this regard, the lifestyle of the yangban class that belonged to the ruling elite of Chosǂn was one that was also geared towards the achievement of the tenets of the Neo-Confucian ideology. The members of this class were expected to focus on self- cultivation and the moral betterment of their families (៕ᱢ, sushin chega) while furthering their knowledge of the classics. In addition, they were presumed to live a life of poverty and abstain from the amassment of private fortunes and pursuit of personal interests.1 To this end, a look at the individual travelogues and essays written after the 17th century, when the Yigi simsǂnghak (ხᚽ῀, study of principles, material force, and nature) and myǂngbunnon (Ꮩᕰጁ, theory of justification) were emphasized, reveals that the majority of these individuals lived a life of poverty and were devoid of any economic basis. In their works, these individuals expounded on their lack of any interest in the amassing of family fortunes, while expressing a desire to maintain their standing as Neo-Confucian scholars. Although obviously detached from reality, this
* Researcher, Korean Studies Advancement Center 118 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era appears to have been regarded by the yangban of Chosǂn as the ideal lifestyle. However, the yangban’s pursuit of a life of integrity and probity required a fundamental economic basis. A member of this class was expected to maintain Confucian-based etiquette in accordance with family rites (ዥ, karye), and to uphold his virtue and dignity as a yangban through the implementation of various practices such as the reception of visitors who came to take part in ancestral rituals and enshrinement ceremonies. To do so, the members of the yangban class were obliged to possess a certain sized home and an ancestral shrine; own slaves who would prepare the daily necessities such as heating materials, convey messages, and take care of various odds and ends; and have the minimum amount of land required to maintain their living standards. However, for the members of Chosǂn yangban class, becoming a merchant or craftsman was regarded as abandoning one’s privileges as a yangban, with this practice being especially taboo during the late Chosǂn. Engaging in agriculture was also frowned upon as well.2 As such, the members of the yangban class possessed few opportunities to conduct the economic activities needed to maintain their social dignity and honor. Although the members of Chosǂn yangban class needed to possess a certain economic basis in order to pursue the above-mentioned lifestyle of integrity and probity, such a basis proved hard to amass and maintain. As such, there existed a significant gap between the ideal and the reality when it came to the economic livelihood of the yangban. To minimize this gap between the ideal and the reality, the members of the yangban class first had to have a certain perception of what constituted the ideal and basic economic livelihood. To this end, this study analyzes the ideal economic livelihood as perceived by these yangban. However, the yangban’s ideal perception of the economy and their realistic economic livelihood can hardly be regarded as having remained unchanged throughout the Chosǂn era as a whole. Moreover, a realistic analysis of this phenomenon throughout the entire Chosǂn period represents no less problematic of a task. For the above-mentioned reasons, LEE Uk 119 this study focuses solely on the 16th and 17th centuries. The scope of this research has been limited to the 16th and 17th centuries for the following reasons. First of all, the 16th century constitutes the timeframe when a Neo-Confucian based social order featuring a patriarchal clan (褒褈, chongjok) system began to take root inside Chosǂn. In other words, the late 16th century marked the full- scale onset of the series of changes designed to establish a Neo- Confucian oriented social order and structure, changes which were occasioned by various factors such as the economic pressure caused by repeated war and partible inheritance, and increases in population.3 Therefore, this was a period in which the traditional order of Koryǂ and the Neo-Confucian order adopted after the foundation of Chosǂn became intertwined with one another. The 16th century in Chosǂn was thus an era in which Koryǂ’s Sǂnwang chije (ᚃᦕᴃ) and Chosǂn’s Siwang chije (ឣᦕᴃ) effectively coalesced. Thus, by analyzing the period in which these old and new orders encountered and clashed with one another, this study intends to obtain results which can be applied to the overall Chosǂn era. Scholars have regularly utilized privately held ancient documents as a means to analyze the details surrounding the yangban’s economic basis, their lifestyles, as well as their perception of the economy during the 16th and 17th centuries.4 To this end, previous studies have revealed that land and slaves (nobi) represented the economic basis of the yangban class, with the number of nobi one possessed regarded as the main parameter through which to determine that individual’s economic wherewithal.5 Other topics of interest in existing studies have been those of the inheritance practices which served to supplement their economic prowess of the yangban class during this period, and their perceptions of the economy.6 The uncovering and subsequent publication of various kinds of diaries written during these periods since the 1980s has led to a new breed of studies which have combined these recently found sources with existing ancient documents. In this regard, lately uncovered sources such as O Hǎimun’s
The yangban’s economic livelihood during the 16th - 17th centuries
During the 16th-17th centuries, the members of the yangban class lived a life that was based on notions different from those that govern us in the present era. This was especially true where their economic livelihood was concerned, as the latter constituted a part of a social order in which the traditional practices conveyed from Koryǂ and the new institutions occasioned by the introduction of Neo-Confucianism effectively co- existed with one another. The maintenance of this kind of social order was made possible by the following factors: not only were the yangban free to possess land and slaves (nobi) in accordance with the impartible inheritance system, but they were also able to easily secure the help of the government authorities to maintain and expand their land and slave holdings. In other words, the yangban were not only capable of controlling their land and slave holdings through the human networks established amongst themselves, but they could also increase their fortunes based on their ability to use their links to government authorities to develop and purchase more land. What’s more, their economic basis was further fortified by their ability to collect the nobi sinǯgong (ᅣᖔ៕࿆, slave tribute tax which public and private slaves (nobi) had to pay to government agencies or their lords in lieu of the provision of corvée labor) known as the chǯingnyǂm (Ẽᅛ) and by the various gifts and presents which they commonly received. Activities designed to pursue individual profit and interests through such means as the mobilizing of government authority and use of the public funds and financial resources of the government for private purposes that included the collecting of gifts and presents would be regarded as illegal when viewed from the modern standpoint. However, such activities were in fact common practice (kwanhaeng) during this period and the yangban would never have perceived them as being illegal. Rather, the yangban perceived such actions as the prerogative of the privileged class to which they belonged. 122 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era
Blood, regional, and school ties played an important role in the maintenance and improvement of family and clan conditions within yangban society. In order to be included amongst Chosǂn’s ruling yangban class from the 15th century onwards one had to first be able to organize a group that was melded together by a cohesive force such as blood, regional, and school ties and then mobilize this group. Moreover, the Chosǂn dynasty was not only a society rooted in a yangban bureaucracy that had adopted Confucianism as the basic principle of the state, but in which, because of the overarching belief in the notion of pǂpchǯul ǂjǂng (ᓨṱᡸᰡ, law stems from emotion(ᰡ )), no clear distinction was made between bribes and gifts. Moreover, this was a society in which the line between official and personal affairs as well as the limits of civil law (ᰡᓨ) were often unclear. As a result, commodity exchanges often took on the appearance of the bestowing of gifts and presents in this yangban society rooted in the existence of various human networks. In addition, the yangban made use of their close ties to government authority to develop individual plots of land and manage their own agricultural holdings. As such, the yangban class was able to not only ensure their economic livelihood through their ability to preserve and even expand their fortunes, but also used their government links to secure numerous gifts and presents for themselves. Therefore, factors such as their standing as government officials, clan networks, and friendships, became inherently intertwined with their economic livelihood, as did their political fortunes. This phenomenon was not unique to mid-Chosǂn; rather, the existence of a similar trend, albeit with a few differences, in late Chosǂn has been substantiated by diaries written during that period.8 The perception of the yangban’s economic livelihood from the standpoint of the modern era is inherently laden with problems. Viewed from the current vantage point, the yangban’s means of securing their economic livelihood may easily be perceived as both illegal and irrational. In a modern state, a clear distinction exists between the public and personal use of financial resources where the economy and finances are LEE Uk 123 concerned. Moreover, only the government can justifiably collect taxes. The private collection of taxes and use of financial expenditures for personal purposes are thus directly associated with the notions of bribery and embezzlement.9 Of course, various factors can be used to explain why the yangban exhibited such characteristics during this period. One of these factors which can be identified is closely related to the Confucian notion of the dichotomy between official and private affairs. For Neo-Confucian scholars who shared Zhang Zai (᭳ᮜ)’s aspiration of, “offering one’s heart to the heavens and earth, and establishing to (ሓ, way) for the people”, the ideal community was one in which society was reorganized as an order rooted in the family unit. In other words, publicness was to be achieved through the realization of a family-oriented order. The public sphere was thus perceived as an expansion of the private realm known as the ka (, family). Based on the prevailing perception of norms, the standards applied within the private sphere were naturally given priority over those that applied in the public sphere. The description of an honest man (ᴥၯ) found in Verse 18 of Chapter 13 of the Analects of Confucius ( ᅹ, Lunyu) is one in which the protection and encouragement of kinship-based solidarity between father and son, as part of which the father will cover up for the son and the son will cover up for the father, is given primacy, in terms of the maintenance of the community, over the promotion of a law-abiding spirit in which a son is ready to testify against his father when the latter is guilty of theft. This clearly exhibits Confucius’ belief that not only was the public sphere an extension of the private realm ( ka), but that the norms applied within the private sphere (ka) were to be given primacy over the regulations governing the public sphere. It is not surprising to see that Mencius (Ꮓᬻ) also introduces an example of an honest man (ᴥၯ) that is in keeping with Confucius’ belief that the regulations governing family relationships should be given primacy over those holding sway in the public sphere. A disciple asked Mencius what King Shun would have done if a government official 124 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era arrested his father for having committed the crime of murder. Mencius answered that King Shun would not have put a stop to his father’s arrest. However, he would not have sat idly by and watched his father be arrested either. King Shun would not have hesitated to abandon his kingdom and run away to a secluded place with his father, content in the fact that his father was alive. Although he would have stopped short of exercising the government’s public power, in the form of his royal authority, he nevertheless exhibits his belief in the primacy of the private sphere exemplified here by the relationship between father and son by his claim that the king would have turned his back on his royal position and voluntarily concealed a criminal. In this regard, Mencius’ belief can be perceived as sharing a common root with Confucius’ notion of public and private affairs reflected in the story of the honest man.10 The above-mentioned perception of public and private affairs also permeated Chosǂn society. In other words, whenever family ethics came into conflict with civic ones, the former tended to be regarded as more primordial. In many instances, communal ethics came to be based on family ones. This strong sense of family ethics was encompassed in the notions of filial piety and fraternity (℈᱒). Nevertheless, this overt focus on the primacy of family ethics had the effect of not only weakening the consciousness of civic ethics, but also the economic activities derived from the social contract. Although humanity and righteousness (ᬂ᫋) may have been regarded as universal moral concepts, the continued premium placed on the individualistic ethics rooted in the love for one’s family at the expense of other forms of ethics was bound to result in a weakening of the consideration given to ‘others,’ such as those with no blood ties.11 Of course, it is true that the importance of social regulations within Confucianism was increased following the challenge laid out by the Legalist School (ᓨ) which emerged after Confucius and Mencius. Nevertheless, the fact that the authors of the Book of Rites (ዥᄆ, Lichi) clearly revealed that the sense of social solidarity established on the basis of blood ties and social status lay at the core of the social norms system known as li (ዥ, rites) proves that the morality of the private sphere LEE Uk 125 continued to be paramount within the public realm.12 In other words, the yangban during this period felt morally free to collude with one another to seize the economic power they needed to implement their responsibilities as yangban, duties which included ancestral rites and the reception of guests. Moreover, the practice of abusing the financial resources and materials of the government agencies in order to ensure their own economic activities was not hindered in any way by a sense of guilt, or an awareness of the problematic nature of such actions. However, the growing emphasis placed on social regulations within Confucianism after the Qin and Han eras led to increased criticism and the restriction of economic activities deemed as being beyond the scope traditionally accepted within society, be it from a legal or public opinion standpoint. A similar atmosphere also prevailed during the Chosǂn era where the yangban was concerned. Let us now turn our attention, based on a comparison of Yi Hwang and Yu Hǎichǯun, to an analysis of the yangban’s economic activities.
The ideal economic livelihood during the 16th century
The task of uncovering the ideal economic livelihood and economic scale as perceived by 16th century yangban regarded is indeed an arduous one. Although the same naturally applies today, individuals at that time logically possessed different standards with which to determine what constituted a satisfactory economic scale and livelihood. Nevertheless, an approximate notion of the ideal economic livelihood as perceived by the members of the yangban class during the 16th century can be derived by a perusal of the following poem:
People are happy to farm; there is no one hanging around with swords. Life in remote areas is unencumbered by complex human relationships, and there are few cases in which one must abide by the laws and regulations established by the government… (omission) 126 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era
Barren land becomes fertile soil, and soon grains begin to ripen in small gardens. While slaves have to work hard till sunset, the comfortable life they live means that they are devoid of any resentment. When autumn comes, each silo abounds with grains, enough to make up for a government salary. People are able to pay all the taxes before the deadline; therefore there are very few cases within the community of people having to be whipped. One is free to worship his ancestors and raise his decedents. On New Year’s Day, one can sacrifice a goat as part of the ritual ceremony, and then set about drinking too much alcohol; happily putting off all other affairs until another day.13
The author of this poem yearns for a life lived in a remote area in which barren land is turned into fertile soil. In addition, the author craves for a lifestyle in which he is free to farm and live amongst neighbors characterized by their gentle manners. In many ways reflecting the features of that particular era, this poem describes a life in which one has enough economic wherewithal to live off of farming alone and not have to be a government official, and in which slave labor can be used to turn barren land into fertile soil. In addition, the author hopes that the slaves, content with their state, will not become resentful or betray their owner. Furthermore, the author hopes to eradicate government intervention in his daily life by implementing his responsibilities as a member of the state, such as paying his taxes in a timely fashion. As such, the author appears to be chasing after a lifestyle in which an autonomous community (hyangchǯon) led by the yangban is brought about, a community in which government intervention is no longer a factor. The poem also depicts an individual who while being focused on implementing the ancestral rituals and raising his children, also gets drunk on New Year’s Day in order to withdraw from his daily reality. As such, it describes a life of anbun chijok (᠌ᕰᴕᲓ), or that of an individual that is at peace with himself and satisfied with living within his limitations. Nevertheless, as this poem is of a strong literary nature, significant LEE Uk 127 exaggerations can be assumed in terms of the actual reality. That being said, a question arises what was this ideal economic livelihood that the yangban dreamed of? To this end, in order to develop a better understanding of this perception, let us begin by looking at evaluations of Yi Hwang and Yu Hǎichǯun made by historians who lived during the same era, as well as delve into the background to such evaluations. First, let us look at official historians’ evaluations of Yi Hwang;
Yi Hwang had a frank and open-hearted nature. While he never sought wealth and fame, and never accumulated any savings for his family; he nevertheless appeared to others to live comfortably.14
Yi Hwang was a man who paid no attention to his own personal fortune or property; when he returned home after having completed his service to the state as the local governor, his family had only a few grains left in their earthenware port. Later on, when he was summoned by the king to the palace, he refused to accept Minister Cho Sasu’s offer to provide him with official attire, and this despite the fact that he did not possess any official garb or belt of his own.15
Yi Hwang, who was appointed as the Sungjǂngdaebu (ខᰣᇠᕍ) Pǯanchungchǯubusa (ἱᳯṐᕒᗌ) has passed away. … While he regarded poverty as a comfort and enjoyed the simple life, he eschewed the pursuit of personal interests, appearances, and opulence.16
The above-passages represent evaluations of Yi Hwang made by official historians from that era. We can see that the majority of these evaluations were focused on Yi’s pursuit of a poor but honorable life. In this regard, the posthumous record of Yi’s death found in the last passage can be regarded as a perception that was shared by all yangban at that time. As such, we can surmise that Yi’s life was viewed by his contemporaries as one that had been lived in honorable poverty. Yi was regarded as an individual who had concentrated his efforts on the pursuit 128 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era of learning while showing little interest in the quest for individual advantage, wealth, and fortune. Let us now turn our attention to the prevailing evaluations of Yu Hǎichǯun.
Yu Hǎichǯun had a gentle and elegant nature, and he possessed a profound knowledge of the Chinese Classics and History.17
Yu Hǎichǯun, who was appointed as the Hongmunǯgwan Pujehak (₢ᐴ ᕉ᱓῀) has recently passed away. … He had a gentle and tranquil nature, was generous, quiet, and frugal, and conducted himself as if he was a scholar (sǂnbi) living in poverty. However, he enjoyed books very much and devoted himself to studying with a passion usually reserved for wine and women.18
The great crux of these evaluations of Yu is focused on the fact that he excelled in his studies. However, the posthumous record of Yu’s death also includes the tantalizing phrase, “conducted himself as if he was a scholar (sǂnbi) living in poverty”, which can also be taken to mean that he lived the frugal and thrifty life of a poor scholar despite the fact that he possessed a significant fortune and property. These evaluations of the two scholars who lived through the similar era, and who can be regarded as having been representative of the Yǂngnam and Honam factions of the literati known as the sarim (ᗙ፳, Forest of Scholars), exhibit subtle differences in terms of their overarching tone. Thus, while Yi Hwang is characterized as an individual who possessed the much-respected qualities of integrity and honesty, and as one whose actual economic circumstances were also quite dire, Yu Hǎichǯun, despite having conducted himself as if he were a frugal and poor scholar, is depicted as having in actuality amassed an economic fortune for himself. In other words, the prevailing atmosphere during this period was not one that easily lent itself to the description of Yu as a frugal and honest scholar. That being said, what were these two scholars’ actual economic circumstances like? LEE Uk 129
First, let us compare the above-mentioned evaluations of Yi Hwang with his actual circumstances. As seen above, Yi Hwang was perceived as someone who paid little attention to his family’s estate, and who had lived in poverty. The reality however is that Yi was very concerned about the management of his fortune.19 That being said, Yi also held the position that a sǂnbi should not neglect his studies by concentrating too much on increasing his fortune in a manner akin to farmers and commoners. He emphasized that the quest to increase one’s fortune should be conducted within parameters that did not damage the ethos of the sǂnbi.20 When his son, Yi Chun showed himself unwilling to give up his dead younger brother’s fortune, Yi Hwang admonished him not to allow his spirit to be shaken by earthly possessions, teaching that a sǂnbi should remember General Chǯoe Yǂng’s wise words to the effect that, “gold should be regarded as if it were just another stone” throughout his whole life.21 Nevertheless, Yi Hwang did not perceive poverty as a comfort nor did he completely disregard the need to care for the family fortune. He was in fact extremely cautious with his fortune and took steps to ensure that he would not slide into poverty. A look at Yi’s letters to his son Yi Chun contained in theⷠTosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ)ⷡreveals a constant fear of having to live a life of destitution if a bad harvest occurred. Yi was especially worried about the problems associated with preparing the sacrifices required for ancestral rituals in years of bad harvest.22 To this end, he emphasized that such difficult times could be overcome by always living a life of frugality and thriftiness.23 Furthermore, he implored his sons to pay close attention to the maintenance and management of the existing family fortune, and to exercise special caution when carrying documents pertaining to land or slaves.24 He also instructed them to either exchange or return outright any purchased land which was not suitable for agriculture and farming.25 Yi’s emphasis on the management of slaves and the close attention he paid to the state of his cotton fields can be construed as evidence of the fact that he used slaves as a means to enhance his capital holdings.26 Looking at Yi’s actions and the wisdom which he tried to impart to his 130 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era sons, one might easily think that he barely had enough assets to manage his household. However, a closer analysis of the scale of his estate reveals that he was in fact not a poor scholar. Although he was relatively poor in his youth, during the middle years of his life he came to have many houses, households, as well as approximately 150 slaves, and several thousand turak (acreage unit, 1 turak equals 200 pǯyǂng (661.16 m2)) of rice paddies and upland fields at his disposal. This change in circumstance was the result of such factors as his inheriting of the estate of his first and second wives, increases in his existing fortune, as well as his tight management of the farming process and his own ability to manage his estate.27 Moreover, when the time finally came for his descendants to inherit his estate, his fortune had increased even further. According to the
That being said, why did historians from this period regard Yi Hwang as a man of integrity and probity? Here, let us use a few examples in order to shed some light on this matter. For all intents and purpose, Yi appears to have amassed and maintained his fortune in a legal manner. In most cases, his fortune was accumulated through inheritance and outright purchases of land. Records indicate that always took his counterpart’s position into account when purchasing land, and that he did not purchase a particular piece of land if he felt that there were some chance that such an action might lead to conflict somewhere down the road.32 In addition, he did not like to involve himself in any quarrels over the purchase and refunding of land.33 Yi even admonished his first son not to exercise his right to take over his younger brother’s estate following the latter’s early demise.34 Yi advised his son to assume a transcendental position towards material goods, and not to involve himself in interest-based quarrels. Yi stressed the fact to his first son that such an attitude would not benefit him, but instead cause him to become a laughingstock amongst his peers.35 Another aspect of one’s economic livelihood that Yi Hwang expounded upon at length was that despite traditional practices to the contrary, public funds should never be used for private purposes.36 When his first son, Yi Chun, intended to use the sinǯpo (៕Ὦ, taxation which slaves had to pay in lieu of military service) collected from the sǂnsang nobi (᚜ᘨᅣᖔ, one type of the state-owned or public slaves who provided corvée labor to the government) to pay the Cheyonggam (᱕᧚ຬ, a government agency in charge of collecting the cloth and ginseng to be sent to the Chinese government as tribute, and also used to manufacture the attire of officials), Yi harshly reprimanded his son, arguing that even though such an action was common practice, he should refrain from doing so.37 Another pertinent instance which can be brought to light here revolves around Yi’s dispatch of one of his nobi to the Kyǂngju area in order to be able to secure the coal he needed to pay for the kongnap (࿆ᅅ, tribute tax). On this particular occasion, Yi sent a letter through his nobi to his son Yi Chun in which he asked the latter if he could help him find out the market price for coal and to purchase it at a good price. In most cases, when 132 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era one’s son occupied the position of local governor in a specific area, a father could easily make his son pay for his tribute tax by purchasing coal bought using local government funds, and his nobi would have advised him to do the same. However, Yi Hwang refused to follow this course of action and simply asked his son to gather information about the market price for coal.38 As such, Yi Hwang was insistent in his beliefs that government officials should not abuse public funds for private purposes, and that public and private affairs should be kept separate at all times. He believed that although widely carried out in the name of traditional practices, such actions were essentially immoral. The same can be said of the individual named Cho Sasu mentioned above. When a yangban went up to Seoul after having received an appointment to a government post from the king, it was traditional practice for his acquaintances to send him official attire as a form of gift. Nevertheless, he refused this offer and did not accept the attire. Furthermore, he viciously scolded his son when the latter failed to pay back the hwanǯgok (ྨ, grain loans) he had received within the accepted timeframe.39 Yi tried not to engage in any of the illegal actions then widely perceived as traditional practices. One common practice amongst powerful local households (tǯoho) at that time was to give shelter to other families’ runaway slaves and take in commoners, all of whom were later turned into their own slaves.40 In one instance, Yi Hwang was also found to have given shelter to runaway slaves. Yi appears however to have been unaware of this incident until it came to light, an assertion supported by his obvious embarrassment and subsequent admonishing of his son that the latter should ensure that such incidents never be allowed to occur again.41 In addition, Yi also adopted a firm stance against those who became slaves in order to avoid military service. He strongly instructed those around him to arrest and report any individual found to have engaged in such behavior to the government.42 To this end, Yi also asserted that the traditional practice governing the management of the family register system (hojǂk) of including too many slaves in the family register could also be regarded as an evil practice, and advised that only LEE Uk 133 the proper number of slaves should be registered.43 Nevertheless, Yi refused to advance his individual interests by omitting his own slaves from the family register.44 As such, Yi Hwang to some extent adopted a critical stance towards the illegal actions carried out by the majority of the yangban in the name of traditional or habitual practices. In this regard, he can be said to have never knowingly carried out such actions. On the flip side, Yu Hǎichǯun has been perceived as an individual who had a tendency to follow widely-accepted traditional practices. Yu submitted a total of 141 petitions during the last 10 years of his life. While 120 of these petitions were related to recommendations for government posts, the other 20 instances revolved around requests for abstention from the provision of labor services. While those who established close relations with Yu Hǎichǯun found their path to government positions greatly simplified by his good offices, they were expected to help satiate his economic needs. In other words, Yu used such relationships to not only secure material goods, but also the labor force he needed to ensure the smooth operation of his household.45 Yu Hǎichǯun and his wife also went all out to help their son-in-law secure a government post. To this end, he submitted petitions to numerous people on behalf of his son-in-law. Yu’s efforts were eventually rewarded when his son-in-law was appointed to the post of Sǂnjǂnǯgwan (ᚆᯚ, Herald).46 In addition, Yu also frequently mobilized government authority for private purposes. During the 10 years that followed his return to government, Yu’s family was at the center of various construction projects and events. In this regard, not only did Yu have houses built for himself in the Haenam area on two different occasions, but he also used his influence to have houses erected for his sister and his concubine. In addition, Yu also had his family’s ancestral burial grounds (sǂnyǂng) located in the Tamyang, Haenam, and Sunchǯǂn areas repaired. Moreover, his drive to turn wasteland and tidelands into plots on which agriculture could be conducted also entailed the need for a significant amount of 134 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era financial resources and labor.47 In all of the above-mentioned instances, Yu appears to have had no qualms in making use of government authority and resources to fulfill his personal plans. Of course, he would have refrained from using government authority whenever the scale of an undertaking was too significant, or the illegal nature of such mobilization of government authority and resources was too obvious.48 Nevertheless, Yu’s conception of the need to separate public affairs from private ones was not as clearly developed as Yi’s. As a result, Yu frequently found himself the subject of unpleasant rumors and scandals. During his tenure as the Governor of Cholla Province, there emerged an instance in April 1572 (the 4th year of King Sǂnjo) in which Yu Hǎichǯun made the decision to relieve the Magistrate of Namwǂn of his position because the latter was unable to carry out his functions due to illness. Upset with Yu’s explanation that he could not afford to leave such an important position vacant for a long period of time, Yi Wǂnwuk traveled to Seoul and set about spreading unpleasant and potentially politically damaging rumors about Yu Hǎichǯun. Yi spread rumors to the effect that not only did Yu habitually sleep in private homes during his official visits to villages, but that he also used state-owned artisans to build his personal residences. Further compounding matters, Yi reported that the construction of Yu’s homes had been supervised by government clerks and petty officials. While factors such as Yu’s status as a scholar, King Sǂnjo’s special trust in Yu, and the latter’s personal network system ensured that this crisis eventually blew over, such an incident could very well have caused serious damage to his power if Yu had not enjoyed such a political position of privilege.49 This incident illustrates a very important point; namely, that although carried out under the guise of being traditional practices, the gifts habitually exchanged amongst the members of the yangban class and the practice of using public funds for private purposes were not regarded within society at large as correct behavior for a government official or Confucian scholar. This can be regarded as the reason why Yu Hǎichǯun, who had faithfully followed traditional or habitual practices, has been LEE Uk 135 evaluated as an individual who despite being frugal, was not animated by a sense of moral rectitude or integrity. On the other hand, although Yi Hwang possessed a larger fortune than Yu Hǎichǯun, his was acquired through legal inheritance and purchases. As we have seen above, Yu was careful to abstain from taking part in actions such as using human networks to secure favors and utilizing public funds for private purposes. His caution was so great that he even refused to accept a small gift sent by Cho Sasu. This indelible impression which Yi Hwang’s attitude made on other government officials can thus be understood as the reason why the latter evaluated Yi as having lived a life of moral rectitude and integrity despite his poverty. In other words, the members of the yangban class actually carried out economic activities to the extent needed to maintain their dignity as a yangban family. These economic activities often involved the use of their government authority, disguised as traditional practices, to advance their own ends, or the activation of their various networks in order to maintain their living standards. However, such actions were regarded as neither proper nor desirable. Therefore, there emerged a perception that the carrying out of economic activities within the scope of the law, and without having to depend on traditional and common practices, represented the ideal form of economic livelihood. In this regard, those who carried out their economic activities within the scope of the law were perceived as having lived a life characterized by moral integrity and rectitude. Here, Yi Hwang can be regarded as a good example of such a case.
The ideal economic livelihood during the 17th century
The question thus becomes, did this conscious effort to live one’s life in the manner that Yi Hwang did persist during the 17th century? The answer to this question can be found in the
Yangban should possess a limited amount of rice paddies and upland fields. They should not manage such lands on a scale that is beyond their station in life. However, if the scale of the land they possess is too small, then it becomes difficult for them to maintain their dignity as a yangban household. It is only natural in cases where a yangban family is very poor from the outset to exercise frugality and decrease the amount set aside for attire and carriages. In such cases, one should not seek to acquire new items when the current ones become old. Taking care to always remind oneself of the need to appear poor, women can engage in the management of the matters related to the upkeep of the household while men directly toil the fields. The annual income needed to carry out one’s duties can be obtained when women engage themselves in sericulture and the men raise cattle. By saving some of this income, such individuals can one day amass the fortune needed to eat and drink what their neighbors partake of. However, caution should be taken not adopt wasteful ways until that day comes.54
The above quote proves that Yi Yutǯae also perceived the need for yangban to secure a minimum amount of land, rice paddies and upland fields. While he cautioned against the accumulation of too many resources, he viewed attempts to secure a certain amount of assets in a positive light. Such assets, he argued, should be acquired through hard work and frugality. More to the point, Yi claimed that while a man over the age of 50 could wear silk clothes and eat meat, those younger than that should exercise frugality by adopting such practices as wearing cotton clothes, sitting on a straw mat, and eating vegetables. Yi also stressed the need to avoid spending too much to purchase good horses or in connection with the management of one’s property.55 In addition, he was of the opinion that yangban could directly participate in the 138 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era production of agricultural products. He also positively evaluated the production of high value-added items through such means as sericulture, the raising of cattle, and the growing of cotton and mulberry trees. Yi encouraged the saving of resources once one had obtained the economic means to do so through the living of a frugal lifestyle. He recommended that individuals prepare for a bad harvest by saving 40 sacks of rice and grain. In addition, he also allowed for a certain amount of profit to be earned from the sale of grain when the market price for the latter was high.56 He also recommended that assets be accrued though the fair purchase of land.57 Conversely, Yi prohibited the buying of any plots of land which were the subject of lawsuits and the recourse to usurious practices. Especially, he asserted that one could provide private loans to a neighbor who was in difficulty, but should only collect interest on such loans at rates prescribed by law. Moreover, it was never acceptable practice to seize a neighbor’s assets. Yi asserted that a sadaebu family should not concentrate on accumulating assets in order to become rich.58 Furthermore, he also adopted a negative stance towards the accumulation of assets through the use of such means as the abuse of political power or marriage into wealthy families.59 That being the case, the question thus becomes the following: what economic scale did Yi regard as being ideal? Simply put, Yi’s estimation of the fundamental economic wherewithal required by a family was based on a calculation of the quantity of clothes and food needed, and thereafter, of the amount of rice paddies and upland fields needed to produce these basic necessities. He asserted that the family economy should then be based on such estimates. According to Yi, the ideal amount of land which the sadaebu class should posses was 2 sǂk and10 turak of upland fields and 10-12 ilgyǂng of rice paddies. This in turn could be broken down into 1 sǂngnak of upland fields, and 9-10 ilgyǂng of rice paddies in the case of independent farmers, and 1 sǂk and 10 turak of upland fields, as well as 1-2 ilgyǂng of rice paddies in the case of tenant farmers. Other acceptable forms of land included LEE Uk 139 sangjǂn (ᘷᯭ), majǂn (ᎃᯭ), kwawǂn (࿋ᨢ), sopǯo (ᛰὭ), and chǂjǂn (᮫ᯭ). That being the case, given the unit system at that time, with one ilgyǂng being equivalent to 10 turak, we can surmise that the ideal economic scale was the possession of a total of 50 turak of upland fields and 100-200 turak of rice paddies.60 This should, of course, be perceived as Yi Yuǯtae’s own conception of the ideal amount of land one could possess. Many differences had already begun to emerge between the accepted economic practices of the 16th century and the reality on the ground by the time Yi came to prominence. The first can be regarded as the difference between the notions of slaves that prevailed during these two periods. Simply put, a greater emphasis was placed on the importance of slaves as an asset during the 16th century. However, by the time the17th century rolled around luminaries like Yi were claiming that while a family could not make due without rice paddies and upland fields, a good living could be earned without horses and slaves.61 As such, land had become the most important source of one’s fortune by the 17th century. We can thus concur that the ideal economic scale envisioned by the yangban of the 16th century was in fact quite different from that laid out by Yi. Nevertheless, we can also conclude that yangban from both centuries shared a negative perception of those who pursued economic resources in a cavalier or excessive fashion. They also shared the belief that the yangban should maintain the level of assets needed to implement ancestral rites, receive guests, and to live life as a yangban family. Yet, as we have seen, those who lived through both of these centuries had a hard time maintaining such a lifestyle. Yi deplored the fact that the majority of yangban had accumulated their fortune through usury, and that they appeared to be more focused on acquiring assets than scholarly pursuits. Yi went as far as to lament that wealth had become the most important factor in deciding who one’s children would marry. Thus, we can conclude that the actual state of yangban society was such that the achievement and perpetuation of a life of integrity and probity became a most arduous of tasks. 140 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era
Conclusion
Yangban during the 16th and 17th centuries did not perceive the use of government authority to facilitate their economic activities in a negative light. Rather, relying on access to government authority acquired through one’s human networks was regarded as a deeply-rooted tradition. This ambiguity when it comes to the separation of public and private affairs can be regarded as having its roots in Neo-Confucian logic. That being said, the yangban, as Neo-Confucian scholars, possessed a negative perception of the practice of mobilizing government authority to their own economic ends and profit, and of the excessive pursuit of economic gain. Therefore, a separation between public and private affairs was perceived where the notion of the ideal economic livelihood was concerned. This can be explained in large part by the fact that this of accumulating an excessive fortune the majority of yangban believed that they should live a self-sufficient lifestyle supplemented only by the amount of assets required by a small-scale landlord. In other words, the yangban sought solely to have the economic wherewithal needed to smoothly carry out ancestral rites, receive guests, and educate their children. As a result, they tended to believe that yangban should regard scholarly pursuits as their top priority, while refraining from focusing excessively on the accumulation of material goods. Of course, they to some extent also recognized the need to ease their economic difficulties by securing advantages for themselves through means that included the use of distribution mechanisms such as market prices. The yangban also possessed the mindset that assets should be accumulated through hard work and the living of a frugal lifestyle. Conversely, although these were regarded as traditional practices, they frowned upon the accumulation of excessive fortunes through such means as usury and the causing of social issues employment of their status as yangban and of government authority. Refraining from conducting such LEE Uk 141 illegal and negative actions, they instead perceived a lifestyle in which one engaged in scholarly pursuits and carried out obligations, such as ancestral rites and the reception of guests, as being the most desirable one.
Key Word: Mid-Chosǂn Era, Economic Life, Perception of the Economic Life, Yangban, Neo-Confucianism
Notes :
1 Yi Sugǂn, “The origins of Yi Hwang’s family fortune and their property types (Tǯoegye yihwang kamunǎi chaesan yuraewa kǎ yurae)”, Collection of Essays for Historical Education (Yǂksa kyoyuk nonjip), Vol. 13 and 14, 1990, p. 669 2 Pak Chega, Chojǂngjip (豵詬讹), Vol. 1, ᜐ᨞‰ᷙᳲᙗ 3 Mark Peterson, Korean adoption and inheritance: case studies in the creation of a classic Confucian society, translated by Kim Hyejǂng, Ilchogak, 2000 4 Examples include Yi Sugǂn’s study. Yi analyzed the economic basis of the yangban class and their economic activities during the 15th and 16th centuries in his study on the formation and background of the Yǂngnam sarim faction (萮臈, forest of scholars). Yi’s studies are listed in the reference section. 5 Examples include the studies conducted by Yi Yǂnghun, Kim Kǂntǯae, Kim Yongman, and An Sǎngjun. 6 Examples include the studies conducted by Mun Sukcha and Chǂng Kubok. 7 Examples include the studies conducted by Kim Soǎn, Nam Mihye, Pak Mihye, and Yi Sǂngim. 8 Yi Sǂngim, “The yangban’s economic activities and their perception of wealth (Chosǂn chunggi yangbanǎi kyǂngje saenghwalgwa chaebugwan)”, Hanǯguksa simin kwangjwa, Vol. 29, 2001, pp. 86-91 9 Yi Sǂngim, “The role of the gift economy in yangban society during the 16th century (16 segi yangban sahoeǎi sǂnmul kyǂngje)”, Hanǯguksa yǂnǯgu, Vol. 130, pp. 77-79 10 Pak Wǂnjae, “The origins of Confucian thought on the notion of public and private affairs –with a special focus on the relationship between the family and state (kong/sa kwannyǂme taehan yuhakchǂk sayuǎi kiwǂn –kawa kukǎi 142 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era
kwanǯgyerǎl chungsimǎro)”, Journal of Oriental Philosophy (Tongyang chǯǂlhak), Vol. 19, 2003, pp. 113-114 11 Yi Chongho, Economic Thoughts during the Chosǂn era (Chosǂn sidaeǎi kyǂngje sasang), Minsokwǂn, 1993, p. 101 12 Pak Wǂnjae, “The debate between the Legalist and Confucian schools over the primacy of public and private affairs (kong/saǎi wusǂnsǂng munjee taehan yugawa pǂpkaǎi nonjaeng)”, Journal of Philosophical Studies (Chǯǂlhak yǂnǯgu), Vol. 66, 2004, p.84 13 Kim Sǂngil, Hakpong sokchip (ῃᔷᵤ), Vol. 1, Poem;Ⴕᵯᓉᡕᔸ ᨘଵ 14 Myǂngjong sillok (ᏛᲛ៛ዾ), June 16, 8th year of King Myǂngjong 15 Myǂngjong sillok (ᏛᲛ៛ዾ), February 18, 10th year of King Myǂngjong 16 Sǂnjo sujǂng sillok (ᚆᱻᰫ៛ዾ), December 1, 3rd year of King Sǂnjo 17 Myǂngjong sillok (ᏛᲛ៛ዾ), December 10, 20th year of King Myǂngjong 18 Sǂnjo sujǂng sillok (ᚆᱻᰫ៛ዾ), May 1, 10th year of King Sǂnjo 19 For more on Yi Hwang’s notion of chǯisan ijae (ẙᘑᮛ, management of one’s property and financial affairs), please refer to Yi Sugǂn, “ The origins of Yi Hwang’s family fortune and their property types (Tǯoegye yihwang kamunǎi chaesan yuraewa kǎ yurae)”, ibid., pp. 669-679 20 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ) IV, ᪈ᵤᅒὑ Vol. 7, ᙠ, პ᳟ଵ ີᬉ, p. 106 a 21 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ) IV, ᪈ᵤᅒὑ Vol. 6, ᙠ, პ᳟ଵ, p. 93 a 22 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ) IV, ᪈ᵤᦚὑ Vol. 5, ᙠ, პᬻ᳟ଵ, p. 234 a 23 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ) IV, ᪈ᵤᦚὑ Vol. 6, ᙠ, პᬻ᳟ଵ, p. 232 b 24 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ) IV, ᪈ᵤᦚὑ Vol. 7, ᙠ, პ᳟ᶴଵ p. 260 b 25 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ) IV, ᪈ᵤᅒὑ Vol. 7, ᙠ, ᇏ᳟ଵp. 109 a 26 Yi Sugǂn, “The origins of Yi Hwang’s family fortune and their property types (Tǯoegye yihwang kamunǎi chaesan yuraewa kǎ yurae)”, ibid., pp. 670- 679 27 Yi Sugǂn, “ The origins of Yi Hwang’s family’s fortune and their property types (Tǯoegye yihwang kamunǎi chaesan yuraewa kǎ yurae)”, ibid., pp. 670- LEE Uk 143
671 28 Yi Sugǂn, The formation of the Yǂngnam sarim faction (Yǂngnam sarimpǯaǎi hyǂngsǂng), pp. 204-205 29 Yu Hǎichǯun, Miam ilgi (ᑊᬝᄆ), September, 13, 1573 30 Yi Sǂngim, “Yangban families’ management of farmlands and slave managers during the mid-Chosǂn - With a special focus on Yu Hǎichǯun’s
p. 241 b 43 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ) IV, ᪈ᵤᅒὑVol. 6, ᙠ, პᬻ᳟ଵ, p. 236 a 44 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ(ሖᘍᯛᙠ) IV, ᪈ᵤᅒὑ Vol. 6, ᙠ, პᬻ᳟ ིṢଵ, p. 240 a 45 Yi Sǂngim, “The role of the slave manager in enhancing the income of yangban bureaucrats during the 16th century -With a special focus on Yu Hǎichǯun’s
61 Yi Yutǯae, Chǂnghun (ᰞℨ) ᘑᴃ႖ଵ
References :
1 Kyǂngguk taejǂn (མၚᇠᯜ, National Code) 2 Kim Sǂngil, Hakbong sokchip (ῃᔷᵤ) 3 Pak Chega, Chǯojǂngjip (Ḡᰗᵤ) 4 Sin Sukchu, Pohanjaejip (ᔑ῎ᮝᵤ) 5 O Hǎimun, Soemirok (ᑁዾ) 6 Yu Hǎichǯun, Miam ilgi (ᑊᬝᄆ) 7 Yi Munǯgǂn, Mukchae ilgi (ꋔᮝᬝᄆ) 8 Yi Hwang, Tosan chǂnsǂ (ሖᘍᯛᙠ) 9 Kim Sǂngwu, The State and the Yangban during the Mid-Chosǂn Period (Chosǂn chunggi kukkawa yangban), Yǂksa pipǯyǂngsa, 2001 10 Kim Yongman, Private Slaves during the Chosǂn Era (Chosǂn sidae sanobi yǂnǯgu), Chimmundang, 1997 11 Kim Tǯaeyǂng, The History of the Land System during Early Chosǂn (Chosǂn chǂnǯgi tǯoji chedosa yǂnǯgu), Chisik sanǂpsa, 1983 12 Mun Sukcha, Inheritance and the Family during the Chosǂn Era (Chosǂn sidae chaesan sangsokkwa kajok), Kyǂngin munhwasa, 2004 13 Yi Sugǂn, The formation of the Yǂngnam sarim faction (Yǂngnam sarimpǯaǎi hyǂngsǂng), Yǂngnam University Press, 1979 14 Yi Chongho, Economic Thoughts during the Chosǂn Dynasty (Chosǂn sidaeǎi kyǂngje sasang), Minsokwǂn 15 Yi Haejun, Yi Yutǯae’s Hyangyak (Village Code) and
century (16 segi yangban chijuchǯǎngǎi kyǂngje hwaldong)”, Yǂksawa hyǂnsil, Vol. 16, 1995 19 Kim Soǎn, “The income and economic activities of the yangban sajok class during the 16th century- with a special focus on
manager and the collection of slave tribute taxes during the 16th century (16 segi yi munǯgǂn kaǎi nobi sahwanǯgwa sinǯgong suchǯwi)”, Komunsǂ yǂnǯgu, Vol. 16 and 17, 2000 25 Yǂm Chǂngsǂp, “Characteristics of the diaries written during the Chosǂn era and the categorization thereof (Chosǂn sidae ilgiryu charyoǎi sǂnggyǂkkwa pullyu)”, Yǂksawa hyǂnsil, Vol. 24, 1997 26 U Insu, “The lifestyle of yangban families during late Chosǂn (Chosǂn hugi han yangbanǯgaǎi saenghwal yangsik)”, Chosǂn sidaesa hakpo (ᱰᚠឣᇝᗔ ῀ᔓ), Vol. 12, 2000 27 Yi Sǂngim, “The role of the slave manager in enhancing the income of yangban bureaucrats during the 16th century -With a special focus on Yu Hǎichǯun’s
charyo chipsǂng), Yǂngnam University Press, 1981; “The origins of Yi Hwang’s family fortune and their property types (Tǯoegye yihwang kamunǎi chaesan yuraewa kǎ yurae)”, Collection of Essays for Historical Education (Yǂksa kyoyuk nonjip), Vol. 13 and 14, 1990; “ The socioeconomic basis of Yi ǁnjǂk and his family (Hoejae yi ǂnjǂk kamunǎi sahoe.kyǂngjejǂk kiban)”, Minjok munhwa nonchǯong, Vol. 12, 1991 29 Yi Yǂnghun, “Trends and characteristics of the slave system throughout Korean history (Hanǯguksae isǂsǂ nobijeǎi chǯuyiwa sǂnggyǂk)”, Servants, Serfs, and Slaves- A Comparative History of the Subordinated Class (Nobi, nongno, noye – yesongminǎi pigyosa), Ilchogak, 1998 30 Chǂng Kubok, “The consciousness of the yangban class in Chosǂn as viewed through ancient documents –with a focus on the Kwangsan Kim clan’s Ochǯǂn document (Komunsǂrǎl tǯonghae pon chosǂnjo yangbanǎi ǎisik – kwangsan kimssi ochǯǂn komunsǂrǎl chungsimǎro)”, Hanǯguk sahak, Vol. 10, 1989 LEE Uk 149
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ฆ઼ۗ ํ ֻ݅ଭڄࠛ ւۗ ۀপ׆ ઑࢱ݅ଠ ૬ஶր լ୪ฆଠ ճߙਏ۩ ଲଭ ւෘր নࠤଭ ܑଞߦ অߦ ۀઘ ଼તۗ ଲ߇ ாছܣ୪ܑԧ ୍۶ ਏ׆ଭ ாছ ু එ ଲࠜ ࠤ ীକ් ଼તճٮ णࠜڋ ঃুւෘ ׆ࢱ ഠंֹ କ ค۩׆ ւ֫ଭ ܑૺଡ ৽՚ ࢲଡ ଼׆ ݡࢂ ਏ ઑࢱ݅ଠ ֻ݅ԩଭ ୡ ࠷ ଭՋ ഠۥ તۗ ளܣକ ւ֫ࢭԹԩր࠻݂݊ଡധැ୍ॺଡ णࠜւࠤ଼්તճڋ णվଭ۩ࠤ౫ࢫۗઑڋۀଲޭճऄࠤڄค۩઼ۗੰ߇ಈ ࠛլ୪׆ࢱଡԴճ଼તۗۗށটࢄ݊ଭ ਏۥଠܛଲ߇լ୪ฆۀୡਏԨଞߦ࣪׆ऀ୨ෘߦ࣪ଲ۩ֽ ۩ࠤ ෘැ୷ۗ ֻࠤճ ֻ ਏٮ ଲࠝଞߦ ۀւෘଲޭ ۀॷฎছ ଡୢ෬ऀܑ۴ෘޭճ׆ੴۗଲ߇ܛઑࢱ݅ଠֻ߇ෘ ઑࢱଞߦছଭটࢢଭਐଲୀࠤճ଼તۗۀଭਐଭୠ࣡ Թୡ ଞߦਭܦࠤ କඑٮ ඇଞߦ নࠤୡ थଭਐଲ ۀ߇ֻ ॾଡ ଲঃୡ ۀ ੴܛ ଲଳଡ ැ վ֫ߚଡ րܑ՚ ਐܑ ଼તۗ ֻ݅ଲ ଲঃୡଞߦ Ԩ۶ ۀլ୪ฆߦ ඌԧ ճ଼࣪ۗۗ܁ۀܛլ୪ฆଠվրॷࠜઠգํ֜ंෘ լծছ ۀಁ ୍ऀଭ ౠୡ ۩ැছيਏ ઑࢱ݅ଲ ۥ Փଠֻ ॾଡ ॼੰઉ ۗճ ۀணীச ୨ܑଭ ୍ॺଡ ԧճ ୀׂୀ ਏ ઑࢱ݅ଠ ࣲ୪ॷ ୦थԺଡ ฆ՚ۥ Ԩ׆ ݡࢂଲતۗ ள Փଲۀୀ୪݅ଡ֗ଖਏ೯଼ଡ୨ܑଭլ୪ߚଡԴ ඇۀෘ ՓଡটଞߦۀԧୋୡୣஜଲޭճԨ઼ۗݗޭছࢂଡۙ 150 The Yangban’s Perception of the Ideal Economic Life during the Mid-Chosǂn Era
ਐଡ Դճ ଼ત۶ ۀۗܤੲ ۀઘছܣ࠻ࡪ ܁ ۀճ ୍ॺଡ ౠୡ ՓଲۗࢄߨୋਏԶଠକധ׆֜ࠜฆਏপఙଳଡજઘլ୪ୡ ୨ܑ୨઼ۗھՓଠઘۀහଡැէ֧ ࢺਐܑ ֽՑ ୣઊ ׆ࢱැઉ ۗճ ࣪ۗ ࢱ ۀऀࠜ ౠୡ୍ ডߡ ֻՓଲ ਏ۩ୡ يճࠤ۩ Զଠ ࢺ࣑ଞߦ ୍ऀࠜ ౠୡՋ ۀւෘଲޭճ ۳ޭܑ ॷฎୡ ࢄଭࠜ बଡ ୨ܑߦ ઑࢱଲޭ ऀ୨ୡଲતۗ ଲ߇ ෘࠜ ۀՓ ۀւ֫ଡ ฆ ୍ऀࠜ ౠୡ ઑࢱଞߦG ۀ ࢂଡ ࠬճ ࣲ୪ॷ ୦थԺଲޭ ԧׂୡ ୀ୪ছ ॾଲޭճԨ۶ޱॾଡ෮ਓୡଞߦԧୋࢭۀছଭଭࡿࠜۗ Փଲۗ