Psychology of Women Section Review Volume 15 Number 2 Autumn 2013

ISSN: 1466-3724 Aims and scope HE PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN SECTION T REVIEW has been established to provide Editorial Group a forum for discussion of issues and Jane Callaghan, Editor Division of Psychology, Boughton Green Road, debates around all aspects of the Northampton NN2 7AL. psychology of women in research, teaching Email: [email protected] OR and professional practice. It aims to [email protected] promote and support academic research Jemma Tosh, Assistant Editor (Agora) Manchester Metropolitan University, and debate on issues related to the Faculty of Health, Psychology and Social Care, psychology of women and encourage the Gaskell Campus, Hathersage Road, Manchester M13 OJA. development of theory and practice Email: [email protected] concerning gender and other social Helen Owton, Assistant Editor (Book Reviews) inequalities. In particular, it also seeks to Washington Singer Laboratories, Psychology, encourage contributions from individuals College of Life and Environmental Sciences, University of Exeter, Exeter EX4 4QG. at all stages of their careers – including Email: [email protected] undergraduate and postgraduate students Advisory Group – as an appropriate forum to provide Betty Bayer Hobart and William Smith Colleges, feedback on new ideas and first Geneva, New York, USA. publications. It promotes a reviewing Erica Burman Manchester Metropolitan University, UK. process where positive and constructive Virginia Braun University of Auckland, feedback is provided to authors. New Zealand. Rose Capdevila Open University, UK. The Psychology of Women Section Review Karen Ciclitera Middlesex University, UK. aims to publish: Pippa Dell University of East London, UK. Kathy Doherty Sheffield Hallam University, UK. l theoretical and empirical papers; Hannah Frith University of Brighton, UK. l reviews of relevant research and books; Nicola Gavey University of Auckland, New Zealand. l special issues and features; Alexa Hepburn Nottingham Trent University, UK. Sue Jackson Victoria University, Wellington, l observations, commentaries, interviews, New Zealand. short papers and original or non- Helen Malson University of the West of England, traditional submissions in the ‘Agora’ UK. Anastasia Maw University of Cape Town, section; South Africa. Paula Nicolson Royal Holloway, l correspondence. University of London, UK. It is produced by the Psychology of Women Lindsay O’Dell Open University, UK. Ann Phoenix Open University, UK. Section of the British Psychological Society, Wendy Open University, UK. and mailed free of charge to all members of Stainton Rogers the Section. It is available on subscription to Janet M. Stoppard University of New Brunswick, Canada. non-members of the Section. Libraries, Jane Ussher University of Western Sydney, organisations and individuals can subscribe Australia. at a rate of £15 per year (£5 for students) – Valerie Walkerdine University of Cardiff, UK. Sam Warner Manchester Metropolitan University, please send cheques payable to The UK. Psychology of Women Section care of the Ann Weatherall Victoria University, Wellington, New Zealand. Editor at the address inside the back cover. Margaret Wetherell Open University, UK. Issues can be purchased individually at a cost Sue Wilkinson Loughborough University, UK. of £5 (back copies may also be available). Marcia Worrell Roehampton College, University of Surrey, UK. For details on charges for advertising space, Suzanne Zeedyk University of Dundee, UK please contact the Editor. Editorial Jane Callaghan

ELCOME to the Autumn edition of and cisgenderism, Natacha suggests that the Psychology of Women Section transexclusionary practices (including tran- WReview. We on the Editorial Team sexclusionary feminist practices) effectively are feeling refreshed and enthused by the function in a transphobic manner. She goes fantastic POWS Annual Conference which on to outline how psychological research on was held at Cumberland Lodge in July this transgender often reproduces and year. We are delighted to include in this entrenches transphobic attitudes by failing edition a collection of papers from both the to take into account the culture of cisgen- 2012 and the 2013 annual conference. derism within which psychological difficul- Important news from the POWS ties are constituted. In her paper reflecting Committee is that, in 2014, in addition to our on her keynote address to the 2013 POWS wonderful POWS Annual Conference, we Annual Conference, Meg Barker blends will also be hosting a one-day student confer- academic biography and theory to explore ence at the University of Northampton on the development of her thinking around 25 July 2014. Please do encourage under- gender and kink, arriving at a sex-critical graduate and postgraduate students to attend position. Ruth Cross explores how young and to present their work in a supportive and women construct the ‘risky behaviour’. encouraging environment. Further details Using a Q-methodological approach, she will appear in the Spring edition of POWS-R, highlights how women might consider risk and will also appear soon on the POWS taking as positive, and the construction of website. risk taking as agentic in women’s representa- Many of the papers in this edition focus tions of risk and healthy behaviours. 2013 on the exclusionary and inclusionary poten- POWS Postgraduate Prize Winner Helen tials of language and discursively constituted Winter explores the implications of the adult social practices. Drawing on both interview diagnosis of ADHD for women. Stephen data, and a documentary analysis, 2012 Symons, 2013 POWS Undergraduate Prize POWS Postgraduate Prize Winner, Rebecca Winner presents a discursive analysis of the Swenson, explores how gender neutral labels accounts of UK swingers, exploring notions like ‘queer’ and ‘gay’ function for lesbian of free choice and the construction of women. She explores how the term ‘lesbian’ gender in their stories. has become highly stigmatised, and acknowl- In the first of our focus pieces on feminist edges how more gender neutral terms might methodology, Megan Chawansky explores enable women to position themselves in the significance of intersectionality in femi- creative ways in relation to these construc- nist methodology in sports studies, illus- tions, but also warns of the risk of an obfus- trating her argument with an example from cation of women as lesbians Natacha sport for development and peace research. Kennedy focuses on the difficulties a cisgen- In the ‘Commentary’ and ‘Event Reviews’ derist culture produces for young trans- sections, Zowie Davy gives an informative gender people. She argues that the weakly and challenging account of her reflections saturated discursive nature of cisgendered on the ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’ culture renders its assumptions taken for conference in Cambridge, UK, 4–5 July granted and often poorly articulated. 2013. Helen Owton reports on her atten- Drawing a distinction between transphobia dance at ‘Interfacing with older LGBT

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 1 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Jane Callaghan citizens Two-day Masterclass: Challenging We are still interested to receive pieces discrimination’, at Bournemouth University, on feminism and methodology, for our 17–18 April 2013. special focus. If you would be interested in In the ‘Book Reviews’ section, Iona writing either a full article or a commentary Tanguay review’s Svend Brinkman’s The Self on any methodological area, we would be at the Centre of a Reflective Approach: A Qualita- delighted to hear from you. tive Inquiry into Everyday Life, and Chloe Law reviews Fat, by Deborah Lupton. The Sage Jane E.M. Callaghan Handbook of Visual Research Methods is Editor reviewed by Emma Rich, Jayanthiny Kangatharan reviews The Psychology of Women by Margaret Matlin, and Nollaig Frost reviews Rutherford et al.’s Handbook of International Feminisms: Perspectives on Psychology, Women, Culture and Rights.

Autumn’s the time for Harvest Festivals!

2 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Keynote Address Cultural cisgenderism: Consequences of the imperceptible Natacha Kennedy

At the 2012 POWS Annual Conference, Natacha Kennedy delivered a powerful and challenging keynote on cultural cisgenderism. Her talk is reproduced here.

Introduction: An inadequate metaphor culture of cisgenderism in what they identify HE FILM COMEDY I Was A Male War as an ‘invisible college’. They characterised Bride (Hawks, 1949) depicted a newly- this type of cisgenderism as: Tmarried Frenchman played by Cary ‘…a prejudicial ideology, rather than an Grant attempting to accompany his individual attitude, that is systemic, multi- American wife to the US at the end of World level and reflected in authoritative War Two. However, the US congress had only cultural discourses. […] Cisgenderism foreseen that American soldiers would be problematises the categorical distinction men and would be likely to marry European itself between classes of people as either women. When an American servicewoman ‘trans-gender’ or ‘cisgender’ (or as falls in love with a French soldier her efforts ‘gender variant’ or unmarked) […] to ensure he can accompany her to America We consider cisgenderism to be a form of result in a huge, and in this instance, quite ‘othering’ that takes people categorised comic struggle with both bureaucracy and as ‘transgender’ as ‘the effect to be cultural expectations. As an illustration of explained.’ (p.5) the nature of cultural cisgenderism, it illus- The distinction this paper intends to draw is trates a similar kind of problem but in terms between the type of cisgenderism Ansara of extent is not nearly an adequate and Hegarty describe, which appears to func- metaphor, but it does represent an illustra- tion within a particular esoteric domain, and tion of the difficulties faced by transgender cisgenderism within society as a whole. To do people in a culture simply not constituted to this I will need to refer to two sociological account for our existence. The conse- concepts, that of institutionalisation and that quences of the War Brides Act 1945 are not, of discursive saturation (Dowling, 2009). however, even remotely comparable with the In essence institutionalisation refers to very serious, and sometimes deadly, conse- the extent to which a practice is regular quences of cultural cisgenderism. Nonethe- and widespread; a highly institutionalised less, as a metaphor it is probably the closest practice is one that occurs in a similar way available, a point that in itself suggests that each time, whereas a weakly institutionalised cisgenderism is a concept that will not be practice occurs differently each time or is less easy for many to understand. regular in the way it is manifested. It is this that serves to distinguish cisgenderism from Situating cultural cisgenderism transphobia, since transphobia represents an This paper intends to draw on and develop individual attitude rather than a cultural the research by Ansara and Hegarty (2012), process or ideology and as such can be char- which demonstrated how a group of acterised as weakly institutionalised. This will psychology researchers have developed a be explored in a little more detail below.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 3 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Natacha Kennedy

Figure 1: Anti-trans processes.

Institutionalisation Discursive Saturation Strong institutionalisation Weak Institutionalisation (I+) (I–) High discursive saturation (DS+) Professional cisgenderism Organised transphobia Low discursive saturation (DS–) Cultural cisgenderism Reactive transphobia

Discursive saturation basically refers to in people having to explain their actions and the extent to which the principles of an as such put them into words. There follows activity may be expressed in language. A one such example. In Denmark in 2010, the highly discursively saturated practice is Danish Red Cross was running, as it still does dependent primarily, if not almost exclu- at the time of writing, temporary accommo- sively, on language for its functioning; an dation for asylum-seekers in Denmark for the example of this would be mathematics. A Danish government at the Sandholm refugee weakly discursively saturated practice camp, near Copenhagen. They received a requires little or no language for it to func- new asylum seeker from Latin America who tion, for example, street football. It is this was a transgender woman. However, despite distinction that is crucial to the way cultural presenting as female and declaring a female cisgenderism functions. identity they accommodated her in a single As is shown in the relational space in room in a mens’ dormitory. As a result she Figure 1 above, the main differences between was repeatedly raped and eventually fled the professional cisgenderism and cultural camp after being gang-raped. When later cisgenderism are the relative levels of discur- questioned about this the head of the Danish sive saturation. Professional cisgenderism, in Red Cross asylum services told reporters Ansara and Hegarty’s analysis, is relatively the following; highly discursively saturated; the discourse of ‘Basically a transgender woman is likely to be the invisible college was revealed, by detailed placed in a male dormitory but in a single textual analysis, to represent an ‘authoritative room. But we would not place her in a cultural discourse’. So how is that different women’s dormitory because that is definitely for from the culture of cisgenderism outside the women, where we cannot permit ourselves to practice of psychology? place a man.’ In this case cultural cisgenderism repre- Modkraft, Denmark. August 2012. sents a practice which has a similar level of My own translation. institutionalisation but which has a relatively Here there is no evidence that the head of low level of discursive saturation. This is a asylum services intended deliberately to culture or ideology (Geertz, 1973) which is harm the victim by placing her in a predominantly tacitly held and communi- dangerous situation where she would be cated. It represents a systemic erasure and raped. However, it does represent an problematising of trans people, an essential- example of cultural cisgenderism. It repre- ising of gender as binary, biologically deter- sents a confusion about gender resulting mined, fixed at birth, immutable, natural from the erasure of trans people in European and externally imposed on the individual. culture. The Danish Red Cross, because it is Of course, something characterised as a an organisation existing in Western Europe, tacit ideology or culture is difficult to is affected by this cisgenderist culture. The describe or analyse, but occasionally exam- above quotation reveals many of the features ples can be found where circumstances result of cultural cisgenderism described above:

4 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Cultural Cisgenderism: Consequences of the Imperceptible l the systemic erasure and problematising become organised and share a highly institu- of trans people; tionalised internal culture of hatred, fear l the essentialising of gender; and hostility, these groups are relatively small l the gender binary; in number. By way of example, within some l the immutability of gender; religious groups and Trans Exclusionary l the external imposition of gender. Radical Feminists (TERFs) transphobic The problem for the victim is that, in this cultures exist which represent internally case the result would almost certainly have highly institutionalised transphobic cultures. been the same if the head of asylum services In these cases there exists a discourse of at the Danish Red Cross had been trans- transphobia, which, in some cases, is phobic. It is likely that in many cases, trans- required for the maintenance of their phobia and cisgenderism have the same internal cohesion and in order to attempt to results. provide a rationalisation (Stone, 1991; In particular it would appear that one of Kaveney, 1979) for what appears to be little the most central elements of cultural cisgen- more than an emotional and irrational fear derism is the way it places the responsibility and hatred of trans people. This contrasts for determining gender on the observer with what may be regarded as reactive trans- rather than the individual. In other words, in phobia, which exhibits low discursive satura- the culture of cisgenderism, gender is some- tion, which represents individuals whose thing we do to other people, not something fear, and consequently hatred, of trans people do for themselves. This external people is openly based on the emotional and imposition of gender can be characterised as the irrational without drawing on the veneer a lifelong process, one which, in most cases, of rationalisations. It is likely that this is a begins at birth with gender assignation, and result of the exclusionary nature of cisgen- continues throughout life with gender attri- derism and may often be attributed to butions. portrayals of trans people in the media. This external imposition of gender can However, in both these cases transphobia now be regarded as extended to transgender represents an individual attitude that stems people with a bureaucratisation of gender from a fear and hatred of trans people. transition, as transgender and transsexual It should be made clear that this is not people are referred to a psychologist or cisgenderism, indeed TERF transphobia psychiatrist to have their new gender exter- largely represents a culture which mytholo- nally confirmed. It is worth comparing this gises a disguised essentialisation of gender, with the culture in which two-spirits were but only as far as trans people are accommodated in native American culture concerned, presenting members of this (Williams 1992) where children who may group with rationalisations for what, in prin- identify as a gender other than the one ciple can only be described as shared assigned at birth had access to a symbolic emotional responses. As such a self-perpetu- ritual in which they were in effect, able to ating culture of hatred based on self-decep- decide their own gender. tion is maintained. So cisgenderism is different from trans- Transphobia vs. Cisgenderism phobia, in that transphobia represents an As I mentioned above it is necessary to distin- individual irrational hatred and fear (which guish cisgenderism from transphobia. The in some circumstances may develop into its relational space situates transphobia in rela- own micro culture as a means of justifying tion to cisgenderism. Since it represents an itself) whereas cisgenderism represents a individual attitude rather than a culture, it much wider cultural process which in most cannot be regarded as strongly institution- cases is tacitly communicated. It is important alised, although some transphobes have to make this distinction.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 5 Natacha Kennedy

Interaction of professional and cultural appearance, particularly those that are cisgenderism outside the social norms of their gendered By way of an illustration of how cisgenderism community of practice (Paechter, 2007). can function on a variety of levels, I would The restricted nature of social groupings in now like to present an analysis of one primary and most secondary schools, and instance in which cultural cisgenderism the lack of alternative social groupings avail- results in unwarranted data and problematic able to those excluded from the school or assumptions, and to suggest that most class group, means that social exclusion is a research in psychology or neurology relating very real threat to them if they fail to to trans people, cannot be reliable unless it conform to group norms. As such the deci- takes account of cultural cisgenderism. sion by the majority of trans children to Kraemer et al. (2005) and Landen and conceal their gender non-conformity repre- Rasmussen (1997) have suggested that there sents a rational one given the information is a comorbidity between being transgender available to them at the time. The tendency and being on the Autistic Spectrum (AS). of trans children to conceal or suppress their Further studies have noted a higher instance gender identities (Kennedy, 2012) appears of AS people who are trans (De Vries et al., to arise, to a significant extent, from their 2010; Jones et al., 2011; Strang et al., 2012) perception of this tacitly expressed culture. but have gone no further than noting that a However, there is one group of children larger percentage of trans people are also for whom this tacit culture is either unde- AS. Although these articles clearly indicate a tectable or unimportant: AS children. In correlation, one might read into these most cases AS children would probably be studies an inference that there may be a unable to detect this tacit ideology; a process causal link. that results in most trans children There are two (related) problems with concealing or suppressing their gender iden- these studies and the first of these is that they tities. Yet it is also probable that even if they fail to account for the effects of cultural did realise that it was socially unacceptable, cisgenderism. As a highly institutionalised most would be unlikely to be able to conceal culture, cisgenderism’s effects are relatively it or to perceive the need to conceal. This constant and uniform in most areas of presents us with an apparent paradox in society. However, as a culture that exhibits which cultural cisgenderism is either not low discursive saturation cisgenderism is also perceived or not perceived as important by tacitly communicated. This means that in AS children who are trans, whereas it affects most cases people come to internalise it non-AS children who are trans to a far more without realising they are doing so. It is a set significant extent. This results in those trans of beliefs which are usually picked up by children who are AS becoming apparent children as a result of their finely tuned and much more readily than non-AS children sensitive social radar. because of the differential effects of cultural The work of economist H.A. Simon processes and social relations, in this case (1976) is relevant here; he argued that, caused by cisgenderism. In effect cultural contrary to orthodox characterisations of cisgenderism, because of its low discursive human behaviour most people are not in the saturation, does not affect most AS children position to make objectively rational deci- in the same way as it affects non-AS children. sions about their lives and usually people The second problem would appear to be make decisions on the basis of inadequate that the effects of professional cisgenderism and incomplete information. Trans children, have functioned in the instances cited above, like other children, understand that it is to exclude from consideration by those usually likely to be socially unacceptable to carrying out the research the possibility that adopt certain behaviour, preferences or this cultural process might have an effect on

6 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Cultural Cisgenderism: Consequences of the Imperceptible their data, with the result that a comorbidity 1985). Repeated studies have asserted that between being trans and being AS is argued anything between 70 per cent and 98 per or inferred. In effect cisgenderism has pre- cent of trans children do not become trans empted the researchers from asking the adults. However, this is difficult to argue most elementary question most researchers when the effects of cultural cisgenderism are need to ask when a particular effect is considered. Kennedy (2012) argues that the observed; ‘What is this an instance of?’ overwhelming majority of trans children (Dowling, 2009). By situating trans people as conceal or suppress their gender non- inherently problematic, and through its conforming natures. Furthermore function of essentialising gender as Sedgewick’s (1990) essay ‘Epistemology of immutable, fixed at birth and binary, cisgen- the Closet’ demonstrated how difficult it is to derism appears to preclude researchers from come out as lesbian, gay or bisexual, yet perceiving the need even to ask this question applying the same epistemology of the closet or consider that there might be other causal to trans children the effects of cisgenderism links. So we can see how cisgenderism oper- probably represent a much more significant ates on two levels; within the group of people hurdle for trans children than heteronorma- who are subjects of study, and by excluding tivity. For the majority of trans children not important variables from consideration by only is the fear of social exclusion evident, part of the academic community studying but cisgenderism also results in a lack of them. vocabulary being available for them to The apparent attribution of a comor- understand and communicate their experi- bidity between gender non-conformity and ences. This means that those children who autism/Asperger’s can be thus be attributed do become apparent and available to to a function of cisgenderism on two levels; researchers, are very unlikely to be represen- professional cisgenderism and cultural tative of trans children as a group. It can be cisgenderism. Of course, it is also likely that speculated that they may be subject to selec- this also represents the effect of the tion by at least three filters; becoming restricted gaze of mainstream or quantitative apparent to their parents, their parents not psychological research and neurological being happy to give their child the uncondi- research failing to account for social and tional love they need to seek ‘treatment’ and cultural influences either on their research subsequently being sufficiently determined participants or on their own epistemological to have a cisgender or heterosexual child to assumptions as researchers. wish to subject them to psychologically coer- Of course, there are other instances of cive pressure to conform to the gender orig- the effects of cisgenderism resulting in inally assigned to them at birth. researchers obtaining results that are prob- Of course, cultural cisgenderism should ably unwarranted. Once again cisgen- be regarded as part of society’s perception of derism’s function has precluded asking the gender as largely essential. Messner’s (2000) question ‘What is this effect an instance of?’ observations of the way socially constructed with the possibility at least acknowledged gender differences in young children were that there may be additional causal influ- attributed as essential by adults suggests that ences on the data. This is significant in the the majority perception of gender as essen- case of the substantial volume of research tial persists quite strongly, indeed even trans suggesting that the majority of trans or people who campaign for trans human gender-non-conforming children do not rights appear to consider essentialism as one grow up to be trans adults (e.g. Drescher & of the core reasons for the existence of trans Byne, 2012; Drummond et al., 2008; Zucker, people:

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 7 Natacha Kennedy

‘There are probably many reasons for the further by arguing that this element of increase in prevalence, including ‘forcibility’ is present for all genders not the increased dumping of environ- merely for feminine ones. Furthermore mental pollutants known as endocrine cisgenderism’s binary gendered coercive disruptors…’1 functioning results in those whose gender is Dana Beyer, Executive Director of different from that assigned at birth Gender Rights Maryland, 7 July 2013. becoming delegitimised, unintelligible to The effects of cisgenderism, and in particular others and to themselves and often systema- one of its constituent elements, essentialism, tically prevented from expressing their represent one of the many further hurdles genders in any way at all. It is important to for trans children and young trans people to recognise that cultural cisgenderism is some- overcome in addition to the problems that thing that affects everyone both in terms of Sedgewick argues LGB people are likely to coercive restrictions on their own behaviour face in coming out. Of course, the above and appearance, and coercive misgendering quotation suggests that trans people are also and delegitimisation of those whose genders affected by cisgenderism, even as adults, and are not conventionally consistent with those so, as children, it is likely to be much more attributed at birth. difficult to become intelligible to oneself It is imperative, therefore, that profes- given the veiled nature of this process. sional communities, whether teachers, However, it is also important to consider psychologists, doctors or others, acknowledge the effects of the cultural feedback loop professional cisgenderism within their created by the influence of professional communities of practice and start to chal- cisgenderism on cultural cisgenderism. The lenge its negative influence. The culture of perception given by this research, that, in cisgenderism within the wider community most cases gender non-conforming behav- represents a more profound issue, and one, iour in children is considered a ‘phase’ which cannot be so easily addressed. However, suggests that the misconceptions propagated identifying cultural cisgenderism as a weakly by some psychologists and neurologists are discursively saturated culture/ideology may likely to form part of the wider cisgenderist represent a means by which to resolve this culture and as such could be argued to issue. Weak discursive saturation represents represent a threat to the well-being of most one of its most significant characteristics so trans children through its contribution to the obvious question to raise would be the maintenance of cultural cisgenderist whether or not it can exist as a relatively ideology in wider society. strongly discursively saturated practice. In It is also particularly important to reit- other words if cisgenderism becomes an issue erate that cisgenderism is a culture/ideology that is talked about more widely, will that in that affects everyone. It affects the percep- itself result in it becoming less of a problem? tions of trans people by others, and it dispro- In any case the concept of cisgenderism and portionately appears to affect trans children how it affects both transgender people and and young trans people. However, Butler’s cisgender people needs to be more widely characterisation of femininity as ‘the forcible discussed, and instances of cisgenderism citation of a norm.’ (Butler 1990) represents more clearly identified, in particular where an indication that cisgenderism also affects they result in specific problems or disadvan- those who do not identify as transgender, but tages for individual trans people or groups of which also acts to introduce a systemic trans people. In a school context for example element of coercion into the way women it is not sufficient for teachers to act to have to behave. Cisgenderism takes this prevent transphobic bullying; one of the

1 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dana-beyer/gender-transition-in-children_b_3530335.html

8 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Cultural Cisgenderism: Consequences of the Imperceptible issues that is starting to be considered more, l Schools providing staff training on schools need to consider how cisgenderism lesbian, gay and bisexual issues but not affects their treatment of trans children. trans issues.2 Recent examples of cisgenderism in All of the above examples of trans children schools in the UK have included the being treated less favourably represent following: examples of discrimination against trans l Lining up children in separate girl-boy children that have occurred in primary or lines. secondary schools in the UK. Of course, it is l Refusing to allow trans girls to use the possible that some of this represents direct toilets of their choice or forcing them to transphobia on the part of senior staff in use a toilet adapted for people with schools. However, it would appear that trans disabilities. children occupy one of two default positions l Teachers refusing to address transgender in relation to school. Firstly, the circum- children by the name of their acquired stances of the majority of trans children is gender, even when it is their legal name. that they are non-apparent, and no-one in l Headteachers refusing to discuss, with the school is aware that they are trans. the legal representatives of the parents, Because they are unable to be themselves allowing transgender children the right and feel a strong sense of guilt and possibly to express their gender in school. self-hatred because they are trans this is l Trans children who are bullied not being unlikely to be a good situation to be in from supported adequately by the school. an educational perspective and is likely to l Trans children who come out as trans result in their underperformance in school. being regarded as the problem. Secondly, the circumstances of those who are l Schools refusing to recognise trans openly trans is that they are likely to be children’s human rights under the UN unable to remain in school because of a Convention of the Rights of the Child. combination of cisgenderism and trans- l Parents of other children abusing trans phobia. Either way the UK education system children and the issue not being taken would seem to be failing trans children on a up by the school. huge scale. This failure is compounded by a l Separate school uniforms for girls and lack of recognition that this failure is occur- boys preventing trans children from ring, and that action needs to be taken to dressing in their real gender. remedy it. l Schools trying to remove from the school Trans children, as with all children, are roll trans children who no longer come supposedly protected by the UN Convention to school because of bullying. on the Rights of the Child (United Nations l Schools treating trans children 1989), to which the UK is a signatory, yet significantly differently from other their human rights are routinely denied, in children of their gender. particular Principles, 1, 2, 9 and 10. As an l Schools attempting to force trans indirect result of these breaches, principle 7 children to present and behave in the (the right to an education) would also manner of a different gender. appear to be regularly breached. If this were l Schools not adhering to the spirit and/or occurring to any other groups there would the letter of the Equality Act 2010. be a huge outcry. l Schools not having equality and diversity policies that include gender reassign- ment.

2 Unfortunately it is not possible to reveal the exact details of these occurrences without breaching the individual children’s rights to privacy, however, they have all occurred between 2008 and 2013 in schools in the UK.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 9 Natacha Kennedy

Conclusion transphobic or to harm trans people. Just as The weakly discursively saturated nature of Cary Grant had to struggle against a system cultural cisgenderism results in it being a not designed for his individual circum- culture or ideology that is difficult to recog- stances, but which clearly was not intended nise. This in turn renders it hard to under- to discriminate against heterosexual couples stand its effects. However, it would seem that and prevent them from getting married, so cisgenderism affects young trans people and cisgenderism represents a system against trans children to a greater extent than most which trans people, especially trans children, others in that it prevents the majority of have to struggle. The difference is that the them from becoming intelligible to them- sexist nature of the War Brides Act is easily selves and to those around them. The exposed and relatively harmless. This is not strongly institutionalised nature of cisgen- the case for cisgenderism. It’s influence is derism combines with this to make it difficult very widespread, difficult to identify and its for most people to understand that things consequences can, and very often do, blight they have considered to be taken from the entire lives of trans people, or worse. granted and to be naturally occurring are in fact socially constructed and harmful or Correspondence exclusionary for trans people, even though Natacha Kennedy there is no direct or overt intention to be Goldsmiths, University of London.

10 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Cultural Cisgenderism: Consequences of the Imperceptible

References Ansara, G. & Hegarty, P. (2011). Cisgenderism in Messner, M. (2000). Barbie girls versus sea monsters: psychology: Pathologising and misgendering Children constructing gender. Gender and Society, children from 1999 to 2008. Psychology & 14(6). Sexuality, 3(2), 137–160. Paechter, C. (2007). Being boys, being girls: Learning Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble. New York: Routledge. masculinities and femininities. Maidenhead: Drescher, J. & Byne, W. (2012). Gender Dysphoric/ Open University Press. Gender Variant (GD/GV) children and Sedgewick, E. (1990). Epistemology of the closet. adolescents: Summarising what we know and Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. what we have yet to learn. Journal of Homosexuality, Simon, H. (1976). From substantive to procedural 59(3), 501–510. rationality. In S. Latsis (Ed.), Method and appraisal De Vries, A., Noens, I., Cohen-Kettenis, P., Van in economics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Berckelaer-Onnes, I. & Dorelijers, T. (2010). Press. Autism spectrum disorders in gender dysphoric Stone, S. (1991). The empire strikes back: A post- children and adolescents. Journal of Autism and transsexual manifesto. In K. Straub & J. Epstein Developmental Disorders, 40(8), 930–936. (Eds.) (1992), Body guards: The cultural politics of Drummond, K., Bradley, S., Peterson-Badali, M. & gender ambiguity. New York: Routledge. Zucker, K. (2008). A follow-up study of girls with Strang, J. et al. (2012). Increased rates of gender identity gender identity disorder. Developmental Psychology, issues among children and adolescents with autism 44, 34–45. spectrum disorders. International Society for Dowling, P. (2009). Sociology as method: Beyond the Autism Research. forensics of culture, text and knowledge. Rotterdam: https://imfar.confex.com/imfar/2012/ Sense. webprogram/Paper10934.html Geertz, C. (1973). Ideology as a cultural system. United Nations (1989). United Nations Convention on In C. Geertz, Interpretation of cultures: Selected the Rights of the Child. essays. New York: Basic Books. http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ Hawks, H. (1949). I Was A Male War Bride. ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CRC.aspx Jones, R., Wheelwright, S., Farrell, K., Martin, E., Williams, W. (1992). The spirit and the flesh: Sexual Green, R., Di Ceglie, D. & Baron-Cohen, S. diversity in American Indian culture. New York: (2011). Brief report: Female-to-Male transsexual Beacon. people and autistic traits. Journal of Autism and Zucker, K. (1985). Cross-gender identified children. Developmental Disorders, 42, 301–306. In B.W. Steiner (Ed.), Gender dysphoria: Kaveney, R. (1979). Janice Raymond: The transsexual Development, research, management (pp.75–174). empire. Originally published in Gay News. New York: Plenum Press. http://rozk.livejournal.com/173751.html Kennedy, N (2012). Transgender children: More than a theoretical challenge. Updated version 2012 – originally published in Graduate Journal of Social Science, 7(2). http://transkids.synthasite.com/resources/ NatachaKennedy%20(2010)%20-%20 updated%20version.pdf

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 11 2012 Postgraduate Prize Winner Assimilation or invisibility: Lesbian identity, representation and the use of gender-neutral terms Rebecca Swenson

This paper examines what currency the term ‘lesbian’ has in a contemporary cultural context, and how the use of different terms, and their perceived meanings, impact on the sense of self of women who define as lesbian. It also explores whether assimilation through the use of gender-neutral terms, such as ‘gay’, ‘homosexual’ and ‘queer’, represents an inclusion of lesbian identity with gay male identity, or whether it signifies a ‘non-seeing’ of lesbian identity. A mixed methodological approach was used; semi-structured interviews were conducted with six women who defined as having a same-sex attraction, alongside a content analysis of The Guardian and The Times over a 12-week period to explore representation of lesbians and the use of gender-neutral terms. An Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis approach was used to analyse the interviews. Across the two newspapers, there were 23 per cent explicit references to lesbians, 31 per cent to gay men and 46 per cent gender-neutral references. However, a closer examination of the articles revealed that 41 per cent of the gender-neutral terms referred solely to men. The five master themes revealed a complex negotiation and policing of the term ‘lesbian’ and that while gender-neutral terms can represent a way for lesbians to assimilate into heteronormative environments, they can render lesbian specificity invisible. Whilst gender-neutral terms such as ‘queer’ and ‘gay’ can deflect focus from the stereotypes and sexualisation of lesbian identity, it is vital that consideration should be given to what the consequences are for lesbian representation and visibility and whether there is a need for strategic essentialism of lesbianism to ensure political efficacy.

ISCOURSES, including those of accounted for only 21 per cent of the total pathology, politics and desire, have all portrayal of gay people (Guasp, 2010). Dbeen employed to explain and repre- In the 1970s, lesbian feminists advocated sent the essence of lesbian identity. Yet it has for a move away from the gender-neutral been argued that lesbian sexuality is signi- term ‘gay’ to the gender-inclusive term fied not through its visibility but through the ‘lesbian’ to ensure that lesbian specificity was multiple forms of silence that exist around it not ignored (Marinucci, 2010). However, (Halberstam, 1998). Indeed, the absence of this has not necessarily resulted in a parity of lesbianism from historical criminal codes representation, for example, a study of the pertaining to homosexuality exemplifies New York Times revealed that gay men how the discursive representation of received twice as much coverage as lesbians lesbianism has been more regulated than its (Ragusa, 2005). Gender-neutral terms actual practice (Ussher, 1997). Such incon- appear to prevail, more recently with the spicuousness is also apparent in cultural employment of ‘queer’ as an umbrella term representations; a study of almost 40 hours for marginalised sexualities (Jagose, 1996). of BBC 1 programmes noted 29 seconds of Queer, as a term and as a theory, arguably programming referencing lesbians, which further complicates and problematises

12 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Assimilation or invisibility lesbian visibility by critiquing the very notion 12-week period (14 June 2010 to of identity itself. In arguing that gender, like 5 September 2010) using content analysis. sexuality, is socially constructed, the queer Articles were coded by section and the terms theorist Butler (1990) questioned the very used to represent sexual orientation, such as notion of lesbian identity as being a stable ‘lesbian’ and ‘gay man’ and gender-neutral identity that can be subscribed to. terms including ‘gay’ and ‘homosexual’. If For some women, ‘queer’ provided liber- gender-neutral terms referred only to men, ation from the essentialist view that a lesbian this was also recorded. identity was fixed and furthermore, in Inter-rater reliability was obtained by critiquing the notion of gender, it provided a using a second coder; using Holsti’s formula non-gender specific identity category (Neuendorf, 2002), reliability was .96 (Halberstam, 1998). Ironically, such an (35 per cent of sample). emphasis on gender-based politics has called into question whether ‘lesbian’ as an identity Interviews category is ‘queer’ enough to qualify for An Interpretative Phenomenological Ana- admission within the collective of margin- lytical (IPA) approach was used to enable an alised sexualities that ‘queer’ represents in-depth understanding of how women who (Humphrey, 1993). Yet Grosz (1995, p.250) have a same-sex sexual orientation perceive argues that ‘queer’ should acknowledge the their sexuality and how this impacts on their specificity of gender, and to ignore it is to do sense of self, specifically within the context so at its ‘own peril’. However, rather than of gender-neutral terms such as ‘queer’ and ignoring gender, it has been purported that ‘gay’. Women were recruited through oppor- ‘queer’, like the gender-neutral ‘gay’, actually tunistic sampling and through an advert sent conceals a generic masculinity (Castle, 1993). to volunteers at a lesbian and gay charity. Walker (2009) argues that the ‘queer utopian The only inclusion criteria was that women project’ has not yet rendered the need for identified as having same-sex sexual desire separate identity groups obsolete and calls and lived in the south-east of England. All six for more research into lesbian communities participants were Caucasian, aged between given that how they are currently envisioned 32 and 63 years, and represented a suffi- will be shaping the future constitution of ciently homogenous sample for the purposes lesbianism. Given the precarious position of of IPA (Smith et al., 2009). Semi-structured lesbian identity in terms of its visibility and interviews were conducted to explore acceptance within ‘queer’, therefore, the perceptions of self and identity, terminology question is posed of whether gender-neutral used and their views on how their sexuality is terms such as ‘gay’ and ‘queer’ mark an described culturally, alongside a sentence assimilation of female sexuality or an erasure completion task (Padesky, 1994) to obtain an of it. Furthermore, attention needs to be paid overview of cognitions concerning self, to how lesbians negotiate their identity within others and the world in relation to their such complex parameters (Farquhar, 2000). sexual orientation. Interviews lasted 45 to 60 minutes and were tape-recorded for Method verbatim transcription and analysis. Emer- A mixed methodological approach was used gent themes were listed and clustered to explore how lesbians negotiate their sexu- according to commonalities. The study ality and the level of visibility afforded to received ethical approval from the university lesbians. and informed consent was obtained from participants, who have been given pseudo- Newspaper analysis nyms to ensure confidentiality. The Guardian, The Observer, The Times and My identity as a lesbian, as well as my femi- The Sunday Times were analysed over a nist beliefs, shaped not just my interpretation

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 13 Rebecca Swenson of the participants’ accounts but also the Like Emma, Vicky and Sue also described questions asked during the interviews. To how they changed their terminology support the themes identified an inde- depending on who they were with. Some felt pendent researcher reviewed the themes a sense of responsibility for the impact extracted. I knew of some of the participants coming out has on others. For example, Kate prior to interview and am mindful that this stated she did not use the term ‘lesbian’ with could have tempered participants’ responses. straight friends as ‘I know that I might make them feel a bit awkward’. In contrast, Sarah saw Analysis it as a political necessity to come out as a Analysis of interviews lesbian, though felt that she was in a The master themes identified from the inter- minority of women who use the term: views were: (1) lesbian identity; (2) wider S: […] whatever happened to lesbians – I am lesbian stereotypes and self; (3) sexuality and a lesbian […] Why is the word ‘lesbian’ identity formation; (4) self in relation to so unacceptable? […] I don’t understand it gender-neutral terms; and (5) representa- at all. tion in the media. For the purpose of this There was a sharp incongruity between the paper, selected examples have been used confidence that the participants had in from the data. describing their sexuality and how they believed it would be negatively construed by Lesbian identity others. This was consistent with previous This theme captures the participants’ rela- research that has highlighted a schism tionship to the term ‘lesbian’. To different between how lesbians perceived themselves extents, the participants felt that their sexu- and how heterosexuals perceived lesbians ality was a significant part of their identity, (Markowe, 1996). The stigmatised stereo- and responses to the completion task, types employed by participants when ‘Lesbians are…’, suggested a positive sense describing how ‘the world’ perceived of self-identity. Responses included lesbians (‘sexless’, ‘unattractive’, ‘dull’, ‘boring’) ‘wonderful’ (Sarah), ‘fantastic […] interesting’ influenced how all but one of them negoti- (Sue) and ‘happy, strong […] funny […] really ated their sexuality with others. powerful’ (Emma). Kate had a more critical Four of the women interviewed stated response of ‘difficult’. that when describing their sexuality to others they would use the term ‘gay’ rather than Wider lesbian stereotypes and self ‘lesbian’. The term ‘gay’ was unanimously This theme captures the participants’ rela- viewed by all but one of the participants as a tionship to the term ‘lesbian’ and the way in ‘softer’ term than lesbian (Sarah, Emma and which they appropriate it to describe their Vicky) and Kate described it as ‘sexier’ and sexuality. Whilst most participants positively elaborated that ‘lesbian’ has ‘too much self-identified as a lesbian, their feelings political stuff behind it’. Farquhar (2000) has around the use of the term appears more contested that the term ‘gay’ is embraced by complex in that it has a potential to disrupt lesbians as it is perceived to erase gender. in a way ‘gay’ would not. Emma suggested This study suggests, however, that it was not that it was the reaction of others that so much that ‘gay’ was believed to represent deterred her from describing herself as a a gender-neutral way of describing lesbian to others: lesbianism, rather, it was seen to counter the E: I think it’s quite a hard word to go in and masculinity associated with the stereotype of it’s a word I love and I use it all the time but the lesbian. The butch lesbian tended to be I think sometime one has to work your way to perceived as ‘other’ and significantly, acceptance and acceptance is not like slapping a number of the participants assumed people in the face with something. a pseudo-heterosexual vantage point when

14 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Assimilation or invisibility discussing the issue, for example, by quali- Three of the participants described their fying that they had a ‘straight’ look. Even sexuality in essentialist terms, however, all Sarah, who had a strong attachment to the the women interviewed described their sexu- term ‘lesbian’, described ‘lesbian’ as having ality in spatial terms that orientated them, been ‘off-putting’ when she initially came out for example, a ‘journey’ (Vicky) or a ‘path’ because of its butch connotations. This was (Kate, Rachel) and Sarah described how her also evident in the responses to the comple- sexuality has developed in a specific ‘direc- tion task, ‘Other people see lesbians as…’, tion’. Sue described coming out as a ‘positive which largely reflected the stereotype of the feeling to know where I was’. Such a construc- sexless, masculinised lesbian: tion cannot happen in seclusion, with the E: […] oh um women in sensible shoes who sense of self emerging from many forms of have cats and drink lots of tea. language exchanges (Burr, 2003). Indeed, K: […] unstable, (laughs) um, kind of stout all participants highlighted the significance and […] sensible shoe wearing. of cultural signposts in defining their sexu- Many participants expressed their anxiety at ality and a number discussed the role other their sexuality being read through their lesbians played; Sarah asked other lesbians if appearance. Rachel described how her she were a lesbian and Vicky reflected on colleagues would have ‘more of a problem’ with how she may have come out earlier had she her sexuality if she conformed to the lesbian known other lesbians. stereotype. Kate described how she felt self- Kate described how she is ‘more aware’ of conscious about looking like a lesbian and her sexuality when in a heterosexual envi- that her inability to ‘pass’ resulted in a loss of ronment and Rachel noted her colleagues control as people could read her sexuality ‘definitely think I’m unusual’. However, Sarah ‘whether I chose to disclose it or not’. This felt that the problematic relationship she suggests the butch figure visibly personified perceived others had with the term ‘lesbian’ a perspective of lesbianism rendered ‘other’ negated her sense of self: by society to such an extent that even S: I’m not meant to have any sexuality, to be lesbians want to distance themselves from it an older lesbian is to be non-sexual. I do a (Healey, 1996) and lends further support to wipe-out of myself when I say I’m a lesbian. suggestions that there is a policing of sexu- I don’t have any impact on the world. ality from within a lesbian constituency itself Sarah felt that her lesbian identity was given (Farquhar, 2000). meaning through her association with other To avoid stigmatisation, gay men and lesbians. In describing how she now lesbians often attempt to ‘pass’ as hetero- socialised with women who described them- sexual (Kaufman & Johnson, 2004), however, selves as ‘queer’, Sarah spoke of a sense of the participants largely did not employ such loss and how ‘she found it very hard’. Vicky felt tactics. Rather, they adapted the way that they that the lack of lesbian community was disclosed their sexuality by using the term reflected in the dearth of lesbian venues in ‘gay’ rather than ‘lesbian’ when coming out. comparison to gay men (‘what have we got?’). This fits with Markowe’s (1996, p.86) argu- Emma felt that the diversity of identities on ment that in order to minimise the ‘threat- the gay scene is ‘an interesting challenge’ for ening position of being a lesbian’, a coping lesbians as that, rather than there being one strategy such as compromising the way in community, there are now multiple. which identity is defined may be employed by lesbians when coming out. Self in relation to gender-neutral terms The term ‘queer’ was perceived to be Sexuality and identity formation gendered male, recalling Castle’s (1993) This theme explores how the participants suspicion that ‘queer’ actually conceals a understood the formation of their sexuality. generic masculinity. The identities that

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 15 Rebecca Swenson

‘queer’ purported to represent were seen as In other words, the specificity of her diluting the political efficacy, and clarity of gender and sexual orientation can be veiled sense of self, that came with lesbian identity. through the abstruse identification of Arguably, the political non-conformity of ‘queer’. This affording of privacy was a ‘queer’ and its ‘fighting to protect differ- theme identified by Ussher and Mooney- ence, rather than conformity’ (Claassen, Somers (2000, p.193), whose research into 2005) also presented, for some participants, narratives of members of the Lesbian a barrier to the assimilation they desired. Avengers revealed ‘the lack of sexual privacy Although Emma believed the term was associated with taking up a lesbian identity ‘pushing the community forward’ in how it […] as a justification for not coming out’. represented a wider range of identities such as transgender, it was not a term she identi- Representation in the media fied with. Similarly, Rachel saw ‘queer’ as The theme of ‘otherness’, with lesbians representing people whose sexualities are viewed as ‘outsiders’ (Vicky) and ‘invisible, irrel- ‘further away on the spectrum’ than her own evant’ (Vicky), was reflected in how partici- and as such prevented her from identifying pants viewed the media representation of with it since it seemed to ‘encompass more lesbianism. Invisibility was a significant things than I think I am’. This view that ‘queer’ theme, with participants remarking that can be perceived to be exclusionary by the lesbians are ‘largely ignored’ (Kate) and that identities it intends to represent is resonant the level of representation is ‘pathetic’ of Weiss’s (2004) argument that transgender (Sarah). Rachel spoke of the need to ‘to seek’ and bisexual people also purport to feel lesbian representation out and the obliga- excluded from the term. Queer’s perceived tion she felt to watch any representation. fluidity of identity was in many cases incon- There was also a general feeling that gay gruous with the stabile sense of self that men are represented more frequently than participants felt that they had through lesbians and that within the written press, lesbian identification. In this sense, queer’s gender-neutral terms only represented men: resistance to identity categories seems to be K: I think you do see that in the press though at odds with lesbian feminism which disre- the word ‘gay’ will be used but actually as you garded difference between women in order continue to read what they’re actually talking to represent a cohesive and shared experi- about is gay men so it can be quite frustrating ence (Segal, 1999). Stein (2010) notes that and feel as though it’s talking about gay people ‘queer’ advocates the provisional nature of as a group but actually it’s just focused identities, however, this too seems to be on men. incompatible with the metaphors from the Kate believed that the camp sensibility participants’ accounts of lesbian identity adopted by certain entertainers was a more representing a route or conclusion of a acceptable form of gay representation, journey that orientated a sense of self. stating ‘that camp sort of fancying everyone thing Some participants were attracted by is part of those male acts’. However, she felt that queer’s non-specificity regarding gender and a lesbian entertainer ‘playing up her sexuality sexuality binaries. For one participant, Kate, […] would not wash as well’. queer identity had the potential to be liber- It is challenging for lesbians to escape ating because she viewed it as not defining abjection through cultural representation, her by who she was attracted to, or had either through stigmatised and offensive sexual relations with: representation or through, as Halperin and K: […] it’s sort of looking at sexuality and not Traub (2009) argue, the unrealistic and just saying it’s about who you fancy and sleep overly glamorous representations of lesbians with but also feeling like it’s something that can also cause abjection through the separate from the norm and convention. non-identification they engender. There was

16 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Assimilation or invisibility a feeling that stories that included lesbians per cent generic references. The question invariably focused on their sexuality; Sarah remains of how such invisibility and wider felt that representation did not go much negative perceptions of lesbian identity beyond ‘two women who have a relationship’. impact on sense of self. This is arguably Kate felt that lesbian characters would end reflected in the participants’ lack of confi- up sleeping with a male character so their dence in articulating their lesbian identity, sexuality was ultimately not even ‘part of their something that Kate identified when she identity’. The representation of lesbians was queried whether her reluctance to use the seen to be unrealistically glamorous with few term ‘lesbian’ was due to internalised homo- ‘proper looking’ lesbians. It was noted that phobia. there were few representations of butch Gender-neutral terms across all newspa- women and, if there were, it was for ‘comedic pers comprised 46 per cent of all references value’ (Kate). The absence of butch lesbians about sexuality; this was higher than expli- suggested that the media are unsure how to citly gay male or lesbian references. On represent positively a figure so susceptible to closer examination of the context, however, stigmatisation. For example, Ron Liddle’s 41 per cent of these references were refer- column in The Times (25 July 2010) wrote ring solely to men (see Table 1). For about ‘turning’ lesbians and lesbians ‘who example, newspaper reviews for the film wear dungarees and don’t wash’. Similarly, in Gay Sex in the 1970s contained the gender- The Sunday Times, Gill described a lesbian neutral term ‘gay’, referring to ‘gay promis- television presenter in pejorative terms such cuity’ in The Sunday Times (‘DVD release’, as a ‘dyke’, ‘muscular’ and ‘a big lesbian’ 2010) and ‘gay documentary’ in The Observer (25 July 2010). Such representation (‘DVD release’, 2010), yet when the film’s reflected the participants’ belief that news content was explored further, it was clear the stories about lesbians were ‘back-stabbing’ film and reviews were referring to gay men. (Emma), ‘derogatory’ (Vicky) and ‘negative’ This finding fitted with participants’ (Sue, Rachel). accounts of how they would read the terms ‘gay’ and ‘homosexual’ as referring to men. Content analysis of newspapers It is unclear whether, in such instances, jour- The participants’ belief that lesbians were nalists are unaware of the gender-neutral poorly represented or ignored in the press, quality of the term ‘gay’, or that the repre- and that gay men were represented more sentation of women is ignored, or indeed, frequently was reflected in the analysis of the that it is a combination of both. Gamson newspapers; of the references pertaining to (1998) suggests that various hierarchies, gay people 23 per cent were explicit refer- including gender and sexuality, are cultur- ences to women, 31 per cent to men and 46 ally maintained through invisibility and

Table 1: Breakdown of gender-neutral references.

The Times and The Guardian and The Sunday Times (%) The Observer (%) Total references within articles 313 370 Total gender neutral references 139 (44.4) 174 (47.1) Actual gender-neutral references 79 (56.8) 105 (60.3) References in gender neutral terms 60 (43.2) 69 (39.7) that refer to men

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 17 Rebecca Swenson references the argument for strategic essen- views, with participants describing how tialism within the context of cultural repre- gender-neutral terms enabled them to assim- sentation. With the specificity of lesbian ilate into heteronormative environments. As experience being ignored, lesbians arguably such, the study is arguably resonant of face possible discrimination based on Markowe’s (1996) assertion that the lesbian gender as well as sexuality. figure has an agency that can unsettle heteronormative beliefs and systems. Conclusion Further, such findings recall the argument of Language, as understood through the theo- whether a strategic essentialism is needed to retical lens of social constructionism, consti- ensure specificity an cultural visibility tutes a social reality (Burr, 2003) and this (Gamson, 1998). study has highlighted the need to be The implications of gender-neutral cognisant of the affordances and constraints language and cultural visibility on lesbian that gender-neutral, or more inclusive terms identity warrant further study. It would be such as ‘queer’, have on women who identify interesting to expand the scope of the study as lesbian, and the importance of improved in terms of media analysed, including media visibility. It does not, given the find- lesbian and gay media. It would also be bene- ings of this study, seem fanciful to speculate ficial to interview a more diverse sample of whether ‘lesbian’ as a term will become so participants, namely a broader range of age steeped in stigma and usurped by gender- and cultural backgrounds, in order to elicit neutral terms that may provide linguistic effi- distinctly different perceptions of sexuality cacy, but ultimately privilege male sexuality, and identity. that it could fade from use. The analysis of newspapers revealed a general exclusion of Correspondence lesbians, with the use of gender-neutral Rebecca Swenson terms serving to mask this invisibility. The Birkbeck College, University of London. assimilation of female sexuality at the cost of [email protected] its specificity was also apparent in the inter-

18 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Assimilation or invisibility

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Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 19 Keynote Address Gender and BDSM1 revisited: Reflections on a decade of researching kink communities Meg Barker

Editor’s Comment: At the 2013 Psychology of Women Section Annual Conference, Meg Barker gave a thought-provoking account of the complexities of consent in sexual relationships. In this paper, she reflects on how her thinking around issues relating to gender and sex have changed through her decade of work in this area. This paper reflects upon the ways in which my understandings of BDSM and gender have shifted over the past 10 years of studying kink communities. I begin with my early work on women who identified with both BDSM and feminism, and how they presented their positions. Then I touch upon ethical issues of how we research precarious communities, and our role as researchers in making certain narratives available or not. Following this, I summarise an analysis of a BDSM blog which complicates common views of female domination, and raises important questions about gender in kink communities. Finally I mention my most recent work on shifting understandings of consent within kink communities, and how these are in line with certain strands of feminist thought, pointing to important directions for future research. Throughout the paper I endeavour to draw out implications both for research practice and for how we understand the operation of gender and power in kink communities and beyond. Keywords: BDSM; kink; feminism; gender; power; consent.

HIS YEAR I was deeply flattered to be I attended before my own referenced the invited to present a keynote talk at the first research publication that Ani and TPsychology of Women Section (POWS) I produced based on our kink study (Ritchie Annual Conference, speaking about my & Barker, 2005). Jemma Tosh presented a work on consent in Fifty Shades of Grey and very thoughtful paper about feminist the BDSM blogosphere (Barker, forth- perspectives on BDSM (Tosh, 2013) which coming, 2013). Looking back I realised that cited that publication a couple of times. the last time I spoke at a POWS conference I found myself smiling wryly at the simplistic was in 2004 in Brighton when Ani Ritchie understandings of agency and gender which and I presented some of our qualitative work I’d held back then, but also – thankfully – on women in sexual communities. Doing a still feeling proud of the quote which Jemma rough calculation I figured this meant that reproduced from that article. I started researching these areas back in Hopefully the current paper will be a 2003: a full decade ago now. useful summary of the territory around It seemed a good time to reflect on how gender and BDSM for those who are unfa- my understandings, and research practices, miliar with this area, and an interesting in these areas have shifted over the past reflection on researching these matters for 10 years. This was brought home to me those – like me – whose focus is on studying particularly at POWS 2013 when the talk that such sexual communities.

1 BDSM stands for Bondage and Discipline, Dominance and Submission, and Sadomasochism.

20 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Gender and BDSM revisited

Choice and fantasy/reality: ‘sex wars’ of the 1980s, which still bubble on Defending women BDSMers today (Barker, 2013). BDSM was one of the Back in 2003 the prevailing culture was one key points of contestation in these ‘wars’ of pathologisation, stigmatisation, and crimi- (Sullivan, 2003). Images and films from nalisation of BDSM. None of these things BDSM communities were often used by ‘anti- have gone away entirely, however, things porn’ feminists, out of context, to demon- have certainly shifted in the last 10 years. strate perceived problems with pornography The new edition of the American Psychiatric as a whole (Vance, 1984). Linden, Pagano, Association Diagnostic and Statistical Manual Russell and Star’s (1982) collection Against (DSM-5) has retained sadism and masochism Sadomasochism argued that BDSM was inher- as categories but has delineated, much more ently anti-feminist, that it was rooted in patri- clearly, between general BDSM practitioners archy, and that it supported rape culture and those who are regarded as ‘disordered’ through its eroticisation of the power differ- because their interest in sadism or ences between the genders. Even lesbian masochism causes distress or impairment2. BDSM was regarded as perpetuating such Legally, people can still be convicted in the problematic dynamics and as reflecting UK for taking part in BDSM which causes internalised homophobia. On the other side injury that is more than ‘transient and of the debate, activists and academics like trifling’ (Weait, 2007)3. However, BDSMers Pat Califia and Gayle Rubin argued for a charged under the new extreme pornog- ‘sex-positive’ feminism which embraced raphy legislation have been acquitted BDSM, given the numbers of women (Green, 2012). Finally, as we all know, the BDSMers. They also criticised ‘anti-porn’ massive success of the Fifty Shades of Grey feminists for setting up new sex hierarchies series has, at least somewhat, brought BDSM which were as oppressive as the ones they into mainstream cultural acceptance, were fighting against (Rubin, 1984). although lines may still be policed between Our research on women BDSMers chal- acceptable ‘kinky fuckery’ and ‘real BDSM’ lenged the perception of BDSM as inherently (Barker, forthcoming, 2013). anti-feminist in similar ways to the female As an activist-academic, my early writing participants in Taylor and Ussher’s (2001) on BDSM focused on challenging common previous critical psychological research on myths and assumptions about BDSM (e.g. BDSM. Women spoke directly to the anti- Barker, 2005; Barker, 2007; Barker, Gupta & BDSM feminist position highlighting: Iantaffi, 2007; Barker, Iantaffi & Gupta, 1. the active and empowered position of 2007), and both my research participants dominant women in BSDM, counter to and I were clearly concerned with giving the heteronormative sexual script; voice to experiences which demonstrated 2. their sense that submitting in BDSM was the problems with such views. an active choice and that the submissive, The focus group discussions that Ani or bottom, held the power in the Ritchie and I conducted (Ritchie & Barker, exchange through actively consenting 2005), attempted to address, specifically, and being able to stop at any time; common perceptions of women members of 3. the differences between BDSM as a sexual communities: particularly in relation fantasy which plays with power dynamics, to feminist debates in this area. The back- and the reality of structural gender drop to this was, of course, the feminist inequalities in the world; and

2 For more details of why even including sadism and masochism as paraphilias in the DSM is problematic see Kleinplatz and Moser (2007). 3 This is the case for both tops (those who provide sensation in the BDSM encounter) and bottoms (those who receive it). The latter can be convicted of aiding and abetting assault (on themselves).

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 21 Meg Barker

4. the potential of BDSM to expose and emerging ‘healing narratives’ within BDSM undermine heteronormativity and communities whereby some BDSMers found gender inequality through a kind of play their play to be therapeutic, or healing. For or parody. example, some people used BDSM to revisit Research participants acknowledged that abusive or oppressive situations of the past in gender imbalances were present everywhere, order to gain power over those situations and including in BDSM communities, and the their impact. Others felt that BDSM BDSM was by no means inherently feminist. dynamics enabled them to try on new roles However, they argued strongly that the fact and experiences which were personally that women can be dominant, that submis- growthful. Some pointed to the stress sive women choose to submit, and that BDSM relieving potentials of sensation play, or the play is distinct from reality, meant that it was release of control in BDSM. And some spoke possible to be a kinky feminist. about BDSM practices as a positive alterna- It seemed that we had successfully busted tive to self-injury, akin to the trajectory in the the myth that BDSM was antithetical to femi- film Secretary (an aspect of our data that Ani nism. However, a set of challenges lay in wait wrote about in detail – Ritchie, 2008). for me which would have me questioning Darren rightly pointed out that there was many of my own assumptions: about the a risk that such ‘healing narratives’ could value of myth-busting, and about simple reinforce one of the common problematic understandings of agency and choice. assumptions about BDSM: that all BDSMers were mentally disordered. If BDSM was The ethics of BDSM research: healing, didn’t that suggest that BDSMers An interlude from gender required healing? This led us into a much Following the publication of a few papers on wider conversation about the ethics of BDSM, my relatively new friend and conducting research with sexual communi- colleague, Darren Langdridge, suggested ties, given the potential and power of such that we co-edit a book on BDSM (Barker & research to (unwittingly) either resist or Langdridge, 2007). This was the start of a reinforce destructive narratives (Barker & long and fruitful set of collaborations on Langdridge, 2009). This was particularly an sexuality projects which continues to this day. issue in relation to research on precarious Darren and I frequently disagree on communities, like BDSM communities, things and we both get a lot out of our which have yet to gain any real kind of citi- dialogues about these matters. This time the zenship, recognition or rights (Langdridge, focus of our disagreement was ‘healing narra- forthcoming, 2013). tives’ of BDSM. As previously mentioned, one On reflection, perhaps our conversations of the main things that I was publishing also relate to wider problems with the ‘myth- about BDSM at this time was a set of papers busting’ form of academic/activist writing. In and chapters – often aimed at therapists and her new book on bisexuality, Shiri Eisner other practitioners – which explicitly chal- (2013) suggests that the strategy of going lenged the circulating myths around BDSM. through each ‘myth’ about a sexual commu- Such writing would, for example, present an nity and pointing out why it is incorrect is overview of the research literature coun- problematic because it implicitly accepts the tering common claims that BDSM was assumptions behind each myth. For example, abnormal, abusive, dangerous, anti-feminist, to argue that bisexuality isn’t a confusion, or or a sign of mental illness (Barker, Gupta & promiscuous, or a phase, is to suggest that Iantaffi, 2007; Barker, Iantaffi & Gupta, there is something wrong with being 2007). One of the ways in which myself – and confused, promiscuous, or in process rather my fellow authors – countered the idea that than having a fixed identity. Perhaps there BDSM was pathological was to point to are similar problems inherent in BDSM

22 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Gender and BDSM revisited myth-busting. Certainly Darren and self-disclosure around sexuality slipping into I recognised the risk that myth-busting could a confessional which reproduces the sense reinforce a binary between BDSM as harmful that something is requiring of explanation, versus healing, and pathological versus as well as the notion of fixed sexual identities healthy (i.e. suggesting that it could only be (Barker, 2006). Lisa was excited about a blog one thing or the other). We will see shortly she’d come across – at a time when blogs that myth-busting responses to the accusation were a fairly recent phenomenon – called that BDSM is anti-feminist, or inherently Bitchy Jones’s Diary. In this blog a dominatrix, abusive, may be similarly problematic, in that Bitchy, wrote about her experiences and also the creation of a binary (totally true or totally about the problems she saw with the wider untrue) may serve to conceal problematic BDSM community which she was part of. gender dynamics and/or abuse behaviours. Lisa suggested that we put together a Critical Such reflections and conversations also Sexology seminar and related journal special got me thinking carefully about my research issue reflecting on this blog in various ways. practices in these areas. I noticed a tendency I suggested to Ros Gill that we might of some critical psychological, and sociolog- write something together on this topic. I was ical, research around sexual communities to aware of Ros’s work around sexual subjectifi- swing from being highly celebratory (as in my cation: her word for recent shifts in main- earlier writings) to highly critical. For stream culture towards women’s sexuality example, writing on bisexuality, trans*, and being presented as autonomous and empow- non-monogamies seemed to either celebrate ering, despite appearing much like previous the radical potentials of such sexualities, representations of women as the objects of genders, or relationship structures, or to crit- men’s fantasies (Gill, 2003, 2006). This idea icise them, for example, for maintaining had provided a very useful challenge to my exclusions or aspects of normativity (Barker, previous assumptions that people – women Richards & Bowes-Catton, 2012). Around this in particular – had easy and transparent time I noticed some problematic features of access to their desires, and straightforward BDSM communities in my engagement with agency to choose what to do sexually. The them, but I did not want to be another idea that these things are more complicated, academic swinging from celebratory to with pressures limiting our freedoms in critical. Also I was very mindful of the points various ways alongside a neoliberal impera- Darren had raised about the ethics of writing tive to demonstrate that we are freely critically about precarious communities. choosing, fitted much more with my own It was around this time that an opportu- experiences, and with those of the women nity came along which enabled me to write I was working with clinically in sex therapy about BDSM and gender in just the balanced around this time (Barker, 2011). manner which I had been looking for. It seemed that Bitchy was saying some- thing similar to Ros, so the two of us had a Female domination: Just for me(n)? 4 discussion about our thoughts on the blog – I had been organising the Critical Sexology 5 rather like that one that Darren and I had seminars with Lisa Downing for some years had about healing narratives – and wrote this at this point. Like Darren, Lisa is another up as a paper. I was coming at it from a person who has challenged me in useful ways broadly pro-kink feminist perspective, and which have transformed my thinking. For Ros from her approach of noticing the issues example, she pointed out to me the risks of around sexual subjectification.

4 This subheading comes from the excellent paper by Dee Amy Chinn on post-feminist media which echoes many of Ros’s arguments (Amy-Chinn, 2006). 5 www.criticalsexology.org.uk

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 23 Meg Barker

Bitchy’s reflections on the kink commu- Complicating consent: nities which she was accessing challenged Kink communities on abuse the point which I had thought was relatively This brings us to the work which I presented unproblematic in my previous research: that at POWS 2013 (Barker, forthcoming, 2013). dominant kink femininities were clearly Following the paper with Ros I became feminist and subverting of conventional aware of an explosion of interest on the gender roles and heteronormativity. Bitchy BDSM blogosphere in issues of abuse and points out, over a series of passionate and consent6. People were saying something very amusing blog posts, the ways in which different to the previous BDSM stance on women in her kink communities (submissive this: that BDSM was not (ever) abuse, and or dominant) are expected to beautify them- that all BDSM was consensual. They were selves in ways that men (submissive or domi- arguing that in defending against accusa- nant) are not. She suggests that the practices tions of abuse (by anti-porn feminists in that dominatrices mostly engage with are particularly) BDSM communities had those that are desired by submissive men prevented people who did have experiences rather than those they want themselves. And of abuse from speaking out. Also, BDSM she argues that the idea of female sexual mantras such as Safe, Sane, Consensual fluidity reproduces the idea of women (SSC) and Risk Aware Consensual Kink responding to men’s desires rather than (RACK), failed to recognise the complexities having desires of their own: that their only around consent negotiations, particularly allowed pleasure is in being desired. She links where social power dynamics were present this to the way in which women who are paid (such as differences in gender, age, race, for sex (pro dommes and escorts) have class, etc.). become the cultural role models of what As with Bitchy Jones’s Diary, I felt able to empowered female sexuality should look write about these issues academically now like, both within and outside her community. that they were being discussed publicly by Reflecting on these matters with Ros left people within the communities who were me with a much more cautious take on able to hold a tension between celebrating matters of choice and agency. It also gave me what was good about their communities and a new research focus in terms of data: the criticising what was problematic. I also felt blogosphere. Ros and I reflected that blog- that I could write about this in a way that gers like Bitchy – embedded as they are in continued my activist-academic project of the communities they write about – focusing on what everyone could learn from frequently resist polarisation into the sexual communities (as opposed to the simplistic celebratory or critical stances that conventional psychology project of trying to concerned me in some of the academic explain sexual ‘abnormalities’). It seemed writing around BDSM (Barker, 2012). This, that the conversations about consent then, seemed an ideal form of data for the happening on the BDSM blogosphere had kinds of things that I wanted to say about much to offer wider conversations about BDSM, and other, communities. abuse which were springing up in the wake of the Jimmy Saville case as well as news reports regarding abuse in care homes and the like. Mindful of the concerns that Darren and I wrote about in relation to academics reproducing damaging narratives

6 As with the communities that Bitchy Jones was writing about, it is important to say here that the issues are not reflective of all BDSM communities. For example, in both Barker and Gill (2012) and Barker (forthcoming, 2013) we mention Robin Bauer’s work on the dyke+queer BDSM communities in Germany who have recognised and addressed these issues around consent, gender and social power dynamics for many years.

24 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Gender and BDSM revisited around precarious sexual communities, which impact on the degree of agency that I determined that these narratives were individuals have, as well as everyday modes of already in the public domain, and that those relating which are non-consensual and who were writing about them were keen that involve people acting in positions of power they reach wider audiences because of the over one another. Within such a culture previous problems around secrecy and communities need to work to create capaci- silence in these areas. ties to consent, and recognise the limitations Reading through the blogs I was able to around these. track shifts from consent being located within autonomous, bounded individuals to Conclusions and further directions communities which take collective responsi- In conclusion the position I have reached – bility for creating consent cultures. Standard for now at least – in my research on sexual victim blame narratives were challenged by communities is something akin to Lisa shifting responsibilities onto perpetrators, Downing’s notion of ‘sex-critical’ engage- and by focusing on consent as the key issue ment. Being sex critical is offered as an alter- rather than the extent of trauma suffered by native to either sex-positive or sex-negative the survivor. But there was also a challenging (e.g. anti-porn) positions. It refuses of the idea that only certain people perpe- polarised dichotomies of structural forces trate abuse, to a sense that everybody could versus free choice in favour of an under- engage in non-consensual practices, and that standing of agency as operating within everyone was responsible, collectively, for multiple intersecting power dynamics. In reflecting on their own behaviours, for addition there is a position that all sexual calling out others, and for creating cultures practices and identities should be addressed in which it was possible to speak openly similarly, through a sex critical perspective, about abuse, to get support, and to educate rather than attention being focused (as in others on consensual practice. much traditional psychological work) on I also noticed how the operation of marginalised (‘abnormal’) communities or consent shifted from a focus on whether or experiences, with normative sexualities not not sex/play is enjoyed (in which case it is requiring such scrutiny. But equally sexual fine, consensual or not) to a no-means-no communities and experiences are not version of consent whereby anything is okay assumed to be without problematic practices unless the bottom or submissive says ‘no’ or or assumptions by virtue of their being gives a safeword. This then shifted to yes- marginalised. In this way a polarised celebra- means-yes model of enthusiastic consent tory/criticising (rather than critical) binary whereby consent and play was negotiated is avoided in academic writing, which may be relationally between people with equally damaging to those who are being written valued desires who needed to both/all about (Richards et al., forthcoming, 2014). enthusiastically decided to take part. And In terms of research practice, I would finally this developed into understandings invite other sexuality and gender researchers which take account of intersecting social to consider the potential value of blogs and power dynamics which limit people’s agency other social media (Twitter, Facebook, and capacity to say ‘no’ or ‘yes’. Storify, tumblr, and the like) as both data Finally I charted how the coverage of and as means of conducting and dissemi- consent opened up from sex, to wider inti- nating research (Barker, 2012). Particularly mate relationships, to everyday micro I see great potential in research which dynamics, to macro structures and wider focuses on these conversations that seem to culture in general. The idea here, again, is bubble up and take hold of community that wider culture is ‘consent toxic’ with and/or public attention for a while. A great many inequalities between social groups example of this, from POWS 2013, was

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 25 Meg Barker

Bridgette Rickett, Gill Craig, and Lucy Acknowledgements Thompson’s research on class and trans- Many thanks to my various companions phobia in the media storm around Suzanne along this journey, without whom this work Moore and Julie Bindels’ articles and tweets would have been impossible: Ani Ritchie, about trans earlier this year. Pragmatically Alex Iantaffi, Camel Gupta, Darren Lang- such research requires us to leave space in dridge, Ros Gill, Trevor Butt, Emma Turley, our already busy research lives for moments Antony Whitehead, Vanessa Hinchcliffe, Lisa when such stories and debates hit in our Downing, Alex Dymock, Christina Richards, research areas. Also, the possibilities for and Kitty Stryker – as well as all the other funding such research would seem to be very bloggers who have been involved in the limited. However, the potentials for psychol- consent culture conversations. ogists to be speaking directly to issues of public/community concern, and for them to Biography learn about what is currently at stake in Meg Barker is a senior lecturer in psychology popular discourse, is immense. at the Open University and a practising Finally, I hope that my work, particularly therapist specialising in sex and relationship that with Darren, Ros, Lisa and others, has therapy. With Darren Langdridge, Meg demonstrated the value of opening up published one of the main academic collec- dialogue between different perspectives. The tions on BDSM, Safe, Sane and Consensual history of feminist work in the areas of sexu- (Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). They also co- alities and sexual media has been marked by edit the journal, Psychology and Sexuality with polarisation and a refusal to engage across Taylor & Francis, and contributed material differences of opinion (Barker, 2013). The on BDSM to the British Psychological Society POWS 2013 conference was, for me, an guidelines on working with sexual and immensely supportive, co-operative environ- gender minorities. Meg co-organises the ment in which to present my work and, Critical Sexology seminar series and has I would imagine, if any space could enable published on representations of BDSM (with more open, respectful, and productive Alex Iantaffi and Camel Gupta) and dialogue on such matters, that would be it. constructions of dominant women (with There is much to be gained in open dialogue Ros Gill), and is part of a current project upon the very things that we feel most exploring the lived experience of submissive vulnerable and defensive about – academi- men (with Trevor Butt, Antony Whitehead, cally, politically, and personally. But it also Emma Turley and Vanessa Hinchcliffe). takes a good deal of compassion and Meg’s previous research on sexualities and courage to engage in this way, as well as a relationships has been published in several (consensual) culture to enable that. Such journals and books and has culminated cultures are not common in academia (Gill, recently in a general audience book 2010; Williams, 2002), but I hope that – Rewriting the Rules (Routledge, 2012) across the BPS Psychology of Sexualities and (www.rewriting-the-rules.com). Meg is also Psychology of Women’s Sections at least – lead author of The Bisexuality Report and we might be able to foster them. founder member of BiUK (www.biuk.org), and has researched and written about openly non-monogamous relationships (Under- standing Non-monogamies, Routledge, 2010) and sex and relationship therapy. Email: [email protected]

26 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Gender and BDSM revisited

References American Psychiatric Association (2013). American Barker, M., Richards, C. & Bowes-Catton, H. (2012). Psychiatric Association Diagnostic and Statistical Visualising experience: Using creative research Manual 5 (DSM-5). Accessed 23 July 2013, from: methods with members of sexual communities. http://www.dsm5.org/Pages/ In C. Phellas (Ed.), Researching non-heterosexual RecentUpdates.aspx sexualities (pp.57–80). Farnham: Ashgate. Amy-Chinn, D. (2006). This is just for me (n). How Bauer, R. (forthcoming, 2013). Dyke+queer BDSM as the regulation of post-feminist lingerie exuberant intimacy – Exploring intimate difference and advertising perpetuates woman as object. Journal power. PhD thesis, University of Hamburg. of Consumer Culture, 6(2), 155–175. Downing, L. (2012). What is ‘sex critical’ and why Barker, M. (2005). Experience of SM awareness should we care about it? Sex Critical (27 July). training. Lesbian & Gay Psychology Review, 6(3), Accessed 22 October 2012, from: 268–273. http://sexcritical.blogspot.co.uk/2012/07/ Barker, M. (2006). Sexual self-disclosure and outness what-is-sex-critical-and-why-should-we.html in academia and the clinic. Lesbian & Gay Eisner, S. (2013). Bi: Notes for a bisexual revolution. Psychology Review, 7(3), 292–296. Berkeley, CA: Seal Press. Barker, M. (2007). Turning the world upside down: Gill, R. (2003). From sexual objectification to sexual Developing a tool for training about SM. subjectification: The resexualisation of women’s In D. Langdridge & M. Barker (Eds.), Safe, sane bodies in the media. Feminist Media Studies, 3(1), and consensual: Contemporary perspectives on 99–106. sadomasochism (pp.261–270). Basingstoke: Gill, R. (2006). Gender and the media. London: Polity Palgrave Macmillan. Press. Barker, M. (2011). De beauvoir, Bridget Jones’ pants Gill, R. (2010). Breaking the silence: The hidden and vaginismus. Existential Analysis, 22(2), injuries of the neoliberal university. In R. Ryan- 203–216. Flood & R. Gill (Eds.) Secrecy and silence in the Barker, M. (2012). Special issue on sex blogging. research process (pp.228–244). London: Routledge. Psychology & Sexuality, 3(1), 1–4. Green, D.A. (2012). The shameful and nasty Barker, M. (2013). Studying pornography. Rewriting the prosecution of Simon Walsh. The New Statesman, rules. Accessed 23 July 2013, from: 8 August. Accessed 23 July 2013, from: http://rewritingtherules.wordpress.com/ http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/ 2013/06/01/studying-pornography david-allen-green/2012/08/shameful-and-nasty- Barker, M. (forthcoming, 2013). Consent is a grey prosecution-simon-walsh area? A comparison of understandings of Kleinplatz, P. & Moser, C. (2007). Is SM pathological? consent in Fifty Shades of Grey and on the BDSM In D. Langdridge & M. Barker (Eds.), Safe, sane blogosphere. Sexualities. and consensual: Contemporary perspectives on Barker, M. & Gill, R. (2012). Sexual subjectification sadomasochism (pp.55–62). Basingstoke: Palgrave and Bitchy Jones’s Diary. Psychology & Sexuality, Macmillan. 3(1), 26–40. Langdridge, D. (2013, forthcoming). Sex-Sexuality- Barker, M. & Langdridge, D. (2009). Silencing Citizenship: Beyond the boundaries of belonging. accounts of already silenced sexualities. In R. New York: Oxford University Press. Ryan-Flood & R. Gill (Eds.), Secrecy and silence in Langdridge, D. & Barker, M. (Eds.) (2007). Safe, sane the research process: Feminist reflections (pp.67–79). and consensual: Contemporary perspectives on London: Routledge. sadomasochism. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Barker, M. Gupta, C. & Iantaffi A. (2007). The power Linden, R.R., Pagano, D.R., Russell, D.E.H. & Star, of play: The potentials and pitfalls in healing S.L. (Eds.). (1982). Against sadomasochism: narratives of BDSM. In D. Langdridge & M. A radical feminist analysis. San Francisco: Frog in Barker (Eds.). Safe, sane and consensual: the Well. Contemporary perspectives on sadomasochism Richards, C., Barker, M., Lenihan, P. & Iantaffi, A. (pp.197–216). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. (forthcoming, 2014). Who watches the Barker, M., Iantaffi, A & Gupta, C. (2007). Kinky watchmen? A critical perspective on the clients, kinky counselling? The challenges and theorisation of trans people and clinicians, potentials of BDSM. In L. Moon (Ed.), Feeling Feminism & Psychology. queer or queer feelings: Counselling and sexual cultures Rickett, B., Craig, G. & Thompson, L.O. (2013). (pp.106–124). London: Routledge. ‘Bad wigs and bed wetters’: Constructions of gender and class in trans-popular discourse. Presentation to the 2013 Psychology of Women Section Annual Conference, Cumberland Lodge, Windsor, 10–12 July.

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Ritchie, A. (2008). Harming or healing? The Taylor, G.W. & Ussher, J.M. (2001). Making sense of meanings of wounding among sadomasochists S&M: A discourse analytic account. Sexualities, who also self-injure. In V. Burr & J. Hearn (Eds.), 4(3), 293–314. Sex, violence and the body: The erotics of wounding Tosh, J. (2013). Fatal fantasies: What does the desire to die (pp.71–87). London: Palgrave Macmillan. mean for feminist psychology? Presentation to the Ritchie, A. & Barker, M. (2005). Feminist SM: 2013 Psychology of Women Section Annual A contradiction in terms or a way of challenging Conference. Cumberland Lodge, Windsor, traditional gendered dynamics through sexual 10–12 July. practice? Lesbian & Gay Psychology Review, 6(3), Vance, C. (Ed.). (1984). Pleasure and danger: Exploring 227–239. female sexuality. London: Routledge. Rubin, G. (1984). Thinking sex: Notes for a radical Weait, M. (2007). Sadomasochism and the law. theory on the politics of sexuality. In C. Vance In D. Langdridge & M. Barker (Eds.), Safe, sane (Ed.), Pleasure and danger: Exploring female and consensual: Contemporary perspectives on sado- sexuality (pp.267–319). London: Routledge. masochism (pp.63–82). Basingstoke: Palgrave Sullivan, N. (2003). Sadomasochism as resistance? Macmillan. In N. Sullivan (Ed.), A critical introduction to queer Williams, C.L. (2002). Sexual harassment and theory (pp.151–167). Edinburgh: Edinburgh sadomaochism. Hypatia 17(2), 99–117. University Press.

28 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Article Young women’s constructions of risky health practices: A Q-methodological study Ruth Cross

As noted by several authors, risk has received increasing attention in health promotion and public health in the past few decades. This paper will present and discuss data from a Q-methodological study which explored young women’s constructions of risky health practices. Fifty-seven young women aged 18 to 24 years completed Q sorts containing 43 statements about health and risk. The Q sort statements were derived from interviews with other young women of the same age range and similar demographics. Data are presented that demonstrate the different ways in which the young women constructed ideas about risky health practices. This paper presents three factors which represent alternative, contrasting constructions of risk and health that challenge mainstream discourse. An interpretation of these factors is given. The factors have been given the titles ‘Risk-taking can be positive’, ‘Health is privileged over risk-taking’, and ‘The right to take risks’ respectively. Each factor is critically considered within the context of relevant theory and research with specific reference to feminist perspectives.

HIS PAPER discusses different ways in risk-taking within neoliberal ideology is which risk in health is constructed by generally lauded and, outside of the realm of Tyoung women. The notion of risk has health, the contemporary neo-liberal subject been explored within a range of social scien- is often exhorted to actually take risks (Gill & tific literature resulting in the broad and Scharff, 2010). persuasive conclusion that it has become a From a feminist perspective, risk and risk- major socio-cultural concept which has taking can be viewed traditionally as ‘mascu- permeated much of modern life (Beck, line’ space (Humberstone, 2000). In 2007; Douglas, 1992; Giddens, 1998). contrast, the regulation of normative femi- A number of writers have commented on ninity and prescribed conditions for femi- this in relation specifically to health promo- nine performance dictate that risk should be tion and public health (for example, see avoided and that safe guarding health is a Lupton, 2003; Nettleton, 2006; Peterson & feminine imperative (Crawford, 2006; Hyde, Lupton, 1996). The resulting focus on risk in 2007; Moore, 2008a, 2010). There is a partic- health has led to a range of individual behav- ular focus in public, professional and iours (or social practices) being identified as academic circles on young women’s health ‘risky’ (Robertson, 2000) which must, there- behaviour as problematic. The troubling of fore, be avoided. This emphasises personal young women’s behaviour is not new as is responsibility for health and the duty to clearly illustrated in Jackson and Tinkler’s manage it by reducing risk (Wilkinson, (2007) paper examining media representa- 2004). Consequently, mainstream construc- tions of young women in 1918–1928 and tions of risk in health tend to be negative 1995–2005. They specifically highlight how and position risk-taking as being necessarily young women’s behavioural practices are evaded or, at the very least, minimised rendered problematic through construc- (Austen, 2009). In contrast to this, however, tions of the historical ‘modern girl’ and

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 29 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Ruth Cross contemporary idea of the ‘ladette’. For a standings by highlighting positive aspects of number of reasons, however, increasing taking risks. Descombe and Druquer (1999) attention is being paid to young women’s argue that risk taking which results in serious so-called risky health behaviours. A range of threats to health can lead to learning. They so-called risky health practices are increas- refer to ‘critical incidents’; serious health ingly, and sometimes frequently, engaged in related events that are constructed by young by young women as evidenced by: rises in people in a way which subsequently (posi- sexually transmitted infections (The UK tively) influences their health behaviour Collaborative Group for HIV & STI Surveil- choices. There is, in addition, a small but lance, 2007; Health Protection Agency, growing body of work offering alternative 2010); so-called ‘binge drinking’ (Institute perspectives on the phenomenon of binge of Alcohol Studies, 2010); and smoking drinking which position this practice as (Office for National Statistics, 2009). An leisure time out (Measham & Brain, 2005) increased focus on risk in health alongside and harmless fun (Guise & Gill, 2007). an increase in young women’s risky behav- Szmigin et al. (2008) contend that binge iours is interesting and worth exploring drinking is often framed in positive ways and using a feminist perspective. call for it to be reconsidered as calculated The general literature and research on hedonism. This supports Parker and Stan- risk taking highlights how lay perspectives worth’s (2005) arguments that risk taking draw on discourses of biomedical and profes- can function in a positive way. sional expertise (Bourne & Robson, 2009) Writers such as Mielewczyk and Willig and highlight the requirement to pursue (2007) argue for a move away from an indi- health (Peterson & Lupton, 1996). There is vidualistic focus on specific behaviours an emphasis on risk perceptions, the choice which characterises the socio-cognitive involved in taking risks (Alaszewski & approaches seen to dominate mainstream Burgess, 2007) and the ability to control risk health psychology. Instead, they argue that it through rational decision making processes is more important to better understand the (Crossley, 2002; Rodham et al., 2006). The meaning which certain practices have and influence of others on risk taking practices is purposes or function which they serve. In also apparent (Murray & Turner, 2004). keeping with this perspective this paper Although literature specific to young examines alternative ways in which risk- women’s risky health behaviours is limited, taking in health is constructed by young related work can help develop under- women and considers how these can provide standing in this area. Lyng (1990, 2005) has insight into why risk-taking takes place. researched voluntary risk-taking and explored why some people actively seek out Method risk. Lyng developed the concept of ‘edge- Q-methodology is an approach which does work’ exploring the spatial concept of not aim to test hypotheses but instead seeks boundaries in risk-taking and how the to explore subjectivity and subjective experi- margins between safety and danger are nego- ence. It has, therefore, been described as an tiated. However, Lyng’s work was carried out ‘essentially exploratory technique’ (Stenner in the context of high-risk sports activities et al., 2003, p.218). Barry and Proops (1999, such as sky diving. It also focused on men’s p.339) explain that Q-methodology is a experiences of risk taking noting that men ‘qualitative but statistical approach to enable take more physical risks than women. the discovery of a variety of discourses’. The Lupton and Tulloch’s (2002) work on method lends itself to exploring different pleasure in risk-taking considers risk more perspectives or views about a given issue or generally within everyday life. It offers an subject. This study is concerned with under- alternative perspective to mainstream under- standings in relation to health and risk –

30 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Young women’s constructions of risky health practices: A Q-methodological study

‘why things are the way they are’ (Stainton- The procedure Rogers et al., 1995, p.250). Q has been used Taking part in a Q-methodological study in several studies exploring meaning and involves ranking a set of statements understandings, for example, in relation to according to the extent of agreement or smokers’ accounts of their smoking (Collins disagreement (Brown, 1996), for example, et al., 2002). It has a specific history in femi- along a continuum from ‘Least like me’ nist research (Snelling, 2004) largely estab- to ‘Most like me’ (Kitzinger, 1987) (see lished by Kitzinger’s (1987) work on the Figure 1). This is customarily done in the social construction of lesbianism. For a more pattern of a forced quasi-normal distribution detailed account of Q-methodology, see (Peritore, 1989). It is a self-directed process Stenner, Watts and Worrell (2009) or Watts in which the each participant follows a and Stenner (2005). specific set of instructions. In order to undertake the sorting process The Q set the young women were asked to reflect on The Q set consists of a number of items their understandings of health and risk and participants sort that are broadly representa- the meaning of these to them. They were tive of the subject under exploration invited to give open-ended comments on this. (Stenner et al., 2003). These can be wide They were advised to first sort the statements ranging and may derive from many different into three piles (most like me, not like me, sources. In this study the items were derived neutral) in order to aid the sorting process. from interview data consisting of 22 verbatim They then had to read through the 43 state- transcripts in which young women were inter- ments and sort them according to a fixed viewed about health and risk. This method of distribution pattern from –4 (representing generating items is commonly used (Barry & ‘Least like me’) through to +4 (representing Proops, 1999). An initial number of 106 state- ‘Most like me’) (see Table 1). Once the parti- ments representative of the discourse within cipants were happy with their statement posi- the young women’s talk were extracted from tions they were required to write the numbers the interview data. Guided by the themes of the statements onto a response grid. identified in the interview data, in consulta- tion with four pilot participants, and through Data analysis the removal of any ambiguous or repetitive Q-methodology ‘employs a particular form statements, the number of statements was of multivariate analysis in order to identify reduced to a final set of 43. and describe the different ‘stories’ that can be told about a particular topic or issue’ The participants (Stainton-Rogers et al., 1995, p.248). In Q methodology the participants are often Q-methodology examines the relationships purposively selected on the basis of their between the participants by identifying, presumed interests, the purpose being to through the process of analysis, groups of ‘sample the range and diversity of views participants who have sorted their state- expressed rather than to make claims about ments in similar ways (Senn, 1993). This was the number of people expressing them’ done using a dedicated computer package (Kitzinger, 1986, p.84). The participants for (PQMethod) into which each of the 57 this study were drawn from young women in participant Q sorts were entered by hand. further education. Fifty-seven young women The factors were extracted using Principal volunteered to take part in the study and, Component Analysis. Varimax rotation was although all were within the age range 18 to then performed. Factors with eigenvalues in 24 years, their demographics reflected a excess of 1.0 and which had at least two range of socioeconomic backgrounds and Q sorts which correlated significantly with it ethnicities. only were selected for interpretation

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 31 Ruth Cross

Figure 1: The process of Q sorting.

Table 1: Summary of the fixed distribution pattern.

Least like me – Most like me Rating –4 –3 –2 –1 0 +1 +2 +3 +4 No. of responses 345676543

(Watts & Stenner, 2005). This process factors will be discussed. These have been resulted in a seven factor solution, each selected on the basis of being most concep- factor representing a group of perspectives tually different or distinguishable from one or viewpoints (Q sorts) which were highly another. In the analysis and interpretation of correlated with one another. These corre- each factor the characterising or distin- lated sorts were merged, using weighted guishing statements which appear at the averages, to produce a factor which best extremes of each – at the –3, –4 and +3, +4 characterised the viewpoints represented positions are considered as well as statement (Brown, 1980, 1993). This resulted in a ‘best positions across the whole factor. This is in estimate’ (Barry & Proops, 1999) for each order to consider the relationship between factor which looks like a single completed the statements, to achieve a holistic account Q sort. The factors were then interpreted of each factor and to enable comparisons with reference to the relative positioning of across the factors (Wallis et al., 2009). The the individual statements within them and to statement positions within each factor are the qualitative information gathered along- detailed in Table 2. The three factors are side the Q sort in the form of participant labelled ‘Risk-taking can be positive’, ‘Health is comments. privileged over risk-taking’ and ‘The right to take risks’ respectively. The labels are intended to Factor interpretation provide a summary of the key position A detailed exploration and interpretation of presented by the factor and to give a sense of all seven factors is beyond the scope of this the different constructions of health and risk paper due constraints of word limit. There- within each factor. fore, only three of the seven emergent

32 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Young women’s constructions of risky health practices: A Q-methodological study

Table 2: Statement scores table.

Statement Factor 123 1. Sleeping with someone without using anything… it’s putting yourself –2 4 –3 at risk when there is no need to. 2. I don’t understand how people can smoke even though there is –3 44 something on the packet that says ‘smoking kills’ – it’s like you’re wasting your life. 3. I just think people aren’t being very responsible. People go out and –3 2 –3 get drunk and then lose all their morals. 4. There are those people who just don’t know when to stop and I just –1 01 think they’re making themselves so vulnerable. 5. Your friends, the people around you will influence what you do. 131 6. I don’t really take risks. –4 –3 1 7. I think that you should be sensible about risks because some risks 03–1 are just not worth taking. 8. I’d say that if someone were going to take a risk to do with their 223 health then they should be look at whether it is worth it or not. 9. Risk is about something that could go wrong later on or something 0 –2 –1 that has already taken place – something that could potentially go wrong due to being unhealthy or over healthy. 10. I think not maintaining a healthy and good balance in terms of 2 –2 2 nutrition and physical activity can be a risk to some extent. 11. I don’t exercise so much, I don’t have time. I do know that it’s –2 00 important but I just don’t have time for it really. 12. Health for me is feeling well, related to well-being, the way you look, 403 the way you feel yourself. 13. I think that risk is only linked to negative impact. There is not that –3 –4 –4 much risk you can take that will have a good impact on your health. 14. I’m not exercising and that is a risk. –3 –4 –4 15. Health is just to feel alive kind of thing, you don’t have to force –1 0 –2 yourself to do anything, you’ve got energy. 16. You know the risk of things but you still do them don’t you? 3 –4 –2 17. It’s a big risk when you take drugs as one time you might be fine 14–1 but next time you might get a dodgy one, or it just could affect you totally differently. It’s a risk not worth taking in my opinion. 18. There’s so much attention on the bad risks you never think about the 000 risks that are worth taking at all. 19. I don’t always do what I intend to do. 12–2 20. Taking a risk is doing something you wouldn’t usually do. –1 1 –2 21. I’ve got my own mind and I don’t do things I don’t want to do. 314 22. You appreciate being healthy more when you’re ill. 122

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 33 Ruth Cross

Table 2: Statement scores table (continued).

Statement Factor 123 23. You get told you can’t even eat too much fruit cos it’s gonna kill you, –2 –2 –3 you can’t eat too much of this cos it’s going to kill you, what can you do anymore? 24. I think if someone wants to do something I think they should be in 314 their right to do what they want like. 25. I think there are too many risks now. –4 –1 –1 26. I love a challenge so if there’s a risk there I’ll take it. 2 –1 2 27. Risk is putting your life in danger – just not treating your body right. –2 –1 0 28. I think it’s just the lifestyle these days – people aren’t really caring –1 –1 0 so much for themselves. 29. I think they always look at the negative sides rather than the positive 003 when you hear the word risk. 30. Risk means doing things that aren’t necessarily good for you, that –1 –1 0 won’t necessarily be the best thing to do. 31. It’s not as bad as they say it is, it might be somewhere else but I’ve –2 –3 –3 never seen anything like that. 32. Risk can be a good and a bad thing, depends on the situation I think. 402 33. It’s only if I’ve had drink inside me I’ll take a risk cos I’m very closed 0 –3 –2 off. I won’t take chances, but when I’ve got drink inside us I take risks. You think ‘what the hell, why not?’ I think everyone, the majority of people go that way as well. 34. You could risk your health by not doing certain things like not going 03–1 to the doctors if something is bothering you that’s a risk cos you haven’t got anything checked, like if you had a lump or something. 35. I’ve took risks because it gave me a buzz. 2 –2 1 36. I suppose there’s a risk to your health whatever you do isn’t there? 0 –2 3 37. You can risk your health just walking across the road, there’s a risk 111 that you could be knocked over. 38. Some people take risks for fun. They love it and find enjoyment in 212 them, like jumping out of planes. 39. I think it’s too easy to go out and get really drunk so I just think –1 –3 –4 sometimes it’s too easy for you to know when to stop. 40. I think you could learn a lot from taking a risk, if something happened 4 –1 –1 to you I think it would make you think twice before doing it. 41. If you don’t look after your health then your health is at risk. 130 42. If someone’s health is at risk and they’re aware of it I think that’s a 321 good thing because people can make changes or things can be done. 43. I always do see risk as a negative thing. –4 10

34 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Young women’s constructions of risky health practices: A Q-methodological study

Factor analysis by Austen (2009) in which she found what Factor 1: ‘Risk-taking can be positive’ she terms ‘risk neutrality’. This construction The account constructs risk and risk-taking is not neutral but resonates more with what as positive rather than negative (43: –4, Jackson and Tinkler (2007) term ‘the 25: –4, 13: –3, 29: 0, 18: 0, 23: –2). Risks are pleasure seeker’, highlighting enjoyment taken (6: –4; 16: +3) and experienced as a and fun echoing pleasure discourse associ- ‘buzz’ (35: +2), enjoyment and fun (38: +2) ated with risky health practices found else- and ‘challenge’ (26: +2) rather than as where in the literature. In keeping with danger (27: –2); they are seen as good as well findings by Szmigin et al. (2008), risky behav- as bad (32: +4, 30 –1). Qualitative comments iour is framed as something positive particu- confirm this – risk ‘is something that can make larly with regards to learning something a change to your life in a good or bad way’ and from taking risks. Constructing risk-taking in ‘is something you take which could be good or bad this way draws on humanistic discourse with for you’. Risking your health is sometimes an emphasis on the learning and develop- worth it (8: +2) however, not maintaining ment which can take place through risk- health can be a risk (10: +2). Classic risk- taking and has similarities with the notion of taking practices (which usually carry nega- critical incidents proposed by Denscombe tive associations) such as getting drunk, and Drucquer (1999). In addition, however, smoking, sleeping with someone without this might also be interpreted as protection are not viewed as risky (3: –3, constructing risk-taking as ‘transformative’ 2: –3, 14: –3, 1:–2, 11: –2, 28: –1, 39: –1, and meaningful. Risk awareness is a good 4: –1). In contrast, however, drug taking is thing but this does not stop risks from being viewed as risky and not worth doing (17: +1). indicating a sense of agency. The acknowl- A lot can be learned from taking a risk; edgement and (unique) ownership of risk- if something happened it would make a taking in health in this factor indicates a person think twice (40: +4). Risk is ‘perhaps sense of agency which supports Lyng’s putting yourself in danger, again mentally or (2005) proposition of the ‘voluntary’ risk- physically but it could be risking something that taker. With regards to a range of practices could be good for you for example, taking a risk of identified as risky to health only drug taking instinct and it being right or for the better’. is viewed as risky, suggesting a more An awareness of health risk can be a good libertarian position on the other types of thing because action can be taken (42: +3). so-called risky practices or an empathy for A person has a right to do what they want those whose take risks with their health (24: +3) and has their own mind (21: +3). (for example, by smoking). Health is related to feeling well, well-being and the way a person looks and feels Factor 2: ‘Health is privileged over risk-taking’ (12: +4). This account constructs risk and risk-taking This account constructs risk-taking in in health in a more negative way (43: +1). health in an optimistic way emphasising the There were many qualitative comments from more positive aspects of risk-taking such as the participants whose Q sorts correlated providing challenge and thrill (Moore, highly onto this factor which support this. 2008). This challenges the gender-bound Risk was defined as ‘danger’, ‘something bad assumption that women do not take risks happening’, ‘something which can cause harm to (Walklate, 1997) and contrasts with findings someone’ and ‘something which jeopardises in the wider literature on risk in health health’. A more cautious account of risk and which emphasises the negative aspects of risk risk-taking in health is represented. Risk is and risk-taking. It also contradicts results of ‘doing something a person doesn’t normally do research on the social construction of risk by and could lead to consequences’ (the implication young people (men and women) carried out being that such consequences would be

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 35 Ruth Cross negative). Sleeping with someone without avoidance as being the responsibility of the using anything is viewed as putting yourself individual and the duty to self-care and self- at risk when there is no need to (1: +4). With monitor (Robertson, 2000; Wilkinson, 2004). reference to other classic risky health behav- Drawing on a feminist perspective here the iours, smoking is viewed as wasting your life duty to control the self and look after your (2: +4); taking drugs is viewed as a big risk health supports the idea of women as not worth taking (17: +4); and people should wardens of health (Holmila & Raitasalo, be responsible rather than getting drunk 2005; Moore, 2008a, 2010) and this factor and losing their morals (3: +2). This general can, therefore, be interpreted as constructing idea is also underpinned by the qualitative ideas about health and risk in this more tradi- data; health ‘is also making sure our body is in tional way. This factor construction reflects good condition by watching what you eat and mainstream discourse within public health doing exercise’. Risks are not taken if they are and health promotion which is concerned known about (16: –4). Health is at risk if it is with minimising risks to health (Arnoldi, not looked after (41: +3; 34: +3) so, for 2009) and it emphasises the health conscious example, exercise is carried out (14: –4). citizen (Fusco, 2006). It draws on biomedical People should be sensible about the risks expertise (Bourne & Robson, 2009) about they take – some are not worth taking (7: +3) risky practices enforcing the prescription of however, it should be determined whether healthy lifestyles (Gastaldo, 1997), particu- the risk is worth it or not (8: +2). Risk is not larly the imperative to health (Peterson & simply linked to negative outcomes (13: –4). Lupton, 1996). These are, as Moore (2008a) Other people have an influence on what you contends, notions that are more closely asso- do (5: +3). Sometimes intention does not ciated ideas of femininity translate into action (19: +2). As in the first factor, risks are taken (6: –3) however, not Factor 3: ‘The right to take risks’ under the influence of alcohol (33: –3). The The account constructs risk and risk-taking buzz or challenge associated with risks is not in health more in terms of independence a motivator to take them (35: –2, 26: –1) and autonomy. People have got their own however, some people might take risks for minds and do what they want (21: +4). If fun and enjoyment (38: +1). someone wants to do something then they This more negative and cautious should be able to (24: +4). It is not too easy construction of risk and health contrasts to go out and get drunk (39: –4) and the somewhat with the account within the first influence of alcohol does not make risk- factor. There is no need to put oneself at risk, taking more likely (33: –2). Sleeping with particularly at the expense of health. If there someone without using anything is not is any cognisance or awareness of risk then it viewed as putting yourself at risk (1: –3) nor, should be avoided. This account presents a similarly to the first factor, is getting drunk strong position that if you do not look after viewed as being irresponsible (3: –3). Lack of yourself then your health is at risk. Qualita- exercising is not viewed as a risk (14: –4). tive comments which would seem to support Intention is viewed as sometimes leading to this included that ‘health is being fit, eating action (19: –2) further constructing ideas of responsibly and exercising regularly’. The avoid- being in control although there is some ance of risk-taking in health is an important agreement with the idea that other people feature of this factor construction. This can will influence what you do (5: +1). Risks are be seen as being consistent with gendered taken because they give a buzz (35: +1); for practice around risk-taking (Gustafson, fun or enjoyment (38: +2) or for the chal- 1998). This factor can also be interpreted as lenge (26: +2). There is disagreement with drawing on neoliberal discourse. It empha- the statement that things are done even sises autonomy and control; health and risk when risk is known about (16: –2) again

36 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Young women’s constructions of risky health practices: A Q-methodological study invoking ideas about control. If risks are Factor consensus taken with health then people should There was some consensus across the three consider whether it is worth it or not (8: +3). factor constructions which reflects dominant Risk can be good as well as bad (32: +2, 42: discourses about health and risk. Risk is not +1) as indicated by the qualitative data – constructed within any of the factors as ‘doing something where the outcome isn’t definite being linked only to negative impact. The so you could come out of it better or worse’. Risk is right to be able to do something if you want not just linked with negative outcomes to highlights a neoliberal emphasis on (13: –4, 23: –3, 31: –3, 43: 0, 18: 0) or some- personal freedom (Gill & Scharff, 2010). thing that can go wrong (9: –1) although it This replicates Rodham et al.’s (2006) find- generally has negative connotations (29: +3). ings whereby adolescents perceived that they There is a risk to health whatever you do (36: had control over whether or not to engage in +3; 37: +1) and not maintaining your health risky health behaviours. It emphasises the is a risk to some extent (10: +2). importance of personal independence This factor constructs risk-taking in found elsewhere in the literature on health differently to the first and second research into the health and lifestyles of factors giving greater emphasis to independ- adolescents. There is also agreement, ence, autonomy and control. Similarly to the however, about the influence of others which first factor risk taking is constructed in a highlights the importance of social context more positive way. For example, the function on risk-taking and the influence of peers of risk-taking as potentially positive is also a noted by, for example, Murray and Turner feature of this factor (Parker & Stanworth, (2004). In general alcohol use is constructed 2005). This construction, however, draws as less problematic and is not seen as leading more strongly on agentic notions of risk- to greater risk-taking. Interestingly this taking in health emphasising what Crossley contrasts with evidence that alcohol (2002) calls the rational actor and the consumption increases risky practices notion of having an independent mind (Measham, 2004). which is not influenced by others. Interest- ingly this account emphasises not wanting to Conclusion be told what to do and having the right to do Ideological constructions of femininity what you want to. It echoes similar findings portray women, for the most part, as neces- in relation to men and health such as those sarily risk-averse. This study, however, has by Gough and Conner (2006) and found a greater diversity in the discourse Robertson and Williams (2010). Taking risks around health and risk than has been previ- is, therefore, about making a choice ously appreciated. It contributes to the (Alaszewski & Burgess, 2007). The strong general literature on health and risk as well sense of independence and the right to take as specifically adding to the empirical work risks whatever the outcome rejects negative around young women and risky health prac- appraisals of risk as found by, for example, tices. There are some interesting issues Austen (2009). Similarly to Factor 1 this which challenge existing ideas around risk- account highlights the pleasure that volun- taking in health and the more negative ways tary risk-taking might give (for fun) as found in which young women’s social practices (or by Tulloch and Lupton (2003). Unique to health behaviours) are viewed. Whilst some this construction, however, is the idea that of the young women do strongly cohere taking risks in health is unavoidable which around a construction of risk-taking in lends some support to Denscombe and health as something which should be Drucquer’s (1999) position that health risks avoided as seen in Factor 2 ‘Health is privi- are seen as endemic in contemporary leged over risk-taking’ this is only one of the society. ways in which

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 37 Ruth Cross risk-taking in health is constructed. Factor 1 framed and subsequently communicated to ‘Risk-taking can be positive’ positions risk- young women. There are also implications taking in a more positive way and Factor 3 for further research here in terms of ‘The right to take risks’ presents a more exploring young women’s experiences of independent and agentic construction risk-taking, the meaning of risk-taking in around risky health practices. Exploring health and the multiple functions which it young women’s constructions of risk-taking may serve. in health is important in terms of developing understanding which might better inform Correspondence policy and practice in public health and Ruth Cross health promotion and the way in which Leeds Metropolitan University. messages about risk-taking in health are [email protected]

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Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 39 2013 Undergraduate Prize Winner Discursive constructions of UK swingers' self-identities and practices in a culturally gendered mononormative context Stephen Symons

In Western culture, romantic love is typically understood, defined, and normalised as both sexually and emotionally monogamous through discourses of ‘mononormativity’. From a select review of critical psychology literature, it is demonstrated how, culturally and academically, mononormative discourses are often reproduced entwined with normative gender discourses, rendering both discourses as potentially inseparable. This presents a problem for celebratory discourses – which often present non-monogamous relationships as liberatory and revolutionary challenges to mononormativity – because they fail to account for the potential influence of gender discourses. Gender discourses may have implications for ways non- monogamous relationships are practiced, thus the aim of this paper is to explore the potentially complex intersections of non-monogamy and gender. It is, therefore, asked: how are swingers’ self-identities and practices discursively constructed within a culturally gendered mononormative context, and what are the implications? Eight face-to-face semi-structured interviews were conducted with five female and three male UK swingers. A feminist informed critical discourse analysis (Alldred & Burman, 2005) is used as the analytic framework. From this analysis, the paper concludes that when normalised monogamy is challenged, the potential for liberation offered by non-monogamous sexual practices can be constrained by hegemonic notions of masculinity and femininity that circulate in talk about non-monogamous sexual practices. These discourses of masculinity and femininity carry power dynamics which restrict men’s and women’s autonomy to varying degrees, limiting the capacity of swingers to be ‘free’. In turn, this produces a set of contested identities which celebratory discourses of non-monogamy fail to account for.

N WESTERN CULTURE, romantic love is ‘prohibited’ relational practice, ‘swinging’, typically understood, defined, and where couples retain emotional monogamy, Inormalised as both sexually and emotion- but reject sexual monogamy in favour of ally monogamous. This paper interrogates consensual, and mostly recreational extra- this dominant and omnipresent discourse of dyadic sex (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000). ‘mononormativity’ (Barker & Langdridge, Swinging is distinct from polyamory – 2010a, 2010b) by examining intersections of a practice which rejects all monogamy, and gender and non-monogamy. Foucault aims to ‘maintain intimate and sexual rela- (1981/1976) argues that sexual normalisa- tionships with multiple partners simultane- tion occurs through expert discourses which ously’ (Haritaworn, Lin & Klesse, 2006, set boundaries for agency by permitting and p.515). Previous research on non-monogamy legitimating particular sexual practices, and has mainly focused on polyamory (e.g. prohibiting others. Foucault (1991/1975) Barker, 2005; Finn & Malson, 2008; Harita- also argues that people then self-regulate to worn et al., 2006; Klesse, 2006; Ritchie & such discourses, which socially reinforces Barker, 2006) with only limited research on them. This paper focuses on one such swingers. Therefore, swingers offer potential

40 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Discursive constructions of UK swingers’ self-identities and practices in a culturally gendered… for new insights into our understanding of monogamous relationships may appear to intimate relationships. challenge dominant mononormative social Within critical psychology, mononorma- practices, creating a sense of sexual libera- tive discourses have often been entwined tion, in this paper, I seek to consider these with traditional constructions of gender. relationships through a discursive and femi- For example, in her early paper on Western nist lens, to consider how gendered relationships and gender, Hollway (1984) constructions might function in non-mono- identified three discourses which shape gamous relationships, particularly swinging. heterosexual and monogamous relation- My interest is in exploring the potential of ships. The ‘male sex drive’ discourse is swinging to disrupt mononormative social embedded in evolutionary discourses on practice, but also to consider the potential sexuality (e.g. Buss, 1999, 2008) and suggests constraints on such potential disruptions. males are continually driven by uncontrol- Here, I attempt to set aside celebratory lable bio-sexual urges. This reproduces men discourses, because they overlook potential as predatory and animalistic, and women as complexities which may arise at intersections implicit passive receptors to male sexuality, of non-monogamy and gender, and instead which to an extent, is a dehumanising and I attempt to examine these complexities over simplistic dichotomy. The ‘have-hold’ directly. discourse dichotomises femininity by repro- The aims of this paper, therefore, are to ducing ‘whores’ that men only ‘have’ sex explore possible complexities at intersec- with, or ‘wives’ that men ‘hold’ onto for tions between swinging and gender, and how more meaningful and permanent relation- gender discourses may influence swinging ships. This discourse establishes monoga- identity, practice, and subjectivity, and to mous marriage as ‘the proper context’ for consider the implications of this. This paper, expressions of feminine desire, as does the therefore, asks: how are swingers’ self-identi- ‘permissive’ discourse which permits female ties and practices discursively constructed promiscuity, but only pre-marriage. In socio- within a culturally gendered mononormative cultural terms, gendered mononormativity is context, and what are the implications? reproduced, for example, through advice columns (Wilbraham, 1997) where women Methods are positioned within their marriages as To enable me to explore how gender is emotional labourers who are to restore the (re)produced in people’s accounts of ‘crisis’ of their husband’s infidelity. The swinging, I used individual interviews, which ‘crisis’ is constituted in relation to how were analysed using a feminist informed marriage is socially constructed around Foucauldian discourse analysis (FDA) gender norms and monogamy. Such posi- (Alldred & Burman, 2005). FDA enabled me tionings function to establish gendered to consider intersecting and interwebbed norms which then influence gendered discourses, and to consider issues of govern- subjectivities (Hollway, 1984). From this mentality and production in relation to close knit entanglement of monogamy and participants’ accounts of swinging. This is gender, one question that might be asked is useful in this study because, as Parker (1992) whether these gender constructions have suggests, FDA is political in nature and, implications when they meet non- therefore, more suitable for politically monogamy. repressed populations, such as swingers Celebratory discourses have attempted to (Roberts, 2003). highlight the liberatory and revolutionary I sent 20 emails to the administra- potential of non-monogamous relationship tors/managers of 10 swingers’ websites, arrangements (e.g. deVisser & McDonald, eight swingers’ clubs, one swingers’ hotel, 2007; Jackson & Scott, 2004). But while non- and one co-author of a recent study, asking

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 41 Stephen Symons permission to recruit participants through views, I try to capture both the content and their facilities. Only website administrators context of the interviews, to consider the responded – one banning me immediately, implications of these kinds of differences in the other three granting advertising permis- the operation and production of power in sion. From the advertisements, the research. I received nine responses all from one website. From 16 potential interviewees from Doing discourse analysis the website, one was too far away, four FDA emphasises the omnipresent power responses came too late for inclusion in the relations embedded within discourses or study, and four stopped communication discursive practices (Parker, 2005); this after the initial contact. Eight self-identified includes the production of objects, for swingers (seven through the website, and example, ‘delinquency’, and related agentic one through personal contact) aged 37 to 55 subjects, for example, ‘delinquents’. participated in individual interviews. Inter- Through such functions, FDA also empha- views lasted 38 to 93 minutes, and were sises who legitimates these discursive conducted in various UK locations; six in constructs, who self-regulates to them, and participants’ homes and two in a hotel lobby. ultimately which social institutions are From the three men and five women, there supported and subverted by them (Parker, were three married couples, and two women 1992). Foucault (1981/1976) argues power whose male partners were unavailable for is bi-directional, and subjectivities are consti- interview. tuted in relation to dominant discourses in I developed an interview guide drawing both resistant and conforming ways. To on key points and absences in the literature, deconstruct these dynamics, I used FDA to covering questions about social acceptance, identify if and how my participants self-regu- monogamy, commitment, romantic love, late, reproduce, resist, produce, and re-regu- and rules and boundaries. In each interview, late discourses, and how these functions a broad question asked about how partici- construct self-identities and connect to wider pants decided to start swinging. I transcribed social institutions. Whilst being mindful that my interviews verbatim using a denaturalised indentifying political ‘knowledge’ itself approach where involuntary vocalisations produces political knowledge (Gillies & and intonation are omitted, but accurate Alldred, 2012) I followed Alldred and substance, meaning, and the ‘maneuverings of Burman’s (2005) analytic steps, and power’ (Oliver, Serovich & Mason, 2005, p.5) included Willig’s (2001) step in which are retained. This is why Oliver et al. recom- subjectivity is considered. mend this approach for critical discourse analysis. Parker (2005) argues that research Ethics interviews are always semi-structured All British Psychological Society (2009) because they perpetually carry ‘the traces of ethical guidelines were strictly followed, and patterns of power’ (p.53) that allow participant the ethics committee board at the University resistance. I found in several of the inter- of Northampton reviewed this study’s appli- views, such traces were clearly evident – for cation and granted approval. All participants instance, Lindsay (37) seemed hesitant in were informed with an information sheet the interview encounter, giving brief and and opportunity to ask questions at both unelaborated responses that seemed to initial interest, and interview, at which point suggest discomfort with being ‘researched’. written consent was obtained. Interviewees In contrast, Bill, an older man who saw were debriefed post-interview both verbally himself as well established in the swinging and with literature, which contained my, and community tended to dominate and shape my supervising tutor’s contact details for the the interview. In my analysis of these inter- purpose of withdrawal. Also, relevant

42 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Discursive constructions of UK swingers’ self-identities and practices in a culturally gendered… support group contact details were given in B: ‘I don’t envy the vanilla world. I think they the event distress was triggered. After tran- ought to wise up and accept nature. scription, to protect participant’s identities, Int: Which is? audio recordings were destroyed, and pseu- B: Human nature, we’re an animal donyms (used in this paper) were used Int: Which means? within transcripts. Consent forms were B: It means the female genuinely prefers the locked separately from data to protect confi- larger male with a larger male genitals because dentiality. she is programmed to believe he will be the best seed for her offspring, and that is what drives Analysis and discussion us to have sex, end of. So it’s true, women do In this analysis, I explore possible complexi- prefer bigger willies [Int: (laughs)] erm, and ties at the intersections of swinger and it’s his job to displace the other male you know? gendered subjectivities, exploring how The strongest and fittest wins through, it’s gender discourses are implicated in the what we are, the woman is designed to be construction of ‘swinger identities’, and how promiscuous. That’s what she does, it’s in her swinging constitutes gender. This paper, nature to be what men in the vanilla world therefore, asks: how are swingers’ self-identi- nowadays would call a slut, trollop, you name ties and practices discursively constructed it, because she is designed to be that way, and within a culturally gendered mononormative the male is designed to go around and sow his context, and what are the implications? The seed everywhere, he can, it’s nature, it’s what following analysis shows that though we’re designed to do.’ (553–565) swinging couples challenge mononorma- Bill’s opening statement positions his tivity, their accounts also often involve repro- swinging as having ‘freed him’ from a ductions of gender norms and the constraining ‘vanilla world’. By suggesting deployment of the construct of ‘free choice’. others should ‘wise up and accept nature’ This presents a tension with celebratory Bill positions himself as an insightful expert discourses that emphasise the liberatory and about human relationships. He naturalises disruptive potential of swinging and other his own interpretation of human sexuality as poly-relational practices. I will illustrate this an obvious truth in which anyone who argument with two examples from my inter- disagrees should ‘wise up’. Bill uses biological views that demonstrate a common discourses to achieve this by claiming ‘we’re patterning across the accounts. an animal’. When prompted for meaningful Bill’s interview was nearly ending and explanation, Bill engages evolutionary short- I asked if he had anything to add to our term mating discourse (Buss, 1999) which in discussion. I asked this to all interviewees itself attempts to explain female promiscuity. because open platforms often reveal sponta- However, this discourse also constructs neous insights from beyond the constraints females as ‘ejaculate manipulators’ (Baker & of my questions, thus lessening my institu- Bellis, 1993), an objectifying construction, tional power. Bill began explaining how which renders female sexuality as a function soap-opera characters are typically adul- of male ejaculatory needs, and locates terous, and how a current character is women as essentially passionless – simply coping with his wife’s infidelity. He then ‘manipulating male ejaculate’, rather than expresses relief at not being ‘there anymore, engaging in active and pleasurable sexual and never will again’ (533–534), and that he practices. In Bill’s talk women’s agency is does not ‘live in that world anymore’ (544). limited to their capacity to choose ‘bigger This suggests swinging is an honest accept- willies’. For males, Bill reproduces existing ance of inevitable non-monogamy, and the evolutionary masculinity in which men ‘sow ongoing discussion follows similarly: [their] seed everywhere’ and strive to be the ‘strongest and fittest’. Thus, Bill’s talk legiti-

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 43 Stephen Symons mates subject positions for male promiscuity is not fulfilled, which in itself critiques the in a competitive context because it is a man’s definitiveness of the ‘male sex drive’ ‘job to displace the other male’ to ‘win’ females. discourse. Here, Lindsay explicitly articu- Here, females lose their limited agency, and lates her desire, and her enjoyment of sex in are implicitly objectified as passive trophies a manner inconsistent with the more reac- for male celebration. Through Bill’s rejec- tive sexuality previously described by Bill. tion of monogamy, and by exclusion of I already knew Lindsay attends a swingers’ polyamory, swinging, which by Bill’s account club without her partner, so referring to that is framed as active male competition, is, I asked ‘Do you go to the club to satisfy that?’ therefore, implicitly ratified as more reflec- (410) and Lindsay said yes. I ask a little more tive of ‘normal’ relationships. about this: ‘Where, how?’ (412), she replied: Overall, though Bill resists mononorma- ‘In the club, in rooms, erm, go in a room with tivity through the construction of ‘the vanilla them, it’s just based on sex, there’s no kissing is world’ as deluded and deceptive (denying allowed. Allowed to caress my body, use the obvious ‘truth’ of human, what I will protection [Int: yeah] and them are the rules term here, ‘poly-nature’), he deploys prob- also, they all, you know, use protection as well. lematic gender constructions to achieve this So there is quite a few rules and regulations in resistance. Women can choose sexual part- what I can do and what I can’t do also. ners, but cannot choose promiscuity because Int: What do you mean by that? they are constructed as both ‘innately’ L: My partner, he wouldn’t like me kissing promiscuous (for reasons of biology, not with another guy.’ (413–418) pleasure), and passive in relation to male Lindsay’s self-positionings are complex sexuality. Similarly, men cannot choose because she slips between two relational monogamous relationships due to their contexts, both of which appear patriarchal. ‘innate’ competitiveness for multiple female In one context, Lindsay objectifies herself in mates. Through these entrenchments, impli- relation to male sexuality, and male subjects, cations arise for both swinging practice and where she privately ‘goes in a room’ where they gender identity. In terms of gender, legit- ‘caress [her] body’. She is clearly positioned as imised sexual competition continues to priv- an agent here, articulating what is and is not ilege males in the sexual sphere for as long allowed, and her narrative explicitly high- as females are ‘trophies’. Moreover, by re- lights a focus on her own enjoyment. Her regulating feminine sexuality discourses to sexual encounters are governed by ‘rules legitimate compulsory promiscuity, women’s and regulations’, to which men must adhere. autonomy is lessened. The implications for However, when questioned further, it tran- swinging practice means its competitive spires these are not her rules. Though she framing inhibits community ideals that can choose to go clubbing, apparently as a infuse polyamorous ideology, and contra- free sexual agent, her sexual behaviour dicts principles of sharing. The main issue whilst there is restricted and regulated by here is that through Bill’s subjectivity – her partner. She rapidly shifts between arguably influenced by traditional gendered subject and object positioning – a powerful discourses – the liberal logic of swinging is at agent, who dictates the rules, and a passive tension with the gendered way choice is recipient of male regulatory power. Her constrained. This complexity continues to partner permits her sexual freedom, and this construct contested identities which celebra- is constrained by him, even in his absence, tory discourses fail to appreciate. through her own accession to his rules. In another interview, my discussion with These rules protect something implicitly Lindsay became focused on her partner. sacred, which arguably is a relationship I asked whether she was happy with him, and based on mononormative ideals, thus privi- though she was, her ‘great hunger for sex’ (390) leging couple identity.

44 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Discursive constructions of UK swingers’ self-identities and practices in a culturally gendered…

Lindsay ultimately reproduces mononor- especially feminist activist groups. My inten- mativity through discursive self-regulation, tion is neither to reproduce gender, nor to which appears to be influenced by patriar- pathologise swinging, but to illustrate how chal power. From this, the implication means the omnipresence and potency of gender she must practice swinging in a particularly discourses create complexity at intersections monogamous way, which constrains her of swinging and gender. The lynchpin to this autonomy. This image resonates with complexity is the question of who is Young’s (1980) ‘double hesitation’ concept choosing what? when couples challenge in which Young argues there are notable monogamy. embodied gender differences: males move In conclusion, I argue that when domi- with confidence, whereas females are more nant mononormative practices are chal- restrained. For example, when girls throw, lenged, the ideology of sexual liberation they throw hesitantly, which does not neces- presented by various forms of poly relation- sarily reflect less strength, but low confi- ships faces considerable challenge from the dence stemming from social messages about entrenchment of gender discourses, which the gendered use of bodies. So Lindsay is restrict men’s and women’s purported free to swing, but simultaneously inhibited. autonomy and sexual freedom to varying The main issue here is that through degrees. In turn, contested identities are Lindsay’s subjectivity, which is influenced by constructed which celebratory discourses fail male regulatory power, the liberal logic of to consider. This paper is important because swinging is at tension with the gendered way it highlights some of the more intricate and female autonomy is constrained, which problematic complexities that arise within constructs contested identities. Consistent what appears to be a liberatory style of with Bill’s narrative, this is also a complexity relating. Bringing these to light may inform which celebratory discourses fail to appre- further research, or help inform relationship ciate. therapists who encounter difficulties in In sum, Bill reproduces evolutionary swinging couples. However, a limitation of discourses of masculinity and femininity this paper is that participants are between which naturalises swinging as an arena for ages 37 to 55, so I may have a cohort effect male sexual competition in which males are which reflects more modernist views. Much sexually privileged. He also engages evolu- younger swingers may have more post- tionary discourse to produce females with modern views on gender, and may be some- some, but limited agency, which ultimately what less influenced by traditional gendered restrains female autonomy. Lindsay positions discourses. Therefore, future research could herself within two patriarchal structures in focus on younger swingers to explore which she initially objectifies herself in rela- whether and how gender discourses influ- tion to masculine sexuality, and then subjects ence the construction of their swinger self- herself to her partner’s authority. In socially identities. wider terms, the discursive constructions here support institutions of marriage and Correspondence the family, and patriarchal ideology, but Stephen Symons subvert advocates of liberal sexuality, University of Northampton.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 45 Stephen Symons

References Alldred, P. & Burman, E. (2005). Analysing children’s Gillies, V. & Alldred, P. (2012). The ethics of accounts using discourse analysis. In S. Greene & intention: Research as a political tool. In T. D. Hogan (Eds.), Researching children’s experience. Miller, M. Birch, M. Mauthner & J. Jessop (Eds.), Approaches and methods (pp.175–198). London: Ethics in qualitative research (2nd ed.; pp.43–60). Sage. London: Sage. Baker, R.R. & Bellis, M.A. (1993). Human sperm Haritaworn, J., Lin, C. & Klesse, C. (2006). competition: Ejaculate manipulation by females Poly/logue: A critical introduction to polyamory. and a function for the female orgasm. Animal Sexualities, 9(5), 515–529. Behaviour, 46, 887–909. Hollway, W. (1984). Gender difference and the Barker, M. (2005). This is my partner, and this production of subjectivity. In J. Henriques, is my… partner’s partner: Constructing a W. Hollway, C. Urwin, C. Venn & V. Walkerdine polyamorous identity in a monogamous world. (Eds.), Changing the subject (pp.227–262). Journal of Constructivist Psychology, 18(1), 75–88. London: Methuen. Barker, M. & Langdridge, D. (2010a). Whatever Jackson, S. & Scott, S. (2004). The personal is still happened to non-monogamies? Critical political: Heterosexuality, feminism and reflections on recent research and theory. monogamy. Feminism & Psychology, 14(1), Sexualities, 13(6), 748–772. 151–157. Barker, M. & Langdridge, D. (Eds.). (2010b). Under- Klesse, C. (2006). Polyamory and its ‘others’: standing non-monogamies. New York: Routledge. Contesting the terms of non-monogamy. Bergstrand, C. & Williams, J.B. (2000). Today’s Sexualities, 9(5), 565–583. alternative marriage styles: The case of swingers. Oliver, D.G., Serovich, J.M. & Mason, T.L. (2005). Electronic Journal of Human Sexuality, 3. Retrieved Constraints and opportunities with interview from: transcription: Towards reflection in qualitative http://www.ejhs.org/volume3/swing/body.htm research. Social Forces, 84(2), 1273–1289. British Psychological Society (2009). Code of Ethics and Parker, I. (1992). Discourse dynamics: Critical analysis Conduct: Guidance published by the Ethics Committee for social and individual psychology. London: of the British Psychological Society. Retrieved from: Routledge. http://www.bps.org.uk/sites/default/files/ Parker, I. (2005). Qualitative psychology: Introducing documents/code_of_ethics_and_conduct.pdf radical research. Maidenhead: Open University Buss, D.M. (1999). Evolutionary psychology: The new Press. science of the mind. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Ritchie, A. & Barker, M. (2006). ‘There aren’t words Bacon. for what we do or how we feel so we have to make Buss, D.M. (2008). Evolutionary psychology: The new them up’: Constructing polyamorous languages science of the mind (3rd ed.). London: Pearson in a culture of compulsory monogamy. Sexualities, Education. 9(5), 584–601. deVisser, R. & McDonald, D. (2007). Swings and Roberts, M. (2003). Related to bigotry: The repression of roundabouts: Management of jealousy in swingers in early 21st century Britain. London: heterosexual ‘swinging’ couples. British Journal of Libertarian Alliance. Retrieved from: Social Psychology, 46(2), 459–476. www.libertarian.co.uk/lapubs/socin/ Finn, M. & Malson, H. (2008). Speaking of home socin028.pdf truth: (Re)productions of dyadic-containment in Wilbraham, L. (1997). The psychologisation of non-monogamous relationships. British Journal of monogamy in advice columns: Surveillance, Social Psychology, 47, 519–533. subjectivity and resistance. In A. Levett, Foucault, M. (1981). The history of sexuality. Volume 1: A. Kottler, E. Burman & I. Parker (Eds.), Culture, An introduction. New York: Vintage Books. power and difference: Discourse analysis in South (Original work published 1976). Africa (pp.65–82). London: Zed Books. Foucault, M. (1991). Discipline and punish: The birth of Willig, C. (2001). Introducing qualitative research in the prison. London: Penguin. (Original work psychology. Maidenhead: Open University Press. published 1975). Young, I.M. (1980). Throwing like a girl: A phenomenology of feminine body comport- ment motility and spatiality. Human Studies, 3(1), 137–156.

46 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 2013 Postgraduate Prize Winner ADHD: ‘Because you’re worth it’. The marketisation of ADHD to adult women Helen Winter

Drawing on the traditions of discursive psychology and critical discourse analysis this study examined the marketisation of ‘ADHD’ to women in a small sample of online ‘YouTube’ videos. Of specific interest was the constructed and constructive nature of discourse at a ‘micro’ level, with a particular focus on the reification and commodification of the ‘ADHD-product’; and the discursive strategies used to persuade women of the potential benefits of ‘ADHD’ diagnosis and ‘treatment’. The video material analysed represented a combination of first person testimonies from the ‘sufferer’, and the sharing of ‘expertise’ by ‘professionals’. The analytic categories generated told a ‘story’ of the construction and commodification of the ‘ADHD-product’, unproblematically positioned within the biomedical discourse; followed by the active promotion of ‘ADHD’ to women, with strong endorsements for the use of stimulant medication to ‘enhance performance’ and ‘increase one’s potential’. Implications for feminist practice are discussed in light of the analysis.

‘ TTENTION-DEFICIT/HYPER- the diagnosis’ reputation and most data in ACTIVITY DISORDER’ (ADHD)1 is a children, it may be assumed that the adult- A diagnosis which divides opinion and ADHD demographic would be predomi- ignites debate. Some have fought for its recog- nately male. However, many studies have not nition as a legitimate medical disorder (e.g. supported this prediction. Asherson, 2013); others have contested its Simon et al. (2009) conducted a meta- existence and refer to it as a cultural construc- analysis of studies looking at the prevalence tion (e.g. Timimi & Leo, 2009). Regardless, of ADHD amongst adult populations. Their reported prevalence rates continue to general conclusions suggest that, diagnosis increase amongst the child and adolescent and prescription rates are more equally population (Getahun et al., 2013); whilst the distributed in adulthood, with some incorporation of more adult-inclusive criteria countries diagnosing more women than into the DSM-5 ‘sets the stage’ for the adult men. For example, in Italy and New Zealand diagnosis to follow suit (Whitely, 2011). the ADHD population is made up of 86 per According to the DSM-IV (APA, 1994, cent and 83 per cent women, respectively. p.85), the essential feature of ADHD is In an earlier study, Castle et al. (2007) a ‘persistent pattern of inattention and/or analysed a large sample of American phar- hyperactivity-impulsivity that is more fre- maceutical data. The results indicated that, quently displayed and is more severe than is between 2000 and 2005, women demon- typically observed in individuals at compa- strated the highest annual prescription rable level of development’. On the basis of growth rate of any demographic group.

1 Although I use ‘ADHD’ with ‘critical’ intentions, for ease of reading, inverted commas have not been used past this point.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 47 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Helen Winter

Some authors have attributed this demo- ‘social acceptability’. As these discourses are graphic-shift to previously undiagnosed cases hidden they are unquestionable and often so in childhood and the presentation of limiting that some have suggested they ‘pseudo-new’ cases in adulthood (Simon et provide the explanation for many of the al., 2009, p.209). This hypothesis is informed ‘female disorders’, such as postpartum by the assumption that males display ‘their’ depression (Knudson-Martin & Silverstein, ADHD through externalising behaviour 2009); as well as the over representation of whereas girls present with internalising women in many mental health diagnoses behaviour. As such, females only become (Ussher, 2010). ‘symptomatic’ with the introduction of adult According to Ussher (1991), if we do not stressors such as family, work and study attend to the gender differences in psychi- (Bren, 2004). atric diagnoses, then conventional explana- An alternative viewpoint examined soci- tions will continue to be used automatically etal discourses in relation to mental health to ‘categorise, to compartmentalise, to and women. Moncrieff et al. (2011, p.18), control’ (p.104). citing Ussher (1991), suggest that ADHD may be the ‘latest framework offered to Selling sickness: Marketing a medical women through which to express their understanding distress and dissatisfaction’. The authors There’s a lot of money to be made in telling support this by highlighting the increase in healthy people they’re sick. promotional material aimed at women. Moynihan et al. (2002, p.886) Moncrieff et al. (2011) also discuss the According to Moynihan (2005); ‘the first construction of adult ADHD in relation to step in promoting a blockbuster drug is to the market drive of pharmaceutical indus- build the market by raising public awareness tries and the medicalisation of behaviour. about the condition the drug is designed to Specifically they refer to Rose’s (1998) target’ (p.192). This process appears to have concept of the ‘neurochemical self’ and the begun in relation to the promotion of tendency for psychopharmacology research ADHD to women (Moncrieff et al., 2011). to provide only biological explanations for Indeed, Conrad and Potter, (2000) have variations from the norm; thus encouraging related the expansion of the ADHD category people to adopt purely biological descrip- to ‘new markets’ (p.575), popularised via the tions of themselves and ways to act upon rapid transmission of information through themselves. If this is so it may be that women television, internet, and popular literature. are less inclined to consider external soci- etal/relational/familial pressures and The current study instead look for ‘biomedical’ problems Thus far there has been minimal research within themselves. into the construction of the ‘ADHD-woman’ or the multi-media mechanisms through Mental health and women which the ‘disorder’ has been ‘sold’ to Discourses of femininity have been women (Moncrieff et al., 2011). Thus, the described as: aim of this study is to examine on a local (…) sets of shared cultural beliefs and level (cf. McHoul & Rapley, 2005) how practices that construct the meaning of ADHD is being turned into a commodity and ‘woman’, what it is to be a woman, and marketed to women via publically accessible experiences of subjectivity in women. online videos. In the course of making trans- Stoppard, (2000, p. 23) parent these processes I hope to encourage So described, these discourses define and further questions (Foucault, 1977); thus constrain femininity; laying down invisible contributing to ‘social change through barriers in the guise of ‘normality’ and critical analysis’ (Wooffitt, 2005, p.139).

48 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 ADHD: ‘Because you’re worth it’. The marketisation of ADHD to adult women

Methodology subsidiary of Google (Woog, 2009), YouTube Epistemology and methodology currently gains over 800 million new users The analysis was conducted from a micro- each month, with over one trillion views in social-constructionist stance; viewing 2011 (YouTube, 2012). construction as ‘taking place within everyday The data was collated using the simple discourse between people in interaction’ search term ‘ADHD Women’ to ensure the (Burr, 2003, p.21). videos were easily accessible to the general Following the lead of McHoul and Rapley public. The videos selected for analysis were (2005), a hybrid version of discursive those which appeared most consistently psychology (DP) was used; incorporating within the top seven results during the critical discourse analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, census period (September 2011 to July 1995) into a DP framework (Edwards & 2012). The corpus of data represented testi- Potter, 1992). monies of ‘sufferers’ and ‘professionals’ CDA and DP possess broad similarities, discussing the emerging social phenomenon such as a critical stance toward traditional of ‘adult-ADHD-in-women’. psychological research methods (Wooffitt, The full corpus of data was analysed as 2005). However, they also possess subtle yet part of a 28,000 word doctoral thesis. significant differences which may be seen as However, due to the pragmatic limitations of complementary of one another. Specifically, this paper, extracts from three of the videos DP is primarily concerned with ‘how people are presented for analysis here. use discursive resources in order to achieve interpersonal objectives in social interaction’ Procedure (Willig, 2001, p.91, italics in original). In The data was analysed in line with the phases contrast, CDA aims to make transparent the proposed by Potter and Wetherall (1987). relationships between discourse practices, Phase one centred on the identification of social practices and social structures; rela- ‘systemic patterns in the data’ and phase two tionships that might be opaque to the focused on a search for ‘functional effects layperson (Fairclough, 1992). As such, CDA and consequences’ (Tuffin & Howard, 2001, ‘adopts an overt political stance, in terms of p.203). both the kinds of topic it studies and the role The aim was thus to identify the partic- it sees for the results of the research’ (Woof- ular micro-level rhetorical devices that had fitt, 2005, p.139). Thus CDA complements been used whist also attending to the this study as it adds to the ‘how’ by asking themes, concepts and power relations whose interests are being served. In this way embedded within the text (Fairclough, it has been said to function as an interven- 1992). tion ‘on the side of dominated and oppressed groups and against dominating Analysis and initial discussion groups’ (Fairclough & Wodak, 2004, p.358). As previously described, the material presented constitutes part of a larger Description of sample analysis. However, for the purposes of this The internet is now seen as fundamental in paper the analytic subcategory, ‘Increase helping to deliver messages, sell products Your Potential’ has been selected due to its and promote action; making it a valuable particular relevance to the ‘psychology of avenue of analysis (Conrad & Potter, 2000; women’. Norris & Lloyd, 2000). As such I elected to This analysis focuses on women’s promo- maintain a focus on electronic resources; tion of stimulants as a means via which one choosing to select my corpus of data from may ‘increase potential’ and ‘enhance the online video search engine YouTube performance’. The focus on drugs was an (www.youtube.com). Operating as a integral component in the marketisation-of-

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 49 Helen Winter

ADHD-to-women, which also included: (1) the describe having the flu; it possesses a physical biomedical construction of the ‘ADHD- disease status (Szasz, 1971) and encourages woman’; (2) persuasion to view performance the action of getting ‘medicated’ (line 3). through the lens of ‘attentional deficits’; (3) Medication is consequently promoted as a ‘realisation’ of the ‘life-improving’ qualities life-changing and positive for business. These of ADHD; and (4) the fight for diagnosis. descriptions draw on the rhetoric of extreme- The data represents testimonial extracts case-formulations (Pomerantz, 1986), which of three ‘ADHD-sufferers’; ‘Luciana’ (a self- are designed to be dramatic and persuasive proclaimed business woman), ‘Brooke’ as they construct an outcome as significantly (a college student) and Dr Walker different from the norm. (a ‘psychotherapist’ and ‘ADHD expert’)2. In Extract 2, Luciana uses the rhetorical device of active voicing (Hepburn, 2003; Increase your potential Wooffitt, 2005) to present the views and The testimonies presented in the extracts all impressions of her colleagues as corrobo- support the dominant biomedical discourse rating her depiction of the difficulties she of ADHD; as well as the need for medical faced pre-medication. This also creates a shift intervention to alleviate the ‘symptoms’. The in footing (Dickerson, 1997; Potter, 1996), as witnessing of the ‘benefits’ of ADHD diag- Luciana becomes merely the reporter of her nosis and treatment is aided by the rhetoric employee’s opinions; which helpfully corrob- of category entitlement (Potter, 1996). This orate her own story. device works to enhance the reality and truth of a claim, as the narrator is seen to speak Extract: 2 from a position of assumed knowledge 16 ‘hey, you know, Luciana, you need to and/or experience. get some ADHD Luciana talks with energy and enthu- 17 medicine, because you can’t focus on siasm about the positive effects of the stimu- what you want us to lant drug ‘Adderall’ (Extract 1). However, a 18 do, and, y-you have a hundred things link from her YouTube-page redirects the going at the same time, audience to a website for ‘Adderall-alterna- 19 and em, you can’t, err, channel all your tives’; raising questions over Luciana’s posi- energy so…’ tion as a ‘neutral consumer’. Luciana Luciana also explicitly connects her Extract: 1 increased ‘potential’ with taking the drug. 2 And, today I’m gonna talk about Attention Deficit Disorder, Extract: 3 3 because I definitely have it. And, 26 I feel like my potential has sky-rocketed I finally got medicated, now that, erm, 4 which is something that has really 27 I’m on medication. changed my life. And has, Luciana 5 erm, been very positive for my Luciana constructs her difficulties within the business. dominant biomedical discourse providing a Luciana narrative of abnormality. The rhetorical Luciana begins her blog by succinctly and device of a narrative form of accounting (Potter, unproblematically presenting ADHD in its 1996) can also be seen to be at work here. reified form; ‘I definitely have it’ (line 3) This involves the linking together of events (Potter, 1996). Her description of having into a sequence, in a way that implies ADHD is synonymous with the way one may causality. This device works to increase the

2 All names have been anonymised.

50 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 ADHD: ‘Because you’re worth it’. The marketisation of ADHD to adult women plausibility of an account. Luciana’s argu- to facilitate concentration, but avoid caffeine ment runs thus (Harper, 2004): at other times due to migraines. There are I have ADHD > I had difficulty focussing and also parallels here with recreational drug channelling energy > employees noticed and use, whereby the user is not ‘addicted’ but commented on this > employees provided rather they are pursuing a ‘temporary but encouragement to get ADHD medication > potent altered state of consciousness’ (Page I finally got medicated > medication changed & Singer, 2010, p.9). my life > medication has been positive for my Below, Dr Walker speaks about her own business > my potential has sky-rocketed. experience of ADHD and the positive impact The taken-for-granted assumption inherent the medication has had on her home life. in this narrative is that ADHD exists as a legit- imate medical disorder. Proof of this Extract: 5 construction is taken from the reported 24 Erm, I also noticed that, if I cook, coz I improvements in Luciana’s symptoms after love to cook, I can taking Adderall. However, correlation does not 25 actually clean the kitchen afterwards, imply causation (Utts, 2004) and it would, which has been, like therefore, be circumstantial to make such a 26 monumental, because I cook and I just claim (McKay, 2000). As discussed by Leo and like leave it because, Lacasse (2009), it is well documented that 27 y’know I don’t like to do all the ADHD stimulants improve attention span, detailed work. Erm, also I can along with other stimulant drugs like 28 read through something all the way caffeine; but there is little evidence that they through the first time and have beneficial effects in the long-term, or 29 know what it says. And before I would effects on any presumed underlying read a paragraph, pathology that is independent of these estab- 30 have to go back and read it again, lished psychoactive effects (Moncrieff, 2009). because by the time I got Similarly to caffeine, however, there is a 31 to the end of the page I was like what discourse surrounding ADHD medication did I just read? that would imply one could use the drugs in 32 So medication’s really helped in those a similar way. For example, Brooke, in aspects of life Extract 4 states: Dr Walker Dr Walker, within her professional remit as a Extract: 4 ‘psychotherapist’, writes and broadcasts for a 125 And I only take it on days that are very popular ADHD magazine. Hence the rhetor- academically ical device of category entitlement (Potter, 126 demanding. Because there are side- 1996) is relevant, not only due to her effects and they’re presumed knowledge in the area as an 127 not fun. ‘ADHD-patient’; but also as a ‘doctor’ Brooke specialising in ADHD. Thus, it may be In comparison to a ‘typical’ relationship to hypothesised that a key concern for Dr prescription drugs for a ‘biomedical condi- Walker would be to establish the legitimacy tion’; Brooke suggests here that the drugs of ADHD and the positive effects of the are a ‘means to an end’. They help her with medication, in order to protect her ‘identity’ her academic work; enhancing performance as well as her career and credibility as a on ‘days that are very academically known ‘ADHD-expert’. This is achieved in demanding’ (lines 125–126). However, Extract 5 via the use of the rhetorical device because she does not like the side effects, she of contrast (Boyett, 2008) whereby Dr Walker chooses when to take the drugs; in a similar favourably compares her medicated life with manner as one might choose to drink coffee her life pre-diagnosis and treatment.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 51 Helen Winter

Dr Walker chooses examples which, by I propose that the adult-female-population their ubiquity, effectively democratise access may also be critically conceptualised as to the ADHD label; needing to re-read para- ‘requires medication to achieve ‘super- graphs as one’s mind has wandered (line woman status’’. Thus, in the same way that 31); feeling reluctant to clean up the kitchen stimulants have been used to increase after cooking (line 27); each example, children’s academic standards (Leo & demonstrating how ADHD medication can Lacasse, 2009); women may now be provide a ‘quick-fix’ ‘in those aspects of life’ medicated to ensure they demonstrate (line 32). Indeed, in the ‘comments’ section optimum performance in every area of their of this video one user writes: ‘the dishes! OH lives. MY GOD! it’s always the dishes!’ (sic) to Feminist authors have written about the which Dr Walker responds: relationship between a patriarchal society I have to unload and load the dishwasher and women’s use of substances (Ettorre, today, and I have done everything else on my 1994). If women fail to qualify as ‘super- ‘to do’ list except that. lol Maybe ‘dishwasher woman’ then they are encouraged to look dysfunction’ should be added to the DSM for a solution; the material used in this study diagnostic criteria for ADHD. would suggest the clandestine marketing of The ADHD ‘product’ appears to have been stimulant medication has offered an marketed to women via personal endorse- appealing resolution to such ‘deficiency’ in ments and testimonials of both ‘profes- performance. sionals’ and ‘sufferers’. Contrary to what may typically be thought of as science; ‘the world Implications for feminist practice of facts’ (Potter, 2006, p.17) with a reliance Empowering and educating women on evidence-based practice; this analysis would In discussing the discourses of femininity, suggest ADHD may be more appropriately Stoppard (2000) described the way women defined by the context of its emergence, as a continue to be judged against old ideas of commercial ‘product’ with an identified what it is to be ‘female’ as well as now female ‘market’. The impact of this is needing to be successful career-women and explored in more detail below. look eternally young and attractive. Ussher (1991) also described the ‘discourse of Further discussion and conclusions madness’ which ‘serves to divert attention ‘Desperate Housewives’ vs. ‘Superwomen’ away from the problems within society, ‘Failing to finish household chores’, appears focussing attention onto the individual, who in the DSM-5 as a symptom of adult-ADHD is suffering only as a direct result of societal (APA, 2012, p.1). In the videos, medication pressures’ (p.148). As long as these was promoted as a way overcoming such discourses are hidden they also remain difficulties, as well as supporting academic unquestioned. By consistently engaging and occupational success. In the UK, 69 per women in conversations as outlined above, cent of women are in paid employment these limiting discourses may be brought to (Office for National Statistics, 2012); the surface, deconstructed and challenged. however, 92 per cent still complete all the Some would argue, however, that this household tasks. Gill (2007) suggests that, work should move away from individual for women, ‘carrying out a double-day is conversations, placing more emphasis on a rendered invisible by the superwoman drive for social action (Ettorre, 1994). imagery’ (p.97) of ‘having it all’. In relation to ADHD, the child popula- Lobbying for change and political action tion has been critically conceptualised as: ADHD is consonant with the consumerist ‘Requires medication to progress academi- and competitive values of a late capitalist cally’ (Rogers & Mancini, 2010, p.87). society. It both pathologises underperfor-

52 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 ADHD: ‘Because you’re worth it’. The marketisation of ADHD to adult women mance (Conrad & Potter, 2000) and under- Final reflections productivity; and offers a solution in the This paper has highlighted some of the form of stimulant drugs. Moreover, the rhetorical tropes used to persuade women of ADHD-model appears to produce an identity the ‘currency’ of ADHD in helping to that favours the interests of both the ‘conquer’ the multiple demands and respon- psy-complex and pharmaceutical companies. sibilities of the modern-day ‘superwomen’ In bringing such discourses and devices to (Wilkinson & Kitzinger, 1996). ADHD has the surface, they may subsequently be chal- been offered, indeed promoted, to women lenged and revealed as ‘a ‘practical moral as a formulation of their ‘underperfor- enterprise’ (Coulter, 1979, p.151), that mance’ and a ‘key’ to the solution (Conrad requires democratic participation and & Potter, 2000). control’ (Moncrieff, 2010). Szasz (1971) argues that it is the classifi- According to Ettorre (1994), an impor- cation and diagnosis of behaviours that tant focus for action would be to raise public result in the individual being ‘scapegoated’ awareness of the relationship between patri- by an oppressive society. Moreover, with archal society and women’s use of ‘treatment’, potentially stigmatised women substances. A starting point might then be to are promised a means via which they may be begin publishing relevant critical literature brought back into the fold. Issues of social in more high-profile, mainstream journals or inequalities and power are notably absent in popular media outlets (Leo & Lecasse, each of the videos, with only the ‘neuro- 2009). We could also take a more assertive chemical self’ (Rose, 1998) left available for approach in utilising social media and manipulation and modification. networking platforms (e.g. YouTube, Face- It has been particularly remarkable to book, Twitter) to disseminate alternative note that a ‘disorder’ which was once consid- discourses of female distress. This could ered almost entirely limited to boys (Timimi, involve constructing alternative YouTube 2005), is now being readily applied to material, about ‘ordinary’ pressures and women. This further reinforces the notion ‘ordinary’ responses; devoid of the need for that ADHD is serving as yet another means labels, medication or the involvement of the via which women may reframe their discon- ‘psy-complex’. tent (Moncrieff et al., 2011). Meanwhile, More generally, attention needs to be stimulants look ready to compete with anti- paid to lobbying websites such as YouTube; depressants as the next chemical panacea, or requesting stricter regulations on the covert ‘mothers-little-helper’. promotional material used, noting the ille- gality of Direct to Consumer Advertising in Correspondence the UK (WHO, 2009). Helen Winter [email protected]

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 53 Helen Winter

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Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 55 Article Should I stay or should I go? Intersectionality, feminist methodologies and research on/with others Megan Chawansky

The notion of intersectionality is considered to be one of the most important contributions made to social theory by the discipline of women’s studies. Described variously as a theory, method, concept, lens, and analytic, it contends that one ought to attend to the various ways in which multiple identity categories (e.g. race, class, sexuality, and gender) interact to impact individual lives and the lives of similarly-situated groups. Despite its relatively stable and widely-embraced premise, persistent debates and questions surround intersectionality and continue to inspire critical attention by scholars of gender and women. This article recounts some of the persistent debates and questions to inspire further consideration on intersectionality within discussions of feminist methodology. It demonstrates the utility and tensions of the theory/method through illustrative examples of how intersectionality operates within sport for development and peace (SDP) research. Keywords: Intersectionality; sport; methodology; development.

Frédérique Apffel-Marglin is Professor of Anthropology at Smith College, where she directs the Center for Mutual Learning (CML). She has done fieldwork in Eastern India for 25 years, publishing several books based on this work, but gave up fieldwork in 1992 for ethical/political reasons. (Saunders, 2002, p.xi)

CAME ACROSS the biographical note Development and Peace’ (SDP) research listed above as I prepared a grant applica- and work five years ago. The subset of sport Ition that requested funding to travel to programming that is considered a part of the India and study a girl-focussed ‘sport for transnational SDP movement seeks to capi- development’ programme. In a text on post- talise on the instrumental value of sport and development thought, I was not surprised to to use sport as a means through which to read that a scholar had decided to cease teach lessons on teamwork, goal-setting, fieldwork in light of ethical concerns, but it respect, and conflict resolution. SDP did make me pause and reflect on my situa- programmes usually, but not always, take tion and research aspirations. The unre- place in lower-to-middle-income countries solved questions I persistently struggle with (LMIC) and attempt to align with more came to the forefront of my mind: Why did I traditional international development initia- want to go to India? Was I ‘qualified’ to do tives. Despite limited evidence to document research there with/on others? Was I suited success, the low-cost and UN-support of SDP to represent the lives and stories given to me initiatives means that more come into exis- by the girls in my proposed project? Why was tence every year. Increasingly, SDP seek to I not researching the ‘underserved’ girls attend to the needs and issues faced by girls within my own community? These particular in LMIC, and these programmes in partic- questions and related ones troubled me ular raise a number of important questions from the moment I entered into ‘Sport for for me, notably: what theoretical and

56 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Should I stay or should I go? methodological tools are available to guide From theorising intersectionality to my research questions and plans? doing intersectionality When I began working in the SDP field, Kimberlé Crenshaw, UCLA Professor of Law, I did not enter with unbridled enthusiasm is often credited as the originator of the term about the possibility of sport for social good. intersectionality (McCall, 2005). Crenshaw’s I had recently finished my PhD in the area of writing utilised an analysis of intersectional sport, had degrees in women’s studies, and identities to examine and better understand had meandered through the ups and downs the experiences of women of colour in of my own high-level sporting career. employment (Crenshaw, 1989) and in I (thought I) knew too much about the nega- domestic violence (Crenshaw, 1991). The tives of sport, of gender politics, neocolo- term itself appeared in the title of Cren- nialism, and tensions around the notion of a shaw’s (1991) article which explored the global feminism to enter the field with any ways in which feminist or anti-racist models false hopes of sport being a bridge across all and understandings of domestic violence left social barriers. I was not naïve, but nor was women of colour out of the discussion, and I unaffected when I faced criticism in light of subsequently bereft of services, policy, and my American, Western woman, and mzungu theorising. Though considered a legal (the White person) status. Despite the chal- scholar, Crenshaw’s (1991) intersectional lenges, occasional ambivalence and uncer- analysis explored the ways in which the expe- tainty I feel at times, I am committed to riences of women of colour were omitted in better understanding the sports program- legal, as well as structural, political, and ming that is being done in the name of girls’ representational contexts. As such, her work empowerment. This inevitably requires me provided an example of the ways in which to travel and meet with participants in a the theory or model of intersectionality research setting. In this article, I attempt to could be utilised on multiple fronts. While articulate the complexities my struggles as a Crenshaw (1991) claimed that ‘intersection- scholar interested in researching (other) girls’ ality is not being offered [here] as some new and women’s experiences with sport and totalising theory of identity’ (p.1244), recent physical culture. I do this by turning atten- work by scholars writing in education (Cole, tion to the SDP field to highlight issues of 2009), public health (Bowleg, 2008), ethnog- gender, nation, sexuality, race, and Global raphy (Mazzei & O’Brien, 2009), political North/Global South collaborations and science (Hancock, 2007; Yuval-Davis, 2007), partnerships. I begin with a thorough discus- geography (Valentine, 2007), international sion of the concept of intersectionality as a development (Baines, 2010), and psychology way of locating the work I do within some (Warner, 2008), suggests that its utility as a larger theoretical and methodological theory is still quite strong and straddles disci- debates. The belief in the import of inter- plinary boundaries. Knapp (2005) notes that sectionality underpins many of the concerns the staying power of intersectionality under- I possess with respect to research on/with scores the way in which it offers ‘a way out of others; I know that I may be linked to my the impasses of identity politics in theory research participants by my gender and production while maintaining feminism’s understanding of sport, but I am also sepa- political impetus’ (p.255). Its longevity can rated by many other factors. The method- also be attributed to its ability to provide a ological application of intersectionality is response to one of the foundational less clear, and much of this article will offer concerns within feminism: how to acknowl- more questions than a fixed answer to edge and address diversity among women my question of how one ‘does’ SDP (Davis, 2008). Within sport studies, the research with attention to the spirit of inter- premise of intersectionality is nearly fully sectionality. embraced with scholars such as McDonald

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 57 Megan Chawansky and Birrell (1999) (see also Birrell & subjects of research utilising intersection- McDonald, 2000) arguing for and demon- ality. Does its origins in Black feminist strating the utility of considering multiple thought, its inherent critique of research axes of power within their work. Even those and theorising which leaves out women of who do not necessarily ‘do’ intersectional color, and the understanding that most do analyses at least see fit to purport that their not ‘regard intersectionality as a neutral work attends to this theoretical premise. As term’ (McCall, 2005, p.1771) demand that Knapp (2005) remarks, scholars often incor- intersectionality focus on foregrounding the porate the ‘race-class-gender, etc., moral experiences of women of colour? Some mantra’ into written work to communicate would answer in the affirmative, and as that, ‘I’m well informed’ and ‘I’m politically Bruening (2005) argues, sport research still correct’ without articulating how this partic- needs this cajoling because too often the ular theoretical understanding of identities experiences of Black women are not informs their work theoretically and included. In this instance, intersectionality methodologically (p.255). This issue is can be imparted as both a political and attended to in more detail below. analytical tool to speak to these omissions. Foremost, however, it is important to Nash (2008), however, is concerned about note that though Crenshaw (1989, 1991) the unintended consequences of intersec- may have coined the term, many scholars tionality’s ‘theoretical reliance’ on Black correctly note that the sentiment behind it women’s experiences (p.8). In particular, appears in several important Black feminist Nash (2008) suggests that this reliance texts from the 1970s and 1980s, most notably proves problematic on two fronts: it treats the Combahee River Collective statement, Black women as ‘unitary and monolithic’ produced in 1977. The Combahee River subjects, obscuring differences ‘between Collective statement, written by a collective Black women’, and it does little to advance of self-identified Black feminists, critiqued Black feminist thought (pp.8–9). Further- the inability of the ‘women’s’ movement to more, Nash (2008) suggests that intersec- articulate a vision that accounted for and tionality projects ‘continue(s) in the addressed multiple identities and the various tradition of Black feminism’ without articu- realities of women. As such, it delivered a lating a clear understanding of how it differs significant challenge to the utility of identity from previously completed work in the area politics at the time and provided a new (p.9). In some ways, then, it may be seen to conceptual model for considering and better stymie new theoretical evolutions within understanding diversity among women. Black feminist thought. Intersectionality’s connection to Black femi- Nash’s (2008) concerns raise additional nist thought and its primary interest in the questions. If intersectionality’s over-reliance intersection of race and gender demanded on Black women as subjects might and created space for the experiences of contribute to ancillary problems, and if all Black women to be included and theorised. people have intersections of identity, can any For some, this over-reliance on Black women person or any group can be studied via inter- as subjects/objects of intersectionality raises sectionality? Or must they be considered to political, methodological, and theoretical possess marginalised identities to remain issues. I summarise and review this issue and true to the politicised beginnings of inter- several others below with the hope of better sectionality? These questions are necessarily teasing out the tensions that exist around related to larger questions about more intersectionality. recent forays into studies of Whiteness, One of the persistent questions within masculinities, and heterosexual identities, discussions of intersectionality relates to the and in the context of discussions on inter- question of who or what can be objects/ sectionality, these types of questions persist

58 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Should I stay or should I go? and require one to consider the larger the most significant ‘theoretical contribu- political issues underpinnings of research tion’ by the field of women’s studies questions and purpose. Within the literature (p.1771). Her work attempts to identify and on sport studies, the question seems unre- describe three ways that scholars manage the solved as scholars have used the premise of complexities of multiple analytical cate- intesectionality (though not necessarily the gories within their research, calling them: word itself) to explore both the white anticategorical, intracategorical, and inter- masculinity of US baseball player, Nolan categorical. If imaging these three Ryan (Trujillo, 2000) and the ethnicity and approaches on a continuum, McCall (2005) heterosexuality of US golfer, Nancy Lopez places ‘intracategorical complexity’ in the (Jamieson, 2000). middle, as it ‘acknowledges the stable and Part of the issue refers back to the impre- even durable relationships that social cate- ciseness of the term’s current use. Nash gories represent at any given point in time, (2009) suggests that the term intersection- though it also maintains a critical stance ality has moved from its original usage and toward categories’ (p.1774). Scholars has since been used ‘as an anti-exclusion tool imparting this method for addressing the that foregrounds the experiences of women complexities of identities frequently high- of color, as a political strategy for combating light cases or groups that exist ‘at neglected oppression, and as a sophisticated analytic points of intersections’ (ibid., p.1774). grappling with how race, gender, class and Newhall and Buzuvis (2008) provide a recent sexuality intersect to shape experiences of example of this strategy within the realm of identity and oppression’ (p.588). Others see sport studies via their exploration of the it as a ‘concept or heuristic device, and still Harris vs. Portland lawsuit wherein former others see it as a reading strategy for doing Pennsylvania State University basketball feminist analysis’ (Davis, 2008, p.68). In all coach, Rene Portland, was sued by a former its myriad forms and incarnations, intersec- member of the university’s women’s basket- tionality’s core offering remains consistent; it ball team, Jennifer Harris, who alleged that critiques social theories which attempt to her dismissal from the team was tied to understand difference and diversity via addi- sexual orientation discrimination and racial tive or parallel models. Intersectionality discrimination by Portland. Newhall and claims that these approaches fail to accu- Buzuvis (2008) examined media coverage of rately capture the complexities and the real- the lawsuit and suggest that media’s consid- ities of the lived experiences and suggests erable attention to the sexual orientation that key elements of social identity are best angle of this case effectively erased both the understood at their points of convergence, racial discrimination claim as well as discus- so that the ways in which different systems of sions of race as they intersect and interface social stratification commingle might be with expectations of gender and sexual acknowledged, better understood, and orientation. They attempt to address this addressed. In some ways, the ambiguity with oversight by examining how various sources which intersectionality is understood and ‘address, both separately and together, issues applied stunts not only the advancement of of sex and gender, sexual orientation, and Black feminist thought but also any research race’ (ibid., p.346). that endeavours a comprehensive and Despite McCall’s (2005) efforts, the prob- complete analysis. lems with ‘doing’ intersectionality research is Despite – or because of – the ambiguity that no one is quite sure exactly how to do it, surrounding intersectionality, the theory or, for that matter, how to ‘do’ it well. This continues to attract attention both within concern is one of the most frequently and outside of women’s studies. McCall debated among feminist academics (Davis, (2005) describes intersectionality as possibly 2008, p.75). Questions persist regarding how

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 59 Megan Chawansky many and which particular identities must be larly engaging practitioners and scholars in included within an analysis that rests upon the field) allows me to regularly confront the tenets of intersectionality. Others situations that call for intersectional wonder if an intersectional analysis must analyses. Further, I am keenly aware of the necessarily focus on oppressive interplays or way in which the ‘nonprofit industrial if it might be a useful construct from within complex’ encourages SDP practitioners to which to theorise intersections that might be ‘package themselves [and their beneficial. The debates over how to do inter- programmes] as slick, business-minded, sectionality-informed research and analyses ‘culturally competent’ professionals’ to exists primarily outside the realm of sport secure funding necessary for their continu- studies, and therefore one of the aims of this ance (Luft & Ward, 2009, p.24). Much like article is to bring these conversations to the scholars Knapp (2005) calls out for examples within a transnational sport studies accessing the ‘race-class-gender, etc., moral topic for further discussion and refinement. mantra’ (p.255) into their written work In so doing, I invariably support Davis’s without a clear description as to how this is (2008) assertion that the persistent ques- done, many SDP programmes lack a cohe- tions and continuous scholarly engagement sive programme theory for how they actually with intersectionality bespeaks its success as a deliver on their well-meaning intentions of (feminist) theory. addressing intersectionality. My first sugges- tion for incorporating intersectionality into Intersectionality in SDP research the field of SDP research, then, is actually The celebration of the possibilities of sport less about using it as a methodological and of individual programmes is only begin- approach, and more about framing and ning to be matched by critical engagement documenting the work that is already being with the visions, outcomes, delivery, and done though this perspective. management of such programmes. The The theory of intersectionality also allows steadfast belief in the potential for SDP one to understand how certain identities or programming reflects a primary and some- discourses can become subsumed within times uncritical faith in the instrumental both understandings of individual and move- value of sport that has been critiqued by ments as a whole. Within SDP academic liter- scholars such as Black (2010) for replicating ature, the issue of sexual identity remains errors found in other development initia- largely out of view, though I would argue tives. My aim here is not to review previous that this is one of the fundamental themes work on the topic, but instead to highlight that the movement as a whole seeks to select research to not only illustrate the ways address. From SDP programmes that deal in which intersectionality might be utilised with HIV/AIDS to those which seek to advise within the field, but hopefully convince girls on sexual and reproductive health, readers that bringing an intersectional curriculums on sexual behaviours is largely approach to all elements of theorising in the visible, though the discussions of the ways in SDP world is essential for thinking through which sexual identities merge with behav- the complex issues the field presents. iours and intersect with other identities is I understand that the current absence of limited. Therefore, I would encourage SDP (formal) evidence of intersectionality within researchers and scholars to begin to unpack SDP research does not necessarily suggest the ways in which discourses of ‘appropriate’ evidence of absence of the need for it. (hetero-) sexuality intersect with other iden- Though intersectional analyses may not be tities to pervade the SDP movement, yet very currently available within the extant SDP rarely appear in the literature (an exception academic literature, my time in the field as a would be Forde, 2008). Further, I would SDP practitioner (and as one who is regu- encourage those interested in the study of

60 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Should I stay or should I go? interns/practitioners in the field to build on Intersectionality, the idea that ‘one the important work of Darnell (2010) to cannot reduce identity to a summary of the consider the ways in which the sexualities of social groups to which a person belongs’ and individuals in the field intersect with their rather must examine the ways in which racial and gendered subjectivities. Finally, ‘these social groups interact with each other while the SDP movement as a whole has to create specific manifestations’ (Warner, been studied and critiqued as a neo-colo- 2008, p.454) is understood on a theoretical nialist and imperialist intervention, it has and practical level but less so on a method- been less studied as a ‘gendered, racialised, ological level. This is likely related to the few classed [and] heteronormative’ movement resources available which explore either how (Baines, 2010, p.119). Intersectionality to ‘do’ or how to assess research that claims reminds us that these elements are equally as to embrace intersectionality. The suggestions relevant in shaping the aims, objectives and I offer above about how to include the outcomes of the movement. premise of intersectionality within SDP research offer several examples of how to use Conclusion the theoretical underpinnings of the Increasingly, research which aspires to better approach. That said, the practical ‘doing’ of understand human subjects is not consid- intersectionality in the field remains a bit ered complete unless it can demonstrate elusive for me and is not adequately adequate attention to the interplay of identi- addressed within this review. If/when I travel ties such as race, ethnicity, class, gender, to India to research girls’ experiences in sexuality, and ability status. Similarly, articles sport for development programmes, I intend and texts on conducting research and to return with more insights into the appli- research methodologies within the realm of cation of intersectionality as a method. I will sport studies, and outside of it, consistently also likely bring more political and ethical remind scholars of the importance of issues that may convince me that it is better attending to issues of multiple and inter- to stay than to go. locking identities within their work. Certainly attempting to understand the Correspondence complex interplay of various social identities Megan Chawansky as opposed to weighing their respective diffi- [email protected] culties or trying to ‘add up’ identities (e.g. girls who are non-white and disabled are doubly oppressed) is a relatively new contri- bution to social theory, and one that still warrants critical debate, attention, and refinement from scholars located outside the realm of sport sociology.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 61 Megan Chawansky

References Baines, D. (2010). Gender mainstreaming in a Knapp, G. (2005). Race, class, gender: Reclaiming development project: Intersectionality in a post- baggage in fast travelling theories. European colonial un-doing? Gender, Work and Organisation, Journal of Women’s Studies, 12(3), 249–265. 17(2), 119–149. Luft, R.E. & Ward, J. (2009). Toward an inter- Birrell, S. & McDonald, M.G. (2000). Reading sport: sectionality just out of reach: Confronting Critical essays on power and representation. Boston, challenges to intersectional practice. In V. Demos MA: Northeastern University Press. & M. Segal (Eds.), Advances in gender research: Black, D. (2010). The ambiguities of development: Perceiving gender locally, globally and intersectionally Implications for ‘Development Through Sport’. (pp.9–37). Bingley, UK: Emerald Group Sport in Society, 13(1), 121–129. Publishing Ltd. Bowleg, L. (2008). When Black + Lesbian + Woman = Mazzei, J. & O’Brien, E.E. (2009). You got it, so when Black Lesbian Woman: The methodological do you flaunt it? Building rapport, inter- challenges of qualitative and quantitative sectionality, and the strategic deployment of intersectionality research. Sex Roles, 59, 312–325. gender in the field. Journal of Contemporary Bruening, J.E. (2005). Gender and racial analysis in Ethnography, 38(3), 358–383. sport: Are all the women White and all the Blacks McCall, L. (2005). The complexity of inter- men? Quest, 57, 330–349. sectionality. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Cole, B. (2009). Gender, narratives and inter- Society, 30(3), 1771–1800. sectionality: Can personal experience McDonald, M.G. & Birrell, S. (1999). Reading sport approaches to research contribute to ‘Undoing critically: A methodology for interrogating Gender’? International Review of Education, 55, power. Sociology of Sport Journal, 16, 283–300. 561–578. Nash, J.C. (2008). Re-thinking intersectionality. Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalising the inter- Feminist Review, 89, 1–15. section of race and sex: A Black feminist critique Newhall, K.E. & Buzuvis, E.E. (2008). (e)Racing of anti-discrimination doctrine, feminist theory Jennifer Harris: Sexuality and race, law and and anti-racist politics. University of Chicago Legal discourse in Harris vs. Portland. Journal of Sport & Forum, 139–67. Social Issues, 32(4), 345–368. Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Saunders, K. (Ed.) (2002). Feminist post-development Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence thought. London: Zed Books. against women of colour. Stanford Law Review, Trujillo, N. (2000). Hegemonic masculinity on the 43(6), 1241–7129. mound. In S. Birrell & M.G. McDonald (Eds.), Darnell, S.C. (2010). Sport, race and bio-politics: Reading sport: Critical essays on power and represen- Encounters with difference in ‘Sport for tation (pp.14–39). Boston, MA: Northeastern Development and Peace’ internships. Journal of University Press. Sport and Social Issues. Valentine, G. (2007). Theorising and researching Davis, K. (2008). Intersectionality as buzzword. intersectionality: A challenge for feminist Feminist Theory, 9(1), 67–85. geography. The Professional Geographer, 59(1), Forde, S. (2008). Playing by their rules. Kenya: Moving 10–21. the Goalposts. Warner, L.R. (2008). A best practices guide to Hancock, A. (2007). When multiplication doesn’t intersectional approaches in psychological equal quick addition: Examining inter- research. Sex Roles, 59, 454–463. sectionality as a research paradigm. Perspectives on Yuval-Davis, N. (2007). Intersectionality, citizenship Politics, 5(1), 63–79. and contemporary politics of belonging. Jamieson, K. (2000). Reading Nancy Lopez. Critical Review of International Social and Political In S. Birrell & M.G. McDonald (Eds.), Reading Philosophy, 10(4), 561–574. sport: Critical essays on power and representation (pp.144–165). Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press.

62 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Commentary The construction of Gender Dysphoria at ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’ Zowie Davy

N THE American Psychiatric Associa- from clinical care and training to clinical tion’s (APA) website the Diagnostic and research (Zucker, 2010b). Moreover, OStatistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Zucker’s conference talk, ‘The Science and 5th edition (DSM-5), is promoted as the ‘most Politics of DSM-5’ (Zucker, 2013) invoked comprehensive, current, and critical these conceptual frameworks. Zucker’s resource for clinical practice available to intriguing first presentation slide read: today’s mental health clinicians and ‘Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac (Henry researchers of all orientations’ (American Kissinger, 1973).’ This was followed by a slide Psychiatric Association, 2012a). The manual illustrating the sum of publications Zucker is ‘comprehensive,’ indeed; it has grown in and the other Chairs of the DSM-5 working size since its first edition to over 900 pages in groups had published accompanied by its current DSM-5 incarnation. We could Zucker’s remarks that these publications argue as Farley, the former president of the were part of the reason why they were American Psychological Association, does selected by the APA’s Board of Trustees that the DSM authors are contributing to an (BOT) and as Chairs of their respective work increase in ‘the relentless production of groups. This generated in me a sense that disorders and pathologising of normal power and evidence were tangled, and that extremes’ (Gornall, 2013, no page no.) and conflicting positions of power were being the facilitating of mental illnesses. In played out in a number of domains, prof- response to the publication of the DSM-5, a iting from many tactical partnerships two-day conference at the University of (Foucault, 1998 [1984]): the BOT, the Cambridge took place: ‘Classifying Sex: contributors to the working groups, the Debating DSM-5’, at which discussants academe and in some cases the (parents of) debated the potential impact of the manual’s patients themselves through data from the criteria for pathological, paraphilic and by clinics. default ‘normal’ sexualities, gender identi- Kissinger’s quotation was not spoken to ties, and psychiatric practice. The delegates by Zucker; thus, I understood the first slide, considered amongst many other topics the rightly or wrongly, simultaneously as an role of power and evidence, at least that is admittance of the jouissance he sustains from how I understood many of the contributions the relative power he has over the (gender to the debate. and sexual) lives of many and an in-joke for The panel that I was invited to contribute the benefit of his colleagues and allies. For to featured Kenneth Zucker (Chair of the me the joke was at best veiled, banal, lasciv- Sexual and Gender Identity Disorders work- ious humour. Zucker’s attempts at humour group of DSM-5) to whom I was to critically lasted throughout his talk, sometimes respond. In this reflective commentary succeeding, sometimes failing to arouse a I would like to focus on power and evidence titter. Whilst the ‘humour’ flowed I was because Zucker has previously described the consistently drawn to the fact that we should DSM’s international influence as spreading not be laughing at these quips due to the

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 63 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Zowie Davy power that is constantly asserted over to be included in the final product. Whilst people’s bodies by sexologists and psychia- this may be true, the influence of his and his trists in conjunction with those influenced by colleagues’ work is visible between pages 423 and those in partnership with the DSM, such and 459 of the latest edition of the DSM as the police, law courts, civil courts and so (American Psychiatric Association, 2013), on. Those that laughed, to my mind, should even though there are no references cited. have been more aware that the DSM in some In a dissenting piece about the BOT not jurisdictions can act as an agent of law, with including hebephilia (sexual attraction to grave potentials, as the ‘warning’ from pubescent children) in the DSM-5, Blan- psychiatrist and APA historian Zilboorg chard (2013) also suggested that the power suggests: of inclusion lay at the feet of the APA’s BOT. ‘a medical discipline which is still young He stated: that he had to remove from any and vigorous and ambitious enough to be public forum an adventurous, and yet is already mature ‘‘insider’s view’ of specific people, events, enough to become a factor in almost or APA politics connected with that every walk of our daily life: as human decision. All members of DSM-5 Work beings, as citizens, as men-in-the-street Groups were required to sign an and as leaders of others, as pupils at the agreement with the APA that prohibits hands of life and as teachers under the them from divulging any ‘confidential guidance of the laws of mental information,’ which was defined so as to functioning, as prisoners of the law and include group discussions, internal judges on the bench’ (Zilboorg, 1944, correspondence, or any other informa- pp.vi–vii). tion about the DSM-5 development This reminds us that those psychiatrists process’ (Blanchard, 2013: no page representing what constitutes sanity can do number), (symbolic) violence to the so-called insane, even though his data was scientifically ‘vali- forcing them to fit into preconceived diag- dated.’ Moreover, allusions to different noses, to play the patient role (Cooper, groups, academics and researchers being 1967) and perhaps attempt to divide femi- represented in the ‘consultation’ process nist, queer and trans* continuities that are were iterated by Zucker without much emerging in contemporary life. substantiation. An editorial published in the Archives of Sexual Behavior, written by Zucker, Complex power relations argued that the DSM-5 produced in the I would like to borrow Raymond Williams’ internet age heralded a democratised (1977, p.112) concept of ‘lived hegemony’ process with improved transparency in which hegemony is a complex ephemeral (Zucker, 2013). Notions of validity, trustwor- process of ‘experiences, relationships and thiness and rigour are invoked here; activities’ to understand how ‘deviant’ sexu- however, we should not take this at face value alities and genders are engendered in the and must review these contributions on the DSM-5. Zucker illustrated this in his paper APA’s website. when he attempted to shift the emphasis away purely from his and work group Paradigmatic divisions members’ power within the authorial Zucker’s paper (2013) did not appear to be process and placed it firmly in the hands of something new. A repetition of previously the APA’s BOT; their consolidated science articulated sentiments (see Tosh, 2011) was and expertise act as axioms upon which evident, such as the paradigmatic division another group of players deliberate. Zucker between (postmodernist/poststructuralist) in his conference paper suggested that the philosophers and scientists (politics and BOT of the APA had the final say in what was science respectively). This strategy could be

64 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 The construction of Gender Dysphoria at ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’ understood as functioning in a number of However, I would like to suggest that any ways. Firstly, the repetition of a disciplinary attempt to draw a simple linear account of divide can be seen to attempt to hide the power exerted from the DSM through fallacy of academic citation practices that gender clinics, misunderstands the multi- split the objective science from subjective plicity of practices in gender clinics (see May, expert opinion. The scientific citations’ 2002; Wren, 2005) outside of North value is increased through the author’s, like America. Nonetheless, it is widely known, at minded colleagues’ and research partners’ least in my circle of researchers and activists, and advocates’ citation practices so much so that Zucker’s ‘treatment’ is not accepted by a that research evidence ‘demands’ the title of number of trans* health advocates. This ‘expert knowledge,’ ‘science,’ and in our stems from the rigidity of what constitutes case, ‘evidence’ of trans* and sexual masculinity and femininity in his view and; phenomena. At the same time we can ask moreover, his appeasement of misogynistic what is not cited in a bid to keep the North American gender stratification fallacy/narrative/discourse/fiction/para- (Serano, 2007). Some organisations digm alive. According to Ansara and Hegarty (Winters, 2013) have suggested that Zucker’s (2012), Zucker was the head of a powerful ‘reparative practices’ on gender non- network of collaborating researchers who conforming children may well constitute contribute to a cisgenderist diagnostic para- cruel and inhuman treatment if read against digm–cisgenderism is a discriminatory criteria described by the United Nations. ideology that delegitimises people’s own clas- The requirement to perform particular sifications of their genders and bodies. If we behaviours that correspond to whether you examine the literature reviews that have were born with a penis or vagina in stereo- been published in a bid to reformulate the typical ways, to pacify societies’ bullies, diagnosis for trans*, we can get an idea of undermines the Convention on the Rights of how wide the democratised process was. the Child (UNICEF, 2013), which states that Consulting the American Psychiatric Associa- respect for the views of the child alongside tion’s website (APA, 2012b) we can witness a recognition of the human rights principles distinct lack of attention to empirical work of equality and non-discrimination is central outside of the journal Archives of Sexual to the consideration of gender equality. Behavior and a number of included papers UNICEF has warned that gender-based were ‘Letters to the Editor,’ Zucker himself. discrimination is one of the most ubiquitous Little work from social sciences, health forms of discrimination that children face. sciences and the humanities was considered. For instance, sexological diagnoses using the Perhaps the psychiatric profession could DSM’s Gender Dysphoria would still rely on a learn a bit from the constructivists and universalised and binary understanding of trans* theorists Zucker summarily dismisses. behaviors and bodily aesthetics, which are theorised as ‘masculinity’ and ‘femininity’ to Disorder to Dysphoria augment essentialist claims about binary Whilst my area of concern in this commen- sexes. Whilst this is problematic at one level tary is with the inherent power that psychi- of ‘treatment’ because of the lack of consent atric diagnoses sustain over people’s lives from the children being treated, this clears generally, I take a heightened exception to the child’s carer(s) of any part in the the power relations in my research area of process. For instance, it will be more likely trans*. The shift in the diagnosis that asserts that parents who regard stereotypical behav- that ‘Gender Dysphoria’ – the replacement iors natural rather than socially interpellated diagnosis for Gender Identity Disorder – is a add to the ‘science’ of psychiatric sexology better option for trans* people has been by providing the ‘data’ that contributes to widely contested (see TGEU, 2012). the published materials in this area. The

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 65 Zowie Davy atypical behaviour or gender distress that Responses from the trans* people may experience is situational and the anti-pathologisation movement result of societal standards, carers’ views in In an attempted shift from gatekeeper to collaboration with a health system that uses facilitator, in contemporary models laid out evidence that does not think beyond a binary in the Standards of Care, in its seventh version framework and dated model of incongru- now, it stipulates that for people who desire ence to ‘natural’ signifiers of masculinity and surgical interventions femininity. My research (Davy, 2008, 2010, ‘it is important for mental health 2011; Davy & Steinbock, 2012) and many professionals to recognise that decisions others (Cromwell, 1999; Hines, 2011; Stone, about surgery are first and foremost a 2006 [1991]) have illustrated that some client’s decision – as are all decisions trans* do not fit neatly into these restrictive regarding health care. However, mental binary ‘scientific’ models, which causes a health professionals have a responsibility problem for the diagnoses and for the to encourage, guide, and assist clients purported ‘cure.’ Hence, my paper ‘Will it with making fully informed decisions and make a difference or is it just semantics?: becoming adequately prepared’ (World Diagnosing trans people in the DSM-5’ Professional Association of Transgender (Davy, 2013) addressed three complex ques- Health, 2012, p.27). tions for the APA and Zucker: Myself and others have suggested that diag- 1. In what ways does changing the taxon- nostic criteria based on distress and impair- omy in the DSM-5 lessen the already ment, rather than difference from cultural stigmatised position of trans* people? gender stereotypes, may offer a path toward 2. Is it time for the DSM to better reflect physical transitioning goals; however, the human diversity by shifting the emphasis trans* anti-pathologisation movement argue away from the dated two-sex model? for a more radical paradigmatic shift. Self- 3. How does the trans* anti-pathologisation determination, according to some trans* movement challenge DSM-5 recognition? advocates, is another way of making recogni- None of the questions were adequately tion claims for those wanting technological addressed. On the first question, Zucker interventions to change gender beyond a responded to the question of stigmatising as psychiatric frame (Cuban Multidisciplinary if there was a hierarchy of shame that those Society for Sexuality Studies, 2010; TGEU, diagnosed with a ‘disorder’ should find it 2012). Transgender Europe situates self- more amenable with the change to Gender determination within a human rights Dysphoria amongst a number of other discourse. In this literature it emphasises changes. Reflecting the somewhat anom- that every trans* person has a right to actu- alous harm reduction model that asserts that alise their transition, as far as they wish it Gender Dysphoria somehow lessens the should go. stigma surrounding gender identities, Perhaps this position is more closely gender expressions or bodies that do not aligned to some groups working towards the conform to birth-assigned gender stereo- new World Health Organisation’s ICD-11 types, while at the same time providing some (Drescher, 2013; Drescher, Cohen-Kettenis & kind of diagnostic coding for access to Winter, 2012), which supports a name medical transition treatment for those who change of ‘Gender Incongruence’ to enable need it is a position that is contentious and medically necessary treatments based on according to legislative powers beyond the medical rather than psychological models of North American borders is unnecessary. care. This approach is gaining weight in the trans* anti-pathologisation movement (TGEU, 2012), perhaps because of govern- ments, such as the Argentinean one that

66 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 The construction of Gender Dysphoria at ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’ recently legislated on, arguably, the most for Sexuality Studies, 2010) within normal progressive trans* recognition law in the extremes, moving beyond dualist notions of world. The law allows people to alter their trans*. As one prominent group argues: gender on official documents without first attempting to diagnose diversity is, they say, having to receive a psychiatric diagnosis or ‘a pointless exercise’ (TGEU, 2012). Gender surgery. In the New York Times online, Katrina Dysphoria should not be classified because Karkazis, a Stanford University professor of ‘difference is not disease, non-conformity is bioethics said that Argentina’s new law will not pathology, and uniqueness is not illness’ ‘Not only […] give you the right to self-iden- (GID Reform Advocates, 2010, no page tify, but for those who want medical inter- number). This debate is couched in the vention, [it] require[s] public and private discourse of human rights and self determi- providers to cover procedures for self-actual- nation. The claims from these trans* advo- isation’ (Schmall, 2012, no page number). cates have started to erode the power of The self-determination frame challenges psychiatry over trans* bodies without health care professionals to work towards implying the dualist notions of body and supporting trans* health interventions by mind and situate trans* gendering within reducing the psychopathological framework notions of affect. From this self-determina- in which trans* are viewed. In effect, these tion position they are redressing the notion claims remove the need for psychiatric diag- of pathology for trans* and trans* politics in noses of Gender Dysphoria. In 1991 Sandy which people can self-actualise their gender Stone (1991) observed that for strategic (role) desires in whatever ways they wish. reasons a liberal transsexual politics may direct its energies towards the human rights Correspondence of transsexuals rather than, for example, at Zowie Davy PhD psychomedical constructions of transsexu- Senior Lecturer in Community Care, ality. Here in 2013 we can see that human University of Lincoln, UK. rights groups have refocused their energies towards transsexuality and other trans* iden- ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’ was held at tities by showing that these aesthetic1 expres- ‘CRASSH’, in Cambridge, 4–5 July 2013. sions of gender are ‘expressions of sexual http://www.crassh.cam.ac.uk/events/2076/ diversity’ (Cuban Multidisciplinary Society

References American Psychiatric Association (APA) (2012a). Ansara, Y.G. & Hegarty, P. (2012). Cisgenderism in American Psychiatric Publishing. Retrieved 17 July psychology: Pathologising and misgendering 2013, from: children from 1999 to 2008. Psychology and http://www.appi.org/SearchCenter/Pages/ Sexuality, 3(2), 137–160. SearchDetail.aspx?ItemId=2555# Blanchard, R. (2013). A dissenting opinion on American Psychiatric Association (APA) (2012b). DSM-5 Pedophilic Disorder. Archives of Sexual Publications from DSM-5 development. Retrieved Behavior, 1–4. 9 August 2013, from: Cooper, D. (1967). Psychiatry and anti-psychiatry. http://www.dsm5.org/Research/Pages/ London: Tavistock Publications. Publications.aspx Cromwell, J. (1999). Transmen and FTMs: Identities, American Psychiatric Association (APA) (2013). bodies, genders and sexualities. Urbana: University Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders of Illinois Press. (5th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.

1 The term ‘aesthetic’ is ‘the expression of the formal qualities of sentience, like the visual, aural, tactile, and so on, which transmit aesthetic affects, and the perception of such; simply stated, the experience of affects’ (Davy & Steinbock, 2012, p.268).

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 67 Zowie Davy

Cuban Multidisciplinary Society for Sexuality Studies Schmall, E. (2012). Transgender advocates hail law (2010). Statement on depathologisation of transs- easing rules in Argentina. Retrieved 7 January exualism. Retrieved 7 January 2013, from: 2013, from: http://ilga.org/ilga/en/article/mg7Y7pB1Rg http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/25/world/ Davy, Z. (2008). Transsexuals’ body modification as americas/transgender-advocates-hail-argentina- narcissistic self-regard. In Z. Davy, J. Downes, L. law.html?_r=0 Eckert, N. Gerodetti, D. Llinares & A.C. Santos Serano, J. (2007). Whipping girl: A transsexual woman (Eds.), Bound and unbound: Interdisciplinary on sexism and scapegoating. Emeryville, CA: approaches to genders and sexualities (pp.112–130). Seal Press. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Stone, S. (1991). The empire strikes back: A post- Davy, Z. (2010). Transsexual agents: Negotiating transsexual manifesto. In J. Epstein & K. Straub authenticity and embodiment within the UK’s (Eds.), Body guards: The cultural politics of gender medicolegal system. In S. Hines & T. Sanger ambiguity (pp.280–304). New York: Routledge. (Eds.), Transgender identities: Towards a social Stone, S. (2006 [1991]). The empire strikes back: analysis of gender diversity (pp.106–126). London: A post-transsexual manifesto. In S. Stryker & Routledge. S. Whittle (Eds.), The transgender studies reader Davy, Z. (2011). Recognising transsexuals: Personal, (pp.221–235). New York: Routledge. political and medicolegal embodiment. Aldershot: TGEU (2012). Diagnosing diversity is crazy – Trans Ashgate. people are sane. Retrieved 7 January 2013, from: Davy, Z. (2013). Will it make a difference or is it just http://www.tgeu.org/TGEU_PR_Diagnosing_ semantics?: Diagnosing trans people in the DSM-5. diversity_is_crazy_Trans_people_are_sane Paper presented at the ‘Classifying Sex: Debating Tosh, J. (2011). ‘Zuck off’! A commentary on the DSM-5’, University of Cambridge, 4 July. protest against Ken Zucker and his ‘treatment’ of Davy, Z. & Steinbock, E. (2012). ‘Sexing up’ bodily Childhood Gender Identity Disorder. Psychology aesthetics: Notes towards theorising trans of Women Section Review, 13(1), 10–16. sexuality. In S. Hines & Y. Taylor (Eds.), UNICEF (2013). Convention on the Rights of the Child. Sexualitites: Past reflections and future directions Retrieved 23 July 2013, from: (pp.266–285). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. http://www.unicef.org/crc/ Drescher, J. (2013). Controversies in gender Williams, R. (1977). Marxism and literature. Oxford: diagnoses. LGBT Health, 1(1), 9–13. Oxford University Press. Drescher, J., Cohen-Kettenis, P. & Winter, S. (2012). Winters, K. (2013). GID reform weblog. Retrieved Minding the body: Situating gender diagnoses in 7 April 2013, from: the ICD-11. International Review of Psychiatry, 24, http://gidreform.wordpress.com/ 568–577. World Professional Association of Transgender Foucault, M. (1998 [1984]). The will to knowledge: Health (2012). Standards of care for the health of The history of sexuality Vol. 1 (R. Hurley, Trans.). transsexual, transgender, and gender non-conforming London: Penguin. people. Retrieved 11 December 2012, from: GID Reform Advocates (2010). The vision of GID http://www.wpath.org/documents/ reform. Retrieved 6 June 2013, from: SOC%20V7%2003-17-12.pdf http://www.gidreform.org/ Wren, B. (2005). Thinking post-modern and practicing in Gornall, J. (2013). DSM-5: A fatal diagnosis? British the enlightenment: Managing uncertainty in the Medical Journal, 346, f3256. treatment of transgendered adolescents. Paper Hines, S. (2011). Sexing gender; gendering sex: presented at the ‘Clinical analogies: Thinking Towards an intersectional analysis of embodied subjectivity across disciplines’, transgender. In Y. Taylor, S. Hines & M. Casey University of Lancaster. (Eds.), Theorising intersectionality and sexuality Zilboorg, G. (1944). Presenting this volume. In J.K. (pp.140–162). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hall, G. Zilboorg & H.A. Bunker (Eds.), May, C. (2002). Becoming women: Transgendered 100 years of American psychiatry (pp.xi–xv). identities, psychosexual therapy and the New York: Columbia University Press. challenge of metamorphosis. Sexualities, 5(4), Zucker, K. (2013, 4 July). The science and politics of 449–464. DSM-5. Paper presented at the ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’, University of Cambridge.

68 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Event Review POWS Craftivism Workshop Kirsty Budd, Paula Singleton & Lucy Thompson

POWS Conference, 10–12 July, Windsor.

N THURSDAY 11 JULY, as part of the statement relating to gender inequality. The POWS Annual Conference this year, idea is that the Barbie is then displayed in Oand for the first time, we held a public in order to provoke thought about Craftivism Workshop. We initially came up gender inequality issues in those passers by with this idea as we were very interested in who notice her. All of the Barbies were fantas- crafty things, but were new to recruiting craft tically thought-provoking and, to name a few, as a means of activism and so wanted to included a Barbie stripped bare, and explore what ‘craftivism’ was all about. declaring that she’s ‘still not asking for it’. The term ‘craftivism’ was coined by Betsy Another Barbie was used to convey the prob- Greer and describes ‘the practice of engaged lematic nature of a Turkish custom whereby creativity, especially regarding political or social women who do not remain a virgin at causes. By using their creative energy to help make marriage are instructed to wear a red ribbon the world a better place, craftivists help bring about around their white wedding dress in order to positive change via personalised activism’ (Greer, demonstrate their ‘impurity’. The protest 2007). Essentially, craftivism is a way of Barbie was dressed in a white dress with a engaging in activism through the use of craft purple ribbon, and with a placard which asks skills, such as knitting, sewing, collage and us to consider whether she’s ‘pure enough?’. crochet. It is a way of participating in Helen Winter, who won the POWS postgrad- political and social activism through craft. uate prize this year, used her Barbie to In the workshop we attempted two critique the marketing of ADHD to women craftivism projects: feminist bunting and and to express that the use of stimulants to ‘protest’ Barbies. These projects were become a ‘superwoman’ is not the answer. inspired by some developed by Craftivist Yet another campaigned that menstruation Collective, a UK-based craftivist movement should not be seen as a disorder and that it founded by Sarah Corbett, which now has should not appear as such in the DSM. There thousands of members all over the world. was also technology Barbie in a torn and dirty Sarah dedicates time to spreading the word lab coat, carrying a placard announcing about craftivism, co-ordinating projects, ‘Maybe there’s a reason we leave STEM giving talks and running workshops, and she careers – look within your organisation’. was very supportive about the workshop we What this workshop demonstrated is that held at the POWS conference. craft can be a very effective, non-threatening Delegates at the workshop helped us to way to engage in activism. It served as a create our thoughtful bunting, which medium through which we had time and adorned the slogan ‘Viva La Feminista’. space to discuss and debate issues and Further, delegates each designed a ‘protest concerns we have as feminists and to express Barbie’, which were, without a doubt, the star these through craft. Although this form of of the show. Delegates gave their Barbies a activism is perhaps not for everyone, we feminist ‘makeover’, decorated them and would recommend that you give it a go. You created placards expressing a statistic, fact or don’t need fancy equipment or a great deal

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 69 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Kirsty Budd, Paula Singleton & Lucy Thompson

70 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 POWS Craftivism Workshop

of skill, just lots of ideas. It can be an empow- (The Times featured her as the leader of one ering and fulfilling way of drawing people’s of their five ‘New Tribes’ of 2012). Sarah has attention to social injustice or issues of worked with Tate, Hayward, cult jewellers discrimination, and, what is more, it’s really Tatty Devine, TOMS Shoes, British Library, good fun. Thanks to everyone who joined in Secret Cinema and Save the Children the craftivism workshop at the POWS confer- amongst others. As well as collaborating with ence and made it so memorable and such a charities and art institutions, she also sells success! We encourage you to incorporate craftivism products, kits and commissions, this community-building activity into your delivers workshops and talks and exhibits next event; it is a great ice-breaker, and her own craftivism work around the world combines talk around political and academic and is a craftivism columnist for Crafty Maga- interests in an enjoyable and powerful way. zine. She has a craftivism book coming out in October 2013 with Thames & Hudson and Sarah Corbett part crowd-funded by 150 funders. Sarah Corbett’s background is in engaging people in global injustices working for Quote from Sarah Corbett: Christian Aid, DFID and most recently Craft connects your heart, head and hands, Oxfam. She started doing craftivism (craft + and when you relate that to justice issues, activism) in 2008 as a hobby and reaction to it can be world-changing personally and traditional forms of activism. Due to demand politically! Sarah set up the global Craftivist Collective Our manifesto is: ‘To expose the scandal in 2009 which now has thousands of of global poverty, and human rights injus- supporters across the world. This hobby has tices though the power of craft and public turned her into one of the leading spokes- art. This will be done through provocative, people in the craftivism movement non-violent creative actions.’

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 71 Kirsty Budd, Paula Singleton & Lucy Thompson

We focus on ‘slow activism’ reflecting on For more information about craftivism, see: global issues whilst stitching and creating http://craftivist-collective.com small and beautiful creations to leave as http://craftivism.com street art or give as gifts to influential people to provoke thought and action on global Correspondence injustices and encourage people to help Kirsty Budd rather not harm the world. Craft is our [email protected] method of campaigning but it is the political and social change that is the priority for us in Paula Singleton all that we do and produce. In the words of [email protected] one of our craftivists Rosa Martyn: ‘A spoonful of CRAFT helps the ACTIVISM Lucy Thompson go down’. We hope to help people be the [email protected] change they wish to see in the world by offering products, services, projects and a Reference platform for this community of like-minded Greer, B. (2007). ‘Craftivism’ Encyclopedia of Activism people to feel supported and part of this and Social Justice. London: Sage. movement. Come join us!

72 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Event Review Interfacing with older LGBT citizens Helen Owton

Two-day Masterclass: Challenging discrimination Bournemouth University, 17–18 April 2013

RGANISED BY Kip Jones and Lee- was a three-year funded project as part of Ann Fenge, who are researchers at the Research Councils UK-funded New OBournemouth University, the two-day Dynamics of Ageing Programme (a unique Masterclass was staged for 25 participants in collaboration between five Councils – ESRC, order to be informed of new knowledge EPSRC, BBSRC, MRC, AHRC). It is evident about growing older as gay or lesbian. that the Bournemouth team have all worked A third member of the research team, extremely hard to obtain this funding and Marilyn Cash, joined us on the second day. are impassioned about making a difference In addition to the event being staged by by involving members of the community and Bournemouth University, there was also a spreading, sharing knowledge to wider fantastic array of food and drinks available communities. for participants throughout the two days in Kip was invited to the stage where he Bournemouth University’s Executive Busi- proceeded to talk about the development ness Centre; a location that meant we had and the making of the film Rufus Stone and the whole of the top floor with a breath- explained how diligent he wanted to be in taking view overlooking Bournemouth town. representing the stories from the research Prior to arriving Kip had sent out a paper accurately. Specifically, the stories of suicide which helped inform us of what the day amongst older gay men were prevalent in might involve: Collecting older lesbians’ and several of the accounts that participants gave gay men’s stories of rural life in south-west them in the research. In addition, problems England and Wales: ‘We were obviously gay of isolation, mobility, friendship and support girls…(s) he removed his cow from our field’ networks, along with issues of lack of service (Jones, Fenge, Read & Cash, 2013). provision, were all discussed amongst older Lee-Ann started the presentation entitled gay men and lesbians, much in the same way ‘Perspectives for practice informed by that they are concerns for the larger hetero- evidence from human experiences: partici- sexual ageing population, particularly in patory approaches to explore ageing and rural areas. The story of Rufus Stone was sexuality’ by proceeding to describe and created over a length of time using explain the historical emergence of the composite characters and situations, all projects that have joined interests together. unearthed in the Gay and Pleasant Land? A description of the Gay and Grey project Project through in-depth biographical life was followed by the Gay and Pleasant Land? story interviews, focus groups, and actual site Project (Fenge & Jones, 2006), which visits to the rural locations where LGBT explored the connectivity between ageing, citizens were living. Out of this project, a rurality and sexuality and employed partici- dramatic arc was born. Kip Jones also used patory methods that were built on insights his personal experiences and memories to gained in the earlier Gay and Grey Project add richness to events. Listening to some of (Fenge, Jones & Read, 2006). This project the responses from audience members, he

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 73 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Helen Owton was pleased (and seemed relieved) to hear piece. Everyone seemed to fully throw them- that many of them felt that he had told their selves into these roles attentively, playfully story too. Indeed, communicating stories in and purposefully. Whilst the second day was this way seeks resonance with its audience. equally full of interactional play, it had a Before we adjourned for lunch, more reflective tone and we opened up Kip played the awaited and anticipated about some of our own prejudices that we 30-minute film which was evocative, experience in our own different worlds. emotional, strong, touching, intelligent, Towards the end of the two days, I felt uncomfortable and immensely sad at times. that I had a couple of new friends and we I felt moved by the sadness of one of the were sent on our way with fantastic ‘party characters crying, ‘I’m just so lonely’ and bags’ with the ‘Methods to Diversity’ deck particularly enjoyed the fire scene where cards and an exclusive dvd copy of the film. Rufus threw items of old furniture to burn as Many buzzed excitedly with the prospect of a cathartic release. utilising the deck of cards for developing During lunches, we were able to mingle practice with older lesbians and gay men as with each other; there were many volunteers well as having exclusive copies of the Rufus on the course who were equally strong and Stone film to take with them each to show to impassioned about making a difference in their own communities. I plan to employ the community. The most fun part about the both of these in my teachings, seek out some two-day Masterclass was the amount of inter- viewing opportunities. I thoroughly recom- action opportunities that were provided for mend these sorts of events to others who us. On the first day, we were thrown into would like to provide students with a role-playing and split into three groups; each rounder picture of research. Whilst showing was given a particular scene of the film to re- deep gratitude to the project team for play as if in the present day – how would it be staging such a successful and engaging different? There were some evocative, event, I would also like to thank the National emotive, brave, and humorous perform- Co-ordinating Centre for Public Engage- ances on both of the days. On the second ment for funding me to attend this event. day, we all seemed to be more in the flow, and our group staged two performances Correspondence creating a care home that was LGBT Dr Helen Owton friendly: one was humorous and fun which University of Northampton. was followed by a more thoughtful poetic [email protected]

References Gay and Grey (2006). Lifting the lid on sexuality and Jones, K., Fenge, L., Read R. & Cash, M. (2013). ageing: A research project into the needs wants, fears Collecting older lesbians’ and gay men’s stories and aspirations of older lesbians and gay men. of rural life in south-west England and Wales: Bournemouth: Help and Care Development Ltd. ‘We were obviously gay girls…(s) he removed his Fenge, L. & Jones, K. (2011). Gay and Pleasant Land? cow from our field’. Forum: Qualitative Social Exploring sexuality, ageing and rurality in a Research, 14(2). Retrieved 14 May 2013, from: multi-method performative project. British http://www.qualitative-research.net/ Journal of Social Work. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcr058 index.php/fqs/article/view/1919 Fenge, L., Jones, K. & Read, R. (2010). Connecting participatory methods in a study of older lesbian and gay citizens in rural areas. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 9(4), 320–333.

74 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Book Reviews

The Self at the Centre of a Reflective Approach: appraise an example of Brinkman’s research A Qualitative Inquiry into Everyday Life conversations and identify questions, which Svend Brinkman I was unable to resolve for myself in this London: Sage, 2012. reading. Due to the restrictions of time and Reviewed by Iona Tanguay space I am unable to consider fully t he diverse examples of research, which About the author Brinkman systematically describes, and Svend Brinkman is a Professor of Psychology analyses. at the University of Aalborg, Denmark. His field of research and expertise includes Theoretical and methodological philosophical, moral and methodological influences issues in psychology and the social sciences. Brinkman favours theoretical and method- Brinkman has written extensively about ological eclecticism and demonstrates that a qualitative research and is a director of the range of conceptual tools and methods can Centre for Qualitative Studies at the Univer- be constructively employed. Drawing on sity of Aalborg. many aspects of grounded theory, Brinkman employs inductive methods and suggests that A Qualitative Inquiry into Everyday Life is it is useful to start any qualitative study intended as a ‘survival guide’ for students and without a prior hypothesis or particular experienced qualitative researchers who have analytical framework. Data collection should an interest in turning the everyday resources inform the methods and theoretical around them into research subjects. Each concepts applied. Although Brinkman chapter includes in-depth theoretical and acknowledges the use of methods of methodological discussions and examples of grounded theory such as journaling, ana- Brinkman’s own qualitative research as case lytical writing, memo writing and coding of study material. He urges the reader to engage data, he prefers to utilise these flexibly with his text as a purposeful, creative process. according to the specific research situation. Practical thought-provoking tasks are set, with Theoretically, Brinkman maintains that the intention of getting the would-be his stance towards qualitative enquiry is researcher writing. largely influenced by the pragmatism of Brinkman sets out to demonstrate that Dewey and hermeneutics. Dewey’s concep- small-scale investigative studies into everyday tion of ‘knowing’ as an active process that life can create high quality research findings helps humans to cope with the world can be that can in turn enrich our understanding of seen throughout Brinkman’s text. He more general aspects of our cultural and describes Dewey’s pragmatism as an ‘anthro- social lives. Utilising a range of theoretical pology of the human knower’ and he identi- and methodological conceptual tools, fies this as an area of interest for qualitative Brinkman demonstrates effectively that the researchers as the boundaries between ephemera of everyday life is a rich source of ‘scientific knowing and human knowing in material for the imaginative researcher. general are blurred.’ (Brinkman, 2012) This In this short book review, I will outline is a key problem for me, as it leads me to some of the theoretical and methodological question the status of knowledge produced approaches, which Brinkman states inspire in qualitative studies of everyday life. his approach, and engage with the text in an The hermeneutic philosophical tradition active, reflective manner. I will critically was initially used as a method to interpret

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 75 © The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724 Book Reviews texts biblical texts, and in the 19th century, lying structural relationships which human life itself. (Wilhelm Dilthey). influence behaviour. According to Brinkman, Heidegger l Making the hidden dubious – Brinkman extended the concept to include an onto- describes this as a deconstructive process, logical perspective, which asks; ‘What is the which seeks to uncover taken for granted mode of being of the entity that under- assumptions. stands?’ (Brinkman, 2012) Deconstructing a 40th birthday party Knowledge as a situated human activity In an attempt to understand more clearly In common with many proponents of quali- these interpretative techniques, I completed tative research methods, Brinkman suggests one of Brinkman’s reflective writing exer- that the researcher can never be fully objec- cises. I wrote a short piece about organising tive. Citing Nagel, Brinkman concurs that my own 40th birthday party. I had identified the ‘God’s-eye perspective’ or ‘view from the event as being a way of dealing with a nowhere’, is not a scientific fact, but rather a high level of social and personal expecta- situated human activity. Positivist and scien- tions and anxiety about the significance of tific knowledge has often been privileged in this age. In trying to make the obvious Western societies, often at the expense of the obvious, I found it difficult to describe meaning, which research subjects attach to elements neutrally without engaging my their experiences of the world. As Kincheloe, judgement and critical faculties. My ‘voice’ (2003) maintains, came across as somewhat wry and humorous. ‘Humans inevitably view the cosmos from It was easier to employ a less judgemental a point resting within themselves. Indeed voice when writing in the third person, using they converse about the world in a the subject ‘the celebrant’ rather than ‘I’. language shaped by human experience.’ Rather than poetic, my attempts at phenom- (Kichenloe, 2003, p.192) enology came across as humorous, perhaps revealing my conflicted feelings. Viewing the world differently I then tried to deconstruct taken for It is essential for the qualitative researcher to granted assumptions, ‘making the obvious develop what Brinkman terms ‘conceptual dubious.’ This was easier, as many of the audacity’, in order to be able to interpret factors I suggested are well-known social and allow the reader to view the world differ- rituals and activities that we collectively ently (Brinkman, 2012, p.21) He sees the participate at birthday parties. Many of these interpretative practice of qualitative research seem to fulfil particular social and psycho- as akin to art and cites Noblit and Hare, logical functions. I noted how early guests (1988) who stress the role of art in making were encouraged to help blow up and the world unfamiliar. arrange balloons, which performed the func- Brinkman discusses three analytical tion of helping to break the ice between stances, which he uses to interpret and strangers, whilst also giving early guests deconstruct research data. something constructive to do. l Making the obvious obvious – this is I didn’t manage to re-write the text criti- largely a phenomenological perspective, cally to ‘make the hidden obvious’. I could which includes thick descriptions of the have looked at who was not invited to the everyday world. For Brinkman this party and this would have involved looking at approach can be poetic power relations, and any disharmony within l Making the hidden obvious – this my family and friendship network. This approach draws on Marxism and would have been an uncomfortable task, but Foucault and critical theory. It stresses potentially revealing, depending on the the power relations and hidden under- paradigm of the qualitative researcher. This

76 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Book Reviews also suggests potential problematic or no-go The researcher needs to think through any areas, which researchers should be aware of, potential harm that could result from his or when asking participants about personal her study. However, Brinkman points out areas of their lives. that ethical issues are never ‘solved’ prior to Following this short task, I felt I needed undertaking a study, even when the required more time and guidance, to develop these approval from an ethics committee has been conceptual tools to help me to analyse an granted. Brinkman proposes an ‘ethics of everyday experience more critically and doubt’ in a bid to ensure that the researcher closely. remains open and reflective about the ethical problems and conflicts that they are The self as subject and object likely to encounter in any study. At the heart of Brinkman’s text is the para- The researcher needs to have a finely doxical relationship of the researcher to his attuned ethical sensibility, and sense of or her self, as positioned within the study. integrity together with ‘a commitment to This is most evident in self-observation moral issues and action’ (Brinkman, 2012, studies where the researcher is ‘both the p.55) The judgement about increasing a subject and object in the process of observa- body of knowledge or respecting the privacy tion’, (Brinkman, 2012). As Brinkman and rights of persons, will usually lie with the acknowledges, self-observation in the social individual researcher. This seems to depend sciences has often been seen as problematic largely on their own knowledge, commit- as the question of how reliable and valid a ment and sense of honesty and fairness, subjective, introspective account can be has which certainly may prove problematic. often been raised. As Brinkman points out, in common with Brinkman arrives at an answer of sorts by feminist researchers, there are ethically drawing inspiration from the phenomeno- dubious ways that the researcher can use a logical approach of Husserl, who sought to caring, committed dynamic to create a false ‘describe the essential structures of human sense of solidarity or friendship with the experience from a first-person perspective’ subjects of their study to help to achieve (Brinkman, 2012) by focusing on descrip- their research aims. Citing therapist- tion, rather than analysis or enquiry, researcher (Fog, 2004) Brinkman concurs Brinkman argues that a methodology that techniques which may be mutual and that seeks to describe itself internally should legitimate in a therapeutic situation, such as not be regarded as peripheral, but rather as interviews and empathic conversations may a central methodology and technique to become problematic within a research situa- access the meaningful realm of human tion. subjects. Rather than being a conundrum for An experienced researcher’s knowledge the researcher to solve, it transpires that of how to create rapport and get through Brinkman views the self, observing itself, as a a participant’s defences may serve as a necessary condition for accessing internal ‘Trojan horse’ to get inside areas of a human experiences such as shame and guilt. person’s life where they were not invited. According to Brinkman, these are experi- (Brinkman, 2012, p.56) ences no scientific study that ignores the first person perspective can adequately explain. Human reality as a conversational reality: A conversation about post-secularism Ethics In using conversations as a research method As qualitative research is concerned with to interrogate everyday life, researchers are personal details of people’s lived experi- involved in a process of situating themselves ences, it is a given that ethical concerns as a particular kind of ‘self’, enacting roles in should be a primary concern for researchers. relation to other selves.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 77 Book Reviews

Brinkman uses his example of an inves- This is clearly demarcated and shows the tigative conversation with an old friend, to reader that the research conversation is investigate his own thoughts and feelings, separate from the interpretative analysis. about post-secularism. He employed a It would be useful here for Brinkman to ‘Socratic questioning’ approach, in that he discuss more fully the ethics the researcher sought to gently challenge his friend about must consider, when utilising a friendship his beliefs. His friend, Thomas, had joined a and using a personal issue to resolve some- spiritual community, called Tiger’s Nest, thing, in a research situation. He mentions which borrows loosely from Buddhist and that he shared the transcript with his friend, Christian teachings. Brinkman wanted to who requested that he amend certain parts, investigate how a rebellious, analytically- but as a reader with no vested interest, I can’t minded psychology student, could undergo help asking whether it is ever acceptable to such a radical transformation. The question utilise a friendship for an external aim such of their similar biographies and Brinkman’s as qualitative research. admiration of his friend seems to underlie Brinkman frames his research intentions Brinkman’s ‘breakdown’ of understanding differently in that he suggests that he used and it seems that he was also seeking to the research focus as an excuse to look up an resolve some of his own secular prejudices. old friend. However, a critical onlooker This section begins with an ‘autoethno- would most likely see that the friendship was graphic’ element as Brinkman wrote his own used as a ‘way in’ to a psychologically and biography into the text. This personal story sociologically interesting research situation. draws the reader into a more intimate rela- Although Brinkman is a reflexive and sensi- tionship with the author, and his quest to tive researcher, in this situation, a more resolve an area of his own life. The personal critical approach would be profitable, partic- element of the research, engages the reader ularly as there could be unintended conse- with its accessible narrative, and the enticing quences following the publication of this oppositional tale of a lost young man, who is research. charmed by an older female spiritual leader and her offer of what appears to be an Conclusion enlightening tantric education. Brinkman successfully achieves ‘conceptual Following Denizin (2001) Brinkman audacity’ in his text. This text comes across analyses the conversation and recognises, a as multi-layered, rich in description, and moment of ‘epiphany’ in Thomas’ descrip- analysis, while at the same time providing a tion of his meeting with the Tiger’s Nest’s valuable stock of qualitative theory, and leader. He also interprets his friend’s subse- useful examples. In particular, Brinkman’s quent complete immersion in the religious analytic reading of the Danish reality TV community, as providing him with the show, Paradise Hotel, stands out. Brinkman symbolic resources to frame and give an sees this as ‘an extreme version of post- overarching meaning to his life. At the same modernity’ and applies deconstructive and time he alerts the reader to his own internal critical readings effectively to his text, whilst feelings that his friend Thomas has denied highlighting the importance of shame and another part of himself, in his acceptance of the role of the self in the show. a submissive role and rejection of his former One criticism is that a full-discussion of analytical mode of being. the ways that the specific factors of the It is helpful to the reader that Brinkman researcher’s gender, identity, class and race has included large extracts of the original impact on any research situation, seems to transcription of the conversation, rich with be missing from the sections about self- the voice of Thomas, and also elements of analysis. This may be simply because this was his own thoughts and asides within the text. not considered relevant to the paradigm,

78 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Book Reviews and the specifics of identity are capably l How can the aims of small-scale considered elsewhere in the case study exam- qualitative research be effectively linked ples. However, this is an inspiring textbook, to wider issues of social justice? which would be useful to novice and experi- enced qualitative researchers alike. Iona Tanguay Questions that I have for further study, [email protected] are concerned with philosophical issues such as the meta-analysis of the aims and status of References qualitative research into everyday life. Brinkman, S. (2012). Qualitative inquiry in everyday l What is the status of knowledge that is life: Working with everyday life materials. London: Sage. produced in small-scale enquiries, for Glaser, B.G. (2012). Stop. Write! Writing grounded example: one-to-one research conversa- theory. Grounded Theory Review, 11(1), 2–11. tions and studies of self-analysis? Hammersley, M. & Atkinson, P. (1995). Ethnography: l How can qualitative researchers in principles in practice (2nd ed.). London: everyday research situations ensure that Routledge. Kincheloe, J.K. (2003). Teachers as researchers: they cultivate an ethical sensibility, which Qualitative inquiry as a path to empowerment questions whether a respect for persons is (2nd ed.). London: Routledge Falmer. always fully considered?

Fat the size acceptance movement. Lupton’s Deborah Lupton easy-going writing style making for an easy London: Routledge, 2012. but compelling read for all students. Reviewed by Chloe Law Fat looks at the fat body from a different perspective to most other literature on this Fat by Deborah Lupton is a relatively short topic, considering why the larger body is a account, (approximately 100 pages) on the constant source of discussion. Most pieces of relevance of fatness/obesity in today’s research look into how the fat body can be society. Covering a wide range of topics from reduced down to socially acceptable sizes different perspectives of persons viewing the instead of considering how it is to be a larger fat body to how it feels to be ‘fat’, as well as person within today’s society. Health care considering the politics of obesity and what professionals claim there to be an obesity is being done to combat and alternatively, epidemic, which needs to be dealt with via make our perceptions of fatness worse. public campaigns and sharing knowledge on Lupton is a sociologist who specialises in how to diet effectively and the need to exer- food, weight and obesity and has written over cise more. Lupton reviews all sides of the 100 articles on her specialist subject; argument, arguing that fatness is not a allowing her to take a more critical yet disease, as more people are overweight rather informed approach to the topic than than ‘normal’ anyway. She further states that previous writers who are aiming to give a the psychological effects of the stigmatism brief overview of the topic of ‘fatness’ in associated with being ‘fat’ is creating worse today’s society. affects than the obesity itself, due to the Fat is an informative, witty, comprehen- depression, self-repulsion and constant yo-yo sive and yet concise introduction into dieting that these opinions can cause. current writings and research on the fat In this way, Lupton’s book is a useful body. This review of the literature draws introduction to the subject area for any from research done within the social student, identifying the key theories involved sciences, fact activists, and from work consid- within the obesity debate and summarising ering the cultural issues that are affecting them in an easy to understand language.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 79 Book Reviews

Lupton shows how fatness can be caused by the subject area, contrary to many other health problems rather than causing them authors who only concentrate on the socially itself, and gives well-presented information accepted view of fatness being an illness that on the research and fat activist movement. must be prevented and reduced. Lupton’s refreshingly different stance on the fatness debate also gives you a chance as a Chloe Law reader to learn a more well-rounded view on [email protected]

The Sage Handbook of Visual Research Methods ‘sections’), the reader is invited to explore a Eric Margolis & Luc Pauwels. range of perspectives on these issues. London: Sage (2011). The first section of this book provides a Reviewed by Dr Emma Rich useful background and overview to the field of visual research and will be a helpful One of the first things that struck me when starting point for those new to this approach. reading The Sage Handbook of Visual Research It begins with the presentation of an ‘inte- Methods was just how far the field has come in grated framework for visual social research’ recent years in terms of the range of media (Pauwels) exploring the options and oppor- innovations and emerging technologies tunities available to those undertaking which can now be utilised in social science studies involving visual input and/or output. research. Over the last few decades there has The challenges of visual research are alluded been a rapid growth in the use of and discus- to from the outset of this handbook and sion related to visual methods in research weaved throughout remaining chapters. The across a growing number of disciplines. nuances of looking as part of visual research There is a great deal of diversity in terms of are explored in Chapter 2, as Richard theoretical approach, methodological Chalfen examines how looking is a culturally approach and the ways in which the visual is variable activity, whilst in Chapter 3 Wagner ‘represented’ within research. Such is the explores the complexities of framing visual interest in visual methods that there are a studies as empirical social inquiry. Wagner number of journals now dedicated to visual then goes on to examine different methods including Visual Anthropology, Visual approaches to material culture, visibility and Studies, and The Journal of Visual Culture. This visual research. diversity is reflected in this impressive collec- Part 2 explores issues of visual research tion of chapters, not only in terms of the which may be more familiar to a broad audi- range of disciplines, but also through the ence, examining different ways of producing range of empirical and methodological and processing visual data. These chapters approaches explored. Authors write from a are a useful and exciting collection for those range of disciplinary backgrounds and theo- beginning to explore the potential cutting retical positions including, sociology, anthro- edge possibilities for collecting and pology, communication studies, geography, processing visual data, including anthropo- psychology, photography, film studies, logical filmmaking, repeat photography, education, etc. The handbook is a good rephotography (e.g. re-photograph things starting point for those wishing to venture previously documented) and techniques into visual methodology, whilst also used in the design process. The incorpora- exploring more in-depth contemporary tion of examples, whether as images issues at the cutting edge of methodological included in the chapters or as references to debate. Given the different backgrounds and visual material (such as the list of anthropo- authors (some 37 chapters across seven logical films on page 112) provides reassur-

80 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Book Reviews ance of the potential of these approaches in The section begins with a chapter on multi- terms of their final product. modality and multimodal research, exam- Part 3 revisits some of the central ining the emergence of ‘new writing’, which concerns which have been at the heart of is neither linear nor read sequentially, for debates about research methods for some example through internet websites. The time, through the examination of participa- multimodal nature of sites such as the tory and subject-centred approaches. internet is further examined in the chapter Dealing with such issues as reflexivity, by Pauwel, researching websites as social and community based approaches, children cultural expressions outlining some of the produced drawings, the photo diary, partici- key predicaments facing anyone using this patory media production, these chapters approach. Batens and Surdiacourt exam- highlight the potential of visual methods in ining the graphic novel, raise important challenging ethical issues of power relations, questions about the relationships between voice and participation in research. In doing image and text. Pink offers an engaging and so, these new methodologies challenge tradi- innovative discussion of the multisensory tional binaries such subject-object and methodology, arguing that visual images researcher-researched which are sometimes need to be understood in relation to the embedded in particular research practices. senses other than sight. This chapter adds Part 4 brings together a collection of important insights about self-reflexivity and chapters presenting analytical frameworks the process of image production, which Pink and approaches. Whilst many students and argues is always ‘collaborative and situated’. scholars might be aware of the potential for Collectively, this section speaks to some of using visual approaches to collect data, or for the shifts in hcontemporary culture in terms the visual to act as data, many feel less confi- of how individuals, communities and dent about making sense of this material. cultures engage differently with image and This section offers a collection of chapters to text. guide researchers through some of the The text concludes with Part 7 exploring potential approaches. options and issues for using and presenting Part 5 deals with perhaps those less recog- visual research, including new multimedia nised and emerging technologies used in opportunities, arts-based research and pres- visual research, such as eye tracking, cartog- entation. This section expands under- raphy, participatory geographic information standing of potential presentational systems, visualisation in social analysis and practices and the various media available. developments in qualitative data analysis Newbury’s chapter provides a unique discus- software. These technologies can be used in sion pertaining to visual scholarship, making ways to make research more participatory, calls for authors to think ‘carefully about and can be variously deployed to collect, images are and how they may be used to explore or display data (McKinnon). These communicate ideas and make arguments’. chapters blur and confront constructed This provides a compelling read for those boundaries between disciplines, for example grappling with the idea of including images cartographic practices and georgraphic in their publication submissions. The component might be grounded in geog- chapter by Gran explores the visual in the raphy but generate visual practices and ques- context of the relationship between social tions that are relevant to asking questions science and legal cases. The last two chapters that might inform studies in other disci- in this section perhaps provide an essential plines. read for scholars and students across a range In Part 6, moving beyond the visual, some of disciplines and methodological back- of the further complexities, challenges and grounds utilising visual methods. Wiles, possibilities of visual methods are revealed. Clark and Prosser provide a useful overview

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 81 Book Reviews of significant debates and practice related to tional and more cutting edge issues all of visual research ethics. Visual resources can which seem necessary if research methods be found across many different sites and the are to keep pace with the developments in final chapter of this handbook attempts to contemporary society. In this sense, whilst address some of the legal complexities of use this handbook gives an indication of some of of such material. the contemporary challenges and possibili- The development of interdisciplinary ties of visual research, it is a pity the book research, innovations in technology and does not speculate over what other chal- developments in our understandings of the lenges might confront visual methods in potential of the visual in research make this years to come. Nonetheless, in bringing text a timely contribution to methodological together such an impressive range of authors literature. Technological advances in and interdisciplinary issues, it offers a capturing everyday life (e.g. mobile tele- comprehensive handbook for anyone phones) and the production of knowledge engaging with visual methods. (e.g. through social media) has prompted researchers to think more creatively about Dr Emma Rich how they study social-cultural phenomenon. University of Bath. This handbook covers a broad range of tradi- [email protected]

The Psychology of Women clearly states in accord with this overarching Margaret W. Matlin subject of the textbook that nobody should London: Wadsworth, 2012. feel obliged to decide over women’s lives. Reviewed by Jayanthiny Kangatharan Major changes in this new edition include, for instance, updated discussions of women What does it mean to be a woman? What are in the media, present research about lesbian the attitudes towards women and how do relationships among Asian American and they shape women’s lives? Have lives of Latina adolescents, research on sexual women in the modern world changed from harassment and sexual assault of women in what they used to be thanks to feminist the military and also new information about movements and activism for women’s rights? the abuse of women in Asia, Latin America, These are the questions that are addressed and Africa. in the international edition of the academic This book is mainly aimed at students of textbook The Psychology of Women by Margaret courses on the psychology of women in W. Matlin. North America. It is divided into 15 chapters. Already in its seventh edition, this book Consistent with the third aim of the book, has the same goals it set out to fulfill in its each chapter ends with section summaries first edition: first, to show the contradiction and review questions. Each chapter also between investigations on women and contains several exercises such as demon- gender and popular opinion; second, to strations and false-true statements that include women’s narratives of their thoughts encourage readers to critically think about and experiences; third, to create an educa- their own attitudes and preconceptions tionally more effective tool for students. The about women in certain situations. This text- fourth goal is especially close to her heart book captures research on gender and that is the theme of social justice: motivated women in an evident and well-structured by her activism for social justice during the manner, which is largely due to its effective Vietnam War, Matlin expressed the observed organisation that combines life span-devel- degradation of the lives of south-east Asian opmental order and topical approaches people in a form that applies to gender. She within the 15 chapters. The first chapter

82 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Book Reviews covers general concepts and touches upon What I especially value about this text- potential concerns regarding research book is that it also aims to tackle stereotypes methods and biases that can occur in investi- and myths one might have about topics such gations of women’s psychology. One such as the abuse of women, motherhood or bias, for instance, is the holding of pre- gender. This goes with the first aim of the existing emotions about gender issues, book that it set out to meet. Moreover, in particularly in association with studies on addition to the presented facts and evidence women who differ from old-fashioned femi- in each chapter, Matlin makes sure that nine stereotypes. The second chapter topics are given a human touch by providing explains how gender-related expectations accounts of women’s thoughts and experi- and behaviour are shaped by stereotypes. ences of women-specific events such as the Women’s development from infancy to menstrual cycle in form of quotations. adolescence is presented in chapters 3 and 4 The most inspirational part of the book while the next nine chapters circle around was the last segment of the last chapter crucial parts of women’s lives before late ‘Moving onward’, in which Matlin encour- adulthood such as cognitive and social ages women to think about feminist issues by, gender comparisons, physical and psycho- for example, subscribing to a feminist maga- logical health, women and work, and zine such as the Ms. Magazine or Canadian violence against women. Woman Studies or by visiting various websites One strong aspect of this book is that, if on feminist activism. The list on how to topically possible, Matlin provides informa- speak out and how to become involved in tion on not only White women but also feminist activism is endless. Matlin clearly women of different ethnicities, and sexual shows that we can help to lead future change orientations. When dealing with the subject in the right direction by becoming of marriage in the chapter on ‘Love Rela- thoughtful and committed activists through tionships’, for example, the subject is consid- our joint fight against negative representa- ered from both the views of Latina women, tions of women. Black women and Asian-American women. Whilst this book shows that women’s lives Moreover, a separate section is devoted to have improved significantly on an economic the psychological adjustment of Lesbians and social level over the last century, the and Bisexual women. The diversity of the process of moving towards equality has only social category ‘sexual orientation’ is illus- just begun. As Matlin points out, across the trated through the concept of intersection- globe, women rarely have sizeable number ality, which places importance on the joint of seats in national legislatures. Thus, and not separate consideration of several women are a long way from equality social categories. This is demonstrated in a regarding official positions in national segment on Lesbian women of colour, in governments. Therefore, more campaigning which ways, in which heterosexism is experi- needs to be done and more awareness needs enced by lesbian women who are Latina, to be raised to ensure fully equal political, Black, and Asian are considered. Another economic and social rights for women all great example of how different ethnicities over the world. Thus, as long as there is no are contemplated in this book is the reflec- social justice in this world, women cannot tion of research on Native American and stop fighting. We can all get there when we First Nation Women in addition to that on become part of the solution. Latina, Black and Asian-American women when discussing social relationships in older Jayanthiny Kangatharan women’s lives in the chapter ‘Women and University of Brunel. older Adulthood’. [email protected]

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 83 Book Reviews

Handbook of International Feminisms: European Countries and from Canada, the Perspectives on Psychology, Women, US, South Africa, New Zealand, Sri Lanka, Culture and Rights India, Pakistan, Brazil, Israel and China. A. Rutherford, R. Capdevila, V. Undurti & Although the focus of the book is on femi- I. Palmary (Eds.) nism in psychology, disciplines from which London: Springer, 2011. authors write range from Psychology Reviewed by Nollaig Frost through Philosophy, Pedagogy, Women’s Studies, Human and Community Develop- In the Handbook of International Feminisms ment, Psychiatry, Behavioural Sciences, the editors, Rutherford, Capdevila, Undurti Migration and Society, and Technology; a and Palmary, bring together a broad range span that in itself illustrates another of the of readings that explore the history, context book’s aims: to analyse beyond gender and and politics of feminism and psychology, and to include intersecting formations of class, feminist psychology, around the world. The caste, ‘race’, ethnicity, sexuality, sexual orien- editors of the book, and many of the contrib- tation, religion and politics to consider how utors are keen to remind us that ‘feminist they affect women’s lives. psychology’ is a term that they broadly The Introduction informs us that few define, in order to acknowledge that the instructions were given to each author in an discipline of psychology may or may not be effort to allow for the plurality of meanings institutionalised in many of the regions that brought to feminist psychology around the are represented in the book. The book world. Instead a set of questions was discusses not the practice of feminist constructed and authors invited to address psychology as such but the extent to which all or any of them. Authors were invited to feminist scholars working under the broad consider topical, methodological and or umbrella of feminist psychology are aware of theoretical themes that characterise feminist and informed by developments outside their work in their region, and how this came into local contexts. It does this by asking contrib- being, whether or not a self-conscious femi- utors to write from their own definition of nist psychology has developed in their feminism as it has emerged in their regional region, factors that have given rise to femi- context. This results in the contributors nist work in the region, factors than have writing of many forms of feminism, co- inhibited or enhanced the influence of femi- existing, and sometimes competing, with nist work, the nature of any relationship national contexts, and goes a long way to between organised women’s movements and illustrating one of the book’s key aims to feminist ‘psychology’, the institutional status ‘tackle universalisation, overcome isola- of feminist psychology, and places of work of tionism, increase international communica- feminists in psychology. With such an array tion, forge transnationalism and enrich of foci available to authors many choose to understanding of the challenges and exhila- draw on the history and development of rations of the feminist process as it is being feminism, and in some cases psychology enacted all over the world’ (p.3). itself, to consider its place in their region. Whilst the contributors are drawn from This results in the book presenting multiple all around the world, the editors express perspectives on women’s lives, and ways of their regret at losing representation from understanding women’s lives, across the several countries along the way. However, the world. It is, therefore, likely to be of interest resulting collection provides an interesting to a diverse audience that includes activists, and broad international span with perspec- researchers, academics, therapists, NGOs tives from Turkey as well as from Western and advocates. The outcome is that the book European countries including the Spanish can be used to access detailed information State, Nordic Countries, Britain, Eastern on the history of feminist work in a partic-

84 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Book Reviews ular region and as a source from which to should be regarded as extremely provisional’ gain overall insight to the variety of chal- (p.12) the emphasis on ‘analysis of historical lenges and triumphs that individuals have and political contexts’ of Part 2, ‘overt reflex- celebrated in bringing feminist work to ivity’ in Part 3 and ‘thorough engagement where it is today. As the editors point out in with specific issues’ in Part 4 allows readers their Introduction, the focus on psychology to turn to the part of the book that is likely also means that not all kinds of feminist work to be of most relevance to their interest can be reflected in his volume. However, without resorting to simply seeking cross- they usefully highlight that in efforts to regional comparisons. attend adequately to differences between Overall this book works well to ‘illumi- women, issues such as exclusion of an issue nate the diverse forms that feminist psycho- of sexuality in one region, such as of lesbian logical and social scientific work takes feminism in Britain, contrasts with the around the world’ (p.4). The contributions complete lack of focus on women’s sexuality work to provide a detailed history of femi- at all in most non-Western countries. With nism and also to inform us of the uniqueness such insight questions are raised as to the of concerns and positions of women in possibilities for the development of new different regions around the world. As such feminist interventions within psychology. the book will be of interest to feminist Despite its emphasis on flexibility of scholars of all disciplines but also to meanings the book is divided into Parts, researchers with interests in the influence each categorising the chapters within it as that history, geography and politics have on either: ‘History, Politics, Context’, ‘Experi- the lives of those who both construct and live ence’ or ‘Specificity’. The editors point to within cultural and institutional frameworks the challenges and overlaps in constructing of everyday life. these categories and I would concur with them that many of the chapters would sit Nollaig Frost easily in more than one Part. However, with Middlesex University. the editors’ proviso that the ‘grouping [email protected]

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 85 Notes

86 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Notes

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 87 ICC 7–9 May 20 14 Annual Conference 2014 International Conference Centre, Birmingham Our conference themes are: ● Psychology and war ● The psychology of family, parenting and caring ● The psychologist as expert ● New directions in human neuroscience Plus ‘General’ category for work outside the above themes. Deadlines ● oral presentations, workshops and symposium submissions –27 October 2013 ● poster presentations – 7 January 2014 Our keynote speakers for 2014 are ● Professor Sir Simon Wessely King’s College London ● Ben Shephard Military and Medical Historian, Oxford University ● Susan van Scoyoc Independent Practitioner ● Professor John Aggleton Cardiff University ● Professor Marinus van IJzendoorn Leiden University

Registration will open on 2 September 2013 For further details see www.bps.org.uk/ac2014

88 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 Notes for Contributors 1. All papers and submissions for the Agora section will be peer-reviewed.

2. Copies of all submissions should be sent by email attachment (in Word format) and/or three hard copies to the Editor (or Assistant Editor where specified). A separate cover page should be provided with the title of the paper, the author’s names, their institutions, addresses and email addresses clearly marked. Authors are also invited to provide brief biographical information. Manuscripts should have the title clearly marked on the first page, and pages should be numbered. However, authors’ names should not appear on the manuscript itself.

3. All figures should be of reproducible standard. References should conform to Society style, which is similar to the American Psychological Association (APA) system. The Society’s Style Guide can be downloaded from www.bps.org.uk. (From the home page go to Publications/Policy and guidelines, and then General guidelines and policy documents. Select ‘Society editorial style guide’ from the list of documents.)

4. Papers should be between 3000 and 6000 words long, and submissions for the Agora between 200 and 2000 words. An abstract of up to 150 words should be provided with papers, however, no abstract is needed for Agora submissions.

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Jane Callaghan Division of Psychology Boughton Green Road Northampton NN2 7AL Email: [email protected] OR [email protected] Contents 1 Editorial Jane Callaghan 3 Keynote Address Cultural cisgenderism: Consequences of the imperceptible Natacha Kennedy 12 2012 Postgraduate Prize Winner Assimilation or invisibility: Lesbian identity, representation and the use of gender-neutral terms Rebecca Swenson 20 Keynote Address Gender and BDSM revisited: Reflections on a decade of researching kink communities Meg Barker 29 Article Young women’s constructions of risky health practices: A Q-methodological study Ruth Cross 40 2013 Undergraduate Prize Winner Discursive constructions of UK swingers' self-identities and practices in a culturally gendered mononormative context Stephen Symons 47 2013 Postgraduate Prize Winner ADHD: ‘Because you’re worth it’. The marketisation of ADHD to adult women Helen Winter 56 Article Should I stay or should I go? Intersectionality, feminist methodologies and research on/with others Megan Chawansky 63 Commentary The construction of Gender Dysphoria at ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’ Zowie Davy 69 Event Review POWS Craftivism Workshop Kirsty Budd, Paula Singleton & Lucy Thompson 73 Event Review Interfacing with older LGBT citizens Helen Owton 75 Book Reviews

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