Why Did Chavismo Fail?
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Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Rachel M
McNair Scholars Journal Volume 9 | Issue 1 Article 10 2005 Resistance to U.S. Economic Hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Rachel M. Jacques Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair Recommended Citation Jacques, Rachel M. (2005) "Resistance to U.S. Economic Hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 9: Iss. 1, Article 10. Available at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol9/iss1/10 Copyright © 2005 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol9%2Fiss1%2F10&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages Resistance to U.S. economic hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Abstract Introduction Recent years have seen increasing opposition On April 11, 2002, a group of to U.S. political and economic influence in senior military officers stormed the Latin America. Venezuela is a key player in presidential palace in Caracas, the the South American economy. This project capital of Venezuela. They ousted the researches the country’s history from the leftist president, Hugo Chávez, and 1950s to the present and the role of the replaced him with the more conservative U.S. in its formation. Through political Pedro Carmona. The coup had the economy, this study asks if recent political support of the business community, changes are due to the effects of U.S. policies the upper classes, the mass media, and in Venezuela. The research examines tacit support from the U.S.; however, the relationship between the two nations the de-facto government was short and the development models proposed lived (Cooper, 2002; Hellinger, 2003; by the Chávez government. -
No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
Copyright by Hugo Rodolfo Rincon 2009
Copyright by Hugo Rodolfo Rincon 2009 The Dissertation Committee for Hugo Rodolfo Rincon Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: STUDY OF DIALOGIC APPROACHES AND RESPONSES IN PLANNING LOW-INCOME COMMUNITIES IN MARACAIBO, VENEZUELA. THE “PROMOTION OF FULL CITIZENSHIP” PLAN. Committee: Patricia Wilson, Supervisor Henry Dietz Kent Butler Michael Oden Elizabeth Muller STUDY OF DIALOGIC APPROACHES AND RESPONSES IN PLANNING LOW-INCOME COMMUNITIES IN MARACAIBO, VENEZUELA. THE “PROMOTION OF FULL CITIZENSHIP” PLAN. by Hugo Rodolfo Rincon, B.Arch., M.C.P. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2009 Dedication My gratefulness goes firstly to God, who gave me strength and wisdom to go through this project and helped me to carry out this research, which made me realize how important it is to create knowledge that can be shared for the benefit of others, especially the low- income communities of my dearest Maracaibo. Thank you for guiding me and being by my side always. I thank my supervisor, Dr. Patricia Wilson, who was patient with me during the research process, encouraging me all the way, believing in my capacity to undertake this study and, helping me to improve my skills and achieve my objectives. I offer my special gratitude to the members of my committee, for their comments, suggestions, and encouragement. I also would like to thank my field companion, Professor Marina González from Universidad del Zulia in Venezuela, for her dedication and time and for the relevant comments and contributions which were decisive to undertake the field activities, and for their success, and the HABITAT-LUZ foundation at the University of Zulia, for their cooperation and providing the opportunity for this inquiry. -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
Yudey J. Rodríguez M., Marino J. González R., Elena Rincón O., Rodrigo Mijares S. MISIÓN
Mundo Nuevo Nº 10. Septiembre-Diciembre, 2012 . Caracas, Venezuela Año IV, Nº 10, 2012, pp. 139-181 Yudey J. Rodríguez M., Marino J. González R., Elena Rincón O., Rodrigo Mijares S. MISIÓN BARRIO ADENTRO, BALANCE Y PERSPECTIVAS RESUMEN: Este artículo pretende dar a conocer el impacto que ha tenido la Misión Barrio Adentro (MBA) en la sociedad venezolana, en sus diferentes niveles: I, II y III. Como objetivos específi cos se plantearon los siguientes: 1) Describir la MBA, según diversos criterios como: ámbito de acción, población objetivo, objetivos del programa, recursos invertidos, resultados, entre otros; 2) Realizar una Revisión Sistemática de la Literatura (RSL) en bases de datos nacionales e internacionales, durante el período 2003-2010; 3) Determinar sus principales alcances y limitaciones. Con la fi nalidad de profundizar en el análisis y evaluación de políticas públicas de salud en Venezuela, la presente investigación se orientó al estudio y aproximación, cualitativa y cuantitativa, de la MBA. Palabras clave: Misión Barrio Adentro, políticas públicas, programas de salud, Venezuela. MISSION BARRIO ADENTRO, ASSESSMENT AND PERSPECTIVES ABSTRACT: This article presents the impact that Mision Barrio Adentro, through its different levels (I, II and III), has had in society. The objectives of the study are threefold. Firstly, to describe the program using criteria which include the fi eld of action, target population, program objectives, invested resources and results. Secondly, to undertake a review of the literature in national and international data bases for the period 2003-2010 and fi nally to determine the scope and limitations of the program. This research used both qualitative and quantitative methods to analyze and evaluate this public health policy in Venezuela. -
Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida. -
Misión Madres Del Barrio: a Bolivarian Social Program Recognizing Housework and Creating a Caring Economy in Venezuela
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA BY Cory Fischer-Hoffman Submitted to the graduate degree program in Latin American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Committee members Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ____________________ Chairperson Tamara Falicov, Phd. ____________________ Mehrangiz Najafizadeh, Phd. ____________________ Date defended: May 8, 2008 The Thesis Committee for Cory Fischer-Hoffman certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ________________________________ Chairperson Date approved:_______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a product of years of activism in the welfare rights, Latin American solidarity, and global justice movements. Thank you to all of those who I have worked and struggled with. I would especially like to acknowledge Monica Peabody, community organizer with Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights (formerly WROC) and all of the welfare mamas who demand that their caring work be truly valued. Gracias to my compas, Greg, Wiley, Simón, Kaya, Tessa and Caro who keep me grounded and connected to movements for justice, and struggle along side me. Thanks to my thesis committee for helping me navigate through the bureaucracy of academia while asking thoughtful questions and providing valuable guidance. I am especially grateful to the feedback and editing support that my dear friends offered just at the moment when I needed it. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
Understanding the Characteristics of Remittance Recipients in Venezuela: a Country in Economic Crisis
Undergraduate Economic Review Volume 16 Issue 1 Article 3 2019 Understanding the Characteristics of Remittance Recipients in Venezuela: A Country in Economic Crisis Nicole A. Degla University of Notre Dame, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/uer Part of the Econometrics Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, and the Macroeconomics Commons Recommended Citation Degla, Nicole A. (2019) "Understanding the Characteristics of Remittance Recipients in Venezuela: A Country in Economic Crisis," Undergraduate Economic Review: Vol. 16 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/uer/vol16/iss1/3 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Understanding the Characteristics of Remittance Recipients in Venezuela: A Country in Economic Crisis Abstract This essay analyzes household surveys from the World Bank Global Financial Inclusion Database for the years 2011, 2014, and 2017, as a means to distinguish individual level characteristics of remittance recipients in Venezuela. -
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Sabaneta to Miraflores: Afterlives of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela
Sabaneta to Miraflores: Afterlives of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela The inner-city parish of La Vega sits in the lush mountain terrain of Western Caracas. Roughly 130,000 poor residents are cordoned off sociologically from nearby El Paraíso, a wealthy neighborhood that supplies the clients for the upscale shopping center that separates the two communities. In La Vega, the bottom 20 percent of households live on US$125 per month, while the average family income is $US409. Well over a third of households are led by a single mother. Proletarians of mixed African, indigenous, and European ancestries populate the barrio’s informal economies.[1] In Venezuela, one of the most urbanized countries in Latin America, these households constitute a key demographic base of chavismo. Six years ago, the journalist Jacobo Rivero asked a 50-year-old black woman from La Vega what would happen if Chávez died. The Bolivarian process “is irreversible,” she told him, its roots are too deep to be easily torn asunder in the absence of el comandante. In the years since Chávez’s rise to the presidency in 1999—an interval of unprecedented popular political participation and education for the poor—the woman had learned, for the first time, the history of African slavery and the stories of her ancestors. The historical roots of injustice were being demystified, their causes sorted out. Dignity was being restored in inner-city communities, and their political confidence was on the rise. There had been motive, it now seemed to her, behind the manufactured ignorance of the -
The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela the First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Ellner / RADICAL POTENTIAL OF CHAVISMO The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela The First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner The circumstances surrounding Hugo Chávez’s pursuit of power and the strategy he has adopted for achieving far-reaching change in Venezuelaare in many ways without parallel in Latin American politics. While many generals have been elected president, Chávez’s electoral triumph was unique in that he was a middle-level officer with radical ideas who had previously led a coup attempt. Furthermore, few Latin American presidents have attacked existing democratic institutions with such fervor while swearing allegiance to the democratic system (Myers and O’Connor, 1998: 193). From the beginning of his political career, Chávez embraced an aggres- sively antiparty discourse. He denounced the hegemony of vertically based political parties, specifically their domination of Congress, the judicial sys- tem, the labor and peasant movements, and civil society in general. Upon his election in December 1998, he followed through on his campaign promise to use a constituent assembly as a vehicle for overhauling the nation’s neo- corporatist political system. He proposed to replace this model with one of direct popular participation in decision making at the local level. His actions and rhetoric, however, also pointed in the direction of a powerful executive whose authority would be largely unchecked by other state institutions. Indeed, the vacuum left by the weakening of the legislative and judicial branches and of government at the state level and the loss of autonomy of such public entities as the Central Bank and the state oil company could well be filled by executive-based authoritarianism.