Enquiry Into Economic Regionalism in France
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I2O THE SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ENQUIRY INTO ECONOMIC REGIONALISM IN FRANCE. ORGANIZED BY HUNTLY CABTER. The following replies are the result of an attempt to discover the opinions of a certain number of distinguished French econoiiiista and regionalists on the question of national and local autonomy.* The questions submitted for their consideration were as follows :— 1. Is the world-wide movement towards national and local autonomy desirable? 2. Do you think that the war, and the idea of national autonomy has had any influence on economic and industrial regionalism in France? 3. If so, what influence from the theoretical point of view? What influence from the practical point of view? 4. Would a lasting peace be more likely if the nations were organi.<!ed on an autonomous basis ? The following note waB also added :—There are two further questions implied in the Questionnaire on which you may wish to expresn an opinion. At regards question 2. Could you quote some examples of regionalist independence in France amounting to a synthesis of regional life ? At regards question 3. How far, do you think, the defeat of Germany will permit of a willing surrender of central power so far as Paris is concemed, supposing that such a centralisation was only an inevitable defence against Qerman aggression? M. PlERBS DB MABOUSSEM. President of the Society of Social Economics and Union for Social Peace. (1) We believe it to be desirable, and in any case it is impossible to prevent it. The awakening of individualism amongst the most advanced of the rich and pros- perous nations has led to what is called "The Liberal Movement"; and as sn almost necessary counterpart, the Liberal Movement has hiought in its train, that of Nationalities. Within the most eolidly united nations, on the other hand, the memory of the little nationalities, gradually incorporated in the course of history, must manifest itself similarly :—this manifestation is oalled "Regionalism." (2) The fact is undeniable. (3) These two points of view are indistinguishable. To convince oneself of this it is only necessary to rp^^itulate the history of what is called Eegionalisn) in France from the Declaration of War in 1914. Immediately after the opening of hostilities the Minutry of War transformed the arew, from which the Army Corps were drawn, into eoonomic ureas, and this wiUi a view to re-vitalizing them. A D^artni«it for tiiis pnrpow has been set np in Rue St. Dominique. * Wh«B I speak of "National aat<momy" I mean what is called in ISnglish "Hom« Rule," that is to aay a ctmntry considered aa a self-safficiant entity. It is aMamod Uiat eadi cboatiy, should be governed in ite own way, and even each put ot tbe cooBtry, {'-f., SwitMrland). FRENCH REGIONALISM 121 Shortly afterwards the Ministry of Commerce tried to divide France into a certain number of purely economic Regions, using the information derived from the researches of the Federation Jiegionalittd. Fran(;aise, and of the Lique pour la Repretentation professtonnelle of M. Jean Hennessy. M Hauser, Professor of the Faculty of Dijon, is responsible for this Department of the Ministry of Com- merce. With the aid, especially, of the map published on the 12th of October, 1916, by the Exportateur Fran<;aise, and after consultations with the Chambers of Commerce, whose assistance he sought, he endeavoured to make a fresh redivision which grouped the departments into 16 Regions, (see the map published by the ExcelfioT in April, 1919). However, after the Armistice a very clear Regionalistic movement showed itself in re-conquered Alsace and Lorraine. The efforts attempted in this direction have been emphasised by the Congress of the Soci^ti of Social Economics in June, 1919. On the other hand, the invaded departments of the region of the Nord, finding that economic reconstitution did not act sufliciently quickly under the direction of the centralised administrations, organised the States General of the devastated provinces. The idea that centralisation complicates questions, and does not resolve them grows more and more. (4) The size'of the autonomous regions does not seem to have a direct influence on the chance of a lasting peace. Old Europe, divided into innumerable little princi. palities was always at war. The concentration in great states has led to the catastrophes from which we are emerging. Nevertheless, the experience of humanity seems to show that little nations are less subject to corruption than great ones, and consequently bring about less easily the great convulsions of history which bring in their wake so much bloodshed and so many tears. If disciplined, above all, by a well-conceived League of Nations, and cemented by frequent interchanges, they would perhaps lead to a General European Confederation, which, in theory, would be desirable, although the realisation could not be expected for long years to come. HENRI Correspondent of the Institute. Professor at the Sorbonne and at the National Conservatoire of Industrial Arts. r. 1 think it is vain to ask oneself if the movement towards national autonomy is, or is not, desirable. It might be possible that the opposite movement—that which geems to drag humanity towards the effacement of different national charac- teristics—would be more desirable. But facts are facts. The war showed cruelly the danger—in all that touches the essential elements in production—for a people to depend upon other peoples, aa the economic condition of war, will not disappear with peace, but will prolong itself as long as the rareflcation of work and matters and raw material: no theory can prevail against necessity for people who desire to live at all, to give an autonomous base to their national economics. Regarding the movement which is manifesting itself in many luids—as in France,—the United Kingdom, Belgium—in favour of regional autonomy, it seemx to me desirable in every way. These states will have after-war problems and needs which willl be terribly difficult to solve and to satisfy. If their central govern- ments determine to arrange all these matters themselves by means of centralised administration they will not be able to accomplish the task. Nothing will be done, or at be«t there will be deplorable delay. Only the regional aothorities who are in close touch with men And their work, know the real needs of the popnlation, &nd in what these differ from the neighbouring population's needs. They alone 122 THE SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW can rapidly take decisions upon matters as they arise, find the resources necessary, aroQse enthusiasm in local groups for work which is of collective interest. The central executive and legislative powers should not intervene except to harmonise the aspirations of the divers regions—to avoid or set right any conflicts, keep certain regions from seeing only their own interests—in short to maintain the meaning of a superior rational unity. But the central executive should not have the responsibility for the affairs of these regions. Economically, the nation should be oonstituted as a Limited Company divided into several branches, each branch having its committee of administration. Above each of Ihese committees would sit the central committee, representing the general interests of the Company. II. The war has certainly had an effect upon the eoonomic regionalism of France, and this for several reasons : (a) In August-September, 1914, a large part of the regions of France, (without speaking of the invaded regions) found themselves more or less cut off from their relations with the capital, towards which they were in the habit of turning. During a certain time they had reason to believe that their capital would be occupied by the enemy. Bordeaux, become the political and administrative capital could not, in spite of its importance, replace Paris as eoonomic capital. The regions—those which the Parisians, with inexact and dangerous generalisation, call the Provinces—the regions were forced to be self-supporting, and, with the neighbouring localities, maintain national life. The result was a marvellous work of spontaneous organisation, in which the municipalities collaborated with the local assemblies, chambers of commerce. Trade Unions, associations, etc., and these combined really saved France. Such a life wag an education, and the men who h&ve lived and made life possible in those tragic times will be less than ever disposed to receive orders from, and put up with the delays of central administration. (b) The imperious necessity of industrial war has enormously developed existing local centres and created new ones. The temporary disappearance of the industries of the valley of the North and North East has strengthened, for example, the industries of the valley of the Rhone, and of the Alps, and has caused all sorts of new industrial regions to be set up—such as that of the Pyranftes. Because of this necessity seveml sleepy and monotonous, lazy districts have come to life, and immense factories have brought with them a working population—who will not forget all this. (c) Even the determination of the war brings to economic regionalism two powerful arguments : first, Alsace, for nearly fifty years outside the French community, can only participate usefully now in the national lire of France if her peculiarities are respected, and if her special situation and interests are considered; she gives to the rest of France a chance for experimenting with regionalism. Secondly, the re-conqnered territories are in snch a condition that it seems as if rapid reconstruction is impossible, if people wish to set about this by the ordinary centralised means. It is not possible at this moment—and it will not be possible for a long time,—to act at Lille and at Arras as at Nantes and at Toulouse.