2010

Speech Skeppsholmen, Eric Ericsson hall 18 June 2010 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt to the Crown Princess and Mr Daniel Westling Check against delivery

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.

Welcome to Stockholm, our beautiful capital. Welcome to the Government's official dinner in honour of the marriage between Crown Princess Victoria and Mr Daniel Westling. To all our foreign guests: I ask you to forgive me for making the following remarks in Swedish.

Crown Princess Victoria. Mr Daniel Westling. You have known one another for many years now. It shows. Everyone who has seen you together knows that you radiate that sense of ease and assurance that people only feel when they know one another well. The sort of love a person only feels when they know they have found their companion for life. Those of us who have met the love of our life know that when you are newly in love, you want to tell everyone about it. You want to shout your happiness to the world. You want to show off your love. After eight years together, at last you can show your love openly. No wonder you look so newly in love.

Daniel. At last the people of Sweden have had a chance to meet you. At last we too have had a chance to get to know the person the Crown Princess has now chosen to be her husband, her companion for life - and her prince. We have seen that you are an assured and level-headed person. With your feet on the ground and the drive it takes to start your own business and charm a Crown Princess. The way you look at the Crown Princess has already made the people of Sweden take you to their heart. I am convinced that you will take your responsibility as a husband, as a companion for life and as a prince with the same warmth, humility and respect.

Crown Princess Victoria. From the autumn christening in the Royal Chapel on, we have been able to watch the Crown Princess through childhood and into adult life. Christmas television broadcasts, birthday celebrations at the summer palace of Solliden and official duties - I really believe we all think we know our Crown Princess rather well. We know the Crown Princess as a natural, unaffected person. Warm and generous. Courageous and honest. With that special twinkle in her eye and always close to laughter. Now the Crown Princess is following her heart and marrying her true love. And I believe I speak for the whole of the Swedish people when I say this: we have never seen the Crown Princess as happy as she is now.

Crown Princess Victoria. Mr Daniel Westling. Two hundred years ago, Jean Baptiste Bernadotte was chosen by the Swedish Riksdag to be Crown Prince of Sweden. One hundred and seventy- seven years ago, the first Bernadotte wedding in Sweden took place. Tomorrow you will carry on this tradition. I am convinced that the two of you together will succeed in carrying our ancient traditions and values forward and unifying them with our modern present day Sweden. In the time since your engagement was announced, we have all seen the intensity of your love and the strength of your relationship. We can see how close you are. We can see that you are ready to tackle the future together. And when the day comes, I am convinced that the Crown Princess, with Daniel at her side, will shoulder her responsibility as sovereign in a way that will make all of Sweden proud. Tomorrow is your wedding day. On behalf of the entire Swedish people, I would like to congratulate you and wish you every happiness, tomorrow and in the future. Let me propose that we now all rise and join in a toast to Crown Princess Victoria and Mr Daniel Westling. 2009

Speech Plenary at the COP15 climate change conference, Copenhagen 18 December 2009 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at COP15 in Copenhagen

CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Ladies and gentlemen, Related First of all - let me remind you why we are here. It's to reach an agreement that meets the two degree target. Press release: Fredrik Reinfeldt to lead EU An agreement that points out how to meet it. And that is fair and just. during climate change conference A global threat needs a global response. The importance of this Conference cannot be emphasized enough. External links This is a decisive meeting. Not only for Sweden. Not only for Europe. But for the world as a whole. United Nations Climate Ultimately - this meeting is about taking responsibility. Change Conference, COP 15, on the the website for For the climate. For our earth. And for our future. the Swedish presidency of the EU Ladies and gentlemen, Climate change has been on top of the European Union's agenda for a long time. At the start we all had different ideas. We all had different objectives. With twenty seven Member States - twenty seven interests - we had to discuss, argue and negotiate to find common grounds. It was never easy. We all had to compromise. We all had to give and take. But in the end we were able to agree. We agreed on a strong EU mandate to take a leading role in these negotiations. We know that when countries unite they can make a difference. A difference in negotiations. A difference for the climate. * * * Ladies and Gentlemen, The European Union has made the most ambitious commitments to fight climate change. We have decided to cut emissions by 20 per cent in legally binding targets. Regardless of what happens here in Copenhagen. We are ready to increase this number to 30 percent. We want to be able to move to 30 percent, if other developed countries do comparable efforts. We need to achieve the two degree target together. And we still hope and expect that other parties will show that kind of leadership here and now. To show our commitment, the European Union has also put real money on the table. Money for fast start financing in developing countries. In the next three years, we will contribute with 2.4 billion euros annually. And we will take on a fair share of the medium term financing, where the global need will be around 100 billion euros by 2020. The European Union is serious. We do not want to talk only about process and procedures. With our offer, the European Union has delivered on the two most crucial issues in these negotiations. The time has come also for others to deliver. * * * Ladies and gentlemen, If we are serious about getting an agreement here in Copenhagen, both Annex 1-countries and non Annex 1- countries must make more ambitious mitigation commitments. And when we say non Annex 1-countries we mean the more advanced developing countries. The US and China account for almost half of the worlds emission. They simply must do their part. If they don't, we will not be able to meet the two degree target. Now - I look at the time and I realise that we have only hours left to take responsibility. Let's get back to work. Contact Roberta Alenius +46 8 405 10 00

Speech Business Summit, Grand Hotel, Stockholm 06 October 2009 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at Business Summit

President Lula, President Barroso, Excellencies, Related Ladies and gentlemen, Press release: Reinfeldt to receive Lula da Silva for Welcome to Sweden and this Business Summit. As President of the European Council and host of the third EU- EU-Brazil Summit Brazil Summit, I am pleased to address you here today. Sweden and the EU attaches high importance to the dialogue at this Business Forum. External links Today, together with President Lula and European Commission President Barroso, I have concluded the EU- A summit within the Brazil Summit. summit on the website for I can tell you we have had fruitful discussions on the global challenges we - as world leaders - face today: How the Swedish Presidency of the EU the EU and Brazil can take the lead and act responsibly. Regarding climate change and regarding the global economy. I know these are the same issues you have discussed here at the Business Summit. We have also assessed the strategic partnership and the implementation so far of the Joint Action Plan that was adopted in Rio de Janeiro in December. And earlier today we received the recommendations of the first EU- Brazil Civil Society Round Table. Ladies and gentlemen, This Business Forum, with its recommendations to the EU-Brazil Summit, makes an important contribution to the strategic partnership between the European Union and Brazil. We take your recommendations seriously. You - representing and knowing the conditions under which business operate - have an important role to play in shaping the best solutions for the future: How to boost investments. How to foster trade. How to combat protectionism. All of this is of particular importance today - when the world is experiencing the worst economic crisis since the 1930s, with severe impact on employment and on world trade. Today, when we see how world trade is expected to fall by ten percent in 2009: By up to fourteen per cent in developed countries. And when we see how protectionist pressure, as a consequence of the economic downturn, has been rising in the world. These are worrying signs. As you might know, Sweden is an open trade-oriented country. And so, during our EU Presidency we will continue taking strong action in favour of trade liberalisation and to combat protectionism. We believe that open markets and a strong multilateral trading system are important guarantees against protectionism. And that they are important pre-conditions for economic recovery. At the G20 meeting in Pittsburgh a little less than two weeks ago, we agreed that the Doha Round must be concluded before the end of 2010. This was an important step forward. Now it is time to intensify our efforts. After our discussions today, I can assure you that the EU and Brazil are determined to enhance our cooperation. Continue to work together to respond to the current global crisis. Continue to ensure the smooth running of the financial sector. Now, if the world economy is one of the two top priorities for the Swedish EU Presidency, climate change is the other. Ladies and gentlemen, The financial and economic crisis is not an excuse for not doing our utmost to reach an agreement in Copenhagen in December. The Presidency is working hard to reach an agreement. The European Union will continue to demonstrate strong leadership. Some then ask me: But is it really possible to rise from the economic downturn and tackle climate change at the same time? I tell them: Yes, it is possible - and necessary. Financial markets and businesses must not only learn to assess the economic impact of climate change; they must also realise that the transition to a low carbon economy is in fact also a business opportunity. Some businesses do. They take advantage of the possibilities and opportunities that are created. They learn how the low carbon economy can generate new jobs, prospering businesses and economic growth. Those who understand this will be the winners of tomorrow.. Finally, I want to assure you of something. There are those who say that the threat of climate change means that we need to restrict choice and maybe even close our borders. I don't believe this is the way forward. In fact, the principle of an open market economy with free competition is necessary for an effective climate policy. Only then will we find the most cost effective solutions that are also the best for our climate. Ladies and gentlemen, Today's Business Summit, with strong presence of European and Brazilian industry, has allowed us to move forward and strengthen our business relationship. I hope today's important steps will help building an even stronger EU-Brazil relationship for the future. Thank you.

Speech Baltic Development Forum, Stockholmsmässan, Älvsjö 05 October 2009 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the Baltic Development Forum

Check against delivery Your Royal Highness, External links Excellencies, Baltic Sea Strategy to be Ladies and Gentlemen, discussed at the Baltic I am pleased to be attending the Baltic Development Forum Summit again. Two years ago in Tallinn, I spoke Development Forum on the website for the about the need for a European Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region. I argued that our region needed a strategy Swedish Presidency of the that could serve as a model for combining growth and competitiveness - and to meet our responsibilities in the EU context of climate change. Baltic Development Two weeks ago, here in Stockholm, the EU Ministers from the Baltic Sea region agreed on a joint declaration Forum's website on the implementation of the Strategy. As President of the European Council, I am now looking forward to adopting the Strategy at the October European Council three weeks from now. * * * Since my last speech at the Baltic Development Forum, global challenges have dominated the political agenda. The financial crisis has swept across the world plunging many economies into deep recession. Few have been spared - we know this all too well here in our region. And we have yet to see the full impact. No doubt, changes in the way our economy functions are inevitable. At the same time, we are trying to keep up awareness of the rapid rate of climate change. The financial and economic crisis is no excuse for not doing our utmost to reach a global climate deal in Copenhagen in December. This meeting will be crucial. And we have a responsibility to future generations to seize this opportunity to act. I can assure you that the European Union will continue to demonstrate strong leadership. * * * So, these are challenging times. For the European Union and for its role in the global community. But with challenge also comes opportunity. The Baltic Sea Region has undergone a remarkable transition over the past twenty years. Today, the Baltic Sea has regained its historic role as a unifying body of water, after decades of separation between East and West. It is once again a bridge for our economic, social and cultural ties - ties that are growing stronger each year. Once again, it is serving as one of the major trading routes in the world, transporting some ninety per cent of all traded goods within the region. It is time that European policy reflects this new reality. It is time to take active measures to eradicate the barriers that still remain in our region. Barriers between people - and barriers between markets. Two things come to mind: First: If we want to see the Baltic Sea Region grow, we must make our markets more accessible. There has been a historic divide, which is so clear when we look at how maps have been drawn for energy and transport infrastructures. But also evident in the problems small and medium sized enterprises still experience in establishing themselves in our markets. We should now create the basis for a common home market around the Baltic Sea. Second: If we are serious about combating climate change, it is crucial to start developing sustainable and eco- efficient energy supplies. The Baltic Energy Market Interconnection Plan (BEMIP) is an important step in this direction, and it is a clear example of the benefits of a macro-regional approach. Stronger links between the eight EU countries bordering the Baltic Sea - between public as well as private interests and companies - will stimulate growth and welfare. This, together with capital and market access, will not only lead to a more prosperous Baltic Sea region; it will also create a more prosperous European Union. * * * Over the last two years, the European Commission has engaged in a dialogue with all stakeholders in the region. It has since presented the European Council with the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea region. This Strategy relies on the commitment of all stakeholders involved. On the active participation of authorities, of civil society, and of regional and interregional organisations alike. In this context, the Baltic Development Forum has an important role to play. I believe that there is a genuine willingness among many of the stakeholders to take on the challenge and actively contribute to the success of the Strategy. And that is how it should be; they have been involved in shaping its priorities. Now is the chance to be equally involved in its implementation. Two years ago, in Tallinn, I reminded the audience that our region is a fortunate one. That we are rich in resources and expertise. That we have the political will to create a more prosperous and greener future. The EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region is an example of how political will can be translated into concrete action. In two years from now, I look forward to hearing from the Polish EU Presidency about how the Strategy has been followed up. I am convinced that we have only seen the beginning of a journey towards even more regional integration and cooperation around the Baltic Sea. Thank you.

Speech Sixty-fourth regular session of the United Nations General Assembly, New York, USA 22 September 2009 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt: Statement at the Summit on Climate Change

Check against delivery Mr. Secretary-General, External links Excellencies, Web cast Reinfeldt one of Ladies and Gentlemen the speakers at New York For me politics begins in the individual and the challenges she is facing. They vary from person to person. climate summit on the web site for the Swedish They depend on where we live. In which time we live. Presidency of the EU Sometimes the challenges coincide and become common. Not only for the people living in Sweden. Not only EU at UN annual meeting for the citizens of Europe. But for all people. In all nations. on the web site for the Swedish Presidency of the This is one of those moments. This is our opportunity: To help shape the world and change not only our own EU children's lives, but their children's - and generations to come. General Assembly of the United Nations on the Climate change is affecting the conditions of life for all of us, in one way or another. Some people notice that UN's website the snowy winters of childhood have disappeared. For others, in coastal zones and on small islands, climate change is a question of survival as sea levels continue to rise. But for many yet it is not on top of the agenda. Poverty is quite enough a challenge to handle. I'm not saying this to diminish the need for action. I'm saying it because even if this crisis indeed affects us all, some are not yet experiencing the gravity of the situation. Others have more immediate threats - such as hunger - to fight. But one thing is sure. For every day that goes by without us taking action, the consequences will be more severe. For all of us. * * * Two years ago, on the eve of the High-level Event on Climate Change here in New York, I informed the Secretary-General of my Government's intention to establish an international commission on Climate Change and Development. The members of the Commission were asked to answer this question: How should adaptation action be designed and supported? What is needed to build the resilience of the most vulnerable? In May, the commission presented its recommendations here at the United Nations. Indicating a path that represents a new vision of sustainable development. The commission proposes a High Level Task Force. To help us formulate a new vision for development - with regard to public policy and global governance. I welcome this. It is a fact that also the developing countries need to take action. Social and economic systems in these countries are often more vulnerable. Developing countries need to adapt to the climate change they are already experiencing. And we need to help them. I will tell you the European Union took an important step last week in identifying the need for a fast start of international public financing. To be used for capacity building and technical assistance. The EU also estimates that some five to seven billion euro of assistance a year is likely to be needed in the coming two years - an estimate that needs to be adjusted over time. * * * You know, while we are sitting in international conference rooms and halls like this one, discussing how to adapt and how to finance adaptation, the climate keeps on changing. Mountain glaciers are melting. Sea levels are rising. Soils are getting drier. This is the reason we are meeting here today. This is the reason we are meeting in Copenhagen. It's about the climate. Our climate. I said earlier that for me politics begins in the challenges of every individual. And right now, individuals around the globe - in this country, in my country of Sweden, in small island nations and in developing countries - are challenged by climate change. * * * Ladies and gentlemen, At the meeting of the leaders of G8 and Major Economies Forum in Italy this summer there was agreement on the two degree target, set by the UN. This was an important step. But all countries must now step up and realise what is needed to keep to that limit: That global greenhouse gas emissions must peak by no later than 2020 and be reduced by at least fifty per cent by 2050. And that they must continue to decline thereafter. So, developed countries need to reduce their emissions by twenty-five to forty per cent by 2020, compared to 1990. Developing countries by fifteen to thirty per cent, compared to business-as-usual. In order for this to happen, we need to see increased commitment. Concrete mid-term targets by developed as well as developing countries. The EU has pledged to make a thirty per cent reduction by 2020 as a part of a global agreement. That is more than anyone else has put on the table so far. The international climate negotiations are at a critical juncture. I recognise that an ambitious climate policy has significant costs. That it will result in some sacrifices. But the cost of inaction will be far worse. And for some, it will be catastrophic. * * * Ladies and gentlemen, We are only 76 days from The Copenhagen meeting - but the negotiations are going far too slow and they are still lacking real progress. We are close to a deadlock. As leaders we have a job to do. Our job is to break the deadlock. Climb up from the trenches. Give clear political guidance to the negotiation process. Now is the time to rise to the challenge. Now is one of those moments when our responsibilities must be extended: Beyond election cycles. Above the everyday planning and budgeting. Because frankly, there is no other option than a successful outcome in Copenhagen. Action is long overdue. Like never before, the welfare of our children and their children have become our concrete responsibility. Let us rise to that challenge. Thank you.

Speech Centre for European Policy Studies, Brussels 09 June 2009 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt: Taking on the challenge - The Swedish Presidency of the European Union

Det talade ordet gäller Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a pleasure to be here today at the Centre for European Policy Studies and present my vision of the Swedish Presidency, which starts on 1 July. For some reason it seems as if nobody envies us this task. And it is true that our Presidency will take place under very special circumstances. A new European Parliament taking office, a new European Commission about to be appointed and uncertainty about the future of the Lisbon Treaty. We face ever more alarming reports about climate change. And on top of that, we are in the midst of the worst financial and economic crisis since the 1930s, which may soon become an employment crisis. I recently read that we are about to face a water crisis too and I thought, why not - let's add that one to the list as well. So Europe is facing some difficult challenges. Today, I want to talk to you about these challenges and how to address them, firm in the belief that every challenge is an opportunity. And that is what the Swedish Presidency is about - taking on the challenge. *** Let me also say that the Swedish Presidency you will see from 1 July may be rather different to what you might expect from a country like Sweden. Especially when it comes to our view of European cooperation and the European Union. My Moderate Party and I have always been strong believers in this Union. We have always defended the Union in the national debate - long before Sweden became a member. As early as 1962 we headed into an election with the campaign slogan "Yes to Europe!". Today, and as a member of the EU, we want to contribute to Europe and European integration in a constructive way. And I think we have a good chance to show that the Sweden of today is seeking a new, more proactive and positive role within the EU. My Government, which has been in office since 2006, is made up of four parties with a positive view of the EU, and with a majority in the Swedish parliament, the Riksdag. It is also a government that has high ambitions regarding European policies. In our Statement of Government Policy, we established that: "Sweden must have a clear and unquestioned place at the heart of European cooperation." These words inspire high expectations. And I see no better time to fulfil such expectations than during our upcoming Presidency. That said, let me make it clear from the outset that the challenges we are facing are not a task for the Swedish Presidency alone. They are a joint task for the whole of Europe. Working together is the very essence of the European Union. And when the world is in turmoil it is time to use this tool of cooperation, work together and show our citizens the added value of being part of a union of nation states. After all - the purpose of the Union is to make people's lives better. *** Last autumn the financial and economic crisis spread around the world in just a few days. The hunt for easy money, unhealthy risk-taking and, in some cases, pure greed created a financial hurricane. And even though we had been warned about it, it came as a surprise; in particular the extent and the depth of the crisis. So, considering the circumstances, the Union did quite well in handling the acute situation by agreeing on some "traffic rules" for support to the banking system and a joint Recovery Plan. This was part of the immediate, acute crisis management. In the autumn we will be facing the need for continuing crisis management. And at the same time we will have to start tackling the issue of long-term recovery. This needs to be done with vigour and intelligence. Many references have been made to the successful handling of the Swedish banking crisis in the 1990s, and I understand why. But to be honest, it took us almost ten years to recover fully from that experience, and far too many people ended up in long-term unemployment. We must make sure to avoid that this time around. We need to restore functioning financial markets and confidence in them. Families and companies must once again be able to borrow money on reasonable terms. I believe that we need to strengthen the supervisory system for the financial markets to make sure that a similar crisis does not happen in the future. To be frank, our citizens simply won't accept huge bonuses being handed out to corporate managers when results are negative, while they are left on their own at the end of the day when it's time to pay the bill. The incentive systems must not reward irresponsible behaviour. In this respect the de Larosière report and subsequent Commission proposal are a good basis for our work. And in the autumn we expect to be dealing with legislative proposals and to reach a political agreement. I also believe that it is crucial not just to restore confidence and stability to the financial markets, but also to initiate a discussion about fiscal policies in the Member States. The current downturn has put significant pressure on national budgets, creating increasing deficits and growing debts. To achieve sustainable growth we need to agree a common exit strategy to return to the rules of the Stability and Growth Pact. I know that this task won't be popular and it will certainly not be easy. But let's be honest: if the crisis we face today was created by people borrowing too much, the solution cannot be for governments to act in the same way. *** Alongside all of this, we must also remember to address the reality that people all over Europe are now witnessing. For most people the crisis is not a question of financial stability or sustainable growth. Instead the sky is painted black by a rise in unemployment and social exclusion. To put it bluntly: people are losing their jobs. In fact, today millions of workers across Europe have already lost their jobs and millions more are concerned about what the future will bring. This means that the most serious problem we will have to deal with will be increasing unemployment. I think you all realise that new jobs are not created by way of communications, regulations or directives from Brussels. And I would add to that: the answer does not lie in protectionism either - or in trying to save European companies that are not competitive. For example, the problem with the car industry lies in the overproduction of cars that nobody wants to buy. Well, I must tell you: when a ship is sinking my main aim is to save the sailors - not the ship. What Europe needs in the short term is pro-active labour market policies in order to maintain employability, prevent long-term unemployment and, not least, prevent the re-emergence of protectionist pressures. What Europe can do in the long run is to reform, adapt and modernise by strengthening its innovation capacity and moving towards a low-carbon economy. A review of the EU's Lisbon Strategy can give impetus to this reform agenda. As we look to the future, it is clear that Europe needs a revitalised strategy for sustainable growth and full employment - a strategy that transforms our Union and reaps the benefits of globalisation. Specifically, this means promoting investment in human capital and research, advancing external and internal openness, and further improving the environment for business and innovation across our continent. My intention is to get this debate off the ground so that a new Lisbon Strategy can be adopted in spring 2010. We need actions to enable Europe to come out of this crisis strengthened. *** This brings me to our next important priority - combating climate change and reaching an international climate agreement in Copenhagen to achieve this. As I stand here today, the Greenland and West Antarctic ice sheets continue to melt and sea levels continue to rise. We are experiencing more extreme weather conditions, with severe storms and droughts. And while this is happening, emission levels have not even started to decline. On the contrary. According to the IPCC, between 1970 and 2004 greenhouse gas emissions increased by 70 per cent. There is no more time to lose, if we do not want our children to suffer even more dramatic consequences of climate change. Over the last year I have often been told that, in the middle of deep economic crisis, countries cannot afford to spend money on "green dreams". I would argue the contrary. They cannot afford to keep their current costly energy sources. Let me take Ukraine as an example, and a particularly interesting one given recent signs of an impending gas crisis. Today Ukraine uses energy about three times less efficiently than EU countries on average. Studies demonstrate that if Ukraine's energy efficiency could reach the level of countries like Slovenia and the Czech Republic, Ukraine would come close to being independent of gas imports from Russia. So in addition to the benefit of having cleaner air, improved health and reduced risk of natural disasters, many countries would even improve their public finances by addressing climate change and their energy mixes. I guess that is what you call a "win-win" situation. Studies by McKinsey show the same thing. Global greenhouse gas emissions could be cut by about 40 per cent by 2030 at a cost of less than half a per cent of global GDP. I will say it again: the cost of inaction is far higher than the cost of action. I say this knowing that, at the same time, many developing countries will have difficulties making the initial investments. The EU has therefore stated its readiness to take on its fair share in the framework of an agreement in Copenhagen. The Swedish Presidency - and I personally - will do our utmost to continue to work out the details of such financing arrangements as well as ways of transferring technology, to enable an agreement on global emissions reductions in Copenhagen. We know that substantial mitigation efforts are needed in all countries if we are to keep the increase in global average temperature below two degrees compared to pre-industrial levels. Developed countries must take the lead in reducing emissions and reach a mid-term target of cutting emissions by 25 to 40 per cent. And the EU has done its homework. We have promised to cut emissions by 30 per cent by 2020 in the framework of an international agreement. The energy and climate package agreed last December is the most ambitious mitigation policy the world has ever seen. We now need to initiate discussions on how economic instruments can best be utilised in climate policy. I believe tools such as a carbon tax and emissions trading, if designed well, can play a key role in addressing climate problems. But other developed countries must now follow. If they don't we can hardly expect the developing countries to contribute according to their own responsibilities and capabilities. I'm pleased to say that we are receiving encouraging signals from President Obama and his administration, who have profoundly improved the discussions on this issue. *** Managing the financial crisis and unemployment; addressing climate change: these will be the two main priorities of the Swedish Presidency. But we also want to address other issues. One of them is how to tackle cooperation in justice and home affairs. A Union with 27 Member States and around 500 million citizens is very different from the Union founded some fifty years ago. It is now common for our children to study or work abroad in another EU country. They even take it for granted. Sometimes they stay and get married. Others take refuge from conflict and lack of freedom in the stability and democracy of Europe, hoping for a better life. Unfortunately, organised crime also makes use of the new Europe without borders. Cooperation in justice and home affairs needs to be strengthened and developed to adapt to these new circumstances. We must be able to guarantee our citizens safety and the rule of law, no matter where in the Union they decide to study, work or live. One of our priorities is therefore to negotiate the "Stockholm programme" to outline future work in the area of justice and home affairs. This includes police, border control and customs cooperation, criminal and civil law cooperation, asylum and migration, and visa policy and civil protection. *** Another of our priorities is to adopt an EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea. The purpose of this is to improve the environment in the Baltic Sea and to strengthen integration and competitiveness in the region. This should be done by strengthening the internal market, investment in infrastructure, and implementing a regional strategy for research, development and innovation. Hopefully this strategy can serve as a model for the development of other regional strategies within the Union. The Danube region has already been mentioned in this context. *** The enlargement of the EU has strengthened the Union. It has reinforced our security and increased our influence on the global stage. It has led to a higher level of prosperity and to cultural diversity. Thanks to enlargement we are better equipped to reap the benefits of globalisation, as well as to take on its challenges. Just as when new members are introduced into any family, more voices and opinions will be heard. But at the same time our shared identity and common values remain solid. Continued progress in the accession negotiations with Turkey and Croatia will be a priority for the Swedish Presidency, but will mainly depend on the efforts of the countries themselves. We will also work to further strengthen the membership perspective of the Western Balkan countries on the basis of progress made in each of them. The recent adoption of the Swedish-Polish initiative the Eastern Partnership is also something that we hope to take one step further. We believe that this initiative can contribute to stability, democratic reforms and increased welfare in our neighbouring countries. *** I believe that the EU must become more outward-looking and take on greater responsibilities in today's world. I can assure you that I will do my utmost to strengthen the EU's overall relations with our global partners. This is the only way to solve the global challenges we are facing. Regional issues like Afghanistan, Pakistan, the Middle East, Iran and North Korea are issues that need concerted global action. I look forward to developing relations with the new American administration. Never before have the conditions been better for successful transatlantic cooperation. In order to succeed, we need to show that the EU is a partner that can deliver. The summits that we are preparing with South Africa, Brazil, Russia, China, India and Ukraine will all provide important opportunities to achieve our global commitments. *** Finally, let me mention something that I know is of great interest to us all - the Lisbon Treaty. To be honest, when I travel around Sweden or meet citizens of other European countries, interest in this area is not overwhelming. People simply expect the Brussels bureaucracy to function well, and it's our job to make it happen. That said, I do believe that it is very important for the Lisbon Treaty to enter into force as soon as possible, so that a Union of 27, and soon more, can function in an effective and smooth fashion. The Swedish Presidency is ready to handle all the preparatory work needed to make this possible, but of course this is subject to the Treaty being ratified by all Member States. *** As you can see, there are many challenges facing Europe and the Swedish Presidency in the six months ahead. In addition, we have to expect the unexpected. Handling the unforeseen is often what defines a presidency. By working together in an open, efficient and result-oriented way I'm convinced that Europe is ready to take on this challenge. Let me finish with one important observation. This year is also a year of celebration and remembrance of European cooperation, integration, democracy and freedom. In 1949 the Council of Europe was founded: a first step towards deepened European cooperation. In 1979 the first direct elections to the European Parliament were held. And in 1989 we saw the fall of the Berlin Wall and the birth of a new and free Europe. In every respect this shows us a Europe that never stands still. Over almost 70 years this part of the world has sought ways of establishing institutions of cooperation and integration. It has torn down the obstacles and symbols that have denied people democracy and freedom. Always moving forward. Taking on the challenges. Today the citizens of Europe are looking to Europe for guidance on issues that are important to them in present times and for the future - peace, stability, climate change and economic prosperity. They understand fully the globalised world in which we live. They also understand, perhaps better than many politicians, that we need to work together and pool our resources to the benefit of our citizens if we are to have an impact. The citizens of Europe want us to take notice of them and listen to their needs. They want us to take on the challenges of today and at the same time keep our eyes on the future. But we need to improve on involving them in the democratic processes on the European level, a lesson learned from the results in the European elections last Sunday. If we listen to them and act swiftly on their needs, we cannot go wrong. Thank you.

Speech Kulu, Turkey 21 April 2009 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt in Kulu, Turkey (in Turkish) Check against delivery.

Sayýn Vali, Sayýn Kaymakam ve Sayýn belediye baþkaný, saygýdeðer konuklar Bana kentinizi ziyaret etme olanaðýný verdiðiniz için size teþekkür ederim. Bir kent öyle bir dünyaya kucak açýyor ki orada deðiþik ülke ve kültürlerden gelen insanlar arasýnda köprüler kuruluyor. Þimdi ise bu köprüler Türkiye ile Ýsveç arasýnda. Coðrafi konumlarý itibariyle Türkiye ve Ýsveç birbirinden çok uzakta bulunuyorlar. Haritaya bakýldýðýnda da Avrupa'nýn deðiþik köþelerinde iki ayrý ülke olmamýza raðmen bizlerin çok ortak noktasý var. En azýndan hem tarihi olarak hem de þimdi güçlü ve deðiþik baðlarla birbirimize baðlýyýz. Avrupa'nýn bize ait bölgelerinde oturan Vikingler bin yýlý aþkýn süre önce sizi ziyaret ettiler. 1700'lü yýllarýn baþlarýnda Ýsveç'in o dönemdeki kralý olan Demirbaþ Þarl beþ yýldan daha az sürey Türkiye'de yaþadý. Bu zamanla aramýzdaki baðlarýn daha da güçlenmesine neden oldu. O zamanki padiþahýn Ýsveç kralýna ikram ettiði bir fincan kahve ile baþlayan iliþkilerimiz bugün Türkiye ile Ýsveç arasýnda hýzla geliþen ticari iliþkiler haline geldi. Biz hem kültürel açýdan hem de bilgi açýsýndan ülkelerimiz arasýnda çok yararlý bir alýþ veriþin var olduðunu görüyoruz. Tatil için gidilecek yerler listesinde Türkiye Ýsveçli turistler için en baþta gelen ülkedir. Bugün Ýsveç'te yaklaþýk 100 000 'e yakýn Türk kökenli insan yaþamaktadýr. Bu insanlarýn büyük bir çoðunluðu Ýsveç'e sizin kentinizden gelmiþlerdir. Aldýðým bilgilere göre halen Ýsveç'te yaþayan ya da daha önce yaþamýþ akrabasý ya da arkadaþý olmayan bir Kulu'lu yoktur. 1960'lý yýllarýn ortalarýndan bu yana yaklaþýk toplam 30 000 Kulu'lu Ýsveç'e göç etmiþtir. Bu da kentinizin Ýsveç ve Türkiye arasýndaki iliþkilerinde sürekli bir hareketlilik yaþadýðýný göstermektedir. Ýsveç'e gelmiþ olan her Türk kökenli ve her Kulu'lu, ülkelerimiz arasýnda insani bir köprü görevi yapmaktadýr. Bu insanlar, Ýsveç'in modern, refah bir toplum kurmasýna, kültürünün zenginleþmesine yardýmcý olmuþlardýr. Bu insanlar evvelden olduðu gibi bugün de Ýsveç'in geliþimi ve var olmasý için her zaman önemli olmuþ ve olacaklardýr. Tüm bu nedenlerle Ýsveç, Kulu'ya candan teþekkür eder. Ayný zamanda bu karþýlýklý yararlanma yalnýzca Ýsveç için deðil Kulu'nun da geliþmesini, deðiþmesini, hem ekonomik hem de kültürel açýdan Kulu'nun zenginleþmesini saðlamýþtýr. Karþýlýklý insani fayda bu þeklide elde edilmektedir. Ayný þekilde Kulu ile Stockholm - Göteborg ya da bir baþka Ýsveç kenti arasýnda oluþan karþýlýklý insani fayda bu düzeyde bizim nasýl birbirimize ait olduðumuzu gösterirken, iliþkilerimizi daha yüksek düzeyde geliþtirmenin de ne kadar önemli olduðunu bize göstermektedir. Bu durum; Ýsveç ile Türkiye için geçerli olduðu kadar her iki ülkenin de baðlý olduðu Avrupa için de geçerlidir. En azýndan AB ve Türkiye için geçerlidir. Bu nedenle benim AB'nin Türkiye'ye olan ihtiyacý kadar Türkiye'nin de AB'ye ihtiyacý olduðunu burada bir kere daha vurgulamama izin verin. Bu nedenle Ýsveç de Türkiye'nin AB üyeliðini desteklemektedir. Laik bir demokrasiye sahip olan Türkiye'nin yeri Avrupa'dýr. Türkiye; Doðu ile Batýyý, deðiþik kültürleri birbirleriyle birleþtirebilecek eþsiz olanaklara sahiptir. AB'nin bunu görmezlikten gelmesi olanaksýzdýr. Bugün Kulu'nun Ýsveç için ne anlam taþýdýðý, Avrupa Birliði için Türkiye'nin neler yapabileceðini göstermesi bakýmýndan canlý ve önemli bir örnektir. Toplumlar arasýnda istikrarýn ve refahýn getirilmesini, kültürlerimizi zenginleþtirerek çok çeþitliliðin temin edilmesine yardýmcý olacak ve karþýlýklý saygý ve anlayýþýn geliþmesini de saðlayacaktýr. Ortak tarihimiz bizim geleceðimizdir. Ýsveç ile Türkiye arasýnda kurulmuþ olan köprüler birlikte geleceðe bakmamýziçin temel teþkil etmektedir. Ýsveç ile Türkiye arasýndaki iyi iliþkiler konusunda uzun bir tarihi geçmiþimizin olmasýndan onur duymaktayýz. Ben, bu iyi iliþkilerin paylaþtýðýmýz Avrupa kimliði çerçevesinde daha da geliþmesini arzulamaktayým. Teþekkür ederim!

Contact Roberta Alenius +46 8 405 10 00

Speech EU-USA Summit, Prague, Czech Republic 05 April 2009 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the EU-USA Summit in Prague

Check against delivery Prime Minister Topolanek, President Obama, Thank you for bringing us together here in Prague. Climate change and energy security are high on the agenda both in the European Union and in the United States. Coming generations will measure us by what we do now to shape their tomorrow. We therefore warmly welcome the new US administration's approach to climate change and its recognition of science as a basis for policy decisions. We share the view that the financial crisis should be used as an opportunity to restructure the economy and start down the path to low-carbon growth. The EU appreciates the fact that the US administration has been clear on the importance of reaching an agreement in Copenhagen in December 2009. We should work together to achieve that end. Copenhagen is of critical importance as the first step in catalysing the global shift to a low-carbon economy that limits global warming to below 2 degrees Celsius. An agreement must this time encompass the vast majority of global emissions. The EU has made its commitment to a 30 per cent reduction by 2020, if other industrialised countries commit to comparable efforts, because it responds to scientific advice, and it is economically prudent. We have already taken note of the US ambition to reduce emissions to 1990 levels by 2020. We also note that Congressional efforts may go even further, reducing emissions by 6 per cent according to a recently introduced bill. We encourage such efforts. Its sends out an extremely important signal, both to emerging economies and to other industrialised countries, including the European Union. It is not only about targets, it is also about how to get there. Pricing mechanisms, such as cap and trade, are the basic driving forces for energy saving, efficiency measures and the development of clean technology . As leaders we must act in such a way that we get a relevant price on carbon emissions.

The climate issue calls for a strong global leadership. I will, during the Swedish presidency, be personally dedicated to leading the EU in close cooperation with you (President Obama) and the US, in order to push the international negotiations to a successful conclusion in Copenhagen. I believe we need to intensify our bilateral EU-US dialogue. We should look at key issues, such as financing and what actions and measures to expect from emerging economies. The dialogue should proceed quickly and we would ask for a report at the next EU-US summit.

Thank you.

Contact Roberta Alenius +46 8 405 10 00 2008

Speech Poznan, Poland, 11 December 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Check against delivery.

Mr Chairman, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a great honour to be here today. First of all, I would like to thank Poland for hosting this conference. Let me also thank Secretary General Mr. Ban Ki-moon for his personal commitment to combating climate change and his dedication to the COP- process. All efforts and initiatives that can help us reach an international agreement in Copenhagen are highly valued and appreciated. When we meet in Copenhagen for COP15 next year, Sweden will be holding the Presidency of the European Union. Expectations are high. Pressure on governments to reach a broad international agreement is mounting. Will we succeed? I say: We must. Because climate change is no longer a distant threat - it is a current reality. It is clear that global emissions of greenhouse gases are higher today than earlier scenarios predicted. According to IPCC the yearly increase is now about 5 per cent and more than 20 per cent compared to the year 2000. The financial crisis is no excuse for deviating from long-term climate protection. The policies we need to decide on now will be implemented from 2013 and beyond - not immediately. Climate change is a long-term problem that we need to address consistently over many years to come. And the world has both the economic and technological instruments needed to greatly reduce greenhouse gas emissions - and to transform our countries into low-carbon economies. * * * I believe that it is important to build a future global climate change policy regime on three basic guiding principles. Firstly, to achieve results we have to do the right things first. I firmly believe that pricing mechanisms are needed to promote a sustainable society. We have to mitigate climate change in a smart way. We can not afford to do the right things the wrong way. It is not only irresponsible, but also unsustainable, to spend more than necessary to achieve our common goals. Our resources are limited and we need to use them wisely in a number of important areas. Therefore, let's put a price on CO2 emissions, and let's do it globally. One way of doing this is to introduce a cap-and-trade-scheme and establish an international - carbon market. This will also be a necessary and positive force for the innovation, investment, development and distribution of low carbon and clean technology. Second, the framework must include appropriate targets and mechanisms that help us achieve our objectives. That is why I want to see an agreement based on a strong determination to limit the global average temperature increase to two degrees Celsius. Science tells us that going beyond the two degree target is an extremely risky game. This is what the European Union believes, and this is what the European Union is offering in the negotiating process. Thirdly, an international agreement must be fair. We know that in order to reduce global emissions by at least 50 per cent by the middle of this century, the largest emitters among the developed countries need to make greater efforts to reduce emissions. But we also need to see more advanced developing countries contribute in accordance with their responsibilities and respective capabilities. We have to safeguard the right to development for developing countries. And at the same time ensure that the least developed and most vulnerable countries receive the amount of assistance needed to protect their future from the impacts of climate change. We have to address adaptation fully and comprehensively in the same manner as we will address mitigation. Thus, we need to take the impact of climate change into account in international development assistance and provide additional resources to promote sustainable development. * * * Sweden has met these requirements in at least two ways: We have initiated a comprehensive international inquiry into the needs - in terms of adaptation - and the actions necessary to address these from a development perspective. The Commission on Climate Change and Development will present its findings and recommendations to the Swedish Government and the international community in late spring 2009. And we have allocated new and additional money for actions in the field of adaptation and other measures for the most vulnerable countries. The Swedish Government has set aside roughly 500 million USD, for this purpose over the next three years. Let me be very clear about one point: This is not only about transferring money to developing countries for adaptation measures - it is also about establishing and improving institutional capacity. Finally, Mr Chairman, The meeting here in Poznan is setting the scene for a successful outcome at COP15 in Copenhagen. We have one year of important but difficult negotiations ahead of us. The technical content of these negotiations is obviously very detailed and the geopolitical issues very apparent. However, let's not forget why we are here - to prevent and mitigate climate change through joint efforts. Now is the time for strong political leadership to steer developments in the right direction. We need decisive and global political action to prevent further dangerous changes to our climate system and to adapt to the consequences that are inevitable. It is time for every country and every nation to shoulder its responsibilities. Thank you.

Contact Roberta Alenius +46 8 405 10 00

Speech Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 02 October 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY.

Mr President, Mr Secretary General, Distinguished Members of the Parliamentary Assembly, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like to start by thanking you for inviting me to Strasbourg, and giving me the opportunity to address the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. It is indeed a great honour and pleasure to meet members of parliament from almost all of Europe. The Parliamentary Assembly has played an important role in Swedish politics. Many prominent Swedish politicians have gained their international experience here in Strasbourg, at the Parliamentary Assembly. ***

This is a time of challenges. International cooperation is challenged. It is challenged by the situation on the financial markets. It is challenged by an armed conflict. The financial markets are suffering great losses, now not only at a distance across the Atlantic but also here in Europe. Many European countries are experiencing how the economic growth they had become used to is now coming to a halt. We see how financial institutions in various European countries are struggling with payments and loans. We see how ordinary people are becoming more and more careful, slowing their consumption and worrying about their savings. The fact that no country is unaffected by this is of course yet another illustration of how interdependent we have become. We are all highly integrated with one another. In Europe. And with the rest of the world. I still believe we should keep our economies open and eliminate barriers restricting the free flow of trade and investments. This is not a task for the Council of Europe. It must focus on its core issues. But the Council of Europe and all international organisations might suffer if the response to the financial crises were to include a general abandonment of international cooperation in favour of national solutions. As Chancellor Merkel has pointed out, we must stand up for our commitments even in difficult times, and not let national trade policy considerations take precedence over respect for human rights, and, I would add, democracy and international law. *** International cooperation is also challenged by an armed conflict. The Council of Europe was created against a dark backdrop. It was built on the ruins after the Second World War. It was built after years of unprecedented tyranny, oppression, racial persecution and genocide. All the values that had developed over the course of at least two centuries, since the Age of Enlightenment, had been violated. The Council of Europe was created to make sure that we would never have to experience that again. And yet, in August two member states were in armed conflict with each other. We are facing a completely new situation. A situation we would have considered inconceivable just a few months ago. A serious challenge to the very aim of the Council of Europe and the values it stands for. Fundamental principles of international law have been violated, including * the obligation to solve conflicts by peaceful means, * the sovereignty of member states and * the right to territorial integrity. There have also been violations of specific commitments that member states of the Council of Europe entered into when they joined. The right of each state to decide freely how to shape its own future, including its own path in security policy matters, has been questioned. We have seen, with deep concern, the escalation of violence on both sides in South Ossetia. However, no matter what has happened, the Russian decision to launch a large-scale military operation in Georgia cannot be justified under any circumstances. The military aggression and the Russian recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia are violations of international law. *** If it wants to remain credible, the Council of Europe has to act. It is our responsibility to act when international law has been violated. This is the reason why the Parliamentary Assembly has put Georgia at the top of the agenda. The Chairmanship's report from the informal extraordinary ministerial meeting in New York identifies important possible steps in addressing the situation. * First, the establishment of enhanced monitoring by the Committee of Ministers of Georgia's and the Russian Federation's obligations and commitments to the Council of Europe. * Second, enhanced cooperation between the Council of Europe and Georgia and the Russian Federation, respectively, in order to strengthen the implementation of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. * Third, support for the Human Rights Commissioner's six principles for urgent protection of human rights and humanitarian security. These measures will be of benefit both to the people affected and to the peace process. They will show that the Council of Europe is as relevant today as it was when it was founded. They should therefore have our support.

*** The Council of Europe has a unique role as a values-based organisation. Its core values - democracy, human rights and the rule of law - were clearly manifested from the outset in the Statute of 1949. These values were also reaffirmed in the decisions of the Warsaw Summit in 2005. Democracy and human rights are interdependent and necessary preconditions for each other. Full respect for human rights is only possible in democracies. Full respect for human rights is not possible without the rule of law. But democracy, human rights and rule of law are also powerful factors in the economic and social development of every state. This should not lead us to believe that Europe has always been a model to the world in these respects. Today, to be sure, almost all European states may be said to be democracies and to respect human rights. But let us not forget that in, say, 1980, this was true of only about half the states of Europe. A few decades earlier, in 1960, it was true of less than half. And, again, in 1940 it was true of a mere handful. The Council of Europe has formulated a model for European states by setting standards for human rights, democracy and the rule of law. This is a great achievement. Can we lean back and enjoy this success? My answer is no. The core values of the Council of Europe must constantly be reconquered, defended and developed. We must all consistently keep on working to promote the core values of the Council of Europe in societies which are not free and open. But by the same token, we must never forget to safeguard them in our own societies, so that they are not abused and forgotten. *** When Sweden chaired the Committee of Ministers in the 1990s we were living in a quite different world. The old Soviet empire was crumbling. Many new member states were knocking at the door of the Council of Europe. Yugoslavia was falling apart and the wars were to come. At that time the Council of Europe only consisted of about 20 member states, as opposed to 47 today. The outcome of the collapse of the Soviet Union was uncertain. The new democracies were often fragile. They needed help and guidance to create the structures necessary for a peaceful transition. At that point the Council of Europe, and not least the Parliamentary Assembly, made an important strategic choice, between inclusion and exclusion. It did not demand that these states had to live up to all the standards of the Council of Europe before becoming members. It welcomed them into the family and supported them in building functioning democratic states based on the principles of human rights and the rule of law. Has this strategic choice been a success? Yes and no. In many countries it has been a tremendous success. A wave of democratisation swept across Europe in the 1990s. Many countries have developed very positively and are now well-functioning democracies. The credit for this goes mainly to the countries themselves. But the Council of Europe has played a significant part in the process by highlighting the values that European states are based upon. Yet, in some other countries developments have been less positive. Elections can still hardly be said to be free and fair. The judiciary is sometimes less than independent of the administration. This is a challenge to the very core of the Council of Europe, and to its credibility. Both parliamentarians and governments will have to address this issue, regardless of geopolitical considerations. In this context we must also continue our efforts to contribute to a democratic development in Belarus. But the key to this development lies in the hands of the Belarusian leadership. The Council of Europe is willing to help, and has the tools. What we need is a clear signal that the country is moving in the right direction. Therefore, it is unfortunate that the elections this Sunday showed that the Belarusian leadership is not ready to send this signal. *** Cooperation between the Council of Europe and the EU played a significant role in how the new democracies developed in the 1990s. Both of these organisations have the same roots, in the endeavour to rebuild Europe on the rubble of the Second World War. They work together for the same goals. Let me assure you once more of Sweden's continued support for further enlargement of the European Union. This process has been a powerful driving force for political, legal and economic reforms in Council of Europe member states in the past. It will continue to be so in the future. *** Let me turn to an issue currently facing the Council of Europe. The European Convention and the Court of Human Rights are the greatest achievements of the Council of Europe. The Court's task is not only to enable individuals to seek justice on an individual level. The Court also has a central role in bringing about reforms in member states. I grew up in a society which had been living in peace for a couple of centuries. The principles and values of the Council of Europe were almost taken for granted. Or so we thought. When the creation of the Council of Europe was discussed in the Swedish Parliament, one member asked "Haven't we got enough international ladies' sewing circles already?" And the foreign minister later concluded that the Convention would have hardly any immediate practical effects. But the Court of Human Rights has taught us, on several occasions, that we, too, have homework to do. It has helped Sweden to develop our protection of human rights and the rule of law. The work of the Court is of the utmost importance to the role of the Council of Europe in the field of human rights. We all know too well that the Court is burdened by an excessive and increasing workload. Increasing the financial resources available to the Court will not solve the problem. It is also important to carry out reforms in the work of the Court. This issue concerns the credibility of the entire Council of Europe. The coming into effect of Protocol 14 is only a first step towards a necessary reform of the Court. I thus urge the Russian Duma to approve Protocol 14, as all other 46 member states have done. If we do not get assurances that the Protocol will enter into force in the near future, member states will have to consider other ways to solve the problem. *** Mr President, Mr Secretary General, Ladies and Gentlemen, through its norms, its institutions and its wide membership, the Council of Europe is a unique and powerful forum for cooperation. As members of the Council of Europe, we must see to it that we make full use of its capacity and opportunities. Thank you

Speech Stakeholder conference - EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region 30 September 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the Stakeholder conference - EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY

Ladies and Gentlemen, It is an honour to be here today. Let me first thank the European Commission for its initiative in convening this External links stakeholder conference in Stockholm. The website of the I would also like to thank Governor Unckel and the County Administrative Board of Stockholm for hosting this conference event. And, I would like to thank Commissioner Hübner for her personal commitment and for the dedicated work being done by the Directorate for Regional Policy. *** Despite the recent financial turmoil, developments in the Baltic Sea region since the beginning of the 1990's have been truly remarkable. In the early 1990's the Baltic Sea was still a sea where East and West rarely met. There were few connections across the sea. You could not step on a plane in Stockholm and fly to Tallinn, Riga or Vilnius. I remember how we talked about political and economic integration across the sea as a distant dream. Less than 20 years later, we can look back and see the Baltic Sea region has had a record of strong economic growth, sometimes even ranked among the most competitive regions in the world. The Baltic Sea is once again a sea connecting people and economies. Around 90 per cent of all trade within the region is transported by sea. In total, some 2000 ships are in transit in the Baltic Sea every day. For Swedish companies, some of the most important export markets are found in the region: our trade with other states around the Baltic Sea increased 20 per cent just last year. The single most important driver of political and economic integration in our region has been the enlargement of the European Union, first with Finland and Sweden in 1995 and then with the three Baltic countries and Poland in 2004. Today, a key feature of the Baltic Sea region is that eight of the nine littoral states are members of the EU. And ten out of the eleven CBSS countries are completely integrated in the internal market of the European Union, with its 550 million consumers and 20 million companies. At the same time, with a Union of 27 members, new EU policy initiatives place increasing importance on what can be done in the context of a smaller group of countries that have certain characteristics in common. One such macro region is the Baltic Sea region, which could become a pilot region in the development and implementation of macro regional initiatives in the European Union. *** The Baltic Sea is facing serious environmental problems; ranging from eutrophication and overfishing to the risk of accidental oil spills, alien invasive species arriving with ballast water and habitat destruction. These challenges are directly linked to our way of life. The way we produce and consume contributes to global warming, pollution, material use, and natural resource depletion. We urgently need to move towards more sustainable patterns of consumption and production. The longer we wait before taking firm action to restore the marine environment, the more expensive it will be. So I believe investments in a healthier Baltic Sea should be seen as investments in a prosperous and competitive region. Remember: the cost of non-action is also a cost. No tourist wants to swim in a polluted sea. You don't want to eat sea food from contaminated waters. The time has come to show the economic benefits of ecosystem services, the cost of measures required to protect these services and the estimated cost of inaction for the Baltic Sea. Sweden, together with others, is now working on such a socioeconomic report - like the Stern-Report on climate change. The Swedish Government has a clear ambition when it comes to our national policy on the Baltic Sea: to let companies expand and prosper in the region - and at the same time preserve and, if needed, restore the eco systems of the sea. The effects of eutrophication will be irreversible if we don't act now. But while we see the effects at sea, the source of the problem is on land: in Sweden, agriculture is responsible for most of the marine pollution. In response to, Sweden is now taking measures regarding the sectors that emit the most phosphorus and nitrogen - the main cause behind eutrophication. We are also investigating the possibility of introducing trading schemes for phosphorus and nitrogen. Having some 2000 ships in transit in the Baltic Sea every day - a number growing day by day - obviously affects the environment. We need to lower emissions at sea and improve maritime surveillance. Surveillance activities are carried out by national authorities. But to be really effective they would need to be part of an interoperable surveillance system as suggested in the EU's Integrated Maritime Policy. As a first step, I would like to propose that a pilot project be formed for the Baltic Sea to develop such an interoperable system. Last year, the members of HELCOM adopted the HELCOM Baltic Sea Action Plan. Next year, the Swedish Government will present its bid to reach the Swedish targets. Sweden welcomes the initiative by NEFCO and the Nordic Investment Bank to set up a fund to support implementation of the Baltic Sea Action Plan. *** I see great potential in a more closely integrated Baltic Sea region. But as I am saying this, we are - no doubt - experiencing some difficult times. The financial markets are suffering great losses, now not only at a safe distance across the Atlantic but also here in Europe. We see how our Baltic neighbours are experiencing how the economic growth they had become used to now is coming to a halt. We see how financial institutions in the Baltic Sea region are struggling with payments and loans. We see how regular people are getting more and more careful, slowing down consumption and worrying about their savings. The fact that no country is unaffected by this is of course yet another illustration of how codependent we have become. We are all highly integrated. In the Baltic Sea region. In Europe. In the rest of the world. I still believe we should keep our economies open and eliminate barriers restricting the free flow of trade and investments. And the Baltic Sea region has performed well, historically. But to regain financial stability and continued economic growth we now have to recognize what mistakes we might have made and see the obstacles lying ahead. *** In the last ten years, other parts of the world have experienced rapid change. Recently we have seen China and India, the world's two most populous countries, turn into economic superpowers. Here, in the Baltic Sea region, globalization presents us with some particularly demanding challenges. It is the geography, the demography and the insufficiently developed infrastructure. Our region has many small countries, some having vast areas with very little population and small domestic markets. Sometimes there is lack of modern roads, bridges and railroads connecting the various parts. We know competitiveness in the rapidly increasing global competition requires interaction between different competences, actors, clusters and places where innovation can thrive. Therefore, a single region, cluster or innovation environment - especially in a small country - will have difficulties. And thus a developed coorporation between clusters and innovation environments in neighbouring countries will have a great potential. From a Swedish perspective a key to meeting the challenges of globalisation is closer interaction and more cooperation across our national borders. One area where more cooperation is urgently needed is infrastructure planning. More coordinated planning with a regional perspective would be particularly useful for cross-border sections of roads and railways - not least in the future revision of the TEN Guidelines. The Baltic Sea region has a sea of opportunities. The Strategy can be an important platform for more coordinated, targeted and long-term regional actions. *** So the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea region now under preparation by the European Commission will be an important tool for bringing about closer and more focused cooperation in areas of key concern to our region. There is a lot of money available for cooperation in the Baltic Sea region from various EU programmes, as Commissioner Hübner no doubt will remind us here today. However, there will be no new money earmarked for the Strategy. I hope the Commission shares my view that an important aim of the Strategy and its Action Plan will be to highlight a limited number of priority actions. And that it can be used to explore effective and efficient ways of aligning these priorities with available financing from various sources, including the International Financial Institutions. As preparation of the Strategy proceeds, more will become clear about the choice of priority actions. A closely linked issue is to identify who is going to be responsible for implementation of the various actions. No doubt some actions will need to be implemented at national level but some will also have to be implemented at local and regional level. My Government will be strongly committed to implementation of the Strategy. The launch of this strategy will also be one of the top priorities for next year's Swedish Presidency of the EU. Let me repeat: Sweden regards the Baltic Sea strategy and its implementation as a political priority. Many measures will need a bottom-up approach. Your active involvement as regional and local partners will be crucial to the Strategy's success.

May the conference here today serve as a source of fresh ideas and an inspiration for the important work ahead. Thank you

Contact Roberta Alenius +46 8 405 10 00

Speech InterAction Council, Stockholm 25 June 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the InterAction Council

Your excellencies, Mr Chairman, Ladies and gentlemen, External links InterAction Council For the first time since it was established 25 years ago, the InterAction Council is holding its annual meeting in website Sweden. I am very proud to welcome you all to Stockholm for the opening of this year's meeting. And I am sure you will be wisely guided trough your discussions under the Chairmanship of Mr. Ingvar Carlsson, former Prime Minister of Sweden. Some of you might have visited Sweden and Stockholm in your earlier roles as heads of state or government. Yet, for some this is your first visit to our beautiful city. And while I wish you all a successful meeting - I hope you will also have the time to enjoy the city of Stockholm and its people. Ladies and gentlemen, I would also like to welcome you to a country that for thirteen years has been part of one of the worlds most successful peace projects founded after the Second World War: the European Union. When Sweden joined in 1995, we were thirteen Member States - now the Union includes no less than twenty-seven countries. The European Union has enlarged. And it must continue to do so. I truly believe that without enlargement Europe would not be what it is today. And without continuous enlargement we risk instability on our continent. Enlargement is the most important strategic tool we have for spreading the values upon which European cooperation is based: the idea of using trade as a mean for peace - and using the economy to integrate and bring countries closer together. History tells us these principles are crucial for both a successful economy and society. They are the key issues that helped the western world grow rich. In a time of turbulence in the world economy, it is of great importance to be consistent in our common goal of open markets based on market economy and the rule of law. In a small country like Sweden, free enterprise, market economy and an open attitude towards international competition are crucial. We encourage knowledge and entrepreneurship. And we take a clear stand in favour of an open society and international cooperation in addressing global issues such as poverty and climate change. Ladies and gentlemen, It is said that the question of if you are in favour of or against globalisation is not correctly asked. Globalisation is a fact. It affects us and it will be affecting us. And the question we must ask ourselves is not if we are in favor of or against globalisation. Instead we have to ask ourselves how to tackle the fact that we live in a globalised world and will have to deal with globalisation. Today and in the future to come. International trade is growing and has done so for a long time. The interaction among people and businesses is growing and has done so for a long time. Knowledge, information, technology and capital are no longer held back by national borders. They are moving across the globe and doing so with a constantly increasing speed. But this is just a small part of globalisation. Globalisation also brings with it many other possibilities regarding new knowledge, emerging markets and individual discoveries. At the same time we can feel the increased competition knocking on the door, we can also see there are many opportunities for the parts of the world that find ways of coping successfully with globalisation. I would claim one thing as especially vital in the era of globalisation. That is the need of interaction, exchanging new ideas and cooperation in order to find the best and most progressive ways of managing in a fast moving world. We are now witnessing a changing economic balance in the world. Asia is growing rapidly and countries like China and India are at the forefront. With globalisation, the global economy has become even more integrated and new countries are joining in the global trade. This is a good thing. I admit there are several challenges left in our common ambition for a peaceful and flourishing world economy. We are not running short of challenges in our world. You, of all people, know that. Yes, we have made progress. Yes, we can see - thanks to increased trade, growth and the promotion of human rights - the world is now a better place in which to live. Halfway to 2015, many things are happening when it comes to reaching the Millennium Development Goals. But we must admit that there is still work left to be done. And the complex challenges of the 21st century require a stronger and closer cooperation between countries, international organisations and corporations. The InterAction Council is obviously an important part in this cooperation - in bringing together, on a regular basis and in an informal setting, more than thirty former heads of state or government. Each of you involved in your own individual expertise and activities. Ladies and Gentlemen, I don't have to convince you that the Council is an impressive group of people with many insights and experiences to share. Looking at the members who are here today, I see all parts of the world represented. Some of you have stepped down from office more recently, while others have had long and prosperous careers in other areas after stepping down. Some of you were in office for fifteen years or more, while others have had a shorter experience as heads of state or government. Some of you personally experienced the Second World War, while others weren't even born when it ended. This includes myself. You are active in a wide range of fields: in peacekeeping, in fighting climate change, in publishing. You are diplomats, you work with international aid, and academics. I am a firm believer in diversity. And the diversity we see here is exactly what makes the InterAction Council such an interesting operator and important actor in international world politics. I heard you will launch a new programme here in Stockholm; the Young Leadership Forum, inviting twenty promising young women and men to observe the annual meetings, listening to your discussions and learning from your experiences. This in order to encourage them to form an international network of their own. What an opportunity, what a challenge! I wish you, young leaders, good luck in this important endeavour. This week the Council will be discussing how to restore international law and how we could get deeper knowledge in order to understand and manage the international financial markets. Two crucial issues in the world of today. I am convinced your discussions will be most interesting and intriguing, and I look forward to take part of the conclusions later this week. And with this, I once again wish you a warm welcome to Sweden and Stockholm and a successful meeting. Thank you.

Speech ICC World Business Summit 12 June 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt's speech at the ICC World Business Summit in Stockholm

Check against delivery! Your Royal Highness, Ladies and gentlemen. I am very pleased to be here at the first ever ICC World Business Summit in Stockholm. I find it interesting to observe how the greater world discussion change from time to time. A few years ago we all wondered if there really was no end to the remarkable growth that we could see. Now, the situation is a bit different. In a time of turbulence in the world economy it is of utmost importance to be steadfast in our common goal for open markets based on market economy and the rule of law. History tells us that at times like this protectionists tend to raise their voices and call for nation based protective legislation. As you all already know, this was also the backdrop to which the International Chamber of Commerce was founded in 1919: An ambition in a post- war world to hold back the tide of protectionism and economic nationalism. The idea of using trade as a mean for peace - using the economy to integrate countries closer - also become the platform for one of the worlds most successful peace projects after the second world war: the European union. A union that now includes 27 countries. History also tells us these principles are crucial for both a successful economy and society. They are the key issues that made the western world and Sweden grow rich. For my government free enterprise, market economy and an open attitude towards international competition is crucial. We favor policies that encourage knowledge and entrepreneurship. And we take a clear stand in favor of an open society and international cooperation in addressing global issues such as poverty and climate change. Free trade is a cornerstone of Swedish foreign and trade policy. It is also the basis of our domestic economic policy. Swedish prosperity is built on international trade and the ability of our companies to compete on global markets. The economic benefits of this development are obvious, but globalization also gives us another important advantage - a increased interdependency between countries, corporations and organizations, leading to increased stability and peace. Sweden for example has over the last fifty years gone from a more or less monopoly situation regarding ownership of assets to becoming one of the most internationalized countries in the world: Foreign companies employ over 570 000 Swedish citizens, at the same time Swedish companies employ over one million people abroad. And export trade stand for around 50 per cent of our GDP. Over the past 150 years, Sweden's development, from poverty to a welfare state, is the history of free trade. Today globalization is a fact of life, and international trade is growing. Not just for Sweden - worldwide international trade is growing and has done so for a long time. Interaction among people and businesses is growing and has done so for a long time. Knowledge, information, technology and capital are no longer held back by national borders. They are moving across the globe and doing so with a constantly increasing speed. For some this symbolize new opportunities and possibilities of interaction, development and progress. Others might feel uncertain about the future and raise questions if it holds a place for them. This is just a fragment of globalization. A globalization that also holds many possibilities of new knowledge, emerging markets and individual discoveries in its hand. Because at the same time we can feel the increased competition knocking on the door, we can also see there are many opportunities for the parts of the world that find ways of coping successfully with globalization. I would claim one thing as especially vital in the era of globalization. That is the need of interaction, exchanging new ideas and cooperation in order to find the best and most progressive ways of managing in a fast moving world. There are several challenges in our common ambition for a peaceful and flourishing world economy. The first, and in my opinion, very important challenge is to a higher degree integrate the developing countries in the world economy. Free trade can give a welcome boost in both growth and in the fight against poverty. This is true especially regarding the situation in most parts of Africa. Free trade and higher integration on world markets goes both ways. As we have to deregulate and abolish tariffs in order for their products to reach our markets it also stress developing countries to apply both democracy and the rule of law. A mutual respect in support of these values lays the foundation for fair competition in a better functioning world economy. Much has been done but there is still much to do. Take for example the question concerning intellectual property rights. A topic I know you will be discussing later today. More specific, the problem with counterfeiting. This was once a problem mostly linked with CDs and luxury goods. Today piracy and counterfeiting are in fact badly hurting a wide range of industries. From food and drink, pharmaceuticals, electronics and textiles - to software, music and film industry. I know that the ICC estimate that counterfeiting stand for 5-7 per cent of total world trade. worth an estimated 600 billion US-dollars. Not regarding the problem estimating how large the ice berg actually is - we know of reports that tell us that EU-customs apprehended over 250 million pirated products in 2006. In Antwerpen only, customs was able to stop over 100 containers containing more than 20 million different plagiarized products. Counterfeited products are now produced by industrial means in some countries and increasing volumes of illegally produced products are crossing the borders. And it gets even more serious regarding counterfeiting medicine being spread around the world. According to estimates from the World Health Organization up to 60 per cent of medicine in developing countries are counterfeit. In reality a fact that mainly hurt people with few or no possibilities to prove their rights - poor people in developing countries. This is also why we must try to provide a more sustainable framework for international trade. The best way to do that is through the World Trade Organization. The WTO-negotiations are now at a critical stage. My government gives high priority to an ambitious result in the Doha Round concluded by the end of this year. We cannot afford to lose this historic opportunity. A failure would be a serious blow to the WTO, to the multilateral trading system as such, and to the global economy as a whole. This is not what we wish for - given the recent turmoil on financial markets. However, I am quite optimistic. There has been positive signs during the last couple of months in the WTO-negotiations. It seems like there is a genuine commitment by key players to walk the extra mile. The best way to promote international trade is through multilateral agreements. That is also the only way to secure a just, stable and predictable framework for trade. For this reason the finalization of the Doha Round is very important. Trade policy can, and should, be designed to strengthen the ability of developing countries to become better integrated into the world economy and to benefit more from growing trade. If we shut the door to our markets, we are also shutting the door to development. And by this closing the door of opportunity for millions of people to lift themselves out of poverty. Instead protectionism will lock resources in activities that are not viable in the long term - and to consumers being adversely affected by more expensive goods and less choice. When you discuss these types of specific problems one should keep in mind that people around the globe are better of now then for a hundred years ago. Thanks to, among others, increased trading, growth and the promotion of human rights the world is now a better place to live. Governments has a responsibility to provide and promote the framework. In their turn corporations has a responsibility to behave and set good examples. I believe that companies must see the implementation of business codes and practices not as short-term costs, but as long-term investments. Failing to act responsibly makes it harder to attract skilled staff and sell products and services. It is of great importance to understand that CSR is, and rightly so, business-owned and business-driven. For Sweden, promotion of CSR is also an important link between two cornerstones of Swedish policy: an open trade policy and a foreign and development policy that strongly emphasizes the importance of human rights and sustainable development. Sweden's ambition is to create open, fair and modern legislation for world trade in order to generate growth, employment and sustainable development. I am fully convinced that trade is essential in several aspects. Ranging from peace to growth. Let me finish where I started, the year 1919, at the time post-war Europe. The mission for increased world trade and open economies was unsuccessful. As the world step by step moved to the brink of war, borders where closed and international trade declined in the name of economic nationalism. And we all know what then followed. It is said that man learns from her mistakes. Let that be true. And may that lesson be that securing peace needs borders to be opened - not closed. There is a strong link between open borders, free trade and human rights. We have all a responsibility to protect these values and do our best to promote and enforce them. We are today witnessing a changing economic balance in the world. Asia is growing rapidly and countries like China and India are at the forefront. With globalization, the global economy has become even more integrated and new countries are joining in global trade. For some of us, this development symbolizes new possibilities to meet, develop and advance - in a way that earlier generations could never even dream of. Globalization offers new opportunities for trade and investment across borders. For governments, as well as for business, there are many new challenges involved, such as environmental impact, corruption or core labor standards. Yes, we have made progress. But we must acknowledge that there is still work left to be done. The complex challenges of the 21st century require stronger and closer cooperation between countries, international organizations and corporations. We are not running short of challenges in world. With both economic turbulence on world markets and a new food crisis we must make sure that the answer is not more protectionism and tariffs but the opposite. That is a challenge we all must take on. Thank you for listening!

Speech Business Forum, CBSS summit in Riga, Latvia 04 June 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister A Competitive Baltic Sea Region - a vision within reach

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is an honor to be here today. The Baltic Sea region has undergone a tremendous development since the beginning of the 1990s. Today 10 out of the 11 CBSS (Council of the Baltic Sea States) countries are completely integrated in the internal market of the European Union, with its 550 million consumers and 20 million companies. Today some of the fastest growing export markets for Swedish companies are found in the region. Sweden's trade with other states around the Baltic Sea increased by 20 per cent in just the last year. A closely integrated Baltic Sea Region has been a clear vision for our generation, and it is our responsibility to take integration and cooperation even further. The four freedoms - the free movement of people, goods, services and the free circulation of capital - is the platform for the Baltic Sea Region's emergence as an important economic engine of Europe. The region is one of the strongest growing regions in the world. But in order to reach the next level, the remaining trade and investment barriers need to be overcome and conditions created for further economic integration. Last year, the Swedish National Board of Trade stated that the gross regional income would increase by 30 billion USD or one percent of GDP if trade in the Baltic Sea Region was fully liberalized. As a comparison, 30 billion USD is equal to Lithuania's GDP in 2006. All countries in the region would gain from further trade liberalization; Russia the most, followed by Lithuania and Estonia. So there is still a strong untapped potential for growth and integration through further dismantling of trade and investment barriers in our region. As is often the case in free market economies, there are examples of how the private sector has taken a lead in this respect. A number of bigger companies are already making the Baltic Sea part of the EU internal market into one single home market for them. The banking and telecom sectors, the stock exchanges, and the airline industry are among them. Many of them have also entered the Russian market and help creating bridges in the market between the EU and the non-EU parts of this region. Investment flows to the countries in the region are growing rapidly. In the last three years, inflows increased from 30 to 140 billion USD. Some of the investments are related to an ongoing integration of business communities in the region: in the banking sector, in forestry, in IT/telecom. Swedish and Finnish companies are dominating the scene so far, but companies from other Baltic Sea region economies are expected to catch up. On the other hand, there are very few Russian companies established in Sweden. This exceptional situation is telling of both the long road to go and the range of opportunities, should soon be remedied. It is now high time for us politicians to make sure that the Baltic Sea Region will become a true home market for all of our companies. An effective and uniform implementation of the Services Directive can give the services sector a well-needed. We will improve growth opportunities also for small and medium-sized enterprises, which actually dominate our region and which are extremely important for innovation and competitiveness. This should be one key objective of the European Union Baltic Sea Strategy which is now being developed under the leadership of the European Commission. The launch of this strategy will also be one of the top priorities for next year's Swedish Presidency of the EU. Innovation and research are at the core of the competitiveness of our region. The European Spallation Source (ESS) will provide an important boost to the region in this field. There is also need for political leadership to stimulate and facilitate trade and investment between Russia and the other countries of the Baltic Sea Region. A WTO membership for Russia would be the single most important step. History has taught us the importance of extending free trade and economic integration. A prosperous and competitive Baltic Sea Region is an illustration of this.

Speech ICI conference, Stockholm 29 May 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Opening statement by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the ICI conference 29th May 2008 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY

Your Excellency, Secretary-General of the United Nations Mr Ban Ki-moon, Your Excellency, Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq Mr Nuri al- Maliki, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen. It is an honour to welcome you here today for the First Annual Review Conference of the International Compact with Iraq. We are pleased and honoured that the Government of Iraq and the United Nations have entrusted us with the responsibility of hosting this conference. It gives Sweden an opportunity to manifest the strength of our commitment to a better future for Iraq. We stand ready to support the Government of Iraq and all Iraqis in the quest for a secure sovereign, democratic, united and prosperous country, where the human rights of all are fully respected. At first glance, Iraq might seem far away from Sweden. Yet it is close. Iraq is Europe's neighbour. What is more, today, over one per cent of the Swedish population is of Iraqi origin. Iraq is indeed an important part of our society. Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, Ministers and members of the Iraqi delegation - to you I would like to extend an especially warm welcome. The International Compact with Iraq is a process that is, and must be, owned by the Government of Iraq. Your commitment to the Iraqi people - and hard work - lay the foundation for progress in sectors of crucial importance such as security, democracy, fair and sustainable development, rule of law and human rights. I would also like to extend a special welcome to you, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. The Security Council has given the United Nations a strong mandate to play a central role in Iraq and in the ICI process. The international community stands firmly behind the UN in its endeavour to support, advise and assist Iraq. I would particularly like to commend the work of the Special Advisor of the Secretary-General Mr Ibrahim Gambari and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr Staffan de Mistura. Together with their teams, the entire UN family and NGOs, they are making important contributions to the development of Iraq under difficult and demanding conditions. The UN is demonstrating its growing capacity to overcome complex challenges and is today the main international partner of Iraq. The engagement of the UN, with its funds and programmes, is a necessity for a successful ICI process and the realisation of our shared vision of a better future for Iraq. I am pleased to see that so many members of the international community have convened here today. We are here to show our support for efforts to improve the situation in Iraq. Building a strong partnership with Iraq is in all our interest. This shared ambition will help the international community overcome past divisions. I also extend a warm welcome to Iraq's neighbours and the regional organisations. The geopolitical landscape surrounding Iraq is complicated. History has sown many seeds of distrust that have hampered the development of fruitful and constructive relations between States in the region. Iraq's neighbours have a particular responsibility to ensure that Iraq can develop in peace and prosperity as a sovereign country. This is of crucial importance for regional stability. Certain countries in the region are hosting large numbers of displaced Iraqis, a contribution that deserves acknowledgement and gratitude. The fact that a European country - a member of the European Union is hosting this conference shows the commitment of the EU to Iraq's future. The contribution of the EU to Iraqi development is substantial in political as well as in financial terms. The EU is building a strong and multi-faceted partnership with Iraq that will be to our mutual benefit. The Government of Iraq has made progress during the past year, even though some of the achievements might not yet be visible to the public eye. The security situation has improved in large parts of the country. Advances are taking place in the economic field. This is encouraging. However, Iraq is a country with a complex legacy. The re-establishment of Iraq as a sovereign state with a democratically elected government is a great achievement, but the challenges - as well as the opportunities - are tremendous. Solutions must be found to many contentious issues. This can only be achieved by a comprehensive dialogue which includes all segments of Iraqi society. An atmosphere of trust and cooperation is a prerequisite. Any government has a responsibility towards its citizens to do its utmost to bring about and maintain peace, stability, fair and sustainable development, as well as to ensure that all inhabitants enjoy security and decent living conditions. The clear link between security and development cannot be overlooked. One of the most urgent tasks in Iraq is the improvement of the humanitarian situation, not least for the many who have been forced to flee from their homes. It is the government's responsibility to ensure that all Iraqis can enjoy their human rights. The international community must be ready to support Iraq in this process. Like Iraq, we must acknowledge our responsibilities and identify areas where we can do better. Improved coordination of our efforts and respect for Iraq's sovereignty are two examples. Allowing the UN to take the lead in our engagement with Iraq, and facilitating this development, is imperative. Iraq is a rich country, in terms of both natural and human resources. The potential of the Iraqi economy is still far from fully realised. This is a source of hope for Iraq's future. It is also an important area for mutually beneficial cooperation between Iraq and the international community, where there is scope for further development. Economic progress is a cornerstone of the ICI and requires reforms to tackle issues such as inefficiency, inequality and corruption. I hope and believe that Iraq will soon be able to become a prosperous country and a solid international partner in economic and trade terms. Without improved security it is difficult to imagine a flourishing Iraqi society. The situation today is better than a year ago, but it is still fragile. Lack of security is still a part of everyday life for far too many Iraqis. Millions of people have left their homes in fear of violence and it remains difficult for many to return. National reconciliation, political compromises, imposition of the rule of law and increased respect for human rights - are the only way to bring about a sustainable improvement in the security situation. Steps are being taken in this direction, but much more remains to be done. It is worrying that women and minority groups continue to be targeted by violence and face serious difficulties in seeking and obtaining legal redress. For these important segments of society, basic security is still a distant prospect. This severely limits their opportunity to make their voices heard in the public sphere, and this limitation in turn jeopardises the establishment of a democratic society. Their empowerment and meaningful participation in peace-building efforts and political processes is necessary for fair and sustainable development. Today's conference will be an opportunity to address all these issues, and to discuss what has been achieved since the launch of the International Compact with Iraq a year ago. Based on the evaluation of achievements over the past year, important priorities will be set for the next steps on the path of reform. What we all strive for is an Iraq where present and coming generations are able to look towards the future with a sense of optimism and hope. I would like to take this opportunity to once again warmly welcome you to Sweden. I am looking forward to frank, open and rewarding discussions. Thank you

Speech Yomiuri International Economic Society, Tokyo 17 April 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Combining a Climate-Friendly Policy with Economic Growth Check against delivery.

Thank you for the honour and opportunity to address the Yomiuri International Economic Society. It is a real pleasure for me and my delegation to visit your country. I hope my visit will lead to a further strengthening of the ties between our countries. It was an tremendous honour for my wife and me to have lunch with Their Imperial Majesties yesterday. It was also a great honour for Sweden that their Imperial Majesties visited Sweden last year. Today, we live in a world of many challenges and opportunities. However, if I am to focus on one issue that will have an impact - not only on us - but on future generations - it is climate change. My speech here today will rely on one fact and one statement: that our climate is changing and that economic growth can help us tackle it. We know a few things for sure. We know that the climate is changing. It is a global change that affects all of us. It means that, step by step, our world is getting warmer. And we know that mankind is the major cause of this development. Even if we do not fully understand the exact consequences climate change will have in different parts of the world, we do know that in some parts of our world global warming will result in water shortages, drought and deserts spreading. In other parts it will lead to more extreme weather conditions, such as storms and flooding. We refer to this as something that will happen in the future. But the fact is, it is already happening today. And while some of us only witness it when we turn on the news, others experience it at first hand. Last year, at the UN climate conference in New York, I heard the appeals from leaders of small island nations for assistance to help them cope with flooding. I heard how leaders from developing countries bore witness to the effects of climate change on their countries. So the fact that the climate is changing is independent of the measures we take today. It is already a fact. Does this mean there is nothing we can do? There is a tendency in the climate debate to resort to doomsday prophecies. Some might find that constructive - but it doesn't appeal to me. I believe such rhetoric triggers nothing but inaction. I am convinced of three things. I am convinced that we should listen to people's worries about what is happening to our world. I am convinced that we should listen to the analyses and conclusions of leading scientists. I am convinced that when people worry about climate change and leading scientists tell us that this thing is for real - then we must not just listen - we must take action. According to the IPCC, emissions of greenhouse gases need to be reduced by at least 50 per cent by 2050. Even larger emissions reductions may be required. Recent scientific findings indicate that the increase in global temperature will be larger, and the effects of global warming will be greater, than previously anticipated. The consequences of climate change and anticipated temperature increases will significantly impair our capacity for economic growth. This is the case simply because they will affect basic factors such as access to water, food production, health, and the environment. It is with great interest that I read Prime Minister Fukuda's speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos. A speech where he focused on many of the challenges we are facing in our world today. At my meeting with Mr Fukuda yesterday, I commended him on his insights on the issue of climate change. As the chair of the G8 Hokkaido Toyako Summit in July, Mr Fukuda has a key role in preparing the G8 countries for the agreement on a new climate regime after 2012. There is no time to lose in addressing climate change, Mr Fukuda stated in his speech. I agree. We already have the available means and the technology to take action today. In line with this, I applaud Mr Fukuda's climate initiative on national targets. But at the same time, I urge Japan not to see new technology as the only solution. New green technology is necessary, but it will not be enough. If governments are serious in tackling the issue of climate change, they also need to make the public aware of the need to promote an environmentally-friendly society. I firmly believe that pricing mechanisms are needed to promote a sustainable society. Setting an appropriate carbon price is essential for the transition to sustainable energy use. This is something that is applied both at EU level, through the EU Emissions Trading Scheme, and nationally through Sweden's own carbon tax. Undoubtedly, the leverage for the climate would be vastly more effective if similar cost-efficiency schemes could be introduced more widely at international level. I welcome initiatives underway in Japan in this respect. I am a firm believer in flexible solutions - when circumstances change drastically, policies cannot stay the same. If we fear change and deny the need for it, we may find ourselves forced into a new situation under less favourable circumstances. If instead we look ahead and decide to act on our own initiative, we will find tremendous potential for new activities based on bringing new efficient energy technology and renewable energy to the world market. However, technology is only part of the solution. Advanced clean technologies cannot provide the full answer to the challenge of climate change. We also need cost-effective technologies. These we find to a large degree in the field of energy efficiency. Are we, for example, seeing the full potential of simple solutions such as proper insulation and double glazing as well as efficient power generation technologies? The transfer of technologies will be an important topic for the upcoming negotiations. As Mr Fukuda stated in his speech in Davos: "A global framework, establishing effective instruments on an international level will be absolutely necessary". In the autumn of 2009, when we wish for such an agreement to be signed in Copenhagen, Sweden will be holding the Presidency of the EU. Therefore I am grateful for Japanese support in the important task of moving towards an agreement. One thing I learned from the New York conference on climate change was that if we really want to make a difference and tackle global warming efficiently and effectively, we must act together. I say this, because global issues of this kind cannot be addressed by nations alone. They demand global solutions and concerted global action. This need for global action becomes obvious if we take a look at the world around us. Today, emerging rapidly growing economies are taking giant leaps towards development and prosperity. More and more people in our world have access to modern technology and welfare. This is something we should welcome. But with development and prosperity based on rapid industrialisation come increased emissions. The aspirations of many countries for an increased and reliable energy supply are still based on fossil fuels, with greater emissions as a result. Thus the question is: Can we manage, through smart approaches and determination, to 'turn the curve' and truly begin decarbonising our economic growth? I believe we can. We know that if current emissions trends continue, we will alter the global climate and significantly change the living conditions of people all over the world. To avoid these unacceptable consequences, we have strong indications that global emissions need to be reduced by at least fifty per cent by 2050. To take responsibility for the current situation, developed countries need to reduce their emissions by much more than fifty per cent. But developing countries will also have to increase their efforts. Let me say a few words about China's role in climate change. I can see that China is starting to recognise the scale and urgency of the problem of climate change. However, the problems are huge and pressing. And the rapidly increasing demand for energy is still largely being met by new coal-fired power plants. This has recently put China's CO2 emissions on a par with those of the United States. To accelerate all efforts, I believe we need an international agreement of sufficient ambition post-2012, based on common - but differentiated - responsibilities. This could mobilise further international investment and help developing countries transit to a low carbon economy. There is no such thing as a free lunch. But I would argue that the cost of reducing emissions to avoid the worst impacts of climate change can actually be quite low. In March last year, the leaders of the EU Member States clearly linked energy and climate policy through a milestone decision on ambitious targets in both the climate and energy field. The EU objective consists of a twenty per cent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2020 compared to the 1990 level. And this target will be raised to thirty per cent if other developed countries also commit themselves to comparable reductions and some action is also taken by key developing countries. In addition, by 2020, the EU is to make energy consumption savings of twenty per cent compared to projections and the share of renewable energy in overall EU energy consumption is to be twenty per cent. At the same time, at least ten per cent of the fuel used for transport is to be made up of biofuels. In January 2008 the European Commission introduced draft legislation to make sure that the objectives will be achieved. The aim is to adopt this legislation no later than at the beginning of 2009. I respect the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. Thus developed countries will need to continue to take the lead. The EU is willing to shoulder its share and take on even deeper cuts to provide for a global agreement in line with the efforts required. Thus the EU has signalled its willingness to explore emissions paths for the group of industrialised nations in the order of 15-30 per cent by 2020 and in the order of 60-80 per cent by 2050. If climate change is to be tackled, I believe that large and existing flows of investments have to be steered towards technologies that are long-term sustainable and conducive to substantial global emission reductions. Unless we manage to steer these investments - and as long as we confine our efforts to the public domain - our efforts will be futile. This is a difficult issue that needs to be thoroughly addressed in the upcoming negotiations. Building a global carbon market is essential in this context - both to redirect financial investments and to deliver sufficient funding. A global carbon market, however, will not be sufficient. We will need both national policies and the creation of a fertile environment for the development of a low carbon economy. Adaptation will, of course, be one of the cornerstones of any post-2012 agreement on climate change, a fact that is well manifested in the decisions from last year's climate conference in Bali. This issue will require serious and perhaps innovative solutions as to financing and integration in development strategies for all countries, in particular those developing countries that are most vulnerable to climate change. I know Japan is eager to help assisting developing countries that are aiming to achieve both emissions reductions and economic growth. In 2007 the Swedish Government decided to contribute to international efforts in adaptation and risk reduction by launching the international Commission on Climate Change and Development. Through the Commission, expertise on development, disaster risk reduction and climate change can help identify a way forward. It is my hope and wish that Sweden and Japan can work closely together on this important issue of adaptation and climate-secure financing. Earlier I made the statement that reducing CO2 emissions can be quite cheap. Let me now show you that it is possible to make substantial emission reductions while watching the economy grow. Let me turn to the Swedish example. In the last sixteen years, Sweden's emissions have decreased by nine per cent while our economy has grown by forty-six per cent. This achievement was made without any quick fixes. It can be attributed to a number of policies and measures. Sweden has a long tradition of an energy policy aimed at reducing emissions. This is done both by developing and promoting the use of alternative technology. But also, and perhaps more importantly - if we count actual reductions in the tons of emissions so far - we use market-based instruments such as green certificates and energy and carbon taxes to steer market actors' behaviour towards more sustainable patterns. I am not especially fond of taxes. But I am convinced that they can make an important difference if you want to promote one type of behaviour over another. Therefore I am also convinced that we should put a price on emissions as a way of making emitters reconsider their actions and changing their behaviour. In Sweden, electricity and fuel have been subject to energy taxes for several decades. One of the most important is the carbon tax on all fossil fuels, which Sweden was one of the first countries in the world to introduce in the early 1990s. The carbon tax has proven effective, but we also need other incentives. Last year my Government introduced a government grant for buyers of new cars fulfilling set environmental criteria, which, together with other policies and measures, has led to a rapid increase in the number of cars running on alternative, non-fossil fuels - now, almost half of the new cars sold in Sweden are environment-friendly. Also, under new legislation, all large petrol stations in Sweden are required to offer renewable motor fuels, such as biogas or ethanol. Another aim is to broaden the scope of emission trading within the European Emissions Trading Scheme to include transport and aviation. Apart from the obvious need to reduce emissions, these measures also offer some potentially significant economic benefits. The carbon dioxide tax has had a particular impact on the heating sector, where the use of fossil fuels has decreased dramatically - mainly due to a transition from oil to district heating based on biomass and increased efficiency in the use of energy. In Sweden, the use of oil has decreased by forty-seven per cent since 1970. Over the same time period, the supply of bioenergy has increased by sixty per cent. As a consequence, Sweden's energy supply mix is now much more differentiated than it was thirty-five years ago, and our security of supply is much more robust. The transport sector still remains a challenge. But in the past few years hopeful signs have begun to show even in this sector. Sweden has taken important steps to tackle global warming, but we can do more. But as I said earlier, our country - one country - can only make a small difference. That's why international action is necessary. As I have stated earlier, based on our own experience and many serious economic studies, it is possible to combine economic development with a stabilisation - and decrease - of emissions. This will however require determined and enhanced action not only by the developed but also by more advanced developing countries - I mentioned China earlier - in accordance with their common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Such action will be facilitated by an international post-2012 regulatory framework that provides the necessary instruments and tools to achieve global reductions of greenhouse gases. We stand ready to work together with you over the next 20 months to find the appropriate ways and means for this. Once again I want to thank you for the opportunity to speak before this distinguished audience. Thank you.

Speech Sweden-Japan Symposium on Sustainable Urban Development, Tokyo 17 April 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Opening speech at "Sweden-Japan Symposium on Sustainable Urban Development" Check against delivery.

Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen, Thank you for inviting me to this joint symposium between Sweden and Japan on Sustainable Urban Development. Sweden and Japan have both come a long way in building sustainable cities and sustainable transport systems, and I am convinced that this symposium will deepen the cooperation between our two countries. How we build our cities and the way we work and live in our cities is of great importance for the future. In 1950, about 35 per cent of the Japanese population lived in cities. Today that number has almost doubled. In fact, in 2050 an estimated 80 per cent of your population will be living in an urban environment. The numbers are even larger if we look at the whole of East Asia. In 1950, about 15 per cent lived in cities - here the number of people living in cities is expected to have grown by 400 per cent by 2050. Due to this rapid urbanisation and the increasing importance of cities in the global economy, the development of cities is of the utmost importance not only for the environment but also for economic, political and social reasons. Let me expose a myth to you. Growth is not the enemy of the environment. And neither is urbanisation. In the last sixteen years, Sweden's emissions have decreased by nine per cent while our economy has grown by forty-six per cent. Less emissions, a larger economy. Actually, sustainable development in cities can be an important force to promote a green, decoupled economy. It is a fact that 75 per cent of our global energy consumption occurs in cities and that 80 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions originate from urban areas. But that is exactly why cities and urban areas, properly managed, provide possibilities for new solutions that radically decrease emissions - based on the high population densities. These might be zero-carbon transport systems and innovative urban infrastructure for energy, water and waste - combined through integrated planning. In Sweden, I have recently proposed a programme for sustainable cities and communities, aiming to achieve reduced emissions and improved technology. So knowledge and technology for sustainable urban development can be cornerstones for a new, low-carbon economy. And sustainable urban development can be combined with trade, growth, prosperity and better quality of life globally. During the final phase of the international negotiations on climate change in the autumn of 2009, Sweden will hold the Presidency of the European Union. It is natural for the issue of climate change to be given the highest priority during our Presidency. A successful outcome from the UN Summit in Copenhagen is of the utmost importance. To this end, before and during our Presidency, we will do everything possible to promote a dialogue between the parties in order to overcome the problems and tensions that exist in the negotiations. Now the challenge ahead of us all is to develop our societies and economies in a sustainable manner that can save the earth's climate. In short: the global agreement we will sign in 2009 should enable developing countries to make a shortcut to fossil-free, green economies that grow and flourish in a sustainable way - even in cities. Let me take this opportunity to thank all the organisers of the symposium. Thank you.

Speech Swedish Chamber of Commerce's 10 years anniversary 15 April 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the Swedish Chamber of Commerce in Beijing Check against delivery.

I am very pleased to be here at the tenth anniversary of the Swedish Chamber of Commerce in China. A substantial and active presence in this dynamic country is important to Sweden. We are following the rapid economic and social development that is taking place and that is changing the global economic scenery. Despite the geographical distance between China and Sweden, Swedish companies have been present for many years in China. Some Swedish companies, such as Ericsson, have been represented in China since the end of the 19th century, and others, such as SKF, since the beginning of the 20th century. Since the Reform Process started in the late 1970's, the number of Swedish companies doing business in China has increased dramatically. During 2007 one new company registered their business in China every fourth day and at the moment, there are over 550 Swedish companies present in China. The Swedish Chamber of Commerce plays an important role in supporting companies interested in exploring business opportunities on the Chinese market, not least the small and medium sized companies. I welcome your efforts to deepen the knowledge of China within the business community as well as the important Business Climate Report you recently published together with the Swedish Embassy. We have witnessed a broadening and deepening of the relations between Sweden and China; at the political and economic level; in the business community; in the field of research and innovation and culture and not at least between the people of our two countries. The state visit by President Hu last year, the first Chinese state visit ever to Sweden, was a success. During my visit to China, I have had very good talks with Prime Minister Mr Wen Jiabao yesterday, and with President Hu Jintao, whom I met at the Boao Forum last week end. We discussed various ways of increasing our bilateral trade and investment flows by promoting business opportunities and reducing trade barriers. We also talked about how we can work together to address climate change and to further develop energy technology. Two important agreements to this end was signed yesterday. They will open for more initiatives and a broader dialogue on issues of environmental concerns. For my government free enterprise, market economy and an open attitude towards international competition is crucial. We favour policies that encourage knowledge and entrepreneurship. And we take a clear stand in favour of open society and international cooperation in addressing global issues such as poverty and climate change. Free trade is a cornerstone of Swedish foreign and trade policy. It is also the basis of our domestic economic policy. Swedish prosperity is built on international trade and the ability of companies to compete on global markets. Swedish trade policy must also be seen in the perspective of the globalization. With globalization more countries are part of the global trade flows. The economic benefits are obvious, but globalisation also gives us another important advantage - a greater interdependency between countries, leading to increased stability and peace. The impressive economic growth in China in the last decades makes this country one of the most interesting markets for Swedish companies in the world. In 2007 China actually grew by 11,4% - its fastest rate in 13 years. And despite the slowdown in many parts of the world, China is still expected to grow by a solid 10% in 2008 according to the Asian Development Bank. The WTO-negotiations are at a critical stage. My Government gives high priority to an ambitious result in the Doha Round concluded by the end of this year. We cannot afford to lose this historic opportunity. A failure would be a serious blow to the WTO, to the multilateral trading system as such, and to the global economy as a whole. This is not what we wish for given the recent turmoil on financial markets. But I am quite optimistic. There have been positive signs during the last couple of months in the WTO-negotiations. It seems like there is a genuine commitment by key players to walk the extra mile. A breakthrough in the negotiations before summer would enable a conclusion of the round before the end of the year. Sweden will do its outmost to contribute towards this goal. In my talks with the Chinese leaders, I have encouraged them to take a more active role in these negotiations. There are few countries in the world that would benefit more from a successful conclusion of the Doha Round than China. An ambitious result would also inject new energy into the long- term economic reform process to the benefit of Chinese and Swedish citizens and companies. China is today Sweden's largest trading partner in Asia. Our bilateral trade amounted to 66 billions in 2007. China's export to Sweden is expanding rapidly, while Swedish export to China is not developing at quite the same pace. I would like to underline that Sweden would welcome more exports from China. It is definitely to the benefit of our consumers, but also to our companies working within the global supply chain. And we would also like to see increased Swedish exports to China. In order to achieve this, it is crucial to eliminate trade barriers - of particular interest is better protection of intellectual property rights, improved market access, more transparency in decisions regarding public procurement and licenses and less cumbersome export and import procedures. Increasing trade between our two countries is a priority during this visit. The Swedish Minister for Trade discussed this matter with her counterpart, the Chinese minister of Commerce, yesterday. We believe that there are important opportunities for enhanced trade, investment and cooperation. Swedish companies have great knowledge, technology and experience in many of the key sectors where China is planning to make substantial investments in the coming years - for example in the field of environmental technology. The embassy has recently created a new centre for environmental technology, CENTEC. The aim is to promote greater use of Swedish environmental technology in China and to introduce Swedish companies with appropriate technology to the Chinese market. China is a big winner in the era of globalization. No other economy has grown so fast as the Chinese economy; income per capita has multiplied and poverty has been reduced. At the same time China still faces a number of challenges; economic resources are unevenly spread, there are gaps between rural and urban areas and the environmental costs are huge. The Chinese government has started to act, and to search for international cooperation - for example in the environmental field. The handling of environmental issues and addressing climate change is probably the greatest global challenge during this century. Sweden has a long tradition of taking an active and assertive role in environmental policy. At the same time, we are clear about the fact that the response to climate change requires cooperation. Most national actions will have little global impact unless they are accompanied by efforts by other countries. It is through cooperation that we can address climate change. It is often said that economic growth is an enemy of the environment. I would like to argue that the opposite is true. Sweden is a good example. The Swedish economy has grown by 46 % since 1990, while emissions have been reduced by 9 per cent. On this basis, we are now formulating an environmental policy where climate targets are linked to concrete measures that aim at promoting both growth and employment. We believe that investments in research and new technology, together with fiscal and regulatory revisions, can pave the way for a development in which the environment becomes a lever for new enterprises and new jobs. In 2009 the most important activity in this field are the negotiations that are intended to lead to a new climate regime after 2012. The environment and climate change will become one of the main issues facing the Swedish EU Presidency in autumn 2009. For my government it is important to enhance and strengthen cooperation in the field of Corporate Social Responsibility. For Sweden, Corporate Social Responsibility is a complementary tool to the promotion of open global trade and sustainable development. Today there is a widespread recognition among companies that there is a clear case for behaving responsibly and setting good examples. Many Swedish companies see the implementation of business codes and practices not as short-term costs, but as long-term investments. That was probably also why China wanted to sign a cooperation agreement on corporate social responsability last year during the state visit to Sweden by president Hu. Yesterday, as a follow up to that agreement, the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs launched a joint website on corporate social responsibility issues together with the Chinese Ministry of Commerce, as well as a five day training course for Chinese trade officials. Yesterday, I also inaugurated a high level forum on in this field together with the Chairman of SASAC. SASAC had invited an impressive number of CEO:s from some of the biggest companies of the world. I am proud and happy that Swedish companies and their practices are seen as role models in this area. Here, the Swedish Chamber of Commerce has an important role to play. To conclude, I could hardly imagine a more exciting place than China for a Swedish Chamber of Commerce. China is a country of splendid opportunities for Swedish companies if they are able to face the competition, consistently adapt to the rapidly changing environment and target the many growth sectors in the Chinese economy. I wish the Chamber of Commerce best of luck on your tenth anniversary as well as for the important and exciting endeavors that lie ahead. Thank you for your attention!

Speech Peking University 14 April 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by the Prime Minister of Sweden Mr Fredrik Reinfeldt at Beijing University Check against delivery.

Dear faculty. Dear students of Beijing University. It is an honour for me to be here, to be allowed to address this university. I am well aware that yours is one of the top universities in the world. I know that your daily life is very much a matter of grades and degrees. That is only natural. In this time of your life you stand on the threshold of knowledge. Knowledge that will open future doors to careers and to personal success - if you use it the right way. A wise man once said: To study and not think is a waste. To think and not study is sometimes dangerous. But most importantly: with knowledge and the ability to succeed comes social responsibility. Social responsibility to use your knowledge not only for your own personal gain, but also to make a difference for other people. Photo: Liu Ping Many of you will become scientists, lawyers, businessmen or work in government, and you will share and shape the future of this country. Whatever you choose to do in life you must never forget to look for opportunities to fight poverty and injustice in the world. One thing is for sure. You will be part of a globalised world where borders and barriers between people and nations will play a less crucial role. Globalisation has led to positive developments in many parts of the world. It has created new opportunities and possibilities for human interaction, development and progress. We are seeing increased interaction between people and among businesses. We are seeing an exchange of knowledge, information, technology and capital that generations before us could only dream of. In this way globalisation can be described as a bridge between people in different parts of the world. A bridge between us that makes it possible to interact, but also to meet in order to solve our common challenges. One of these common challenges is climate change and global warming. This issue is one of the greatest challenges facing our world. We have a major responsibility to future generations to ensure that we succeed in achieving sustainable development at both local and global level. To address climate change in an effective way we all have to cooperate closely on an international level. It is a well established fact that the developed countries will have to take larger responsibility. But, as I see it, a special responsibility rests upon the United States and China. The largest green house gas emitters in the world. Together we must work hard to reach an international agreement at the UN Summit in Copenhagen in December 2009. The European Union will see this as one of its major tasks. We have already agreed upon ambitious goals for reduced emissions. Now the challenge is to implement these goals in the countries of the European Union and to unite the world in Copenhagen next fall. Sweden will play an important role in this process as we hold the presidency of the EU in 2009. As I said, we must act together in order to make a difference. And when I met with President Hu Jintao this weekend we focused very much on the issue of climate and energy. Not least on the implementation of China's national plan to address climate change. This will also be an important issue to discuss when I see Prime Minister Wen Jiabao later today. In the last 25 years we have seen tremendous growth in China. But we have also seen major environmental challenges. When we approach the issue of climate change and energy we need a new political approach. We must show that economic growth can be combined with a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. We know that it can be done. Sweden can serve as a good example. Since 1990 the Swedish economy has grown by 46 per cent while greenhouse gas emissions have been reduced by 9 per cent. Investment in research and development has been combined with revision of taxes and regulations to open up new opportunities where the environment becomes a springboard for both new companies and jobs. The price of polluting our environment must be high - and the rewards for opting for carbon-dioxide free solutions must be tempting. You need incentives and disincentives. We know the green technology is here. Now every government has a huge responsibility for the transition that has to be made. Today China is spending a tremendous amount of money on research and development. And you attract a lot of foreign investment. You are developing cutting edge technology in many fields - like water disinfection and biological control. But in the long run you must ensure that there is also increased public awareness of the need to promote an environment-friendly society. As consumers and firms demand 'greener' products and services, China can seize the market opportunity and increase its global competitiveness. I am convinced that the large global appetite for clean technology will create major market opportunities in the next few decades. Sweden is co-financing a major project on wind power in China. And looks forward to developing closer cooperation in other areas of clean technology. There will always be challenges and conflicts of interests. There will be people who are more prone to talk about energy security - rather than about climate change. And vice versa. However, both approaches will bring us to the same place: A reduction in the greenhouse gas emissions. The key to success lies in being open to change. Sweden is strongly committed to the principles of free and fair trade and values. Fair access to markets is a crucial dimension of the international system. But the response to globalisation must encompass more than just free trade. It is also a question of ensuring that people feel there is a place for them in the world of today. Our ambition must be for more people to have jobs, for more entrepreneurs to want to create new jobs, for individual people and families to have more control over their own lives and for more people to benefit from the opportunity to acquire knowledge. Fighting social exclusion and unemployment. Encouraging entrepreneurship. Ensuring that families can exercise control over their everyday lives. Assuring that knowledge is something available to the many and not just to the few. These, I believe, are the keys to making your society hold together in a world that is spinning faster. They are also the main features of the social model in Sweden. Protection of human rights has long been a fundamental part of the Swedish political system. In the last few years Sweden has developed a constructive dialogue on human rights with China. This includes discussions on strengthening the rule of law but also on the right to freely express yourselves and exercise your individual liberties. In Asia there are only two Master's Programmes in International Law and Human Rights. One of them is taught at this university. I am pleased that the Swedish Raoul Wallenberg Institute manages this programme together with your Faculty of Law. I had a very good discussion with some of the faculty and students this morning. And I am pleased to announce that Sweden will sponsor a visiting Professor on human rights at Beida. Today, the eyes of the world are turning to China in a more intense way than ever before. There is of course a reason for this. This coming summer China will host the Olympic Games. Athletes from all over the world will be competing. In this way the Olympic Games are a good example of globalisation. They bring the world together - in competition, but also in personal meetings and interaction. The Olympics is about sports, but it's also about international exchange. I hope the games will be a success - in a true spirit of international cooperation. In our globalised world countries can reach out to each other no matter what the geographical distance. We can learn from each other and exchange points of view. Just take China and Sweden as an example. The ties between China and Sweden are strong. And they should be. The relationship between our two countries has developed quite rapidly since your country launched its policy of 'reform and opening'. In the last two years we have had state visits in both directions. Sweden was the first western nation to establish diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China. Today, there are 3000 Chinese students and researchers at Swedish universities. I can also tell you there are more than 500 Swedish companies with operations in China. Every fourth day a new Swedish company sets up business in China. I hope we will be able to further strengthen the ties between our countries. In trade. In exchange of knowledge. But also in common endeavours such as fighting global warming. China's journey is, of course different from Sweden's. But no matter whether you come from a large or a small country, your future is built by single individuals. By you. That is why I want you to always remember that your life can make a difference. And that together you can help share and shape this country and this world. I wish you all the success for the future. Thank you

Speech Sino-Swedish High Level Forum on CSR in Beijing 14 April 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Sino-Swedish High Level Forum on CSR in Beijing - Address by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt Check against delivery.

Your Excellency Minister Li Rongrong, Excellencies, Business Leaders, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a great honour for me to open this important Sino-Swedish High Level Forum on Corporate Social Responsibility. Relations between China and Sweden are strong and cover many fields. Chinese products have reached Sweden for centuries, by sea and via the Silk Road. Several Swedish enterprises and businesses have had a presence in China for more than a century. I have been told that Ericsson delivered its first telephone system to China in the 1870s. Quite impressive. Last year we were very honoured to receive President Hu Jintao on a State visit to Sweden. During that visit, a Memorandum of Understanding on Corporate Social Responsibility was signed between our two governments. This provides a very good basis for enhanced cooperation between our countries in this field. Photo: Liu Ping International trade is growing and has been growing for some time now. And so has the interaction between people and between businesses. Knowledge, information, technology and capital are no longer locked behind national doors. They are spreading. And they're spreading fast. For some of us, this development symbolises new possibilities to meet, develop and advance - in a way that earlier generations could never even dream of. Others feel a growing insecurity, asking themselves if they still fit into this new world. We know that knowledge and well-educated citizens are one key factor in making it in a globalised world. But we also know that we are not the only ones who have realised this. 400 000 engineers graduate every year from Chinese universities. That is more than the total number of engineers in Sweden. Research and development are crucial components in tougher global competition. Today China is spending a tremendous amount of money on research and development. International companies see China as one of the top destinations for research and development investments. How can we match this? Two questions. Two pieces in the globalisation puzzle. Globalisation raises questions - but it also provides new opportunities. New knowledge. New markets. Businesses entering the global market also meet new challenges - for example in the fields of environment, corruption or core labour standards. Today there is widespread recognition that behaving responsibly and setting good examples makes good business sense. The implementation of business codes and practices are not short-term costs, but long-term investments. Failing to act responsibly makes it harder to attract skilled staff and sell products and services. I believe responsible business practices improves business profitability - and at the same time make communities and nations more competitive. Corporate social responsibility is thus also a question of competitiveness. For countries as well as for companies. Last year, Sweden was rated as the most competitive country - based on the responsible competitiveness of its industry. Our collective challenge - and opportunity - is to promote responsible competitiveness between companies, communities and nations that advances economic development in balance with social and environmental imperatives. Photo: Liu Ping Swedish companies have a long tradition of working with NGOs on children's rights. In Africa, and in many emerging markets, the Swedish section of the international organisation 'Save the Children', has been working with companies for many years on this issue. I am very pleased to see how new innovative alliances are being built in this way to meet global challenges. And I am delighted today to announce a unique cooperation between the Swedish Government and Save the Children Sweden in China. This is a further step towards strengthening ties between Sweden and China. Together, and as a firm commitment to the agreement between our two countries, we are setting up a "Corporate Social Responsibility Child Rights Competence Centre" in Beijing. The Centre will help both Swedish and Chinese enterprises understand the benefits of adopting a child rights perspective when doing business, both in China and abroad. The Centre will be inaugurated in September 2008. If a minimum level of responsible business practices is not upheld, people will not believe that business can make a difference in the real world. And it will be easier for people to turn against globalisation. I appreciate that it is not feasible to apply the same standards in all countries immediately. Rules and wages have to be adapted to local conditions to allow countries to grow and adapt to the global economy. But this does not mean that lowering labour standards is acceptable as a tool to attract foreign trade and investment. Quite the opposite. The right to organise, freedom of speech, and the abolition of the worst forms of child labour have nothing to do with the level of development. They are universal rights that must be universally respected. By governments and by businesses. Responsible business practices are an opportunity not just for today's global corporations and advanced economies. Companies from emerging economies seek a greater role in world trade. They recognise the need to align to accepted norms and principles. Because this also improves their competitiveness. I believe that all countries, whatever their levels of economic development, can do more to promote responsible business practices and build competitiveness. In the spirit of open dialogue and with the ambition of creating more responsible business practices, I look forward this afternoon to discussing with you the opportunities and challenges that lie ahead. Thank you

Speech Boao Forum, Hainan 12 April 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Boao Forum Key Note Address: Green Asia: Moving towards Win-Win through Changes Check against delivery.

Dear Mr President, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Thank you for the great privilege of being invited to address the Boao Forum. I am very happy that the Asian equivalent of Davos takes place in tropical temperatures.

A few days ago, I hosted a Nordic Summit on a similar theme. The temperatures, however, were different. In fact, they were arctic. Indeed it was so cold, that we could have dinner on a deep frozen lake. These are indeed extreme contrasts. * * * I would like to take this valuable opportunity to touch upon some issues that are critical not only to people in Asia, but to the world as a whole. How can we ensure continued economic growth and at the same time secure sustainable development? We must acknowledge the challenges, but realise that we can overcome them by taking concrete action. Many countries, not least in Asia, are already facing the consequences of climate change. We know for a fact that glaciers are melting, deserts are spreading and the sea level is rising. But we are also facing demographic challenges that place further demands on food and energy resources. Think about it. In 1975 there were 4 billion people on this planet. Today, there are almost 7 billion. It is estimated that by 2020 the world's population will most likely exceed 8 billion people. These figures speak for themselves. We will have to adapt to radically altered circumstances. We will have to respond with wisdom and strength to the great challenges of climate change and energy security. At the EU Summit in spring 2007, historical decisions were taken on how to combat climate change. On goals to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, to increase renewables and on energy efficiency. The European Union aims to have a climate and energy package well in place before the UN meeting in Copenhagen in 2009. A meeting that will take place at the same time as Sweden will be holding the presidency of the European Union. * * * China has benefited from tremendous economic growth over the past 25 years. But this has also caused major environmental problems. The critical issue is how to safeguard the long-term health of a booming economy in a country like China. And at the same time, how to remain competitive. I know that the Chinese leadership is devoting considerable attention to this. I read Prime Minister Wen Jiabao's speech to the 11th National People's Congress with great interest. I welcome the national plan to strengthen China's ability to respond to climate change. I welcome China's aims to become more energy-efficient and its efforts to enhance environmental protection. I welcome your plans to employ statistical and monitoring systems for reducing emissions. This is needed to ensure that progress can be measured in a verifiable way. But in the long run, and perhaps most important of all - is greater public awareness of the need to promote an environmentally-friendly society. As consumer demand for greener products and services continues to grow, China can create a market opportunity and increase its global competitiveness by fostering a greener business mentality. There will always be challenges and conflicts of interests. There will be people who are keener to focus on energy security than on climate change. And vice versa. However, both approaches will bring us to the same place. A reduction in the use of fossil fuels will lead to a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. * * * Since the 1970s, Sweden has had a clear policy to reduce oil dependency. What is interesting is that since 1990 our economy has grown by 46 per cent. During the same period, our greenhouse gas emissions have decreased by 9 per cent. Swedish climate policy has relied heavily on a mix of instruments, both regulatory and economic. We have had a carbon dioxide tax since the early 1990s. I firmly believe that pricing mechanisms are needed to promote a sustainable society. In Sweden the tax on coal is 100 euro/tonne. In China it is zero.

China's journey is, of course, different from Sweden's. But - what we do have in common is our desire to move forward - not backward. If our countries are to maintain a high level of economic growth, we must be open to change. Innovation is a key factor. There will be a huge demand for clean technology over the next few decades. Here, Sweden is very much at the forefront. It is worth noting that China is spending a tremendous amount of money on research and development. Today, international companies see China as one of the top destinations for research and development investments. When the environmental train takes off at full speed, Sweden will be on board. And so should China and other Asian nations in order to stay competitive. We should all be committed to enact policies that promote a reduction in greenhouse gases, support for renewable energy, energy efficiency, clean water and cleaner coal. And we should all be committed to reaching an international agreement post-2012. The stakes are high. If we fail to reach an agreement, we risk encouraging protectionist forces in Europe, and also in the United States. This is not a path we want to go down. The Swedish Government has always been a strong supporter of free trade. And will continue to do so. History has shown that when we are open, we prosper. When we fall into protectionism, our citizens lose out. We want the world to prosper in the twenty-first century. We want a world that is freer, more secure and more sustainable. I want us to work in partnership to advance that effort. Together we can do it. Thank you.

Speech The London School of Economics, London 26 February 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister "The New Swedish Model: A Reform Agenda for Growth and the Environment" Mr Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister of Sweden, The London School of Economics and Political Science February 26, 2008

Check against delivery. It is a pleasure to be here at LSE. Anybody who wants to study globalisation should start at this institution. I believe you have the highest proportion of international students in the world. And you are smart. I am told that you borrow four times as many books as the average UK student. Obviously you do not spend too much time on Facebook YouTube MySpace *** 'The new Swedish model', says the title. In that case, what is the old Swedish model? It has been described as a middle way between the Anglo-Saxon and the Continental European countries' ways of organising their economies and social systems. As you know, Sweden is a geographically extensive but sparsely populated country in the northern part of Europe. It is a country that has combined sustained and high rates of growth with ambitious goals for its social systems and welfare services. The population of Sweden - just over 9 million - is well educated, works hard and has strong beliefs in equal rights for men and women. Sweden is also the home of several large and world-renowned companies in areas like telecommunications, pharmaceutics and commercial transport solutions. Companies that stand tall in global competition. Ericsson, H&M, IKEA and Volvo, to name just a few. This, in short, is Sweden, but is it the Swedish model? You could argue there has in fact never been any such thing as a Swedish model. And even if there were aspirations of a modelling kind at earlier stages - they are hard to apply on the world of today. Today, in the age of globalisation, open economies and growing interdependence between companies and nations, it's more correct to point out distinctive features and experiences. Institutional features that need some historical knowledge to understand. Let me just state a few factors that will allow you to better understand the historical context. The institutions of free enterprise, the market economy, a well functioning legal system, a modern banking system, well defined property rights and an open attitude towards international competition. An agreement between the social partners that lays the ground for lasting and stable relationships on the labour market. Welfare services that focus on labour force participation and knowledge. A clear work-first principle in labour market policy and social insurance. Then, of course, the obvious point - the fact that Sweden was never directly involved in the Second World War. All these fields together added up to form the framework of the old Swedish model. And the outcome speaks for itself. From 1950 to 1973 annual GDP growth in Sweden averaged 3.7 per cent. Unemployment varied between 1.5 and 2.0 per cent, which was lower than the European average and much lower than in the United States. At the beginning of the 1970s Sweden also had the fourth highest GDP per capita measured in purchasing power parity. Sweden was blooming. *** Then came Sweden's mad quarter of a century.

Growth fell off. Unemployment rose. The quality of welfare declined. What, then, were the factors that made the Swedish model stop working? The economic downturn that followed the two oil crises in the 1970s of course had a negative impact on Sweden. Also, the financial crises and macroeconomic shocks of the early 1990s had substantial consequences for the Swedish economy. But these shocks also affected other industrial countries. And it is difficult to argue that Sweden was particularly vulnerable to the international business cycle. This alone cannot explain why Sweden fell from fourth place in the OECD's ranking of member countries by GDP per capita around 1970, to eighteenth place in 1997. Instead, I would argue that the explanation lies in other factors. The vital balance between the institutions in the model disappeared and socialism swept over Swedish society. We saw budget deficits and high inflation undermine macroeconomic stability. In many respects this was the result of irresponsible and short- sighted political actions. We saw a sharp rise in taxes, especially on labour, together with an expansion of benefit systems that undermined the work-first principle and made it less worthwhile to work. The education system was distorted and Swedish schools focused less on knowledge. Changes in international competition were met with subsidies rather than reforms. Free enterprise was not encouraged; instead it was questioned. We saw a rise in unemployment and the percentage of working-age people supported by various social benefits and subsidies rose from 10 per cent in 1970 to about 20 per cent in the present decade. What took a hundred years to build was nearly dismantled in twenty five years. *** The crises during the 1990s opened a window of opportunity to carry out a number of reforms that solved some of Sweden's most acute problems. A consensus developed on the need to improve the framework and goals of economic policy. The budget process was reformed. Clear targets for inflation and the public finances brought greater stability to the Swedish economy and helped balance public finances. The credibility of monetary policy was also strengthened when the Riksbank (the Swedish Central Bank) was guaranteed independence in 1999. The pension system was reformed and a tax reform carried out that amended the worst parts of the Swedish tax system. Government electoral periods were increased from three to four years and Sweden became a member of the European Union. The latter was important for access to the important European markets. The government in the beginning of the 1990s also ran a privatisation program and deregulated important markets in Sweden. In the early 1990s Sweden had three very serious economic problems to solve: first, to balance public finances and reduce indebtedness; second, to reach a new, higher growth path; and third, to restore full employment. The structural and fiscal policy reforms implemented have helped overcome the first two of these problems. In macroeconomic terms, the Swedish economy was in better shape at the end of the 1990s than it was at the beginning of the decade. The public finances had been consolidated and were among the strongest in the OECD area. The inflation rate had shifted to a much lower level and is below the level in other EU countries. Growth over the past ten years has been very good. *** However, the microeconomic situation had not improved. The problems on the labour market remained unsolved. A large number of people continued to be excluded from the labour market. In spite of strong growth there was mass unemployment. Sweden was a rich country - but had a poor and excluded population. This was the situation when my government was elected in 2006. In that year over one million people in Sweden depended on social benefits and over 1.5 million were excluded from the labour market or worked less than they wished. This, of course, was a great personal tragedy for those forced into social exclusion - but it also meant that a large part of public spending was used to finance benefit systems instead of welfare services such as schools, healthcare or fighting crime. In 2006 the people of Sweden paid the highest taxes in the world. But not for high quality welfare services. A larger and larger amount of public spending was used to pay for benefits. To pay people of working age for not doing what they were able to do. Social exclusion was slowly undermining public finances and the quality of welfare. This meant that one of the fundamental pillars of the Swedish model was crumbling. A serious fact, indeed. The opportunity to work also has a value in a broader sense. For the individual and for welfare at large, the value of work is fundamental. The personal loss of social exclusion is a loss for the whole of society. No employment - no opportunity for people to obtain a livelihood for themselves and their families. No employment - no progress. No employment - no welfare services - no schools, no childcare and no elderly care. If this were the case, what would be left of what we call the Swedish model? A policy for increased employment and less exclusion is thus a moral imperative and not just a financial necessity. *** Alliance for Sweden - my political alternative in the 2006 general election - represented a clear and comprehensive strategy for taking on Sweden's remaining major structural problems - the weak growth in employment in the private sector and the high level of exclusion. Our message was that the model needed to develop. If Sweden was to regain its strength, the institutional features had to improve and the balance to be restored. Our ambition was for more people to have a job, for more entrepreneurs to want to create new jobs, for individual people and families to have more control over their own lives and for more people to benefit from the opportunity to acquire knowledge. We wanted to build what we may call a new Swedish model. We were elected to do the job of putting Sweden back to work. The Government's strategy rests on four pillars. First: Make work pay. There is a direct connection between participation in the labour market and the difference in income from work or benefits. We are therefore consistently implementing a major in-work tax credit for low and medium earners. In total we have lowered income taxes by approximately SEK 55 billion. That means that income taxes have been lowered by 2 per cent of GDP in just a little more than a year. We are also step by step revitalising the work-first principles in the benefit systems by reducing benefit levels and changing the rules of unemployment insurance. We have also changed the rules in the sickness insurance system. These changes in the benefit systems are not popular in the short term, I will admit that. But they are vital if we want to make it clear that work should pay and that work should always be people's first choice. The objective is obvious: to give more people an opportunity to support themselves on their own earnings and make more people feel that it actually pays to work. In this way we are revitalising the work-first principle - one of the main institutions in the Swedish model. Second: Make it more worthwhile and easier to hire staff. Besides implementing reforms aimed at widening the margins for those in work, we must also do our utmost to lower the thresholds for those who are most detached from the labour market. We are therefore encouraging more employers to take on new employees. Especially we are trying to increase the demand for labour with relatively low productivity and weak connections to the labour market. To achieve this we have introduced reforms that involve tax relief equivalent to the full employer's social security contribution for people who have been unemployed or outside the labour market for a long time. The 'new start jobs' are one such reform. They mean that employers who hire people who have been excluded from the labor market for an extended period are completely exempt from paying social contributions for a period lasting as long as the new employee's period of exclusion. These kinds of relief are also given to employers hiring young people, old people and immigrants. We are focusing especially on fighting exclusion of new arrivals in Sweden - we are focusing on employment and language skills, as well as better coordination between government agencies. Third: Better matching in the labour market. The former active labour market policy was designed to produce low unemployment figures by hiding away people who were able to work in programmes created to run alongside the regular labour market. The programmes maintained high enrolment volumes and gave too much emphasis to training measures and to measures that served to reduce the labour supply. To counter this we introduced a job and development guarantee for the long-term unemployed. The programme includes individually designed measures and has a structure that reinforces the work-first principle. The guarantee demands a high level of activity from participants, such as job-seeking activities including coaching and work training. We have also reduced the number of labour market policy programmes and lowered the volume of labour market policy measures to make it possible to focus more on quality. In addition, the national Labour Market Board is being transformed into the Swedish Public Employment Service with a clearer focus on employment services. Moreover, we have strengthened checks on job-seeking activities. Fourth: Make it more worthwhile and easier to start and run a business. As I have said, the conditions for entrepreneurship are good in Sweden in many respects. Swedes are well educated and quick to adopt new technology. The business sector is innovative, with extensive research and development and good financial capacity. In international rankings of competitiveness and business climate, Sweden always scores well. But even though conditions are good in many respects, there is a need for further improvements in the climate for enterprise, not least for smaller companies. It is also important to make continuous improvements in the overall business climate so as to maintain the strong position of Swedish business in the increasingly integrated world economy. Sweden must therefore be a country that better accommodates those who dare to take risks, develop their ideas and spread their wings to become self-employed. A comprehensive review is underway, looking at the social security system for the self-employed and business tax rules; a number of concrete reforms have, however, already been implemented. We have abolished the wealth tax. We have improved the VAT system to better fit the needs of smaller companies. We have given the bankruptcy and insolvency laws an overhaul. We have opened up welfare service production, especially the healthcare sector, for entrepreneurship. And we are in the process of cutting red tape by twenty-five per cent. Even though many strong measures are being implemented, it is difficult at this point to judge how effective the reforms will be in the long run. The Government has been in office for just one-and-a-half years, but we can see some clear signs that we are on the right track. Exclusion is falling. Last year one Swedish citizen went from welfare to work every four minutes. The will to hire staff is growing and so is the will to start a business. And the good news is that this trend is growing stronger. The trend in the Swedish labour market has not been this good for almost twenty years. We also see that the figures are looking extremely good for young people, older people, women and immigrants - people who historically have had a weak connection to the labour market. The Government's overall objective is to create conditions for more jobs in more and growing businesses - and by this means to break the pattern of social exclusion. Our focus on reform measures for more jobs, higher employment and lower unemployment is of course important. Less unemployment and less exclusion will lead to increased welfare. It will lead to greater resources with which to finance important welfare services in the long term. We can only help the people who need help if we focus on work for the people who can work. This leads me to the education system. Once crucial for Swedish growth and today a cornerstone in the renewal of the model.

The education system plays a crucial role for every child's chances in life. Every child has the right to acquire the tools and values necessary to explore the world around her and to meet the demands of society. To achieve this we are carrying out reforms in our education system that focus on knowledge and a commitment to quality. We want the primary mission of the education system to be to convey knowledge. Every child must be given opportunities to achieve the basic goals in all subjects. This will require resources and well-educated teachers, but also a new education policy that respects students' differences and caters to their individual needs. Other major tasks ahead of us are investments in infrastructure as well as research and development. In the long run these areas are vital if we want Sweden to be able to compete in our globalised world. They are necessary for good and long-lasting growth - but to be able to finance these investments a policy for more jobs is required. As I have said, no employment - no resources for welfare. No matter whether we are speaking of education or infrastructure. *** If exclusion from the labour market is our national challenge, the issue of the climate and the environment is the global challenge. Global warming is for real. It's already happening. No one these days can be left unaffected by the reports or pictures. The reports and pictures that show us the serious consequences that lie in store for our planet and for future generations, if we do not succeed better in formulating a policy for sustainable development in the long term. Sweden has a long tradition of taking an active and assertive role where environment policy is concerned. This is a tradition that Sweden intends to live up to and to do so with renewed vigour. At the same time, we are clear about the fact that the response to climate change requires a new political impulse. After long having allowed environmental policy to be coloured by political deals involving regulations and non-growth policies, we see it as our task to create broad agreement around a new climate policy. An important element of this renewal is about exposing the myth that growth is the enemy of the environment. Here Sweden is living proof that the opposite is true, as our economy has grown by 44 per cent since 1990 while emissions have declined by 9 per cent. On this basis, we are now formulating an environment policy where climate targets are linked to credible measures that do not conflict with growth and jobs. We believe, on the contrary, that investments in research and new technology, together with fiscal and regulatory revisions, can pave the way for a development in which the environment becomes a lever for new enterprises and new jobs. A model for climate care and growth - this will be an important ingredient in the renewal of the Swedish model.

However, an important starting point for a credible climate policy is to acknowledge that the 0.2 per cent of world emissions of greenhouse gases for which Sweden is responsible does not in itself constitute a global problem. In practice, our national actions will have no global impact unless they are also accompanied by efforts to unite the world around joint action. We therefore want to supplement our national actions by an endeavour to seek global solutions and international cooperation in response to the climate problems that we are seeing around the world. An important part of this will be to attempt to get more parties on board in the negotiations that are intended to lead to a new climate regime after 2012. It will be natural to link cooperation in the EU to this endeavour, which means the environment will become one of the main issues facing the Swedish EU Presidency in 2009. Taking the lead in talks must go hand in hand with a willingness to take the lead in actions. And in enabling Europe to take a leading part in fighting global climate change, the decisions of the European Council in March last year were of great importance. Even though it is not enough, it sets a very strong example that all EU Member States agreed on an independent commitment limiting our emissions of greenhouse gases - by 20 per cent by 2020, and by 30 per cent within an international agreement, as well as increasing the share of renewable energy. I believe in showing leadership at national level by setting a good example and acting at international level to unite Europe and the world behind joint climate commitments. Sweden might be a small country. But I am convinced that we have a lot to offer in proving that growth can be combined with fighting climate change and in seeking broad solutions to issues of great importance. *** This brings me back to the beginning: What is the new Swedish model all about, if there is such a thing as a Swedish model? I would argue that in our globalised world you have a choice. Spin the wheel of fortune or learn to navigate. This is what the new Swedish model is all about. It's a question of free enterprise, the market economy and an open attitude towards international competition. It's a question of fighting social exclusion and unemployment. It's a question of a clear work-first principle in labour market policy and social insurance. It's a question of welfare services that focus on knowledge, development and labour force participation. I could put it more precisely. Good pay for a hard day's work. Responsibility among people, businesses and organisations. Policies that encourage knowledge and entrepreneurship. A clear stand on the values of the open society and international cooperation. These are the core values of Sweden. But are they the wheels driving a new Swedish model or principles that stand for themselves and lay the ground for progress regardless of country? No matter where you look in our globalised world? I leave that for you to decide. Thank you for listening.

Speech European Parliament, Strasbourg 19 February 2008 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Prime Minister's speech to the European Parliament

Check against delivery Mr President, Honourable Members, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a great honour for me to be standing here today. And to have the opportunity to present my thoughts on European issues to this Assembly. It was visionary politicians who, after the Second World War, understood that the only way to secure peace was to tie together the countries of Europe in close European integration. As was the case then, today's European integration must also be guided by a clear vision. We must ask the existential questions: Where are we going and how shall we get there? We must make the most of the opportunities of our time - but we must also be able to tackle the challenges of our time. Our world is changing at a rapid pace and we are changing with it. We have become more and more dependent on one another. The fundamental principle has to be this: Our European integration model must be so strong that neither fanatical nationalism nor religious fanaticism can be a threat to peace and stability in Europe. We must not be scared of a strong Europe. On the contrary, we must fear a weak Europe. A strong Europe takes on a greater responsibility for global problems. A strong Europe combines economic growth with climate-friendly policies. A strong Europe looks out for its citizens' best interests. A united Europe dares to give Kosovo a clear European perspective. The Swedish Government believes in Europe's opportunities. Sweden must have a clear and unquestioned place at the heart of European integration. Since the current Government came to power in the autumn of 2006, we have also seen how the Swedish people's support for the European Union has grown. There are people who say that this is all just a matter of luck. To those people I say this: The more you practice, the luckier you get. And we have certainly been practicing. As early as in 1962 my party campaigned under the motto of 'Yes to Europe'. Thirty-three years later EU membership became a reality. * * * It feels as though we can now breathe a sigh of relief after several years of tough treaty discussions. Chancellor Merkel did a tremendous job to help resolve the issue. My special thanks also go to Prime Minister Socrates who skilfully led the treaty to a successful conclusion. The Lisbon Treaty creates better conditions for more open, effective and dynamic European integration. But above all, it opens up new opportunities to discuss issues that are important to the future. Climate and energy, jobs and economic growth, demographics, migration and the EU's role on the international stage. I intend to participate actively and fully in this debate. I want to work for a modern Europe based on the citizens' perspective. We are all aiming for the treaty to come into force on 1 January 2009. Sweden will ratify the treaty during the autumn of this year. In one and a half year's time, Sweden will hold the EU Presidency. It will be an interesting Presidency with a newly elected European Parliament, a new Commission and the new leadership positions created by the Lisbon Treaty. I look forward to very close cooperation with the European Parliament. Some of the key issues during the Swedish EU Presidency will be: Climate and energy, the Hague Programme, jobs and economic growth, Baltic Sea issues and the EU as a global actor. We are working intensively on preparations. We will also be ready should the unexpected occur. In other words, there must be a large dose of flexibility and the possibility of adapting to circumstances as they arise.

Climate and energy The issue of climate and energy is one of the largest challenges faced by society in our time. We have a major responsibility to future generations to ensure that we succeed in formulating a policy for long-term sustainable development. This will be one of the major issues during our Presidency. Together we must work hard to reach an international agreement at the UN summit in Copenhagen in December 2009. Thanks to historic decisions taken at the Spring Council last year, the EU has taken on a leading role. But the EU cannot shoulder this responsibility on its own. This will require close cooperation with a large number of other countries, including India, Japan, China, Russia and the United States. Global demand for energy is expected to increase by 50 per cent by 2030. The key to tackling climate change lies in how this increase in energy needs is dealt with. The issue of improving energy efficiency is central here. But it is also central to achieving drastic financial savings. The challenges of climate change call for a new political approach. We must dispel the myth that growth is the enemy of the environment. Sweden is a living example of the contrary. Since 1990 our economy has grown by 44 per cent at the same time as our emissions have been reduced by nine per cent. Investment in research and new technology, combined with a revision of taxes and regulations. This has opened the door to a development where the environment becomes a springboard for both new companies and jobs. I am convinced that we can reach the goals set out in the EU's climate and energy package. But we have to introduce the right policy instruments to encourage our societies and our companies to make the right choices. The price of polluting our environment must be high, and the rewards for opting for carbon dioxide-free solutions must be tempting. Green technology already exists. Governments have a huge responsibility for the transition that has to be made. But so do the citizens. I would like to make a pact with the citizens on supporting environmentally friendly alternatives. This will increase competition to the benefit of a more environmentally friendly society. We all stand to gain from this.

The Lisbon strategy The United States has been the world's largest economy for over one hundred years. Now new actors are influencing the global economy. India's and China's economies are growing in leaps and bounds. Globalisation has led to positive development in many parts of the world. Globalisation is a force for democracy and clarifies the difference between open and closed societies. But globalisation also increases competition. The policies that gave us work, security and prosperity yesterday must constantly be modified for us to achieve the same success tomorrow. Today one third of Europe's working age population is outside the labour market. This is an untenable situation. We must increase the labour supply and combat exclusion. By reforms of national labour markets. By investments in education and knowledge. As economic integration grows increasingly stronger in the Union and around the world, successes and shortcomings in national reform efforts will no longer be solely an internal affair; they concern us all. Our future prosperity in Europe is heavily dependent on how we Member States jointly create better conditions to make use of the possibilities and challenges of globalisation. Not least, it is a question of how we tackle demographic developments and cross-border challenges in the environmental field. A progressive EU energy and environment policy is a prerequisite for long-term sustainable growth and prosperity in Europe. But it is also an important factor for our future competitiveness. Through the Lisbon strategy for sustainable growth and employment, the EU has created means to meet these challenges. The strategy exists. Unfortunately, we got sidetracked when it came to implementing it. Let us make a strong effort to strengthen the EU's global competitiveness by continued structural reforms and by investing in research and paving the way for new technology. Let us make a real effort to complete the internal market and create a more innovative business climate in Europe. Let us ensure that it is worthwhile to work. Of course, there is still a great deal to do at both national and Community level. I only need to say the words 'patent' and 'Working Time Directive' for you all to understand what I mean. We must conclude the Doha Round of the WTO. This would provide a strong impetus for economic recovery around the world. We need an open world trade system and continued liberalisation if we are to increase Europe's competitiveness in the spirit of the Lisbon strategy. At the same time, winds of protectionism are blowing through Europe. We must resist this. Protectionism is not a solution. In the long term it damages those it was meant to protect. And there is no time to waste. The window of opportunity in the WTO is closing. But when we talk about the Lisbon strategy, let us not just complain like Eeyore the donkey in Winnie the Pooh. Let us stop a moment and look back on the period gone by. When we do so, we see the considerable success and progress that has actually been made. Factors that have led to the Lisbon process being a working process since 2005. A process that has strengthened the commitments of the Member States and driven implementation and results. A great deal is due to the Commission's resolute efforts and Commission President Barroso's strong personal commitment. But I would also like to thank the European Parliament for your constructive role. How do we find the best way to meet future challenges? How do we jointly ensure long-term prosperity in Europe through sustainable growth and full employment? To enable Europe to hold its own in the global competition? I see the Swedish Presidency in autumn 2009 as an excellent time to start/conduct the discussion on a future European strategy for sustainable growth and employment during the coming decade.

The EU budget The EU budget has long since passed its expiry date. The budget should be the primary instrument for realising the Union's goals. This being so, it must also reflect the goals better. Today, 40 per cent of the budget goes to agricultural subsidies. To a sector that stands for 2 per cent of employment in Europe. This is unreasonable. Imagine if we instead were to increase the EU's investments in research and development, the fight against organised crime, environmental issues and external relations. Imagine if we also dared to engage in a frank discussion of what should be financed at EU level and what should be financed nationally.

Demography/migration Europe is facing a demographic trend with a rapidly ageing population. A trend that will put our welfare systems under increasing pressure in the years ahead. Fewer and fewer people will have to support more and more people. Together with significant exclusion from the labour market, this reinforces the need for a job creation policy. More people must enter employment in order to maintain good welfare in the future. The growing percentage of older people in Europe is not matched by those who will be of working age. This is precisely where migration comes in. Properly handled, this can be an important and actually necessary piece of the puzzle for maintaining welfare that is worth the name. Imagine all those newly arrived people who are positive, expectant and eager to do their part. Let us make use of the positive energy that they bring with them. We must create political opportunities for those people who have made their way to Europe. Opportunities that allow them to quickly enter the labour market. Migration has become an increasingly important issue for many Member States. But control measures, and readmission agreements must never be the only answer to the challenges that arise from increased migration. Those who think it is enough to tighten up borders to solve the many and various issues of migration are making it easy for themselves. A broader approach is needed - both for the EU and the countries of origin. Sweden supports the ambitious objective of having a common European system of asylum in place by 2010. In order to be successful the question will require intensive efforts. Sweden also regards it as a priority to integrate the question of migration into the EU's external relations and increase the consistency between migration and development policy. Then we must remember. It is only by efforts to deal with the causes of migration in the form of poverty and oppression that we can achieve real results. A global approach is needed here. Not least within the framework of the UN High-Level Dialogue on Migration. The EU has an important role in giving these ideas a more concrete content, not least in the form of broad and partnership-based cooperation with the African countries concerned. We want to pursue an ambitious and forward-looking programme for 2010-2014 that will replace the Hague Programme. We attach great value to the active participation of the European Parliament in this process.

International terrorism and organised crime International terrorism is one of the greatest global threats to our open societies. As the terrorist networks grow we see how more people are acting increasingly independently and terrorist attacks are less predictable. Organised crime is becoming increasingly problematic in Europe. Individual countries are finding it increasingly difficult to combat serious, organised international crime on their own. Much organised crime often originates outside the EU. The Lisbon Treaty provides us with new tools in the fight against terrorism and other serious cross-border crime. The European Parliament will have a central part to play in this connection. Approximation of regulations must continue. The possibilities of mutual recognition of judicial decisions must continue to be developed. The EU agencies Europol and Eurojust must be strengthened and exchange of information between national police authorities improved. At the same time - and this is important - there must be a balance in what we do. When we strengthen crime-fighting operations we must also strengthen the rights of the individual. Not least we rely on the vigilance of the European Parliament here. It is important for us to agree at EU level to strengthen legal security in criminal cases and the rights of victims of crime.

External relations I want to see a Europe stepping forth as a voice for peace and reconciliation even in the parts of the world that are dominated by war and conflicts. In Africa, Asia and Latin America, but of course also in Europe. Sweden has initiated a broad discussion about the further development of Europe's common security strategy. In 2009 we will be working hard to get the European External Action Service in place. Helping to settle the conflicts in the Middle East must be one of the European Union's most important tasks in the years ahead. A future solution between Israelis and Palestinians must build on a two-state solution under which both parties can live within secure and recognised borders. We need an intensified dialogue with the Muslim world. An important aim should be building up increased trust, respect and understanding between 'the West' and the Muslim world. We are aiming for closer ties in all areas of society with Russia. It is our hope that the remaining obstacles to Russian membership of the WTO can be overcome. It is in our interest that Russia develop into a modern, successful and democratic state. Unfortunately, the move in a more authoritarian direction that we have seen over the past few years suggests a different kind of development. We are concerned about developments continuing in this direction. The situation in the Western Balkans continues to be one of Europe's greatest and most difficult challenges. For a long time to come we will be deeply involved in helping the state-building process in Kosovo. The challenges we are facing must not be underestimated. The economic and social situation in Kosovo is difficult. There is a long way to go before it is a functioning constitutional state. State-building takes time - but we must be prepared to be present to help. That is our responsibility. But our commitment is to the region as a whole. It is important to stress this, not least in times like this. European crisis management will be one of the most important questions in future European foreign and security policy. Our country contributes - as far as we are able - to playing an active role for the continued development of European security and defence policy. Sweden has participated in most of the operations which the EU has initiated. We are now prepared to participate in the EU mission in Chad. * * * From Stockholm it is closer to Minsk than to the most northern parts of Sweden. Belarus is Europe's last dictatorship. It is our duty to do more to support the democratic forces in the country. Developments in the Baltic Sea region are a European concern. Eight out of nine countries round the Baltic are members of the EU. Almost a quarter of EU citizens - about 100 million people - are affected by the sensitive environment of the Baltic Sea. This requires a concerted European effort. The Baltic strategy which the Commission has been given the task of preparing before the Swedish Presidency in 2009, will, I hope, meet the challenges in the region. The strategy may serve as a model for how we in the enlarged EU meet challenges related to specific regions - to ultimately strengthen the EU as a whole. I would like to end by saying a few words about enlargement. As you all know this is a matter close to the hearts of the Swedish Government and the Swedish people. Enlargement has been one of the EU's greatest challenges, but also a prime opportunity. For those travelling through countries that in recent years have become EU Member States, it is striking to see the development and faith in the future. Unfortunately more and more critical voices are being raised against enlargement. Let me be clear: The most stupid thing we can do is to forget what we were supposed to be doing. Why the concept of European integration arose. Without enlargement Europe would not be what it is. Without continued enlargement we risk instability on our own continent. Because enlargement is our most important strategic tool for spreading the values on which European cooperation is based. We have pulled down one wall in Europe. We must not now build a new one against Turkey or other European countries. We know now that there was so much more that could only have been done - or done better - by working together in Europe and globally. Let us never take European integration for granted. We need a strong Europe! Where we dare to aim even higher with good self-confidence. Thank you for your attention. I look forward to meeting you again in the summer when the rotating EU Presidency moves on. 2007

Speech The Swedish Riksdag 12 December 2007 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldts opening speech at the Swedish Parliament with the Nobel Peace Prize Laureates 12 december 2007

Dear Nobel Laureates, Members of the Parliament, Your Excellencies, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and gentlemen We know a lot about the consequences of climate change. It poses a serious threat to present and future citizens around the globe, to our economies and to the planet we live on. We know from science that this is the result of human activity. We also know that the countries that are most affected are the poorest and most vulnerable. And we know that we need political leadership to turn developments around. Decisive and global political action to prevent further dangerous changes to our climate system and to adapt to the consequences that are inevitable. The fact that we know this is due to the work of our distinguished guests here today: Dr Rajendra Pachauri as the representative for The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate, IPCC, and former vice president Mr Al Gore. If I may say so - the perfect couple. The world of science and research on one hand. The global communication, the political ledarship of an American former vice president on the other. Together they have formed a sort of alliance. The IPCC. Founded by Professor Bert Bolin, who is here with us today. With contributions from thousands of scientists and researchers from over one hundred countries all over the world - some of them from Sweden, some of them also here today. The IPCC that has, through long and hard work, managed to lay out such strong evidence of the fact that our human activities are related to global warming. Thanks to which we have finally seemed to have reached a consensus - even amongst us difficult-to-convince politicians. Mr Al Gore. Who has long been strongly commited to the environmental issue. Who has shown this in action, in documentaries and in books. In taking debates and meeting with world leaders. If the IPCC has lifted the veil from the policymakers and politicians - Mr Al Gore has made the public aware. So how do we move from knowing what needs to be done - to actually doing it? I know that political decisions can make a difference! Sixteen years ago, Sweden introduced the carbon dioxide tax. In the year of 2005, our greenhouse gas emissions were 7 per cent lower than in 1990. During the same period the Swedish economy grew by 36 per cent. So I agree with Mr Gore on what he said in his lecture in Oslo this Monday: That a price on carbon - a CO2 tax that is rebated back to the people and that shift the burden of taxation from employment to pollution - by far is the most effective and simplest way to act. We have come a long way in Sweden. We have, together in the European union, put up tough goals on CO2-emission and renewable energy sources. But Sweden is a small nation. And the EU consists of twentyseven countries who all in all stand for only 14 percent of the world's emissions - if calculations are right, soon close to only 10 percent. We can do only so much. The real challenge, I believe, lies in convincing the largest emitters, China now passing the United States in the race to the top. Or is it to the bottom? Dr Pachauri asked in his Monday lecture in Oslo: Will those responsible for decisions in the field of climate change at the global level listen to the loud and clear voice of science and knowledge? I hope they do. I know we do. And if so, it is you who have made them listen. Thank you!

Speech Lisbon 08 December 2007 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the EU-Africa Summit on 8-9 December 2007. Check against delivery.

Prime Minister Socrates, President Kufuor, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Through globalization our two continent's opportunities and challenges are becoming more and more intertwined. This summit, provides, a unique occasion for us to make common cause in tackling problems and making the best of our joint opportunities. Africa is a continent plagued by many problems. It is also a continent filled with hope - here Liberia comes to mind. But a lot more needs to be done. We need fresh thinking on how we - Africans and Europeans -can work better together to create a development that offers dignity and empowerment to people regardless of where they originate from. Regardless if they are men, women or children. That requires a sense of direction, leadership and conviction. Together we need to focus more: On democracy and human rights. On climate change. And on global development First, democracy and human rights, Democracy and rule of law form the basis for a society where people can live in peace with each other. Respect for human rights and respect for democratic principles are mutually reinforcing and necessary prerequisites for development and security. Today's Zimbabwe comes to me as a tragic illustration of the reverse: the links between political repression, human rights violations, negative growth and increasing poverty. No historical injustice can excuse repression or violence against political opponents. No cultural tradition can exonerate the violation of women's sexual and reproductive health and rights. No quest for stability can justify the denial of humanitarian access or the targeting of civilians in conflict. Human suffering and violations against civilians must come to an end in places like Darfur and Somalia. Second, climate change. The launch of a special Africa-EU Partnership on Climate Change, reflects the importance we attach to the issue and to the need for urgent action. Although we all share responsibility, the developed countries must take the lead in reducing emissions of green house gases. But, Africa and Europe must cooperate to secure a post-2012 agreement. We should also increasingly integrate climate issues into development cooperation in Africa. Recently, Sweden launched a Commission on Climate Change and Development on the issues of risk reduction, adaptation and climate-proofing development. Ms. Wangari Mathai from the Green Belt Movement and Mr. Youba Sokona from the Sahara and Sahel Observatory will be two of the Commission's 13 members. We hope that the work of the Commission will contribute both to the new Africa-EU Partnership on Climate Change, and to a successful outcome of the negotiations within the United Nations Convention on Climate Change. Sweden will also contribute to the Global Climate Change Alliance, which will benefit many African states. Third, the global development. The benefits of globalization - which has brought prosperity to millions - are yet to reach many in Africa. Increased efforts are needed if the Millennium Development Goals are to be attained by 2015. We must continue promoting a fair and market-oriented world trading system. Access for African goods and services to international markets, including the European, needs to be improved. A successful conclusion of the Doha Round is a top priority. For partners in Africa we wish to go beyond WTO-commitments within the Economic Partnership Agreements and while respecting WTO-rules. The European Union must improve coherence among EU policies honoring commitments in the areas of resource mobilization and more effective development assistance. I wish in this context to stress the importance of concluding as soon as possible the EPA:s between the EU and Africa. This will enable us to strengthen trade relations while keeping the development dimension at the heart of our cooperation. Sweden will continue to actively support trade-related capacity building and the integration of Africa into the world economy. We must also work harder to fight corruption, which causes poverty, increases inequality and hits the poorest the hardest. Chairmen, Excellencies, The challenges and opportunities before us are more numerous and complex: HIV/AIDS, trafficking in human beings, migration and asylum to mention a few. We need a clear vision and commitment to meet these and at the same time deliver dignity and empowerment to people. With conviction that this is possible - we have to work together to make it happen. The launching of this weekends broad Africa-EU partnership is one important step ahead. Thank you.

Speech UN high-level event "The Future in our Hands: Addressing the Leadership Challenge of Climate Change" 24 September 2007 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt at the UN high-level event "The Future in our Hands: Addressing the Leadership Challenge of Climate Change" Check against delivery.

Mr/Madame Co-Chairs, Distinguished Colleagues, Ladies and Gentleman, The consequences of climate change pose a serious threat to present and future citizens around the globe, to our economies and to the planet we live on. We know from science that this is the result of human activity. We also know that the countries that are most affected are the poorest and most vulnerable. What we need now is political leadership to turn developments around. We need decisive and global political action to prevent further dangerous changes to our climate system and to adapt to the consequences that are inevitable. And we all need to start negotiations in Bali on an effective and broad climate regime for the period after 2012, and to complete these by 2009. The Swedish Government considers climate change to be one of the major environmental and political challenges of this century. I know that political decisions can make a difference! Sweden's emissions of greenhouse gases were 7 per cent lower in 2005 than in 1990. During the same period, between 1990 and 2005, the Swedish economy grew by 36 per cent. Thus it is possible to reduce emissions and have economic growth at the same time. The success of Swedish climate policy is largely a result of various mitigation policies and measures. The most important of these is the carbon dioxide tax which was introduced in 1991. We know from the Stern Review that climate change may well be extremely costly to all of us in the long run. Therefore, choices that are sensible for the climate should also make economic sense to the consumer today. Sweden uses taxes and incentives to direct people's choices, to help them make economically sound decisions which also help protect the environment and our climate. As a result of the carbon dioxide tax, the use of fossil fuels in the heating sector has decreased dramatically and instead, the incineration of biomass and energy efficiency has increased. Swedish electricity production is nearly free from carbon dioxide as it is largely based on hydro and nuclear power. A system of green electricity certificates aims to promote electricity production based on renewable sources such as biofuels, wind power and small scale hydro power. Since 1970, the use of oil in Sweden has decreased by nearly 50 per cent, whereas the supply of bioenergy has increased by sixty per cent. As a result, Sweden's energy supply mix is now more differentiated and our security of supply is much more robust. The transport sector is our next challenge. Ethanol and other biofuels used as propellants are exempt from tax. Sweden has introduced a rebate for the purchase of environmentally friendly cars. And we have introduced a new congestion tax in the city of Stockholm. We have also included an increased tax on carbon dioxide in our newly proposed climate package. And we aim to implement a general tax cut for fuels that are carbon dioxide neutral. A large part of our energy consumption and green house gas emissions take place in our cities. I have therefore recently proposed a programme for sustainable cities and communities, aiming to achieve reduced emissions and improved technology. How we build our cities and the way we work and live in our cities is of great importance to climate change. A lot can be achieved with existing technology. We do not need to wait for advanced technology or technology which is not yet even available. Of course technological R&D is essential too. But I would also like to point to the many measures and "technologies" that are available today, that are inexpensive and sometimes can even be introduced at negative cost. It is a matter of energy efficiency measures, saving energy and using renewable sources. There are three points I would like to highlight: 1) First: there is a vast potential for emissions reductions through technologies that already exist. 2) Second: a price needs to be set on emissions in order for this potential to be realised. And the carbon markets need legally binding commitments in order for this price to be set. With a global carbon market, covering as many gases, sectors and countries as possible, the emissions and costs can be reduced significantly. 3) Third: It is possible to achieve emissions reductions and positive economic growth at the same time. We are only at the beginning of a major international and long term effort. In order to reduce global emissions in the order of 50 per cent by the middle of this century, developed countries need to make more far reaching emissions reductions. And more advanced developing countries must adequately contribute according to their responsibilities and respective capabilities. The developing countries are the most vulnerable. But ODA amounts to only 1 percent of global investment flows. We need therefore to make sure that it has a true catalytic effect and that climate consequences are integrated. A Swedish initiative on this specific issue has today been brought forward to the UN Secretary General. The EU has pledged to reduce its emissions by 30 per cent by 2020 within an international framework. Further, the EU will review the European emissions trading system. We wish to include more sectors, more gases, and have a lower cap and more auctioning. We need a framework based on legally binding reduction commitments. Let us agree on a roadmap in Bali, with concrete steps and timetables. Lets us work within the UNFCCC framework to prevent dangerous climate change. Climate change will affect each and every one of us, let therefore each and everyone participate in solving the problem. Let us start comprehensive negotiations in Bali in December 2007 in order to reach a global agreement in Copenhagen in December 2009. Thank you!

Speech World Water Week 13 August 2007 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt Opening Session, World Water Week

Check against delivery. Excellencies. Ladies and gentlemen. Dear friends, Thank you very much for your invitation, to come here and say a few words about a very important question. A question concerning all of us on this blue planet. I would also like to welcome you all to Stockholm - our beautiful Swedish capital. If you take a walk around in the neighbourhoods, and you must do, you will see this is a city much surrounded by the water we are here to discuss. That we will give our attention during this week. In Sweden we often relate our near discussions over water to the Baltic Sea. A beautiful Sea that unfortunately struggles with pollution and overfishing. We now seek to save this sea with political cooperation, scientific and technological efforts as well as financial assistance. We want to save our Baltic Sea. For future generations to come and because it has a great meaning for us living on its shores. Will we succeed? I say we must. Speaking about water. I recently read that one of the most common topics, no matter corner of the world and no matter culture, is water. In many ways water has the same relationship to mankind as the feeling we call love. We all relate to it. We always have. We write about water. We make paintings of water. We sing about water. And yes - we talk about water. I guess there is a reason for this. Water is not only beautiful to look at. Water is the groundwork for life on our planet. Or as the New York Times put it in an article published in July this year: "Thirstiness is a universal hallmark of life. Sure, camels can forgo drinking water for five or six months and desert tortoises for that many years, and some bacterial and plant spores seem able to survive for centuries in a state of dehydrated, suspended animation. Yet sooner or later, if an organism plans to move, eat or multiply, it must find a solution of the aqueous kind. Life on Earth arose in water, and scientists cannot imagine life arising elsewhere except by water's limpid grace." No water no life. That is a vital truth. A truth we all need to relate to - and that no matter we live in the parts of our world were we can enjoy rich assets of water, or we have to live under circumstances where shortage of water affects our life to the worse. Unfortunately, today, too many in our world belong to the second category. And we all see the consequences. Where there is scarcity of water, and especially safe drinking water, we see conflicts arise. We se poverty, diseases and starving spread in the same speed and in the same volume as the broadening of deserts. I prefer to talk in terms of individuals rather then hide them in figures, but sometimes figures can be used to shed light on an amount of individuals and their situation. Today more than one billion people are said to lack access to safe drinking water. More than 2,4 billion people lack access to basic sanitary. Every day we see around 34 000 people die in diseases related to deficient water and sanitary. I don't think that anyone on our planet can stand untouched by these facts. The question is - what can we do? Well, at first we should admit that a lot is done and has been done. In the meeting on sustainable development in Johannesburg in 2002 an ambitious goal was set up: 2015 the amount of people without access to clean drinking water and essential sanitation should be cut in half. And there have been some positive results. Between the year 1990 and 2002 the amount of people who has access to safe drinking water has risen from 71 percent to 79 percent. If this development continues the goal can be achieved when we write 2015. This is the good part of the story. But there is also a bad part for future scenarios. The bad part is that the goals of essential sanitation are lacking behind. If we see to Africa and several countries in Asia the future is especially dark. The forecasts tell us that as much as two thirds of the population on earth can live in countries with severe water scarcity in 2025. The worst situation will must certainly occur in countries south of Sahara. To this we must add the consequences that are said to arise with Global Warming and Climate Change. The question of Global Warming and Climate Change engage me, my government and more and more countries in the world. It will also be one of the questions you will deal with from your point of view during this week. And believe me. That we all mobilise to find answers on the question of global warming is vital, and the reason for this is as clear as water. Our climate is going through a change. It is a global change that affects all of us. It means that our world step by step is shifting its temperature upwards. It happens fast. It is for bad. And mankind, our own acting as human beings and our emission of greenhouse gases, is one main reason for this development. The exact consequences of this we don't know. But we can be sure it will affect the possibilities for life on our planet to the worse. In some parts of our world global warming will lead to water scarcity, drought and broadened deserts. In other parts we it will lead to increased rain, storms and flooding. An OECD-study from 2005 also pointed out that many of our taken efforts to improve peoples access to water is threatened due to the flooding and increased drought that will follow with Climate Change. They simply will dry up or be flushed away. With this said. No one these days can be left untouched by the reports or pictures that are reaching us and that show the serious consequences that lie in store for our planet and for future generations - if we do not succeed better in formulating a policy for sustainable development in the long term. Sweden has a long tradition of taking an active and assertive role where environment policy is concerned. We also have a long tradition when it comes to see water as a priority within the framework of our foreign aid. This is a tradition that the Swedish Government intends to live up to and to do so with renewed vigour. At the same time, we are clear about the fact that the answer to the climate issue requires a new political impulse. Today science is pointing to private ownership, free enterprise, market mechanisms, research and technology as important tools to tackle global warming. All governments in the IPCC agreed that we can have economic growth and tackle climate change at the same time. There's just one thing we must accept, if we really want to make a difference and tackle global warming: We must act together. At first I see the European Union as an important part in this process. And in March this year the European Union took one important step. An agreement was reach to lower the emissions of green house gases by 20 percent in 2020, and 30 percent if we can find an international agreement pointing in the same direction. Now the EU is not enough to make a change. We need to make the US, China, India and other countries to commit themselves to actions. In other case we will not be able to find a common ground with the force to really make a difference in order to tackle global warming. The climate negotiations with the goal to reach this will be at a decisive stage in 2009 and we must find a solution. Together we have to make our utmost to contribute to a successful outcome. Together with the European Union, Sweden will continue to support this outcome trough our strongest commitment. And especially we hope to contribute to this as we hold the presidency of the European Union in autumn 2009, when this agreement will hopefully be finalised. With this said. I am optimistic about the years ahead of us. Today we see the awareness of global warming arise in countries were it was not discussed just a few years ago. By this I believe there is a post-Kyoto-agreement within our reach. Will we succeed? I say we must. I see success in fighting global warming as much of the success we need to be able to solve todays and future problems concerning our waters. I also see success in solving the problems with our waters as one of the keys to tackle global warming. One simply can't be done without doing the other. As I said, Sweden has a long tradition when it comes to see water as a priority within the framework of our foreign aid. We have given strong support to the UNDP, UNEP and GEF, just to name three important actors in the area. We also seek to give specific support to platforms were the water issue can be discussed and where actors can meet to change point of views or share scientific results. This event - the World Water Week - is one good example, as well as its organizer the Stockholm International Water Institute. But more important than the names of these institutions is the work they carry out and the work we together carry out in order to solve the water issue in the world. As I said, water is vital for life as well as the fundament for mankind's possibilities to create economical and social development. No matter if you speak about health, energy, industry, farming, forestry, transports, environment or tourism water plays a vital role. This makes it necessary to combine actions in different sectors to make a difference in order to give more people on our planet access to clean water. It will need investments in renewable energy sources and bio-fuel. It will need efficiency and modernisation of farming. It will need aid to give more people access to essential sanitation. And perhaps most crucial - it will need a security and peacekeeping perspective in order to bring security and peace to areas were conflicts exists or may arise over the access to water. In all of this, as well as in seeking solutions to questions concerning global warming, lies the challenge concerning the water on our planet. I want Sweden to take active part in these challenges. We will do it in our nearness by efforts in order to rescue or beloved Baltic Sea. We will do it by making our best to bring the world together in order to tackle Global Warming. We will do it by contributions to security and development in our world. And, at last but not at least, we will do it by finding ways to continue support you in your work. Sweden is a small country. But remember - it is the drop that hollows out the stone. Thank you.

Speech Government's lunch 22 May 2007 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Welcoming speech at the Government's lunch for the Emperor and Empress of Japan Hosted by Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt and Mrs Filippa Reinfeldt

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highness, Honoured guests, On behalf of the Government, I would like to warmly welcome Your Majesties to Stockholm and to this lunch. We are delighted to see Your Majesties the Emperor and Empress of Japan visiting our country again - last time was the State Visit in May 2000. The fact that Your Majesties have come to take part in the commemoration of the 300th anniversary of the birth of Carl Linnaeus - Sweden's greatest and most prominent scientist ever - is an honour to Sweden. Your personal interest in natural science is well-known from the numerous scientific papers and articles by your hand. Equally well-known are your Majesty's efforts to promote the role of science in today's society. Attention will be focused on Carl Linnaeus throughout the year in Sweden - particularly in Uppsala, where he lived and worked for most of his life. Tomorrow's celebrations, on Linnaeus' birthday, will therefore take place in Uppsala. I can assure you that Your Majesties will be in the best hands when Anders Björck, chair of the Linnaeus Delegation, takes over as host in Uppsala. The Linnaeus anniversary is also being celebrated outside Sweden - in Amsterdam, in London and in Tokyo, for example. The original version of Linnaeus' pioneering work Systema naturae has been exhibited in Tokyo. We were glad of the opportunity to show it to Your Majesties in connection with an exhibition on Linnaeus at the National Science Museum in Tokyo during the Swedish State Visit in March. The fact that Your Majesties' visit to Sweden is taking place less than two months after the Swedish State Visit is of course unique - and gratifying. This says something of the close ties that exist between our countries and peoples. Despite the geographical distance, there is much that unites us. Japan and Sweden are democracies. Japan and Sweden are market economies. Japan and Sweden are societies built on knowledge and innovation. All in all, this creates excellent conditions for close cooperation. In the Statement of Government Policy last autumn I pointed out that "Sweden should strengthen its relations with Asia, particularly its large growing economies". Japan - which accounts for almost half of the Asian economy - is an obvious priority. Not least our Minister for Foreign Affairs has shown in word and deed that the Government intends to live up to that objective. We will be aiming for a deeper and broader dialogue with the Japanese Government in several areas. One such area is research, including research on energy, where both Japan and Sweden are at the forefront. A second area is the environment, which I know is close to Your Majesty's heart. During the Swedish Presidency of the EU in two years time, the Government will be giving the climate issue priority. Here I am looking forward to close cooperation with the Japanese Government. A third area is welfare issues, where we are both facing major challenges as a result of changes in population structure. I know that our Minister for Health and Social Affairs greatly appreciated his visit to Tokyo and is looking forward to a continued dialogue. Your Majesties, Your knowledge of Linnaeus - as well as his pupil Carl Peter Thunberg, who visited Japan in 1775-76 - is impressive. I hope this visit will encourage even more interest in the science to which these two contributed so much. Allow me, on behalf of the Government, to wish Your Majesties an extremely pleasant and rewarding visit to our country. I would like to conclude by proposing a toast to Your Majesties' health and prosperity, to deeper cooperation between Japan and Sweden and to friendship between our peoples.

Speech Washington 15 May 2007 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Speech by Fredrik Reinfeldt at the Select Committee on Global Warming and Energy Independence

Mr Chairman, Members of the Committee, It is an honour to appear before you here today. I am not here to write history. But I hope to make a few important points. There is a tendency to react on new information by saying "the end is near", again. Perhaps others might find that a constructive contribution to the debate. But those kinds of doomsday prophecies don't appeal to me. I am - however - convinced about a few things. I am convinced that we should listen to people's worries about what is happening to our world. I am convinced that we should listen to the analyses and conclusions written by leading scientists. I am convinced that; when people worry about climate change - and leading scientists tell us: That this thing is for real. Then we must not just listen. We must take action. Today we can say we know a few things for sure. Our climate is going through a change. It is a global change that affects all of us. It means that, step by step, our world is getting warmer. It is happening fast. And it is a change for the worse. Mankind - is one major reason for this development. The exact consequences we don't fully know. But we can be sure it will affect the conditions for life on our planet for the worse. In some parts of our world global warming will result in water shortages, drought and growing deserts. In other parts it will lead to increased rain, storms and flooding. This is what science tells us. Science also tells us the good news. It tells us that we can do something to slow down and stop this development. We have most of the knowledge and technology we need. Also, the costs can be handled if we go about it the right way. Those of you who have been around for a while remember the old style of policy-making on environmental issues: · Regulation · Intervention in peoples' lives · Singling out economic growth as the main problem. That's not how to do it any more. There's been a big shift in thinking. Today science is pointing to private ownership, free enterprise, market mechanisms, research and technology as important tools to tackle global warming. All governments in the IPCC agreed that we can have economic growth and tackle climate change at the same time. There's just one thing we must accept, if we really want to make a difference and tackle global warming: We must act together. Global questions of this kind cannot be handled by single nations. Especially not a small country like my own. They demand global solutions and global action. This need for global action becomes obvious if we take a look at the world around us. Today - emerging economies - are trying to bring their people out of poverty and are taking great leaps towards development and prosperity. More and more people in our world get to live the life of modern technology and consumption. This is something we should embrace. But with development and prosperity come increased emissions. To obtain a sufficient energy supply, these countries see no other option today than to burn coal, oil and gas. Just take China and India. China became a net oil importer in 1993. Only thirteen years later, in 2006, China was the world's largest oil consumer after the United States. China was the third largest oil importer, after the US and Japan. According to research by the Asia Pacific Energy Research Centre, (APERC), China's oil import dependency will rise from the current level of forty per cent to approximately seventy per cent by 2020. But we have to remember one thing. China's growth is partially due to western demand for China to produce goods cheaply. Therefore the emissions actually occur in China instead of in our countries. China is trying to tackle its energy and climate challenge. I think it is only fair to say that China is at a crucial phase where it wants to decouple economic growth from CO2 emissions. We all need to recognise - that it is in our national interests for China to develop in a lower carbon fashion. We should be developing smart solutions and approaches to make that happen. Such an approach is the key as China will soon surpass the US as the world's largest emitter. And India is following along the same path, although somewhat more slowly. India already imports seventy per cent of its oil needs. Last year, it consumed a little over two million barrels a day. A government paper has forecast that by 2025, India's consumption will have more than tripled to seven point four million barrels a day. This means that we are at a critical point in the energy and climate security debate. Is this only the beginning of a trend of increasing greenhouse gas emissions? Or do we manage now, through smart approaches and determination, to turn the curve and begin truly decarbonising our economic growth? We know that if current emissions trends continue - we will alter the global climate. It will be to an extent that will significantly change the living conditions of people all over the world. This will have serious implications for a vast number of people and ecosystems. It is also possible that rising sea levels will reshape the continents within just a few centuries. I read with interest the five star generals and admirals representing all the military services on the security implications of climate change for the US. Doing national intelligence estimates on climate change, as proposed by Senators Durbin and Hagel seems a wise move.

To avoid these unacceptable consequences, we have strong indications that global emissions need to be reduced by at least fifty per cent by 2050. To take responsibility for the current situation, developed countries need to reduce their emissions by much more than fifty per cent. Only then are developing countries allowed to obtain access to the energy they need. The future can sometimes be portrayed as difficult and grim, but it is also full of promise. I would argue that there is plenty of hope, if we only choose to take ambitious without delay. The frequently cited Stern report has shown that the cost of taking action now is relatively small. I would even go as far as to say that we could make enormous progress even now, just by using existing low or no carbon technologies. Properly built houses with double or triple glass windows and good insulation, for example, could constitute a significant part of the solution. This provides a good example of something that can be achieved through existing technologies and that is above all very cost-efficient. There is no such thing as a free lunch. But a recent study by McKinsey shows that a quarter of possible emission reductions would result from measures - such as better building insulation - that carry no net life cycle cost. Reducing emissions would actually bring down your energy bill at the same time. And that is exactly what is starting to happen right now. Countries are reducing their greenhouse gas emissions and becoming much more energy efficient while still maintaining strong economic growth. Some would still insist that substantial emission reductions and phasing-out of oil cannot be achieved without threatening to economic and social development. I argue that they are wrong. And this is shown by science and experience. In Sweden, emissions decreased by more than seven per cent between 1990 and 2005 - while our economy grew by thirty-six per cent. This achievement was made without any quick fixes. It can be attributed to a number of policies and measures. Sweden has a long tradition of an energy policy aimed at reducing emissions. This is done both through developing and promoting alternative technology. But also perhaps more importantly - if we count actual reduced tons of emissions so far - we use market-based instruments such as green certificates and energy and carbon taxes to steer market actors' behaviour towards more sustainable patterns. I am not a fan of taxes. But I am convinced that they can make an important difference if you want to promote one type of behaviour over another. I am also convinced that we should put a price on emissions. Emissions cost society as a whole. Taxes are one way to make the emitter reconsider his actions. In Sweden, electricity and fuels have been subject to energy taxes for several decades. Sweden was one of the first countries in the world to introduce a carbon tax, in 1991. The tax has had an effect particularly in the heating sector, where the use of fossil fuels has decreased dramatically - mainly due to incineration of biomass and increased efficiency in the use of energy. The power sector is traditionally almost carbon-free: most of our electricity is produced by hydropower and nuclear energy. Oil is used only for peak load purposes, while an increasing share of the electricity is produced by biofuel combined heat and power and wind power. In Sweden, the use of oil has decreased by forty-seven per cent since 1970. Over the same time period, the supply of bioenergy has increased by sixty per cent. As a consequence, Sweden's energy supply mix is now much more differentiated than it was thirty-five years ago, and our security of supply is much more robust. The transport sector still remains a challenge. But in the past few years hopeful signs have begun to show even in this sector. Sweden has taken important steps to tackle global warming, but we can do more. But as I said initially, our country can only make a small difference. That's why international action is necessary. In Europe, the recent decisions by the leaders of the EU Member States will be driving developments in this field in the future. In March this year, we clearly linked energy and climate policy through a milestone decision on ambitious targets in both the climate and energy field. The EU objective consists of a twenty per cent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2020 compared to 1990, for the period beyond 2012. And it would be increased to thirty per cent if other developed countries also commit themselves to comparable reductions. By 2020, the EU is to make energy consumption savings of twenty per cent compared to projections and the share of renewable energy in overall EU energy consumption is to be twenty per cent. At the same time, at least ten per cent of transport petrol and diesel consumption is to be made up of biofuels Mr Chairman, Members of the Committee, It will be difficult to persuade large developing countries to reduce their emissions if we cannot show that this is doable in practice without compromising economic growth. We must show leadership in order to make countries like China and India consider actions of their own. And when I say "we" I mean the US and the EU. From our experience of a rather successful phase-out of fossil fuels, we conclude that we cannot accomplish this solely by relying on the technology push. We need to combine it with the demand pull, which is best achieved through responsible legislation. Setting an appropriate carbon price is essential for the transition to sustainable energy use, and is something that is applied both at the EU-level, through the EU's Emissions Trading Scheme, and nationally through our own carbon tax. Undoubtedly, the leverage for the climate would be vastly higher if similar cost-efficient schemes could be introduced more widely at the international level. Policies can hardly remain constant when circumstances change drastically. If we are afraid of change and deny the need for it, we might be forced into a new situation under less favourable circumstances. But, if we look ahead and decide to act by our own choice, we will find tremendous potential for new activities based on bringing new efficient energy technology and renewable energy to the world market. We highly appreciate the close cooperation we are experiencing in the energy technology field between Sweden and the US, as well as between your country and the EU. But we feel that the time has come to take our international dialogue to the next level. We need not only to work together on the technology of fighting climate change, but also to agree on the overriding goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. We should be able to find common ground on how to engage all nations in concerted action to shape a more sustainable future by addressing the global warming issue in a way that is compatible with economic growth. Sweden hopes to contribute to this as we hold the presidency of the European Union in autumn 2009, when the post-2012 agreement will hopefully be finalised. We are eager to get results. But we are flexible about how to get them. We know there is no one-size-fits-all solution here. And we certainly count on your country to contribute constructively to finding solutions that facilitate international negotiations. The EU and the US are the key players there - let's show leadership and let's do it together. Mr Chairman, Members of the Committee, Together we have the power to shape the civilization that we want. As I said in the beginning, the end is not near. But today we have the opportunity to make tomorrow's world a better place. It is in our generation's hands to take the decisions that could change the current trend in climate change. Let's seize this opportunity. What are we waiting for?

Speech Economic Faculty Rotterdam Business Week 23 April 2007 Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister Economic Faculty Rotterdam Business Week

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Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a real pleasure and honour to be here at the Economic Faculty Association Rotterdam and to attend your Business Week. I know you have a rich history of discussing current global themes. I understand that this year's central theme is identity - a very topical issue, indeed, in these days when the existence of a European identity is widely debated. Who are we, were do we come from and where are we heading? What will be our place in the world and what can we do to reach it? These are existential questions, which we deal with at personal, national as well as European level. Difficult questions. Exactly the kind of questions that politicians need to address. Yet the question of a European identity is not a new one. It is older than we think. Even older than the Treaty of Rome from 1957 that we recently celebrated in Berlin. Let me tell you the story of a very bright European from the 17th century, who had a powerful influence in both the Netherlands and in my own homeland, Sweden. This is a person well known to most of you. Famous for his political and intellectual achievements, but also for his escape from imprisonment in a book chest. I am talking about Hugo Grotius. Better known to you as Hugo de Groot. He was born in Delft in 1583. Enrolled at university at the age of 11. Got his PhD at the age of 15. A rather talented guy, in other words. At the age of 30, de Groot became the Governor of Rotterdam. He later turned into a political refugee in Paris where in 1625 he published an important treatise. A treatise that laid the foundation for modern international law. On a visit to Germany, de Groot met the guardian of Sweden's Queen Kristina, who saw the qualities that de Groot possessed and appointed him Swedish Ambassador to Paris. In this position de Groot helped negotiate the Treaty which ended the Thirty Years' War in Europe. Hugo de Groot shows us how intertwined our history is. How one person - already 400 years ago - could have a major impact on the destinies of several European countries. He personifies what we often like to refer to as a common European spirit or identity. Let us now return to, if not the present time, then at least modern history. Despite people like Hugo de Groot, with links to several European countries, Europe - 50 years ago - was a continent ravaged by two world wars with 70 million victims. Out of the ashes, a vision of a new Europe was born. A Europe characterised not by war and death, but by peace, democracy and prosperity. The result of this vision is impressive. We have seen how democracy has been firmly anchored in Greece, Portugal and Spain. Ireland has left poverty far behind. The Iron Curtain between the East and the West has fallen. Europe is no longer divided. Today we have a Europe consisting of 27 Member States and close to 500 million citizens tied together by common values. The European Union has become the world's largest economic market and trade partner. The EU has increasingly become a global actor promoting peace and stability in the world and the world's largest aid donor. The EU is also leading the fight against climate change and in favour of human rights. Even if the transformation of Europe so far has been enormous, this does not mean that no more changes will occur. On the contrary. The European Union is not a static organisation. It is a permanent construction site which adapts its plans to the demands of a changing environment. And one of its important challenges today are the effects of globalisation. Globalisation is about transborder phenomena - tourists, businessmen, students, money, goods and services, but also pollution, epidemics and organised crime today travel around the world at a speed that was unimaginable 100 years ago. The effects of these activities evidently require transborder solutions. A globalised world requires a strong, open and dynamic Europe that can deliver concrete results. And handled in the right way, globalisation is not just a challenge but also an opportunity. The European Commission under its President Barroso has established prosperity, solidarity and security as its strategic goals. The Swedish Government shares these objectives, which are best attained by the EU focusing on activities that are genuinely transborder. We need above all to address economic reform and environmental challenges, and create more jobs. We also need to deal with issues such as immigration, democracy and security. We need to create a society where growth and European competitiveness can go hand in hand with sustainable development, justice and social security. This vision can only be realised through economic reform and structural changes. The internal market must be improved and made more efficient. In this way we can strengthen our international competitiveness and give consumers better access to goods and services. There are still too many unnecessary obstacles to free movement on the internal market. Much more can be done. And much more must be done to encourage investment, innovation and entrepreneurship. Research and development is another area that needs more of our attention. Having said that, I believe that today the most important challenge for the European Union - and the rest of the world - is the fight against climate change. There is no time to waste. The latest report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, published a few weeks ago, conveys a very clear - though unwelcome - message. All continents in the world will be negatively affected by the ongoing climate change. Some of the worst effects will be seen in the poorest countries. Let me give you an example. By 2020, between 75 and 250 million people in Africa are projected to be exposed to an increase of water stress due to climate change. In some African countries, yields from rain-fed agriculture could be reduced by half by 2020. The cost of adaptation could amount to at least 5-10 percent of GDP in countries which already today are so poor that people are starving. Here the EU can make a real difference by continuing to take the lead in combating climate change. We only account for 14 per cent of the world's emissions - but we are setting a very important example. We are showing that economic growth is compatible with emission reductions. The Spring European Council in March this year took historic decisions. We agreed to limit our emissions of greenhouse gases by 20 per cent by 2020. And by 30 per cent if this can be agreed under an international agreement. We also decided to increase the share of renewable energy by 20 per cent by 2020. The independent commitment of a 20 per cent reduction in emissions will cost only between 0.02 and 0.09 per cent of the European Union's annual GDP, according to analysis by the European Commission. Compared to the consequences of inaction, this is a very reasonable price to pay, especially if important co-benefits like increased energy security, improved competitiveness through innovation and significant health benefits are taken into account. By taking the lead in battling climate change I am also convinced that we can influence countries like the US and China. The US and China together emit 40 per cent of the world's greenhouse gases. Think for a moment. Today there are 800 million cars in the world. Today one out of every hundred Chinese own a car. If China chooses the same route as the US, three out of four Chinese will own a car in the future. In other words some 1.1 billion cars. Or more than twice what we have today. This underlines the importance of environmentally friendly technology. Through the IPCC reports, the Stern report and the important work of former Vice President Al Gore, I believe that all countries today have reached a stage where they are realising that there is no other alternative but action. It is no longer a question about IF we will have to take action concerning energy consumption. It is about WHEN the need for action will become more dramatic. Here the EU strategy, if successful, will show other global actors that reduced emissions are a driving force that is not in contradiction with - but rather promotes - economic growth and competitiveness. This makes it a climate strategy not only for Europe but also for the rest of the world. But one great task is not enough, is it? We have more to do. And more must be done in this part of the world we call Europe. Let me tell you what I mean. The enlargement of the European Union has been a unique success in terms of the economic and democratic reforms it has created - as well as in creating stability in our neighbourhood. The strategic significance of the enlargement for us as European citizens and for the future of the European Union is unquestionable. Today, we stand on the threshold of making future enlargements come true. But do we dare to move forward? I say we have to. The Union has - in accordance with the Treaty - never closed its doors to any European state that fulfils the Copenhagen criteria for membership. I firmly believe in the strategic value of continuing to honour this commitment. This applies to the Balkan countries, but also a democratic and European Turkey should have a natural seat in the European Union. Others may hesitate, but I am convinced. Turkey has a lot to offer the EU, with its rich historical and cultural heritage, rapidly growing economy, young population and as an important bridge to the Middle East. Alongside enlargement there is a need to make the European Union work better. The proposed Constitutional Treaty failed to win the votes of the Dutch and the French people. You know the circumstances far better than I. But I believe that one important cause for the hesitation towards the new treaty was a failure to communicate its content. A number of symbols and elements gave the impression that we were about to take a giant leap towards a European superstate, when - in reality - much of the treaty concerned improvements of the Union's day-to-day operations. The new treaty meant simplification of rules, more openness, stricter application of the principle of subsidiarity and more involvement of national parliaments. An important feature from a Swedish viewpoint was also the strengthening of the Union as a global actor - through its new Foreign Minster and a better unity in external actions. Especially a small country like Sweden is dependent on a European Union that can pull its weight together on the global arena. This will promote and defend European interests. We will not agree a new treaty until everyone is satisfied. The German Presidency is currently consulting with every Member State to find a way forward. If they are successful, we might be able to agree on how to continue our discussions on a new treaty and a related timetable at the European Council in June. I hope we will succeed. Given the significant extension of EU cooperation over the last few years, we also need to secure a more efficient way of working. A new treaty will be helpful in this regard. Ladies and Gentlemen, Let me for a moment turn back to Hugo de Groot, whom I initially referred to. Given the significant transformation of the European Union - in terms of deepening the cooperation as well as adding many new members - are we as EU citizens losing our national identity in this extensive cooperation? It is clear that Hugo de Groot did not have this problem. He was very comfortable both as Governor of Rotterdam and later as Swedish Ambassador to France. I do not believe that being open, dynamic and flexible - whether it concerns a person or an organisation - can ever be a disadvantage. If you are open, dynamic and flexible you get new ideas or experiences that will enrich you. By adapting to change you are not losing your old identity, you are merely responding to a changing environment. As globalisation is demanding new ways of behaving we have to respond - or otherwise lose out to those who respond before us. It is not an option to turn back the clock - nor, I believe, is there any desire to do so. Taking on the challenge and making use of the new opportunities that globalisation offers brings us together. We are not merely Dutch, Swedish or Polish. We are Europeans - with a wider perspective that means that we do not close any doors to the outside world. We must be strong and confident in our own identity. That is what the fascinating life story of Hugo de Groot tells us. I am proud that you have honoured me with an award today. I am pleased that you have asked me to speak. I wish you all the best in your future careers. Thank you