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Vyriešenie Achchijavského Problému. Nový Pohľad Na Dejiny Sýropalestíny a Anatólie, V Dobe Bronzovej

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Vyriešenie Achchijavského Problému. Nový Pohľad Na Dejiny Sýropalestíny a Anatólie, V Dobe Bronzovej Vyriešenie achchijavského problému. Nový pohľad na dejiny Sýropalestíny a Anatólie, v dobe bronzovej. Fenomén Porteurs de Torques. Exkurz: Protoindoeurópska problematika & archeogenetika. Pozn. 447 (Prepracované a doplnené vydanie. Aktualizované 08/2021) Od čias A. Goetza a E. Forrera (1924), sa mnohí bádatelia snažili lokalizovať Achchijavu, staroveké kráľovstvo, známe výhradne z chetitských textov. Hľadali ju okrem iného, aj na egejských ostrovoch, najčastejšie na ostrove Rhodos, ale aj na západe Malej Ázie, či dokonca v Kilíkii. V súčasnosti prevláda konsenzus, že Achchijava bola totožná s mykénskym Gréckom.1 Zároveň je vyvíjaná výrazná snaha, spojiť achchijavský problém, s trójskou otázkou (Alaksandu z Viluše = Alexandros z Tróje). Z českých vedcov sa touto problematikou už pred časom zaoberali F. Stiebitz (1926), B. Hrozný (1929, 1943) a A. Bartoněk (1969, 1963; tam i odkazy na staršiu literatúru). V tejto štúdii, na základe faktov dokazujem, že Achchijava sa nachádzala v Sýropalestíne. I. Všeobecné fakty. 1., Celá Forrerova hypotéza,2 následne rozpracovaná ďalšími bádateľmi, je založená len na zdanlivej podobnosti, medzi názvami krajín a miest, ktoré sú známe z chetitských textov týkajúcich sa Achchijavy a klasickými geografickými názvami v západnej Anatólii a priľahlej egejskej oblasti: Lukká – Lýkia, Karkiša - Kária, Lazpaš - Lesbos, Truwisa, Taruiša - Trója, Viluša, Wilušiya – Ílion, Millavanda, Milawata – Milétos, Apasa – Efezos, Valivanda – Alabanda, Íjalanda - Álinda. Zároveň táto hypotéza vychádza z mylného predpokladu, že krajina Achchiya /AhT 3/ = Achchijava (minimálne z etymologického hľadiska). Takisto je založená aj na určitej podobnosti osobných mien z chetitských textov, s menami známymi z gréckej mytológie (Alaksandu - Alexandros, Attarissiya - Átreus, Tawagalawa – Eteoklés, Pijamaraduš – Priamos). Na fakt, že Achchijava sa nemôže spájať s gréckymi Achájcami a tým pádom i s mykénskym Gréckom, upozornili už J. Friedrich (1927) a F. Sommer (1932), ktorí túto hypotézu napadli a Achchijavu hľadali v západnej Anatólii. Ovšem po rozlúštení lin.B písma M. Ventrisom (1952), 1 Cline 2019 str.64 2 Rovnica: Achchijavá = Achaiwiá (zem Achájcov); Achaiwoi. Ako prvý túto hypotézu navrhol A. Goetze /Bartoněk 1969 str.295/. O Forrerovi sa pomerne kriticky vyjadruje E. Zangger /Nový boj o Tróju. Praha 1995; str.36n/. Autorova interpretácia niektorých dejinných udalostí a faktov uvedených v tejto knihe, spojených predovšetkým s Lúvijcami a trójskou otázkou, je netradičná a niektoré jeho závery sú nepodložené. 1 sa tento problém začal študovať intenzívnejšie a zároveň bohužiaľ niekedy aj nekriticky. Veľmi trefne to vystihol inak kontroverzný J. Mellaart /1984; in: Zangger 1995 str.37/. 2., Západnú hranicu chetitských a lúvijských pamiatok, tvorí horný a stredný tok rieky Sakarya a oblasť veľkých jazier v krajine Izauria.3 V celom rozsiahlom pásme prechodu medzi náhornou stepou vo vnútrozemí Anatólie a zázemím u Egejského mora, takmer absentujú chetitské pamiatky, až na monumenty v Akpinare, Karabeli, Torbali a Suratkayi v pohorí Latmos.4 Sú väčšinou datované do doby Tutchaliya IV. a zrejme označovali západnú hranicu mocenského vplyvu kráľovstva Mirá, v 2. polovice 13. storočia BC, za kráľa Tarkašnawa.5 Distribúcia keramiky v severnej a centrálnej Anatólii a chetitsko-lúvijských monumentov; 15.-12. stor. BC. Zdroj: Massa 2016, upravené podľa C. Quiles: Proto-Anatolians: from the Southern Caucasus or the Balkans? /indo- european.eu/2020/03/. Ten “jazyk” v západnej Anatólii, predstavuje zrejme ešte viac-menej súvislé osídlenie na území kráľovstva Mirá. Medzi ním a lúvijskými monumentami (vládcov a nobility kráľovstva Mirá), je len sporadické osídlenie; dá sa teda predpokladať, že sa jedná iba o záujmovú oblasť kráľovstva Mirá (v niektorých obdobiach súčasť Arzawy), ktoré hraničilo s krajinou lýdskych Tyrsénov (predtým Zippašlá) a severom Kárie. Južne od tejto oblasti, sa pravdepodobne nachádzala aj pôvodná Madduwattova krajina /por. pozn.249/. 3 Kienitz 1991 str.39 4 www.hittitemonuments.com Lokality z doby bronzovej sa v západnej Anatólii nachádzajú v pobrežnom egejskom pásme a siahajú približne 100 km do vnútrozemia. A potom až zhruba od línie Inegöl - Çivril - Antalya, smerom na východ. Medzi nimi sa predovšetkým na severe, nachádza “územie nikoho”, alebo len sporadické osídlenie (neplatí to o klasických oblastiach Lýkie, Cabalie a Pizídie). Geografické rozmiestnenie týchto lokalít súvisí predovšetkým s rozvodím západoanatólskych riek, prípadne i s výskytom rudných ložísk. 5 Monument v Suratkayi býva datovaný do obdobia vlády Kupanta-Kurunta z Mirá, teda na prelom 14./13. stor. BC. To je ovšem sporné, pretože na monumente je uvedené meno Ku-(x)-ya (rekonštruje sa aj ako Kupaya). Nositeľ tohto mena je označený neobvyklým titulom “Veľký princ”, takže zrejme nie je totožný vyššie uvedeným panovníkom. V každom prípade sa jedná o kráľovského syna z krajiny Mirá. Aj ďalšie nápisy v Suratkayi odkazujú na príslušníkov nobility kráľovstva Mirá /https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Felsinschrift_am_Suratkaya /. 2 Anatólske lokality z obdobia EBA. Zdroj: Massa: Networks before Empires. 2016; UC London 3., Až na dve výnimky, chýbajú chetitské pamiatky v trójskej oblasti. Jedná sa o pečatidlo s lúvijským textom, ale až z vrstvy VIIb1, resp. rannej VIIb2, nájdené na Akropoli; a tiež soška anatólskeho bôžika (vrstva VIIa z Dolného mesta). Takisto chýbajú ďalšie doklady pre identifikáciu Tróje s dvomi menami krajín Viluša a Truwisa.6 4., Poznáme iba niekoľko predmetov egejskej proveniencie v centrálnej chetitskej oblasti. Patria sem ojedinelé nálezy keramiky v Kuşakli (Sarissa) a v Maşat Hüyük (Tapigga). Ďalej je to nález meča mykénskeho typu v Boğazkale (Chattuša), pôvodom zo západnej Malej Ázie.7 Odtiaľ taktiež pochádza črep s údajným vyobrazením Achájca.8 Takže na chetitské územie v 6 Logogramy pre krajiny. Nález bronzového pečatidla s lúvijským textom ešte neznamená, že obyvatelia Tróje boli Lúvijci. Mohlo patriť aj cudzím obchodníkom, alebo vyslancom. Podobne by sme mohli na základe nálezu mykénskeho pečatidla na inom mieste v Tróji tvrdiť, že Trójania boli Mykénčania /P. Hnila: Kultúrny a hospodársky význam Tróje v neskorej dobe bronzovej. Medea I, UK Bratislava, 1997 str.5-23/. Vzhľadom k tomu, že pochádza až z obdobia "morských národov", resp. až po jeho odznení, tak jeho výskyt v Tróji, zrejme súvisel s etnickými pohybmi v tejto dobe. 7 V roku 1991 sa v Chattuši našiel meč egejského typu, na ktorom bol akkadský nápis, v ktorom sa píše: “Keď Veľký kráľ Tutchalija rozdrtil zem Aššuva, daroval tieto meče bohu búrky, svojmu pánovi.” Nápis odkazuje k tzv. aššuvskému povstaniu, ktoré porazil chetitský kráľ Tutchalija II., približne v roku 1445 BC /podľa Cline 2019 str.59, Tutchaliya I./II., okolo roku 1430 BC/. Najbližšia paralela k tomuto meču pochádza zo severovýchodného Bulharska. Dnes je tento nález uložený v múzeu vo Varne /Athanassov, Kraus, Slavčev: A Bronze Sword of the Aegean-Anatolian Type in the Museum of Varna, Bulgaria. In: B. Horejs, P. Pavúk eds: Aegean and Balkan Prehistory 2012/. 8 Čo ale nie je isté. Porovnáva sa s hlavou vojaka z Mykén, ktorý má helmu z kančích klov; tá je známa i z popisu u Homéra /Bartoněk 1983; obr.príloha za str.112/. Nie je to však nič výnimočné. Na pohrebisku v Nižnej Myšli (otomanská kultúra; OFKK), v hrobe kovolejára, sa našli platničky, resp. nášivky z kančích klov, ktoré boli pravdepodobne súčasťou brnenia /Bátora: Slovensko v staršej dobe bronzovej. 2018, str.203; Furmánek ed: Staré Slovensko 4. Doba bronzová. 2015 str.87/. Takže mali podobnú ochrannú funkciu, ako kly na mykénskej helme. V Ludaniciach (nitrianska k.), sa našli celé kančie kly v blízkosti lebky, takže sa predpokladá, že boli 3 centrálnej Anatólii, neboli dovážané takmer žiadne mykénske, alebo mínojské predmety, napriek skutočnosti, že Chetiti dovážali tovar z Cypru, Asýrie, Babylónie a Egypta. Túto anomáliu je možné pritom doložiť, po dobu celých troch storočí; od 15. do 13. stor. BC.9 5., Až na údajný nález chetitského pečatného valčeka v Mykénách,10 nenašli sa žiadne nálezy chetitskej proveniencie v pevninskom Grécku. Všade, kam až siahal chetitský vplyv, sa nachádzajú predmety chetitského pôvodu. Výnimkou je iba Egeida, predovšetkým pevninské Grécko, vrátane Kréty, Kyklád a dokonca i ostrova Rhodos, v blízkosti maloázijskej pevniny. Na celom tomto území sa našiel asi len tucet takých predmetov, na rozdiel od stoviek egyptských, kanaánskych a cyperských artefaktov, nachádzajúcich sa v Egeide, v rovnakých vrstvách.11 6., Vzhľadom k tomu, že vzájomné vzťahy medzi Chetitskou ríšou a Achchijavou, boli v 14. a 13. storočí BC dosť intenzívne, tak potom prekvapuje, že sa táto skutočnosť neodrazila v historickom povedomí gréckeho národa (klasickej doby), pokiaľ Achchijavu považujeme za súčasť mykénskeho Grécka, alebo všeobecne, neskorobronzovej Egeidy. Grécke mýty, ako aj neskoršia grécka “historiografická” literatúra, zaznamenáva kde akú maličkosť, ale o tak významnej skutočnosti, ako boli vzájomné vzťahy medzi Chetitskou ríšou a mykénskym Gréckom, mlčí. Iba u Homéra je neurčitá zmienka o „Κεταιοι“.12 A pritom by to bola skvelá súčasťou čelenky, alebo čiapky /Furmánek ed. 2015, str.86/. Na tellovom sídlisku v Russe v Bulharsku, kančie kly tvorili súčasť ozdoby prilby. V Mariupoli (dneprodonecká k.) sa na lebke našli obdľžnikové platničkové nášivky z kančích klov. Najbližšie k “achájskej” helme z Boğazkale, je nález z eponymnej lokality Vatina vo Vojvodine, kde podobné platničky s kančími klami boli súčasťou prilby /Bátora 2006
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