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Vyriešenie Achchijavského Problému 3 (1).Pdf (5622620) Vyriešenie achchijavského problému. Nový pohľad na dejiny Sýropalestíny a Anatólie, v dobe bronzovej. Fenomén Porteurs de Torques. Exkurz: Protoindoeurópska problematika & archeogenetika. Pozn. 447 (Prepracované a doplnené vydanie. Aktualizované 09/2021). Od čias A. Goetza a E. Forrera (1924), sa mnohí bádatelia snažili lokalizovať Achchijavu, staroveké kráľovstvo, známe výhradne z chetitských textov. Hľadali ju okrem iného, aj na egejských ostrovoch, najčastejšie na ostrove Rhodos, ale aj na západe Malej Ázie, či dokonca v Kilíkii. V súčasnosti prevláda konsenzus, že Achchijava bola totožná s mykénskym Gréckom.1 Zároveň je vyvíjaná výrazná snaha, spojiť achchijavský problém, s trójskou otázkou (Alaksandu z Viluše = Alexandros z Tróje). Z českých vedcov sa touto problematikou už pred časom zaoberali F. Stiebitz (1926), B. Hrozný (1929, 1943) a A. Bartoněk (1969, 1963; tam i odkazy na staršiu literatúru). V tejto štúdii, na základe faktov dokazujem, že Achchijava sa nachádzala v Sýropalestíne. I. Všeobecné fakty. 1., Celá Forrerova hypotéza,2 následne rozpracovaná ďalšími bádateľmi, je založená len na zdanlivej podobnosti, medzi názvami krajín a miest, ktoré sú známe z chetitských textov týkajúcich sa Achchijavy a klasickými geografickými názvami v západnej Anatólii a priľahlej egejskej oblasti: Lukká – Lýkia, Karkiša - Kária, Lazpaš - Lesbos, Truwisa, Taruiša - Trója, Viluša, Wilušiya – Ílion, Millavanda, Milawata – Milétos, Apasa – Efezos, Valivanda – Alabanda, Íjalanda - Álinda. Zároveň táto hypotéza vychádza z mylného predpokladu, že krajina Achchiya /AhT 3/ = Achchijava (minimálne z etymologického hľadiska). Takisto je založená aj na určitej podobnosti osobných mien z chetitských textov, s menami známymi z gréckej mytológie (Alaksandu - Alexandros, Attarissiya - Átreus, Tawagalawa – Eteoklés, Pijamaraduš – Priamos). Na fakt, že Achchijava sa nemôže spájať s gréckymi Achájcami a tým pádom i s mykénskym Gréckom, upozornili už J. Friedrich (1927) a F. Sommer (1932), ktorí túto hypotézu napadli a Achchijavu hľadali v západnej Anatólii. Ovšem po rozlúštení lin.B písma M. Ventrisom (1952), 1 Cline 2019 str.64 2 Rovnica: Achchijavá = Achaiwiá (zem Achájcov); Achaiwoi. Ako prvý túto hypotézu navrhol A. Goetze /Bartoněk 1969 str.295/. O Forrerovi sa pomerne kriticky vyjadruje E. Zangger /Nový boj o Tróju. Praha 1995; str.36n/. Autorova interpretácia niektorých dejinných udalostí a faktov uvedených v tejto knihe, spojených predovšetkým s Lúvijcami a trójskou otázkou, je netradičná a niektoré jeho závery sú nepodložené. 1 sa tento problém začal študovať intenzívnejšie a zároveň bohužiaľ niekedy aj nekriticky. Veľmi trefne to vystihol inak kontroverzný J. Mellaart /1984; in: Zangger 1995 str.37/. 2., Západnú hranicu chetitských a lúvijských pamiatok, tvorí horný a stredný tok rieky Sakarya a oblasť veľkých jazier v krajine Izauria.3 V celom rozsiahlom pásme prechodu medzi náhornou stepou vo vnútrozemí Anatólie a zázemím u Egejského mora, takmer absentujú chetitské pamiatky, až na monumenty v Akpinare, Karabeli, Torbali a Suratkayi v pohorí Latmos.4 Sú väčšinou datované do doby Tutchaliya IV. a zrejme označovali západnú hranicu mocenského vplyvu kráľovstva Mirá, v 2. polovice 13. storočia BC, za kráľa Tarkašnawa.5 Distribúcia keramiky v severnej a centrálnej Anatólii a chetitsko-lúvijských monumentov; 15.-12. stor. BC. Zdroj: Massa 2016, upravené podľa C. Quiles: Proto-Anatolians: from the Southern Caucasus or the Balkans? /indo- european.eu/2020/03/. Ten “jazyk” v západnej Anatólii, predstavuje zrejme ešte viac-menej súvislé osídlenie na území kráľovstva Mirá. Medzi ním a lúvijskými monumentami (vládcov a nobility kráľovstva Mirá), je len sporadické osídlenie; dá sa teda predpokladať, že sa jedná iba o záujmovú oblasť kráľovstva Mirá (v niektorých obdobiach súčasť Arzawy), ktoré hraničilo s krajinou lýdskych Tyrsénov (predtým Zippašlá) a severom Kárie. Južne od tejto oblasti, sa pravdepodobne nachádzala aj pôvodná Madduwattova krajina /por. pozn.249/. 3 Kienitz 1991 str.39 4 www.hittitemonuments.com Lokality z doby bronzovej sa v západnej Anatólii nachádzajú v pobrežnom egejskom pásme a siahajú približne 100 km do vnútrozemia. A potom až zhruba od línie Inegöl - Çivril - Antalya, smerom na východ. Medzi nimi sa predovšetkým na severe, nachádza “územie nikoho”, alebo len sporadické osídlenie (neplatí to o klasických oblastiach Lýkie, Cabalie a Pizídie). Geografické rozmiestnenie týchto lokalít súvisí predovšetkým s rozvodím západoanatólskych riek, prípadne i s výskytom rudných ložísk. 5 Monument v Suratkayi býva datovaný do obdobia vlády Kupanta-Kurunta z Mirá, teda na prelom 14./13. stor. BC. To je ovšem sporné, pretože na monumente je uvedené meno Ku-(x)-ya (rekonštruje sa aj ako Kupaya). Nositeľ tohto mena je označený neobvyklým titulom “Veľký princ”, takže zrejme nie je totožný vyššie uvedeným panovníkom. V každom prípade sa jedná o kráľovského syna z krajiny Mirá. Aj ďalšie nápisy v Suratkayi odkazujú na príslušníkov nobility kráľovstva Mirá /https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Felsinschrift_am_Suratkaya /. 2 Anatólske lokality z obdobia EBA. Zdroj: Massa: Networks before Empires. 2016; UC London 3., Až na dve výnimky, chýbajú chetitské pamiatky v trójskej oblasti. Jedná sa o pečatidlo s lúvijským textom, ale až z vrstvy VIIb1, resp. rannej VIIb2, nájdené na Akropoli; a tiež soška anatólskeho bôžika (vrstva VIIa z Dolného mesta). Takisto chýbajú ďalšie doklady pre identifikáciu Tróje s dvomi menami krajín Viluša a Truwisa.6 4., Poznáme iba niekoľko predmetov egejskej proveniencie v centrálnej chetitskej oblasti. Patria sem ojedinelé nálezy keramiky v Kuşakli (Sarissa) a v Maşat Hüyük (Tapigga). Ďalej je to nález meča mykénskeho typu v Boğazkale (Chattuša), pôvodom zo západnej Malej Ázie.7 Odtiaľ taktiež pochádza črep s údajným vyobrazením Achájca.8 Takže na chetitské územie v 6 Logogramy pre krajiny. Nález bronzového pečatidla s lúvijským textom ešte neznamená, že obyvatelia Tróje boli Lúvijci. Mohlo patriť aj cudzím obchodníkom, alebo vyslancom. Podobne by sme mohli na základe nálezu mykénskeho pečatidla na inom mieste v Tróji tvrdiť, že Trójania boli Mykénčania /P. Hnila: Kultúrny a hospodársky význam Tróje v neskorej dobe bronzovej. Medea I, UK Bratislava, 1997 str.5-23/. Vzhľadom k tomu, že pochádza až z obdobia "morských národov", resp. až po jeho odznení, tak jeho výskyt v Tróji, zrejme súvisel s etnickými pohybmi v tejto dobe. 7 V roku 1991 sa v Chattuši našiel meč egejského typu, na ktorom bol akkadský nápis, v ktorom sa píše: “Keď Veľký kráľ Tutchalija rozdrtil zem Aššuva, daroval tieto meče bohu búrky, svojmu pánovi.” Nápis odkazuje k tzv. aššuvskému povstaniu, ktoré porazil chetitský kráľ Tutchalija II., približne v roku 1445 BC /podľa Cline 2019 str.59, Tutchaliya I./II., okolo roku 1430 BC/. Najbližšia paralela k tomuto meču pochádza zo severovýchodného Bulharska. Dnes je tento nález uložený v múzeu vo Varne /Athanassov, Kraus, Slavčev: A Bronze Sword of the Aegean-Anatolian Type in the Museum of Varna, Bulgaria. In: B. Horejs, P. Pavúk eds: Aegean and Balkan Prehistory 2012/. 8 Čo ale nie je isté. Porovnáva sa s hlavou vojaka z Mykén, ktorý má helmu z kančích klov; tá je známa i z popisu u Homéra /Bartoněk 1983; obr.príloha za str.112/. Nie je to však nič výnimočné. Na pohrebisku v Nižnej Myšli (otomanská kultúra; OFKK), v hrobe kovolejára, sa našli platničky, resp. nášivky z kančích klov, ktoré boli pravdepodobne súčasťou brnenia /Bátora: Slovensko v staršej dobe bronzovej. 2018, str.203; Furmánek ed: Staré Slovensko 4. Doba bronzová. 2015 str.87/. Takže mali podobnú ochrannú funkciu, ako kly na mykénskej helme. V Ludaniciach (nitrianska k.), sa našli celé kančie kly v blízkosti lebky, takže sa predpokladá, že boli 3 centrálnej Anatólii, neboli dovážané takmer žiadne mykénske, alebo mínojské predmety, napriek skutočnosti, že Chetiti dovážali tovar z Cypru, Asýrie, Babylónie a Egypta. Túto anomáliu je možné pritom doložiť, po dobu celých troch storočí; od 15. do 13. stor. BC.9 5., Až na údajný nález chetitského pečatného valčeka v Mykénách,10 nenašli sa žiadne nálezy chetitskej proveniencie v pevninskom Grécku. Všade, kam až siahal chetitský vplyv, sa nachádzajú predmety chetitského pôvodu. Výnimkou je iba Egeida, predovšetkým pevninské Grécko, vrátane Kréty, Kyklád a dokonca i ostrova Rhodos, v blízkosti maloázijskej pevniny. Na celom tomto území sa našiel asi len tucet takých predmetov, na rozdiel od stoviek egyptských, kanaánskych a cyperských artefaktov, nachádzajúcich sa v Egeide, v rovnakých vrstvách.11 6., Vzhľadom k tomu, že vzájomné vzťahy medzi Chetitskou ríšou a Achchijavou, boli v 14. a 13. storočí BC dosť intenzívne, tak potom prekvapuje, že sa táto skutočnosť neodrazila v historickom povedomí gréckeho národa (klasickej doby), pokiaľ Achchijavu považujeme za súčasť mykénskeho Grécka, alebo všeobecne, neskorobronzovej Egeidy. Grécke mýty, ako aj neskoršia grécka “historiografická” literatúra, zaznamenáva kde akú maličkosť, ale o tak významnej skutočnosti, ako boli vzájomné vzťahy medzi Chetitskou ríšou a mykénskym Gréckom, mlčí. Iba u Homéra je neurčitá zmienka o „Κεταιοι“.12 A pritom by to bola skvelá súčasťou čelenky, alebo čiapky /Furmánek ed. 2015, str.86/. Na tellovom sídlisku v Russe v Bulharsku, kančie kly tvorili súčasť ozdoby prilby. V Mariupoli (dneprodonecká k.) sa na lebke našli obdľžnikové platničkové nášivky z kančích klov. Najbližšie k “achájskej” helme z Boğazkale, je nález z eponymnej lokality Vatina vo Vojvodine, kde podobné platničky s kančími klami boli súčasťou prilby /Bátora 2006
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    Altoriental. Forsch. 34 (2007) 2, 252–293 Jared L. Miller Amarna Age Chronology and the Identity of Nibhururiya in the Light of a Newly Reconstructed Hittite Text˘ 1 The Newly Reconstructed Text KUB 19.15+KBo 50.24 2 At the 6th International Congress of Hittitology in Rome, 5–9 Sept. 2005, I presented an historical text of the Hittite Great King Mursili II that I had been able to reconstruct from seven fragments (Miller, in press a). In this text Mursili recounts the flight of Tette of Nuhhasˇsˇe to Egypt and the interference of Egypt in Amurru, events which can likely be ˘ ˘ dated to Mursili’s 7th and 9th years, respectively.3 In that presentation I only briefly touched on the text’s chronological ramifications. The present paper will therefore discuss the do- cument’s implications for Amarna Age chronology and the long-debated question of the identity of Nibhururiya, the deceased pharaoh whose widow, the tahamunzu,4 writes to ˘ ˘ Suppiluliuma asking him for a son to become her husband and king of Egypt.5 For the reader’s convenience, a translation of KUB 19.15+KBo 50.24, which picks up at approxi- mately the bottom half of obv. i, is provided here: (5′)Then […] became hostile(pl.) towards me, and Titti, [my servant] wrote [to] the [‘ma]n’(?) of Egypt (saying): (7′)‘[Send] troops and chariots, [and] … shall … me forth, (8′)and [I] will arise [and] come to the land of Egypt.’ (9′)Then the troops and chariots of the land of Eg[ypt] came, (10′)and Titti arose (11′)and went to the land of [Eg]ypt.
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    Vyriešenie achchijavského problému. Nový pohľad na dejiny Sýropalestíny a Anatólie, v dobe bronzovej. Fenomén Porteurs de Torques. Exkurz: Protoindoeurópska problematika & archeogenetika. Pozn. 447 (Prepracované a doplnené vydanie. Aktualizované 08/2021) Od čias A. Goetza a E. Forrera (1924), sa mnohí bádatelia snažili lokalizovať Achchijavu, staroveké kráľovstvo, známe výhradne z chetitských textov. Hľadali ju okrem iného, aj na egejských ostrovoch, najčastejšie na ostrove Rhodos, ale aj na západe Malej Ázie, či dokonca v Kilíkii. V súčasnosti prevláda konsenzus, že Achchijava bola totožná s mykénskym Gréckom.1 Zároveň je vyvíjaná výrazná snaha, spojiť achchijavský problém, s trójskou otázkou (Alaksandu z Viluše = Alexandros z Tróje). Z českých vedcov sa touto problematikou už pred časom zaoberali F. Stiebitz (1926), B. Hrozný (1929, 1943) a A. Bartoněk (1969, 1963; tam i odkazy na staršiu literatúru). V tejto štúdii, na základe faktov dokazujem, že Achchijava sa nachádzala v Sýropalestíne. I. Všeobecné fakty. 1., Celá Forrerova hypotéza,2 následne rozpracovaná ďalšími bádateľmi, je založená len na zdanlivej podobnosti, medzi názvami krajín a miest, ktoré sú známe z chetitských textov týkajúcich sa Achchijavy a klasickými geografickými názvami v západnej Anatólii a priľahlej egejskej oblasti: Lukká – Lýkia, Karkiša - Kária, Lazpaš - Lesbos, Truwisa, Taruiša - Trója, Viluša, Wilušiya – Ílion, Millavanda, Milawata – Milétos, Apasa – Efezos, Valivanda – Alabanda, Íjalanda - Álinda. Zároveň táto hypotéza vychádza z mylného predpokladu, že krajina Achchiya /AhT 3/ = Achchijava (minimálne z etymologického hľadiska). Takisto je založená aj na určitej podobnosti osobných mien z chetitských textov, s menami známymi z gréckej mytológie (Alaksandu - Alexandros, Attarissiya - Átreus, Tawagalawa – Eteoklés, Pijamaraduš – Priamos). Na fakt, že Achchijava sa nemôže spájať s gréckymi Achájcami a tým pádom i s mykénskym Gréckom, upozornili už J.
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    Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi XXXIV / 2, 2019, 537-566 DOI: 10.18513/egetid.661593 “TUZAĞA DÜŞMÜŞ BİR KUŞ GİBİ”: AMARNA ÇAĞI’NDA BÖLGESEL ÇATIŞMALAR, PARALI ASKERLER VE VEKÂLET SAVAŞLARI ∗ Sevgi DÖNMEZ Özet M.Ö. 14. yüzyılda Suriye ve Filistin, döneme özgü askeri, siyasi, ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel dinamikler üzerinden şekillenmiştir. Amarna Çağı olarak adlandırılan dönemde, bölgedeki önemli ticaret merkezleri ve küçük politik yapılar arasındaki çıkar çatışmaları, büyük politik güçlerin bu bölgedeki hâkimiyet alanlarının genişlemesi veya daralmasında önemli ölçüde etkili olmuştur. Suriye ve Filistin Bölgesi’nde yer alan kentlerin askeri anlamda yetersizliği, bölgede bulunan göçebe ve yağmacı grupların hareket alanlarını genişletmiştir. Göçebe ve yağmacı grupların ormanlık ve dağlık alanlarda, coğrafyanın da sunduğu imkânlarla gerçekleştirdikleri küçük gruplar halindeki saldırılar karşısında, bu güçlere karşı etkili bir mücadele verilememiştir. Yağmacı ve göçebe gruplar, bölgede yer alan ve askeri savunma anlamında yetersiz küçük politik merkezler ile bölgede ekonomik ve askeri çıkarları bulunan büyük politik güçler, Mitanni, Hitit ve Mısır tarafından kendi aralarındaki mücadelelerde paralı asker olarak kullanılmışlardır. Bu çalışmada, Amarna Çağı’nda, doğası gereği çok çabuk siyasi kamp değiştiren göçebe ve yağmacı grupların politik anlamda yükselişinde etkili olan vekâlet savaşları, bölgesel çatışmalar ve çıkar ilişkileri tartışılacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Paralı Askerler, Vekâlet Savaşları, Bölgesel Çatışmalar, Amarna Çağı, Suriye ve Filistin Abstract “Like a Bird in a Trap”: Regional Conflicts, Mercenaries and Proxy Wars in the Amarna Age 14th century BC Syria and Palestine was shaped by particular military, political, economic, social and cultural dynamics. This era, also called the Amarna Age, the conflicts of interest between important trade centres in the region and small political structures were significant factors explaining the changes in great power zones of control and influence.
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  • Print This Article
    Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections A Geographical Analysis of the Injunctive in the Amarna Letters from Syria -Palestine and its Relevance for Egyptian Imperialism Luis Robert Siddall School of Oriental and African Studies, the University of London A)*(* e Amarna Letters om Syria- Palestine were written in a mixed language comprising the lingua franca , Akkadian, and what appears to be the local West- Semitic or “Canaanite” language. One of the more distinguishing features resulting om this combination of the two lan - guages is the use of the injunctive form, limited in this article to the jussive (Canaanite) and precative (Akkadian), which were equivalents in the respective languages. Yet while both verbal forms are injunctive and express a wish or an indirect command, the scribes of Syria- Palestine were by no means consistent in their preference for one or the other form. is article maps the geographical pattern of the use of the injunctive, revealing a clear division: the northern and central cities preferred the precative and the southern and coastal cities elected for the jussive. e phenomenon is explained in terms of the regions’ place in the Egyptian empire and the difference in the regions’ familiar - ity with the Egyptian imperial administration. t is known that the Amarna Letters 1 sent from Syria- interested in all cities with a West- Semitic linguistic orienta - Palestine were written in a mixed language comprising the tion, centers as far north as Ugarit and the central Syrian Ilingua franca, Akkadian, and what we understand to be the region of Amurru are included in the present study.
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  • War and Peace in the Ancient World Edited by Kurt A
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