SCRIP SCYTHIANS like the Scribes refused, accordingly, to pay the foreign the fates of men (Jastrow, Karppe). For the later tax and were consequently in a constant state of Jewish references see Charles, Enoch, note on pp. 1318, friction with the Roman provincial authorities whom and for the origin of the tablets of Marduk see the the Sadducees, ever true to their foreign predilections, Babylonian Creation-story, 133 4 r31, and the first myth supported. It cannot be said, however, that the later of Zu, k-B,vi. pt. i. pp. 478, and cp Jastrow, RBA Sadducees like their phil-Hellenic predecessors were 428, 540. entirely anti-national. 2. ai ypa$ai (some eighteen times in NT-eg. Jn. 5 39, of There can be no doubt that this bigoted theocratic OT), see CANON, g 2 : ypa+ai Byrar, Kom. 12 ; i’yparp4, ~li. 12 IO 15zS(?) Lk. 421 Jn. 222 73842 1035 13 18 17 12 192428363, nationalistic tendency, which the Pharisees never ceased 209 Acts116 83235 Rom.43 917.1011 112 Gal.3822 430 20. Rebellion. to preach, eventually caused the I Tim. 5 18 Ja. 2 8 23 4 5 I Pet. 2 6 2 Pet. 120 ; rr&a ypa$d, disastrous anti- Roman rebellion that 2 Tim. 3 16. T& ;fpi ypi+paTa (AV, the holy scriptures ’ RV ended so fatally for the Jewish nation. Indeed, accord- the sacred’ writings) z Tim. 3 15 ; cp I Macc. 12 9 (T& FL& ~d Bra) ; z Macc. 8 23 (741” lcpdv &’PAou). ing to Josephus (BJiv. 398, Ant. xviii. 1 I), it w-as Observe that in Pet. probably, and in Jas., Jn., and the Zealots, a distinctly Pharisaic development, who I 2 Pet. certainly, ypaqnj is used of the Scripture as were the instigators and ringleaders of this movement. 3 a whole. 2 Tim. 3 16, however, RV is doubtless right It happened then that those who wished to lead the In in changing AV’s all scripture (is given by inspiration people to righteousness and to the realisation of the of God, and is) ’ into ‘ every scripture (inspired of God Messianic hopes of centuries became, through their is also).’ ypa$nj means here, as also in Paul, any own blind pride, the chief instruments in the downfall single passage of Scripture. ‘The writer shares the of their nation and religion. The Pharisees’ bigotry Jewish view of the purely sitpernatural origin of the and narrow short-sightedness, therefore, which Jesus Scripture in its strictest form, according to which had condemned so frequently and so vehemently, were “ theopneustia ” is ascribed directly to the Scripture ’ punished in the most terrible manner conceivable. (Holtzmann, Lehrb. der NTLichen Theologie, 2261). The literature on the subject is very extensive. Among the modern publications the following should be mentioned :-Cohen Cp the Jewish belief in the heavenly origin of the Torah, Les Pharziiens (Paris 1877) ’ Ewald’ the denial of which made a man an ‘ Epicurean ’ or 21. Bibliography. Gesch. des YoZkes ZsraeiF) 3 35;8 476h apostate, and excluded him from the future age (Sanhe- (1864); Geiger, ‘Sadd. u. Phar.’ in Jud. drin, goa). Ztschr. 211 (1863); Gfrorer, Das jahrhunderf d. Heils, 1309 (r8& Gratz Gesch. derjuden (‘4 7184553 (1863). SCURVY (a?;), Lev. 21 20 2222 Dt. 28271- ; see Hamcrger, ReaZenc&’. far Bibelu. Taimud, ii. 1038fl (1882) f Hausrath Neufest. Zeitgesch. 1763 Kriiger, ‘ Beitrge zur DISEASES,8. Kenntnisi der Pharisler u. Essener ’ ’in Theof. Quartafschr. 85431-54’ Kuenen, De Godsdienst van Zsrarf. 2 342 (1869); SCYTHE., For Jer. 50r6 AVmg, (>$p),see AGRI- VulksreZikon und WeZfrcZigion, 206 8 (Berlin, r88$ Reuss CULTURE, 5 7. For Is. 2 4 Joel 3 [41 IO ilk. 4 3 [all AVmg.1 RE 11 4968; Schenkel, BibeZfex. 4 5r68; Schiirer, Gesch: (np), %e PRUNINGHOOK. For 2 Macc. 132 (‘scythe-hear- desjZd. Vofkes ZcitaZter/esu Chndi 2 2488 314fl. (1886). im ing,’ Ipmaw$ipz), see CHARIOT, $11. in Kiehm’s HWB 2 rzog-rzro 1451-54 (rb94); Sieffert, PREP! 13210-44 (1884) ; Wellhausen, P/za?-j>aeru.Sadducaer(r874). SCYTHIANS. The LXX contains some apparent J. D. P. references to the Scythians. SCRIP. 1. as+, yaz&ti;(cp ASS. lak!tu=np’?, to In z Macc. 447 Antiocbus IV. Epiphanes is charged with such injustice as would not be found in a Scythian court, and in rake together ’ ; or Ar. kaZ‘atun, ‘ pouch, satchel, 1. xlccerlsin 3 Macc. 7 5 the servants of Ptolemy IV. Philo- knapsack’). I S. 174ot (CyAAorH). pator are accused of cruelties after the fashion 2. n~pa,Mt. 1010 Mk. 68 Lk. 93 lo4 2235 f. (RV 6 adNT= of Scythianr The city of BETH-SHEAN (9.u.) Sefihia 7 is called Scythopolis (ZKUO~VrrdArc) in J udg. WALLET). A scrip is pouch or wallet used by a 127 Judith 3 IO 2 Macc. 12 29f: Symmachus shepherds (Milton, Conus, Z. 626); cp CATTLE, § 6. translated &y (Elam) in Gen. 14 I g, ZrrvOCv. But the yaZk@ was also used by travellers. It is Moreover ‘ Scythian ’ (ZK6Or/s) is mentioned with probably the mjpa of Judith 105 13 IO 15 (EV ‘bag’), and ‘ barbarian ’ in TR of Col. 311. of Mt. 1010, etc. ; arp$ or (n)nysp may (Che.) also It is not certain that in any of these instances the be restored in Judg. 526 (MT in;), where it would mean reference is to the historic Scythians. a household box or bag (see JAEL). Jason of Cyrene in the days of Czsar, and the author of 3 Macc. at the time of Caligula, may indeed have had in mind SCRIPTURE, SCRIPTURES. I. In Dan. 1021 such descriptions as those in Herod. 462-69 or some proverbial sayings based on them. It is also possible, however that they the seer‘s supernatural visitant is reported as saying, used the term ‘Scythians’ only as a synonym for ‘iarharians.’ ‘ I will show thee that which is noted in the scripture According to Georgius Syncellus (Chron. 1405) the origin of the of truth’ (AV), or rather (RV), ‘ I will show thee that name Scytho olis for BETH-SHEAN also known to Josephus (Ant. xii. 8 5 Is 348& Eusehius(OS9375;), and others, was the presence which is inscribed in the writing of truth ’-;.e., in the in that city of a body of Scythiaus remaining from the invasion in book in which the destinies of mankind are written down the time of Psamrnetichus. The name, however, does not occur beforehand. The expression stands in close relation to on an inscription before 218 B.C. Pliny states (UN.574) that the growing interest of the later Jews in the ‘ last things.’ Scythopolis formerly had the name of Nysa. Whilst it is not in itself improbable that some Scythians in 625 B.C. remained as Prophecy in the grand old style having ceased, it an enclave in Eetb-shean and played as important a part there became necessary to look to the source of all true know- as the exiles from Cutha seem to have done in Samaria, it is also ledge of the future-viz., to God-or more specially to possible that the name is due to the settlement of some people those seers and sages of primitive times whom Yahwk, deported by A&-bani-pal, such as the Parthian Dahae (Ezra49, it was believed, favoured by giving them special revela- where Hoffmann’sconjecture Nln? is inore ingenious than con- tions, either directly, or by one of those angels who vincing). Symmachus may have used Scythian for Parthian. In Col. 3 II the text is clearly not in order. It probably read ‘ see his face ’ (Enoch, Seth, Daniel, etc. ). The phrase originally ‘Jew and Gentile (‘Iou8a;or xai &wdr ; Syr. in its context is important for the comprehension of those Ihzidhciyt w-’AmpliyZ; Eth. Ayhridaw2 wa ‘Afanzdw2: Lat. late writings to which the name of some one of those Gentifis et Iudeus) ‘ circumcision and uncircunicision, Greek and barbarian ’ (mp;m++ rai &popvuria, ‘Ehhy rai @ip3apor; primitive seers is prefixed. It is, of course, related to Syr. Yaumiyiyl wBarderZy2: cp Ignatius, Philad. 6, EAAqd such an expression as the ‘book of life,’ or, ‘of the m ral @apS&prr, SoChos rai iA$Ospor) ; ‘ Scythian ’ (Z~d&ls) living,’ Ps. 6928 [~9], cp Dan. 121, but very much more seem to be a gloss to ‘barbarian. closely to the conception of the ‘ heavenly tablets’ It is exceedingly probable that in MT the Scythians (TX~KCSTOO olrpavoe, see Test. rii. Patriarch. ; Enoch, are referred to as Ashkenaz’ (6Auxavar) in Gen. lo3 81 I$ ), which are the Jewish equivalent of the tablets of I Ch. 16 Jer. 5127. Marduk. The idea survives in the popular Jewish view of the Jewish New Year’s Day (=the Zakmuk festival 1 [The question of the origin and meaning of the name ‘Ashkenaz ’ and the related names needs to he re-examined in at Babylon), according to which God holds session on connection with the ‘ Jerahmeelite theory. See Crz?. Bib. on that day with a book before him in which he inscribes Gen. 102-4.1 4329 4330 SCYTHIANS SCYTHIANS Originally the Hebrew word may have been pronounced pal Gngi still lingered in the neighbourhood of Urartu Aikunza (:I@$#, !?@E, I!???, UzvE, I>?@); it is as Delitzsch as the name of a chief of Sahi (Cyl. B. 41Jj. 'l'hat h& pointed out (see ASHKENAZ)identical with the memory of Gog as a people was not lost IS shown 2. Ashkenaz AHkuza and Iikuza occurring in Assyrian in- by Ewald rightly felt that the phrase ' Gog = Sqrthim. scriptions (see 5 6). In the Behistfin inscription Rtv. 208. the Saka chief Shuka is called, in the Susian and Magog ' was not the creation of the NT apocalytic. version Iskunka. Already Vater (Comm. 1802, p. 100) observed After the name Gogarene had attached itself to the that a &ne beginning with Sc would he Suitable on account of territory occupied by Scythians, at least since the be- the prosthetic A, E, or I. The essential part of the name seems to he Sku : cp ZXU-A~S,ZKO-AO~OL, IKW-=~ULS, Chinese Szii, ginning of the seventh century B.c., Gog naturally was Persian Sa-ka. ASkuza-Skuza is apparently the origin of understood as a Scythiau people, whatever its original Pd@S. character may have been. In Gen. IO3 the Scythian is, then, regarded as a son As, according to Ezek. 3617, the coming of Gog, of the Kimmerian (GOMER, Gimirra, Gamir. Kr,u,udpioc) prince of Meshech and Tubal, had been predicted by and a brother of Kiphath and Togarmah, whilst in Jer. Gag., the former prophets, Jerome looked for 4. I 5 1 27 he appears as the companion of the Mannzean and such a prophecy and found it in Nu. Urartzan. The author of Jer. 50-51 58, whose produc- 227 where d and Sam. with Aq. Sym. read 'his king tion is largely a patchwork of quotations, seems to have shall be higher than Gog.' There can be little doubt used in 51 27 some old writing now lost, since the con- that this is more original than MT, though the whole nection of MINNIand ARARAT (qq.".) with Ashkenaz verse is probably a late interpolation. [Cp OG, col. reflects a definite historical situation centuries before his 3465.1 own time (cp JEREMIAH [BOOK], § 20, viii.). Whether Peyron (Sur Zes prophPles, 1693, p. 136J) called attention t: Riphath and Togarmah were current designations of Am. 7 IC where @ read 'and behold one caterpillar, king Gog, and made this passage refer to a Sc;thian invasion. Here, too, certain countries in the N. at the time of the priestly the Hebrew text gives no satisfactory sense, and Nowack rightly editor of the Pentateuch, or likewise drawn from some rejects it as a gloss.2 Q3 probably reproduces more nearly the older source, must be left in doubt. words of the dossator : but it mav be anestioned whether the It has also been maintained that the Scythians are original read 111 Sn 'king of Gkg,' 0; 7Snn 111, 'Gog; the king.' If.'king 02 GLg' was the reading 'Gog the king, and alluded to under the names Gog and Magog. Magog with it 'king Gog' himself, may have ori&nated in a misnnder- md was interpreted Scythians Josep& standing of-this marginal comment to Am. 7 I. But the idea of 3. & Gy (Ad.i. IZ~]), Jerome, Theodoret, this king may also have been suggested by descriptions of Gagi, 61[I ruler of Sahi given by some of Ah-bani-pal's Syrian colonists, Mwog' and others. The fact that Gomer (Kim- unless it sh%d ultimately prove to have its roots in Babylonian merian), Madai (Mede),Javan (Greek),Meshech( Moschi), mythology wherea divinemessenger Gaga fi res in the fnuma Tubal (Tibarenes), and Tiras (TurSa, Tyrrhenians) are flitepic, 3LJ 67. That the descriptions of sr.4-6 and Zeph. 2 so manifestly names of famous nations renders it quite (see B 6 and ZEPHANIAH 8 4) cannot by themselves have led to the definite conceptio; of king Gog, is sufficiently evident certain that, if the word has been accurately transmitted, from Jewish and Christian exegesis. which so long has been or formed at all a part of the original text, Magog must satisfied (but see $ 27, and Crit. Bib.) with seeing in these also represent the name of a well-known people. It passages references to the Chaldzans only. must be confessed that the absence of so important a That, with all its apocalyptic character, Ezek. 38-39 name alike in cuneiform and classical sources makes one reflects the career of a -ereat historic Dersonaee.". was suspect the correctness of the name. already felt by Polychronius (about 6. 427 This has led Cheyne to suppose a dittography of lp2 in Gen. A.D.) who thought of Antiochus 111. =Gogof He was followed in this by Grotius, 10 2, and a corruption of P7+i in Ezek. 38 f: (see GOG AND Exek.38. ilIAGOG, n.). The interpretation of ARMAGEDDON (q.7~)by this whose commentarv Fives a detailed szholar is indeed as plausible as it is brilliant. It seems doubtful application of the text to the historyof the Seleucid however, whether the new-found chthonic divinity will be ok king. Winckler most ingeniously interprets the prophecy service in Ezek. 3R (cp textual corrections in col. 3881, n. I, and fur the opposite view that a great historic personage is reflected as occasioned by the career of Alexander (AOF 21608). by the Gog of Ezek 38 see 8 5). A simpler suggestion as to Gen. But neither Antiochus nor Alexander would naturally be 102 would he that Magog (111~)was miswritten for Gog (111) designated ' prince of Meshech and Tubal,' and there is under the influence of 'Madai' (qn), as a consequence of a in neither case any motive for the feeling of hostility changed conception of Gog, because at one time it was customary to contract the Assyrian mlt Gag into Magag (Streck), or as a displayed, whilst there is evidence of a different dis- designation of a people akin to the Scythians and derived from position toward these kings on the part of the Jews. Gog(]iin), such as the Sarmatians or Massagetz. It is interest- The present writer would suggest that the conqueror ing that Saadia in this place has jljM9 (ed. Derenbourg), the whose career inspired this prophecy is far more likely customary rendering of ]I] at his time; cp Kur'gn 2196 and Arabic writers quoted by Herbelot. In Ezek. 38 2, 'land of the to have been Mithridates VI. Eupator Dionysus of Magog' (113~nyi~) is apparently an interpolation (Stade), and Pontus. in Ezek. 39 6 the original seems to have been Gog (@BQ). [On Mithridates alone could rightly be entitled 'prince of Meshech Ezek. 38 see further Crit. Bib.] In Targ. Jer. 1 to Nu. 11 26 and Tubal,' his seat of power being where the Moschi and the 311n~N~RX [D 350 w,$n, 'a king shall arise from the land of Tiharenes lived, and his sway extending over the territory once Ma og,' depcnas on Ezek. 38 2, while in Targ. Jer. 2 jiini 111 associated with those names. None could more aptly be con- ,.&, ' Gog and Magog and his armies,' irini is probably an sidered as the coming Gog than the proud conqueror of Scythia interpolation ; but Magog seems to be the name of a king, as it who reigned over all the coast-lands of the Black Sea and brought certainly is in Targ. Jon. to I S. 2 io. from the farthest N. his armies. No other ruler of these realms had with him Paras Cush, and Put, Gomer, Togarmah, and the Amenhotep 111. (Am. Tab. 1383) mentions three extreme N. than Mithridates, whose general Pelopidas could countries-Gag, Hanigalbat, and Ugarit. Hanigalbat justly boast of the Persian auxiliaries, E ptian shi s, Cappa- probably Melitene, and Gog is likely to have been docian troops, Armenian contingents, and Ycythian Earmatian, is Bastarnian, and Thracian hordes that swelled the ding's forces. situated NE of Commagene (Streck, ZA 1532:). A Mithridates' dark iytrigues, his Poundless ambition, his insatiable people called Gag, or Gog, was thus known in the greed, the 'Ephesian vespers with their 80,000 victims, the fifteenth century B. c. Concerning its ethnic relations persecutions of the Jews in Cos and elsewhere, who were at the me as yet know nothing. In view of the marked Iranian time warm friends and allies of Rome, must, in 88 B.c., have filled many a heart in Palestine with fear of an invasion, hatred and character of some names in the ilmarna letters (see § 13). abomination. But in an age of eschatological hopes the'con- it is not too bold an assumption that Gag may have fidence could not ;ail that should he invade the 'na;el of the earth' where quiet and proiperity had been restored, and prove been a forerunner of ASkenaz in Anatolia belonging to indeed to be the predicted Gog, he would there meet with a the same family. Like the MuSki, the KaSki, the miserable end. By the sword of the faithful and the wrath of Tubali, and the Haldi, the Gagi may have been driven heaven he would perish, and his hosts would be buried during N. by new invaders ; and it is significant that, in the days of Strabo, there was a province Gogarene im- 1 MT 33~: the addition of the prosthetic N may be explained mediately E of the territory occupied by the Moschi, as in Arab. dJ@' for ])I in Ezek. 38 z AI. the Colchians, the Tibarenes, and the Chaldaeans (Geogr. -2 [This alternative can, it would seem, be avoided by the course suggested in LOCUSTS, 5 3 with note 6. Cp Crit. Bib. 11 14, pp. 45zJ ed. Didot). In the time of ASur-bani- ad Zoc. I 4331 4332 SCYTHIANS SCYTHIANS seven months in ‘the Valley of the Travellers to the Sea ’ (@ of explanation only in the political relations between Ezek.3Yrr) whilst for himself would be reserved a famous Scythians and Assyrians. ‘Ihe editor of Jer. 1-20 (see sepulchre i; Israel in this valrsy of Hamon-Gog (Esdraelon), apparently in the city named after the foreign horde Hamonah JEREMIAH [BOOK], 5 53)had an important landmark (Scythopolis). Thus the king of Scythia would he buried in the to go by, and rightly put the beginning of his prophet’s cityof the Scythians the new Dionysus in the tomb where ministry in thememorable thirteenth year of Josiah (625). Dionysus-Oitosyrus b&ied Leucothea his nurse(Pliny, 5 74), who was identified with Artimpasa, the dythian Diana (Hegesippus Winckler assumes that the defence of Nineveh by 3 19).’ Madyas occurred at the time when the city was finally It is possible that already Photius understood Jere- 7. Winckler,s destroyed (606), and that the Scythians miah as referring to the Scythians in 6zzS criticism. were then routed. He correctly ob- In his first homily on the Russian invasion in 865 Photius serves that a parenthesis begins after seems to regard himself as speaking of the same northern people that the prophet had in mind. He no doubt the statement of the appearance of Madyas, -and con- 6. ScYf~bsshared the view of his contemporary Nicetas cludes that only the beginning of Herodotus’ account in Jer. and who in his life of Ignatius, s aks of the (1~ojn) and the end of it (1ra6, end) were drawn from Zeph. Ruskians as a Scythian people &vSiv avos an older source, the remainder being the historian’s own h 6pcvo~‘Pws), as does also the unknown con- tinuator of Theo3anes’s chronography ; see ‘ De Russorum work. But the parenthesis only tells how the Scythians incursione’ in Lexicon Vindobonense, ed. Nauck, a03 f: and happened to be in Asia, and the narrative manifestly xxiv.f: continues with ‘Then the Medes fought with the In modern times, Cramer, Eichhorn, Dahler, Hitzig, Scythians’ in 1104, end. The rest presents only one Ewald, and most recent critics have seen in Jer.4-6 difficulty, which, however, may be satisfactorily met. Zeph. 2 original references to the Scythians, though If the twenty-eight years of Scythian rule fell within admitting subsequent retouching under the impression Cyaxares’ reign (625-585), as 1107 distinctly affirms, of Chaldaean invasions. It has seemed to them im- .they must have extended from 625 to 597; yet the possible that Jeremiah should have feared a Chaldaean capture of Nineveh in 606 is mentioned after the re- attack in the thirteenth year of Josiah, whilst the Scythian covery of the nations ruled before 625. But the invasion mentioned by Herodotus (1103 8)seems to restoration of Media’s former territory is not unnatur- have occurred about that time. In JEREMIAH [BOOK]. ally mentioned first, even though it had not been fully 5 20, i., it has been suggested that Chaldzean designs accomplished before 597, and the important addition of upon Syria may have become apparent already in 625, Assyria only afterwards with emphasis, though occurring and that the Scythian army may have contained a already in 606. There is no evidence that Scythia lost Chaldzean contingent by virtue of the agreement between anything but an ally by the fall of Assyria. If the king Nabopolassar and the Umman Manda prince alluded of the Umman Manda in the Nabu-na’id inscription is to in the Nabuna’id inscription. That view must now Cyaxares, there is no hint in that document of a Scythian be somewhat modified, as Winckler‘s researches have army appearing for the defence of Nineveh in 606. rendered it highly probable that the Umman Manda in Had the Scythian power in Asia Minor been crushed in this case are the Medes, and that there was an alliance that year, it is not likely that hostilities between Media between the ASkuza-Scythians and the Assyrians. A and Lydia would have been so long deferred. In 597 prayer to gama:, published by Knudtzon (Assyrische the two allies, Media and Chaldzea, seem to have made Gebcte, no. 29), mentions the request of Bartatua of a great attack upon the W., Media destroying the ASkuza for a daughter of Esarhaddon. Winckler Scythian power in Armenia and Cappadocia, Chaldzea identifies this chief with Protothyas, father of Madyas, humiliating Egypt’s Syrian buffer state, Judah. They king of the Scythians (Herod. lrog), and reasonably were still united when in 586 Nebuchadrezzar put an supposes that there was effected an alliance which led end to the Judaean kingdom, and the next year secured Madyas to defend Nineveh against Cyaxares. If Madyas for his ‘helper,’ Cyaxares, an hononrable peace after the was the son of Bartatua who flourished about 675, he battle of the eclipse, Cilicia being then the heir to the is likely to have taken just such a part in the events of position and policy of Scythia. Winckler’s hypothesis 625 as Herodotus indicates. Phraortes had fallen in a apparently makes the distance too great between Madyas battle against the Assyrians 625. To avenge his father, and his father Protothyas, and does not sufficiently re- Cyaxares marched against Nineveh and invested the cognise the importance of the political situation in 625. city. It is as natural that he should accept the aid of Such doubts concerning the first siege of Nineveh by Nabopolassar as that this Chaldaean usurper shouid be Cyaxares and its attendant circumstances (already ex- eager to gain an alliance with him by sending an army. pressed by We., KZ. Proph.(’) 156P‘), In this predicament Madyas came to the aid of 8. Jerahmeel- ita theory. 160), questions as to the reliability of Nineveh. The Medes were worsted in the battle, and Jer. 462 (cp JEREMIAH [BOOK], 5 14), the city was saved. Another ally of Cyaxares and and particularly’ a searching and much-needed criticism Nabopolassar had, however, to be dealt with. Psam- of pioper names in MT, finally led Cheyne to look for metichus had long been encroaching on Assyrian tern- an invasion from the S. by the Jerahmeelites instigated tory. Since 639 he seems to have laid siege to Ashdod. by Nebuchadrezzar in the years immediately before 604 The Scythians, therefore, went on from Nineveh to (see PROPHETIC LITERATURE, 5 40). The Jerahmeel- invade Egypt. Their ostensible object was further to ite theory unquestionably promises to throw much light defend the endangered interests of Assyria. Hence the on the obscure history of the Negeb. That the Arabian absence of any record of violence done. Even in the neighbours of Egypt, as well as the peoples E. of disorders in Ashkelon, it is distinctly stated that the Judah, should have been inflamed by Nebuchadrezzar mass of the army took no part, only a few individuals. is altogether probable ; and that Jeremiah, watching Such treatment at the hands of Scythians could scarcely these repeated raids, should have felt behind them the be expected. Prophets like Jeremiah and Zephaniah master-hand of the Chaldaean is not incredible. Nor naturally watched their approach as a new scourge in need it be denied that pshas occasionally been uuder- the hand of Yahwb, amply justified by the moral con- stood as ‘the North,’ where, in reality, a place-name dition of Judah. That these hordes should quietly come was intended. It is even possible that the reports of and go in peace, having received their tribute from Egypt, the prophet‘s earlier speeches have been coloured by the they could not dream. This line of conduct finds its memory of more recent words of his occasioned by such raids by the neighbours. view, however, of the 1 There is nothing in the history of the Hebrew canon that In forbids so late a date : see the present writer’s articles on the account by Herodotus of a Scythian invasion of Pales- canon in the Jewish EncycZo @dza and the New Inftr- tine, following the relief of Nineveh by Madyas, the national EncycZopredia and ‘ &ani;, aniong the Prophets,’ suggestion in a cuneiform letter of a Scytho-Assyrian ffi6berf Joum. vol. i. Nor is there any evidence that this appendix already farmed a part of the book that no doubt was alliance already in the time of Bartatua-Protothyas, the translated a generation earlier (preface to Ecclus.). occasion for Scythian interference in the accession of 4333 4334 SCYTHIANS SCYTHIANS Cyaxares forty years before the eclipse of 585, the in- followed the E. coast of the Black Sea in the eighth surrection of Nabopolassar, dated by Ptolemy's canon in century was probably the last. Down the W. coast of 625, and the united attack of Cyaxares and Nabopolassar the Caspian Sea the Scythian tribes E. of the Don upon Assyria, and the assignment of these prophecies to followed and established themselves E. of the Kim- the same year by an editor apparently dependent on an merians and N. of Mannzans and Medes, whence they early biographer, it seems safer to adhere to the con- apparently extended their power over all Armenia and struction of the history given above. [See, further, CriL Cappadocia. Their old places E. of the Azov Sea were Bib.] taken by a Median people, the Sauromatze or Sarmatians, At most, little knowledge concerning the Scythians possiblynot before thereturn of Median power. On could be derived from these biblical references. If the the plateau through which the Dniester (Tyias), the identification of ASkuza is correct, Bog (Hypanis), the Dnieper (Borysthenes), and the 9. cuaeiform, Inguletz (Panticapes) flow, and so far as to the Don classical, the Scytliians are mentioned in cunei- Chinese BouIce8.and form inscriptions, such as I R. 45 col. (Tanais), the Scoloti took possession of the land, some 227. and Knudtzon, Ass. Gebete, 2.9, settling down to agricultural pursuits, others retaining 35,in a manner that throws light upon the beginnings of their nomadic life. Scythian rule in Asia Minor. The arrival of Milesian colonists (Olbia founded about 650) In a Persian cuneiform inscription at Behistim, Saka huma- created mixed Graeco-Scythian tribes such as the Kallipidae and varka, and Saka tigrakhuda are referred to by Darius, who also Alizones. A kindred Thracian tribe, the Agathyrsi, was sub- speaks of the ' Saka at the ends of the earth ' in a hieroglyphic dued. Northwards the territory extended into Ukraine. Be- list of nations at the Suez canal. The Scythians are not men- yond their own clans in that direction lived Slavonic tribes, the tioned by name in the Homeric poems, though they may be Neari, the Melanchlaeni, and the Anthropophagi (wrongly so referred to as irrzqpohyoi, 12. 13 5. Strabo (7 3) quotes a direct called). U the Volga there were the Budinae (Permians '?),and reference from Hesiod . but whether this was drawn from an across the era1 the Thyssagetae and Tyrkae Finnish peoples otherwise unknown geiuine risme idos or from the third ra&' whilst E. of these were the Turkish Argrmpa;i and the Tibeta; Aoyos written about 600 B.c., as &chhoff emends the text, is Issedones, and their neighhours the Ariamasp;e, fighting with uncertain. About 600 R.C. the name occurs in a fragment of griffins for the possession of gold. Alcaeus, and that is probably also the date of the poem of Aristeas of Proconnesns. Bschylus refers to the good laws of The Scythians do not seem to have been driven out the Scythians (Straho, Z.C.), and Hecataeus of Miletus gave of their home in S. Russia, hut rather to have been valuable information concerning them. The most important absorbed in the Sarmatian and then in the Slavonic source is Herodotus. His fourth book is devoted to Scythia. Much of his knowledge is derived from native Scythians in tribes. Olbia, as well as from resident Greeks. Hippocrates also seems The eastern branch of the people was not allowed to have visited Scythia, and, like Herodotus still confined the undisturbed possession of its lands N. of the Jaxartes. name Scythians to the Scoloti. Pseudo-Scyl& (about 337 B.c.) a and Ephorus begin to use it in a somewhat wider sense, Already in the time of Cyrus and Darius part of the though familiar with the character and history of the Scoloti. Scythians had been pressed into Margiana (see 5 17). Some of the representations in art of Scythian life found at and at the end of the third century another part was Kertsch (Panticapaenm), Kum Olha and Altun Olha (see 5 11) forced by the Massagetze into S. Sogdiana, and some- belong to the fourth and third centuries. The Greek inscriptions of Olbia containing Scythian names are not older than the second what later into Bactria. In Bactria these Scythians century B.C. Diodorus adds little to the earlier sources ; but found only a temporary home, as they were driven from Strabo's geography throws much light upon the Scythia of his there by the Massagetz (Yuechi); but they maintained day. The changed conditions there inspired him with undue scepticism as to the accuracy of Herodotus. Trogus Pompeius themselves longer farther east. in Justin, Ptolemy the geographer, Polyaenus, Ammianus In S. Kahulistan, Arachosia 'Drangiana and Sakestan(Ki in) Marcellinus, and others acquaint us with some facts. For the and in KaSmir, Nepal, and Pkjab they &tahlished themserves: history of the eastern Scythians Ktesias is not without value. Finally, they were there also submerged by new powers and Coins give the names of Scythian kings. Of great importance absorbed in the native population. are the Chinese writings of Sse-ma-tsien (about io0 B.c.) trans- lated h Brosset, /ourn. As. ii. 8 4183, and of Panku (about 80 That the Scythians spoke an Iranian language, is A.D.), coth because of their soher descri tions of lands and already evident from Herod. 4 117, where the Sauromatae, peoples, and because of the aid they furnd to the chronology. a Median people, are said to speak the Whilst, in historical times, there have been important ll. ethnic Scythian language, though in an im- centres of Scvthian life in Asia Minor and in Euroue... andFelatiom. perfect manner. The Scythian words lo. and in Margiana, Bactria, Kophene, and explained by Herodotus are manifestly migrations of India, the people neither considered Iranian, and the many names of persons and places the scythiass. itself nor was regarded by others as recorded by Greek writers and in the Olbian inscriptions autochthonous in anv of these lands. leave no room for doubt. It is the merit particularly of Even in the territory between the Daiube and the Don, Zeuss and Miillenhoff to have proved conclusively the which might properly be called Scythian, because for so Iranian character of Scythian speech. That the Eastern many centuries the seat of a Scythian civilisation, a Scythians spoke substantially the same language is native tradition declared the Scoloti to be strangers. evident not least from the names of the qt&a kings in Many indications point to the region N. of Jaxartes, India (see Hohann, Syn>che Akfenpersischer A4artyrev, between the Aral Sea and Lake Balkash. in modern 1398). Turkestan and the adjoining Khirgis steppe, as the An occasional Scythian loan-word in a neighbouring Slavonic home of the Scythians in the days when their immediate or Turkish dialect cannot affect this result. The discussions of Iranian kinsmen, the Aryan invaders of India, were still Neumann, Cnno, Fressl, and others, who have tried to invalidate the arguments of Zeuss, would have proved quite futile even if their neighbours S. and SE. in the old Airyanem their philological method had been more discriminating. Still Vaejo. The presence of Mongolian and Tibetan it should not he denied that neighhouring dialects of the Sam; tribes on the NE. and E., and of the kindred family have a tendency to shade off into each other. Massagetz on the SE., occasioned by the expansion of For determining the ethnic relations of the Scythians Chinese power, gradually forced a branch of the people the pictorial representations on objects found at Kertsch, across the Urd, the Volga, and finally the Don. The Kum Olba, and elsewhere on the Kimmerian Bosphorus time of this invasion of Western Scythia cannot be are of utmost importance, determined with certainty ; but it may have occurred as As the best of these are not later than the fourth centu B.c., early as in the sixteenth century B.C. (see 5 14). Another apd were probably made for Scolotian grandees (see Xayet, Iranian people, the Kimmerians,l occupying the land so Etudes ZarcMoZogiie, 196fi), they may he taken to represent far S. as to the Danube, were gradually driven into the fairly the Scythian type. The similarity to Russian mujiks in dress, hair, beard, and general appearance, due to climatic :on- Crimea or, at different times and by different roads, ditions and the same mode of life cannot obscure the fact that into Asia Minor. The Kimmerian invasion that the features are essentially Iranian: If they all should prove to be likenesses of Sarmatians, as the later ones probably are, this 1 Such names of Kimmerian kings as TeuSpa, Tuktammi would not weaken the conclusion, since the Iranian character of (A+3aprs=A+-Saprs, Sayce) and Sandrakhtra, occurring in the the Sarmatians admits of no doubt. seventh century, are clearly Iranian. Through Herodotus we know that the Scythians worshipped 4335 4336 SCYTHIANS SCYTHIANS Tabiti (‘Iun‘q, Vesta), goddess of the fire ; Papaw (probably nects this story with the accounts of a Scythian conquest as far Papai or Babai, Zeus), the heaven-father ; as the Nile and an invasion of Asia to the borders of Syria by 12. Religion. Api (ye), the earth : Oitosyrus (Apollo, pos- an Amazonian queen (Diodorus. 2 43 46), and regards Strabo’s sibly descriptive name of Xlithra), the Sun ; (1516) Idanthyrsus as a mistake for Targitaus. But it is Artimpasa (Aphrodite Urania), Venus ; Thamisadas (Poseidon), probable that the accounts ir, Diodorus are onty reflections the Sea ; Herakles and Ares. of the invasion in the time of Psammetichus, and that Idan- The Scythians had no images, or altars, or temples. thyrsus has in Straho received credit for the work accomplished by Madyas. The narratives of the conquest of Scythia by Their chief sacrifices were horses, which they offered in Sesostris (Ramessu 11.) are clearly late exaggerations ; but a peculiar manner ; but prisoners inwarwere also at times Honimel’s notahle theory accounting for Iranian names in offered. Only the god of war had a few great shrines. Kadavaduna (=Cappadoda, a country closely allied to the centre of Hittite power, Melitene, and Cilicia; see Muller There is evidence of ancestral cults. Divination by Asien, 288,335) by the Scythian character of its people, alsd. rods or linden bark was practised, and the soothsayers tends to explain this confusion of Hittite and Scythian. The formed distinct classes. A comparison with Persian people called Gag may prove to be akin to the Kimmerians and divinities and religious customs shows a remarkable forerunners of the AHkuza. As regards the history of the Scoloti in Russian Scythia before their contact with the Greeks similarity. Whilst a heptad of divinities occurs (‘AB- in the seventh century, we have no information. Gap&), there is no trace of Ahura Mazda. Whether From tablets inscribed in the reign of Esarhaddon any of the E. Scythians accepted the Mazdayasnian faith, (681-668)we learn that Scythians had established is not known. 16. asianic rule : themselves N. of Lake Urumiah. Buddhism may have made some ro ess amonF the Sse in Fear is expressed lest the Scythians Kipin and Punjab; but the Yuecii Ens Kaniska (78 A.D.) Protothyas, seems to have been the first monarch officlally to embrace that should break through Mannzean into form of religion. mIIadyas. Assyrian territory, the chief IBpakai The earlier Greek writers speak in terms of high is said to be an ally of the Mannzeans, and king 13. Character praise of the character of the Bartatua (Protothyas) is referred to as seeking an 8nd civilisation. Fythians, giving instances of their alliance and the hand of Esarhaddon’s daughter. That justice, sincerity, love of truth, and the alliance was concluded is highIy probable. since in sharp intelligence. 625 Madyas, Protothyas’ son, came to the aid of It is possible, however, that these descriptions have to some Assyria by defeating Cyaxares. who was besieging extent been coloured by d#rimireasoning as to the virtuesof a Nineveh, and by checking the advances of Psam- nomadic life, such as may still be found in modern works. On the other hand the less flattering tone of later authors was, metichus in Syria. In consideration of these services, no doubt due ’in no small measure to their confusion of the it is natural that the suzerainty of Assyria over Urartu Scythian: with their ruder Slavonic, Finno-Ugric, and Turkish acknowledged by Sarduris 111. should pass to Scythia, neighbours. In Roman times, the conflicts with the Sarmatians naturally added bitterness to the references to Scythians. and that such states as Cappadocia, Commagene, and The Scythians probably possessed, in addition to the Melitene should become tributary. What the relation general characteristics of all Iranian peoples, some of Cilicia to the new power was, it would be interesting qualities peculiar to that nomadic life so large a part of to know ; but it cannot yet be discerned. The Median them continued to lead. The rale which the ASkuza border states Atropatene, Matiene, and others are played in Asia, at a time when the Assyrian empire had likely to have been subdued. From 625 to 597 reached its greatest extent, and in the days of its decad- Scythian rule in Asia Minor continued. Then the ence, indicates a somewhat highly developed political power was broken by Cyaxares. In 591 Scythian organisation and a certain adaptability to conditions of refugees from the Median court fled to Lydia for pro- tection ; but Scythians continued to live under Median settled life, sagacity as well as energy,~. diplomacy. not less than enterprise. and Persian domination in Asia Minor. There was a In Russia the long contact of the Scythms with Greek civilisa- Sacastene in Cappadocia as well as in Armenia. tion, at a time wheii it had attained its very highest development, Darius claims to have conquered the ‘ Saka beyond could not but exercise a profound influence upon them. The the Sea.’ Bv these he means the Scvthians N. of the antiquities found on the Kimmerian Bosphorus, now in the Hermitage in St. Petenburg, am ly prove what the tastes of 18. Scythi& Euxine. He probadfy also refers to Scythian lords were and what enviagle means they had of gratify- them as the saka tipukhuda, since ing them. One class of these finds probably represents the work inR~ssi& the Dictorial remesentations from the of native artists trained upon Grecian models. These Scythian Kimmerian Bosporus show that these wore the Phrygian mastersproduceda type ofart the influenceofwhichmaybetraced beyond (N. of) the Baltic. Since some tribes had for centuries cap. It is to Darius’ campaign into Russia in 512 that cultivated the soil, and large numbers of Scythians lived in cities we owe the elaborate account of the Scythians by Hero- many nobles undoubtedly had their residences built by Greed dotns. That Darius marched as far as to the Volga architects. King Skyles had a palace in Olbia Concerning their industrial skill, we have no information, except that they may be doubted, and some other points in the narrative excelled in metallurgy. In Bactria the Scythians became the are manifestly unhistorical. heirs of another Greek civilisation ; and in India they evidently There is no reason, however, to question the important rale adapted themselves to native and Greek traditions, not without ascribed to Idanthyrsus, through whose admit management of themselves exerting an iniluence upon the life of Punjab and the defence Darius was frustrated in his object. His father Sindh. Saulius seems to have already impressed himself upon the Concerning the period in which the Scythians still colonists, as his name is especially mentioned No events of any importance, however, have been recorded by the Greek had for their neighbours in the Airyanem Vaejo writers before Herodotus who refer to the Scythians. Whether 14. History : (Vendidad, I) the other branches of the the use by them ofthe name Scythian (P&hp) shows that their Iranian family, before these Lad passed knowledge of the people was derived from the Agkuza of Asia into Sogdiana, Margiana, Bactria, Hyr- Minor, or that Sku-za was as much a native designation of the ;::$’ ;::$’ cania, Herat, and Kabul, we possess no people as Sko-lot, cannot be determined. direct information. The presence of Iranian names in The Milesian colonists were, of course, tributary to the Amarna Tablets and early Assyrian and Egyptian the Scythian suzerain ; but the relations seem to have been cordial. inscriptions indicated by Ball (PSBA, 1882,pp, 4245), Bezold-Budge ( el Amama TadZetseis, p. xiv), Only when a king like Skylas forgot his native traditions to TeZZ 1892, the extent of takin part in the Dionysiac orgies in Olbia, the Rost (MYAG, 1897), and especially Hommel (Sitz.- Scythians resented!& proceeding. Friendly relations also pre- ber. Bihm. Ges. d. Wisr. 1898), seems to show that vailed between Ariapeithes and Teres of Thrace, in the beginning Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Syria, and Elam had already of the fifth century. It is doubtful whether Spartacus (438-432), the founder of the Bosporanian kingdom, was a Greek or of mixed become acquainted with some members of the Iranian race. There are some indications that the king whose skeleton familv in the sixteenth centurv R.C. was found in a tomb at Kertsch (Panticapieum) had Scythian According to the native tradhon of the Scoloti found in blood in his veins. The Spartacidae were not a serious menace to Olbia by Herodotus (4 7) the first king of Scythia, Targitaus,, Scythian power in the fourth century. Danger threatened first reigned 1000 years befoie Darius Hystaspis ’and no more. from Macedonia, whose ambitious ruler Philip invaded Scythia We have no means of determining on what data this computa- and killed ip battle king Ateas in 39, and subsequently from tion rests and its historical value appears doubtful, Targitaus the Sarmatiails who crossed the &on and made themselves himself bbing probably a mythical personage. Hommel con- during the third century the most important people in the 4337 4338 SCYTHOPOLIS SEA, THE BRAZEN territory once claimed by the Scythians. In the beginning of SEA, THE BRAZEN(llVn?g nl; THN BA~ACC&N the second century the German Bastarnians made their appear- THN YAAKHN 17 I 81. ance. A Scythian reaction seems to have occurred under ..... n--...... 2 K.25 Tei. 5217 fom. A1 Ch. 18 Scilurus who, however, was defeated by Mithridates VI., 1. Size and THE MOLTEN SEA ‘(pyn-qg ; THk 105 B.C. After Mithridates(132-163) had conquered the country N. of the Euxine, he could lead armies of Scythians as well as form. OAhACCAN [BIv T. 8. AyTHN [AI. T. 8. Sarmatians, Bastarnians, and Thracians against the Romans. XYTHN [LIS I K. 723; T. e. XYTHN Later, the legionaries of Rome found Sarmatians as soon as [BAL], 2 Ch.42), or simply THE SEA (I K. 744, 2 K. they had crossed the Danube. Finally, the Scythians were 16 17, 2 Ch. 4 IS), the large bronze reservoir which shod absorbed in the prevailing Slavonic population. in the SE. ana, of the court of Solomon’s temple. The From their old home the eastern bradh OT this designation ‘ sea ’ is explained by Josephus from the size people was also driven by invaders across the JaGartes (Ant. viii. 35 ; P~h?j8q. . . Bdhauua 6rb ~b p,ky~Bos). into Chornsmin, llargiana, and Bactria. l,. Eastern According to the description in I K. 7 23-26 the ‘sea’ was Scythians. ;\ccording to Ktesias, Cyrus fought round, measuring IO cubits (17.22ft.’) in width and 5 nginst these Scythims, and forced (8.61) in depth; ‘and a line of 30 cubits (@BAL 33 Amorges to aid him in his war-upon Croesus (546). cubits) compassed it round about.’ These numbers are There is probably also a nucleus of truth in his account of course only approximate-not givenwith mathematical of Cyrus’ war with the Derbikkae, though he has precision, otherwise to a diameter of IO cubits would wrongly connected his death with this war. There have corresponded a circumference of 31.41 59.. .cubits ; is no reason for doubting the substantial accuracy of failure to observe this has caused commentators need- Herodotus’ account of his death in the war upon less trouble. The capacity of the a sea ’ ( I K. 7 26 ; @BL Tomyris, queen of the Massagetae, though there are as om.) was 2000 baths=16,010 gallons (see WEIGHTS usual some embellishments. The grounds on which AND MEASURES, 5 3). 2 Ch. gives 3000 baths (= 24,015 Duncker rejected this story are quite insufficient. gallons), certainly an impossible figure, even that of Darius had to fight with Scythians whom he designates as Saka humauarku. These are probably identical with the I K. being too large for the data ; a hemisphere of the Amyrgian Scythians. Fressl may be right in connecting both dimensions given contains only 6376 gallons and a these words with Margiana. According to Fr., Muller (WZKM cylinder 10,798 gallon^.^ Even if, in view of what is 258) they are the ‘Soma-preparing Scythians but Ed. Meyer 7 : said about the 12 oxen, we come to the conclusion that (GA 3 IIO~)doubts this interpretation. Scythian archers took art in the battle of Marathon, and were also in the army of the sea’ must have been more or less cylindrical in shape, gerxes. Where their home was, is not indicated. Alexander not, as Josephus (Antviii. 3 5, ~b +piu@alprov) will have came into contact with Scythians only after he had crossed the it, hemispherical, we can hardly suppose it to have held Jaxartes in Sogdiana. For some time before 138, Scythians had held possession of Margiana much more than (say) 7000 gallons. There is, how- Through Chang-kian’s account of his mission (in Ssematsien), ever, no recorded ancient parallel even for such a it is possible to trace the political situation in Iran in 128, and casting. It is one of very considerable magnitude to discern some of the events that led up to it. Pressed by the Hiungnu, a Turkish people, the Yuechi ( robably Massagetre) (great bell of Moscow 198 tons ; great bell of St. had forced the Szii (caka Saka Scythians? across the axartes. Paul’s-largest in England-174 tons). The ancients In 175 the SzB conquered’Sogdiana from Eucratides o/Bactria. no doubt usually did their large castings in pieces ; but This king defended Bactria against their attack with the aid of where possible they preferred hammered work. Mithridates I. in 160. In 130 the Scythians took most of Bactria from Heliocles. But they were in their turn driven Solomon’s ‘ sea ’ may, therefore, it has been suggested, from Bactria and fled into Kipin, Kashmir Nepal and India have been a wooden vessel plated with bronze. On the where they kstablished kingdoms. MaueH reigne‘d in Kip& notice in I K. 776 see ADAM, I ; .and for a different view, and Pnnjab (130-IIO), Azes ( ~IO-~O),and Aspavarma, Aziles, and Vanones after 80. Between 70 and 30 Spalahoras Spalag- SUCCOTH, 2. dames, Spalyris, and Spalyrisis reigned in W. Iudi;, though As to the form of the ‘ sea ’ the only further data we their power was much limited by Hermaios. They were finally have are that the brass was an handbreadth thick, that overthrown by Kadphizes I. (Kiutsiu-Kio), the founder of the the brim was wrought like the brim of a cup, like the Yuechi dynasty. This dynasty (until 116 A.D.), whose most famous king is Kanishka (70.90 A.D.), was also designated as flower of lily, and that below the brim ran two rows of the Scythian ($aka), and the Caka-era begins with the year gourd-like ornaments o’p~? (see GOURD, end). These 78 A.D. The E. Scythians wed confused with their kinsmen the Massagetz, and other neighhours in India, as the W: ornaments, as distinguished from those of the brazen Scythians had been confused with their kinsmen the Sar- pillars, were cast when the sea itself was-cast ; in other matians, and other neighhours in Europe. In Iidia, as in words we have to think of them as in relief, not as Afghanistan, the Scythians were absorbed in the native undercut. The sea rested upon brazen oxen arranged population. 12 I) On the biblical references see the commentaries on Genesis, in four groups facing the four quarters of the heavens. Jiemiah, Zephaniah, and Ezekiel, and the histories of Israel On every other point worth knowing-the height of [also Crit. Bib.]. The best modern history the oxen, the shape of the basin, and so forth-the 18. Literature. of Mithridates of Pontils is by Theodore writer is silent. Nor are we told in what manner the Reinach (Mzfhn‘date Eujator, 18go). (2) For descriptions of Scythia see especially Ukert Geog. der Gniech. water was supplied or drawn :; one naturally thinks of rrnd Ramer 32. Reclus Ghg. Univ: LindnLr, SkytFaien u. d. the temple spring or a conduit from it. Skythen &s &erodot, ’ 1841, and e&cially Neui.:ann, Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, 1855 ; Baer, Hist. Frqen, 1873, and Klostermann satisfies our curiosity as to the mode of filling Tomaschek in Berichfe d. Wiemr Akademie, 1888. (3) The by conjectural emendation of I K. 7 23 where he reads ‘There most important works on the language are Zeus, Die Deufschen were 30 cocks around the sea; 20 were under the brim and una’ die NachbarstZmme, 1837 ; and Miillenhoff, Deufsch supplied it, and at the bottom of the sea were IO which drained Altertumskunde 3 (7892). Fressl, Die Skythen-Saken 1886 is it ; the cocks were in two rows and their flow was according to not sufficiently &tical. (4) For the antiquities see Siephaki, their measure. The Vss., however, supply no sort of hint Antiguiti’s du Bosflhore Cimmlrien, 1854 : MacPherson, An- towards any such emendation. tiquities of Kerfch, 1857; Neumann (see under 2). Rayet, According to the Chronicler (2 Ch.46) the sea was @udes d’arckiologie et Zarf, ma; Solomon Reinach, An- tzquif4s du Bosjhore Ci,nmdrien 1885. (5) For the history, see, in addition to primary sdurces Winckler Gesch. d. 1 [Onthe assumption that by ammZh is meant the long cubit ; Alterturn!, 1878,(5! 2430,fl: Gutschmih, EBW aitt. ‘Scythia’ see WEIGHTS and MEASURES, 9 1.1 and ‘Persia,’ discriminating, but wrongly excluhg the eastern 2 [Prof. Unwin F.R.S. in a private communication, says: Scythians; the suggestive discussions of H. Winckler, AOF ‘ I make ont that H hemisGherica1 cup, 15 ft. external diameter 1484fl:;the admirable summaries of Ed. Meyer, GA, especi- and 4 ins. thick would require 113.5 cubic ft. olbrass, and would ally 3, $5 608 (1901): Lassen, Zndische Altertumskunde, weigh 26%tons. It would contain 770 cubic fi. or 4805 gallons 1847-1857 ; Schriider, Zndiens Liferatur und Cultur, 1887, of water and this would weigh ZI~tons. A cylindrical vessel and Lefmann, Gesch. des Alien Indiens, 18p. N. S. would 4eigh more and contain more-hut the spherical shape is the most favourable for po-sibility.’] SCYTHOPOLIS (CKyeWN IToAIN), 2 Macc. 1229 ; 8 ap?? lt$ in I K. 7 24 is usually rendered ten in a cuhit’ in Josh. etc. BETH-SHEAN [q.v.] ; cp HAMONAH. (so RVmg. and AV) and accordin-ly the total number of gourds SEA (a;, yzm; eahacca). see GEOGRAPHY. 4 ; in each row reckonid to be 3w. ?he words as they stand, how- s ever, can only mean ‘in a length of IO cubits’: but this gives no also DEAD SEA, GALILEE (Sea of), MEDITERRANEAN, sense. The clause is (with Stade) to be deleted as a gloss (cp RED SEA, SALT SEA. Benzinger, ad ?oc.). 4339 4340 SEA CALVES SEDECIAS
for the priests to wash in (cp Ex. 3019) ; as to this, all SEALSKINS, Ex. 255 etc. RV, AV BADGERS' SKINS. one can say is that the arrangement would 2.ficance. be in the highest degree inconvenient for SEAMEW(Tn@),Lev. 1116 Dt.1415, AV CUCKOW. any such purpose. Almost inevitably there- SEA MONSTER (in*),Lam. 43 AV, AVmg- 'sea fore one comes back to the conjecture that the sea itself calves,' RV JACKAL (q.v., I) ; cp WHALE. had a symbolical meaning, as well as the oxen on whkh it rested. The oxen are to be explained not by SEAT. See THRONE. the consideration that the ox was the principal sacrificial SEgA @2D; CAB& [BKAL, etc.], -T [B once] ; in Is. animal (so Riehm, HWB, S.D. ' Meer. ehernes') but 433 COHNHN [BKAQ], CYHNHN [I?]; in Is.4514, rather by the symbolic character of the ox as repre- pl. P'&qD, EV SABBANS (U.V.) CAEAolM [B], Ch- senting deity, in Canaanitish-Israelitish religion. Kosters BMIN W'I, CEBUCIM CAI, CEB~~IN[Kc.ac~bQ*l. (cp Zh. T,1879, pp. 4553) explains the sea itself as a symbol of the subterranean ocean, the tZhfim. He CABU~IN: 01 r' CABACIM [Qmg.]; b),first in recalls the many traces to be found in the OTof acquaint- order of the sons of Cnsh, Gen.107 [PI, 1Ch.19. ance with the Babylonian creation-myth and the struggle hlentioned also in other late passages--e.g., Is. 433 of the gods with Tiiimat (cp Gunkel, Scfi@fung, 153, (with Mizraim and Cush), 45 '4 (in pl., with same com- ; and see DRAGON, LEVIATHAN, RAHAB, SERPENT). panions) Ps. 7210 (with Sheba), where, however, It is this TiHmat-who was held to represent the Bickell, Cheyne, Ps.(~)),regard it as a later insertion. waters of chaos, and to have been vanquished by the This last passage may simply indicate a locality in the gods - that according to Kosters was represented by far S. ; the other passages favour Africa, and the the ' sea ' upon the oxen (these last symbolising Marduk). neighbourhood of Ethiopia (but cp CUSH,2). Dillniann In view of the admitted fact that the Babylonian (on Gen. 107) thinks it safest to regard Seba as a branch creation-myth determined the form of the Israelitish of the Cushites or Ethiopians settled eastward from cosmogony, one cannot deny that such a view may be Napata, on the Red Sea or Arabian Gulf, a view which correct, even though the OT itself does not directly Baethgen (on Ps. 72 IO) and Duhm (on Is. 433) accept. The name is not found in Egyptian ; but Dillmann cites ri, support it. Cp CREATION, I§ 13, 19, zz ; NEHUSHTAN, u@akrrbv ur6pa, hrpjv Zaoa, Zagar s6hrs F;pfyyCBqs from I 2. Strabo, xvi. 48 IO and Z@aurpwbv u+a, uapar s6hrp';v r3 [Gunkel refers tn the ujsu, or primgval sea, made by king 'A80ovprrG ~6hmyfrom Ptol. iv. $7f . Josephus and many Ursina of Lags and the tzmtu or sea of Agum (15m B.c.) . following'him, identify with Meroe ; b;; this does Lot seem to be cp KB iii. 173 143 ; Del. Ass. kWB :14 ; Muss-Am. Diet: elsewhere distinguished from Cush. See also CUSH,z ; MIZRAIM. 80; Jensen, Kosmol. 2338, 511 and pl. 3. See also Sayce F. B. Led, 1887, p. and 165) who points out the (Hi66. 63, Rh SEBAM NU. 3z3 RV, in V. 38. RV SIBMAH. connection between the sea and the largl basins called ajsi in (a;@), Babylonian temples. What this acute scholar did not remark SEBAT, RV SHEBAT Zech. 17). See MONTH. was the connection of these basins with the Babylonian (a??, creation-myth in which apsu (the araumv of Damascius . see SECACAH (n!?D; aixioza [B], AIOX. [Bal, CREATION, B :5, end) designates the ocean which 'in the' be- ginning'was, or filled, all things.] COXOXA [A], CXAXA [L]), a city in the wilderness of At all events no other satisfactory explanation has Judah (Josh. 1561t), mentioned between Middin and been proposed. How the worshippers of Yahwk inter- Nibshan. Assuming the ordinary view of the sites preted or (if it came from Babylon) adapted this symbol, mentioned in Josh. 1561f: (see BETH-ARABAH), we we have also no information from the OT. But that might suppose Secacah to be the name of a fort erected the original meaning of the ' sea' did not quite accord (with cisterns) on the plateau above the W. coast of with later Yahwistic ideas, may be inferred with great the Dead Sea to keep the nomad tribes in check (cp probability from the fact that the later period either z Ch. 26 IO). explained it in an impossible manner (so the Chronicler ; The caution, however, given elsewhere (MIDDIN,ad$%.) may be here repeated. P may have led subsequent ag4s into a great see 2, begin. ) or eliminated it altogether. In Ex. 30 18 misunderstanding by putting ' En-gedi' for En- kadesh.' 407 30, instead of the molten ' sea ' P has merely a Secacah was probably a place in the far south (Negeb); possibly brazen laver or basin (Ti.?) for the priests to wash their Khalaph is meant. See NIBSHAN. T. K. C. bands and feet. So also the post-exilic temple has SECHENIAS (CEXENI~C[AL]). I. I Esd.8ag= only a basin of the same sort, not to be compared in Ezra 8 3, SHECANIAH, 2. point of size with Solomon's ' sea.' In Ezekiel it would 2. ~Esd.83a=Ezra85, SHECANIAH,3. seem as if the temple fountain were to take the place of SECHU, RV Secu (93k),a corrupt reading in I S. the molten sea, which does not otherwise seem to be l9zz (in the same late narrative referred to under represented in the temple; in its place we find a NAIOTH). In the place so called in EV we are told fountain to the E. of the temple (note the agreement, that there was ' a great well' (AV)or ' the (well-known) partly verbatim, between the expressions of I K. 739 and great well ' (RV). Unfortunately b& hag-gEd6Z cannot of Ezek. 47 I). As regards this fountain too we can see properly be rendered either way. not only suggests that it is not primarily intended to provide an arrange- the right reading, 66~ha&ren (]"a for $i~a), 'the ment for the priests to wash their hands, but has a cistern of the threshing-floor,' but also completes the symbolical meaning (see the comm. ad Zoc. ). correction by the very appropriate *~wa,' on the (bare) Of Solomon's brazen sea we are further told that King Asa took it down from off the oxen, and put it height.' A treeless height where there would be cool upon a pavement of stones (see PAVEMENT). Like breezes was the natural place for a threshing floor ; cp other brazen appurtenances of the temple, the oxen were Jer.411 and see AGRICULTURE, 5 8. (6,#ws TOO made available for paying the tribute exacted by the king of Assyria (2 K. 1617). The sea itself fell into the hands of the conquering Babylonians, who broke it in pieces and carried off the fragments (z K. 25 13 16 Jer. SECRETARY (1Qlb). z 5.817 EVmg,, etc., EV 52r7 ao-where the twelve oxen also are erroneously SCRIBE. reckoned among the spoils of the Babylonians). See the Archaeologies and Dictionaries, also the commentaries SECT (~ipt~lc),Acts2414 RV, AV HERESY. on Kings by Thenius Keil Klostermann, Benzinger, and Kittel. See also Perro; and dhipiez, Surd., Jud. etc. 1258.~64: SECUNDUS (CEKOYN~OC [Ti. WH]), a Thessa- Ph.and Cypr. 1289-292 ; Renan, Hist. Peuj. Isr. 2 156f: lonian, who accompanied Paul for (at least) a part of Consult fig. in Masp. Struggle, 110. I. B. the way from Europe on his last recorded journey to SEACALVES(J'?n),Lam. 43 AVmg,,RV JACKAL(I). Jerusalem (Acts 204).
SEAL (npin), I K. 21s. See RING, 5 I. SEDECMS, RV Sedekias (CEACKIAC). I. b. 139 4341 4341 SEDUCERS SELA Maasias, an ancestor of BARUCH [~.a.](Bar. 1I ); cp ' Zedekiah SEIR, MOUNT (7*& 117; opoc accap PI, b. Maaseiah ' Jer. 29 ZIJ z. In Bar. 18; elsewhere called ZEDEKIAH,I . 0. accapsc [Babl, 0. CHEIP [A], 0. ciaip [L]), one of the landmarks on the boundary between Judah and SEDUCERS, RV ' Impostors' (roHTac), 2 Tim. 3 13. Benjamin (Josh. 15 io), between Kirjath-jearim and See MAGIC, 4. CHESALON[q. v.], and therefore in the neighbourhood SEER(;Igl, I S.99; nfn, 2S.2411); PROPHET, of the rocky point of S&is, z m. W. by S. from b7aryet- J 5. eGknub (so Robinson). With Saris may be identified SEGUB (XI@,CsroyB). I. b. Hezron; father of the Sores of 6,Josh. 1560 (ewpqs [B], crwpqs [A], -as [L]) ; see Buhl, PuL 91 167, and BENJAMIN, JUDAH. JAIR [q...] (I Ch. 2~1f., cspoyx [B]). See CALEB- EPHRATAH, REUBEN, 5 11. SEIRAH, but AV Seirath (ilp?*@;l), the place to 2. The youngest son of HIEL [q.v.] (I K. 1634 ; Kr. which Ehud fled, where he 'blew the trumpet in the Y:?; S;youp [B ; om. L]). Cp REUBEN, J 11. In d hill country of Ephraim' (Judg. 326, ceTslpwea [Bl,' of Josh. 626 it may be his name that is rendered ceoipwea [AI. cHpW€Ia[L]). The name has greatly GrarwOCvn ; the translator apparently misread SIIU puzzled critics2 Winckler (AZttest. Unt. 558) even (Aram. ' to save '). supposed some unknown place on the E. of Jordan On the name see NAMES 0 57 and for S. Ar. analogies, to he meant ; in GI 21co he prefers the a Mt. Seir ' of Hommel S22da&. AZtertZnr~~(1849) 21. But the theory that Josh. 1510. If, however, we use the key supplied by a it is an e;hnic like Jair, Hezron, and Machir is attractive. 63 number of the narratives, in which, as the evidence in I Ch. 2 213 implies 191@, and this comes probably by trans- tends to show, the scene has been transferred from the position from 1i.ie (cp SERUG).Abiram, the brother of z, also Negeb to the tribal territory of Ephraim, we shall see probably hears an ethnic name. ' Ram,' if not also the fuller a form Ahiram, comes (like 'Jericho ') from nny= suDni* (Che.). way out of this perplexity. Eglon was king of MiSSur, See Crit. Bi6. and the city he took was a place called Jerahmeel--i.c., SEIR (7*@),the reputed ancestor of the Horites either Jericho (see JERICHO, J 2) or more probably the (Gen. 3620f. I Ch. 138f:). See SEIR, MOUNT. capital of the Jerahmeelite Negeb (possibly Kadesh). After his exploit Ehud escaped to Zarephath (anru), (V&, either lit. 'hairy' [Lag. SEIR, MOUNT and mustered the Israelites who dwelt in the southern 064~s.921, or trop. 'overgrown' [NO. ZDMG40165 n. a]; Q Ephraim-Le., the Jerahmeelite highlands. Ehud always mpp, except Josh. 11 17 q1c~a [A] ; 12 7 met a [AF] auurrrpa [Ll : I Ch. 1 8 @?BL~[A] ; kzek. 258 [om.dQ] ; Dt: himself was probably a Benjamite of the Negeb. passim, Ch. [except I 8h. 1381 UL~Y[L]). T. K. C. The name of a mountain district occupied by Esau and the (AV 2 ) or once [see PETRA Edomites, Josh. 24 4 (E), Gen. 368f: (P), Dt. 2 5 etc., but by the SELA, or K. Selah, 5 21 Horites in Gen. 146 (on text see especially Buhl, Edomifer, 28). (&Q. I-ETP~ in Is. ; Y$pn, H TET~~in JUdg. 2 K. 1. The name ' land of Seir ' (l*@ appears in Gen. 32 4 p!) also Judg. 136 (RVmg.)2 K. 147 (EV) Is. 161 (AVmg. Petra) 36 30(P ; where, however, @ has cSop [ADEL, B lacking]) u) 42 11 (Hitz., Del., Duhm). Commonly supposed to be and (often) simply ' Seir ' Judg. 5 4 Gen. 33 14 16 u), Nu. 24 1: UE : where, however, @'has 9uau [BAFLI), Dt. 144 etc. the Hebrew name of the later city of Petra (see J 2). The mountain region of Seir (mod. ef-fuvrih)extends 15 The name of Sbla' indeed is parallel to the Arabic name or 20 m. E. from the 'Arabah (S. from the Dead Sea), Sal', which Y%&t gives to a fortress in the Wsdy Mas%, which it skirts nearly to the Gulf of'Akaba (the terms where Petra stood (cp Nold. ZDMG 25z~g).~Wetz- ' land of Seir ' and ' Seir,' are sometimes applied to the stein (in Del. /es.(y) 696fl)thinks that SCld is another plateau W. of the 'Arabah) ; Zimmern ( W 6157 n. 13) name for BOZRAH[q.~.] ; the full name of the Edomite doubtfully suggests a connection with the district of capital being Bozrath has-sbld, a view which has not 3eri mentioned (with Gintikirmil) in an Amarna letter 1. No eitJr much to recommend it. Nor is the from Jerusalem (Wi. KB518z [B 1051 26). On early called Sela simpler view that a city on the site of traces of the name Seir, and on its meaning, see EDOM, :__m Petra was known to the Hebrews as SCld 5s 2, 3. F. B. 'JJ"I. or has-sbla' ('the rock') exegetically ' Edom' and ' Seir ' are terms which are often used tenable ; there is in fact no city called Sdla' mentioned interchangeably as the designation of a region occupied in the OT. See, however, EDOM.§ 7. Ey Esau and his descendants (Gen. 323 36 I Sf. 19 zr 43 'From Skla',' (yb?p)> in Judg. 136 should rather be 'from Nu. 24 18 Dt. 2s 8 29 Josh. 244). ' Mt. Seir,' the range the rock' (Ykp:); the reference may he to some siriking cliff of mountains running S. from the Dead Sea, on the E. near the S. end of the Dead Sea fitted to be a landmark, such of the 'Arabah. was a main feature of ' Edom ' (Gen. as that now called es-Szifieh (sd Buhl Moore). In z K. 14 7, ,146 3685 Dt.28 Josh.244); but 'Seir' (Gen.3314 it may be 'some castiebn a rock unkiown to us' (Kittel) that is referred to. In Is. 161 Y59p, 'from the rocks' (collectively; Dt. 14) and 'the land of Seir' (an ancient variant to cp Jer. 48 zs), is generally taken to describe the route taken by o the country [or field] of Edom,' Gen. 323), are terms the Moabitc ambassadors which would run through the rocky which are clearly not limited to, nor, indeed, are com- country of Edom. Is. 42 :I should be rendered ' Let the inhahi- monly, if ever, identical with, 'Mt. Seir' in the OT tants of the rocks (~$0collectively) sing'; cp Ob. 3. It should text. Sometimes i'yu ' Seir ' appears to be miswritten be added, however that though as against 'S8a" the above summary of cnrren; interpretations will stand, the views of the for iim, ' Mi+r ' [Che.]. The practical question geogr.aphy of the texts which are proposed seem open to therefore is, What portion of the country westward of question. The redactors themselves were sometimes the authors the 'Arabah was included in ' Seir ' and in the country of confusion (see Crit. Bi6.). of Edom,' in the days of the Israelites' wanderings7l Of all these passages the only one which can with Cp EDOM,5 5. Trumbull answers, 'The extensive any plausibility be thought to refer to Petra is 2 K. 147. plain e:-Sir, bounded on the S. by WHdy el-Fikreh. a But in the 11 passage, z Ch.2512, we only read of a wHdy which ascends south-westerly from the 'Arabah, e rock,' nor does Joktheel occur anywhere as the name from a point not far S. of the Dead Sea, and separates of an Edomite city; JOKTHEEL [T.v.] is very proh- Palestine proper from the 'AzLzimeh mountain-tract, ably connected with ' Maacath ' or ' Jerahmeel. ' The or Jebel MakrHh group. The northern wall of this misinterpretation (for such, as Kittel has shown, it is) wHdy is a bare and bald rampart of rock, forming a arose partly from the supposed mention of the Edom- natural boundary as it ' goeth up.to Seir ' ; a landmark ites. partly from the comparatively early confusion both impressive and unique, which corresponds with between Petra and Kadesh. Eus. and Jer. (OS25671 all the OT mentions of the Mt. Halak', Kudes?z-6arneu, 1459) distinctly assert that Pctra, a city of Arabia in ggJ2 Cp HALAK,M OUNT. 1 @E's afmrpoI3a may, perhaps, be a corruption of mye~p~~I3u 1 Trumbull Kna'ah-Jarnea. 845 and I? confounded). a See furtier Palmer Desert o,fExodur, 404 (a-Sirr) and 'Tz See Budde, Moore, and cp van Kasteren, MDPY, 1895, note thHt Rowfands (Williams Hob Ciw, 1465) had alieady pp. 26-30. connected 'Seir' with es-Serr (&). 8 WRS, Eq.Brit., act. 'Petra.' 4343 4344 SELA-HAMMAHLEKOTH SELAH the land of Edom. surnamed Joktheel, is called Rekem H MEpiceaica [BAL] ; cp Driver’s note), the name by the Assyrians (so Eus., but Jer. ‘Syrians’). Still, of a mountain where Saul and David ’ played hide and as elsewhere they appeal to Jos., they may not be seek’ (I S. 2328J). Saul hurries along on one side of speaking here on their own authority. Jos. (Ant. the mountain, thinking to overtake the unseen David, iv. 47 71)says that Petra, the capital of Arabia, was and David on the other flies (as he thinks) before the called U~KTor PEKE,U~ from its founder Rekem, a unseen Saul. There is danger of their coming into hlidianite king. But Targ. Onk. and Targ. Jon. collision, which is averted by the news of an inroad of apply op-1 to Kadesh-‘barnea,’ Gen. 1614 201. opi the Philistines ; Saul turns aside from the chase. The is supposed to be connected with doli, ‘ to stone’ ; it narrator must have explained Wd-hammahlEk6th so as is probably, however, as applied to Kadesh, a corrupt to suggest this ‘hide and seek’ game. But neither fragment of ‘ Jerahmeel,’ whilst, as applied to Petra, it ‘ rock of divisions ’ ( EVmg.),nor ‘ rock of escaping ’ (an may perhaps, as Wetzstein suggests, be derived from unjustifiable rendering) can be right. Though the the Greek fiijypa, ‘ a cleft in the rocks.’ name is confirmed on the whole by the certainly corrupt Wellhausen (De Genfzdrrs [1870], 39, n. 2) doubts whether form nhn (see HACHILAH), we are almost driven to Rekem as the name of Petra is derived from the variegated colours of the rocks about WZdy MfisZ or from a tribe dwelling suppose that the original form was ni%np? yip, ‘the in the Edomite region called Kekem and virtually mentioned rock of the rn@Z6th ’ (circling dances). Mehoiah, like in T Ch. 244. The present writer is Lonvinced, however, that Hachilah, may come from ‘ Jerahmeel.’ T. K. c. the REKEM of Chronicles. which is the name of a tribe of S. Palestine, is really a mutilation of Jerabmeel. See Wetzstein in Del. Zsaia/t,(9696-707 ; Buhl, Gesch. der SELAH (+Dl occurs seventy-one times in forty Edomfer, 34-37 ; Kittel, HK, on 2 K. 147 : Lury, Gesch. der psalms, and three times in Habakkuk (33913). Mostly Edowzifer, z8J: Robinson, BR 2 653H. (n. 36). T. K. c. 1. DItta of MT ft occurs in the middle of a psalm ; but Petra Q &+pa ; ai IICrpai), however, which gave its in four psalms (3 9 24 46) also at the name to the province Arabia Petraea (ij KaTb IIirpav alld end. Usually it occurs only once in a 2. ‘Apapia, Agathemerus), became famous psalm : but there are several cases of two Selahs, and under the NABATBANS(a,.. ); but, to judge in some psalms we find three (3 32 46 66 68 77 140) ; from the advantages of its situation, it was doubtless a Ps. 89 actually presents four. In 5520 [xg] 574 [3] city or fortress before that time. Its ruins are in the Hab. 339 Selah occurs in the middle of a verse. The deep valley called WBdy MiisH (from its connection in accents connect it closely with the preceding word: in Mohammedan legend with Moses), u-hich is in the Aq., Jer., Tg. also imply that it forms part of the text. mountains forming the eastern wall of the great valley These three versions take it to mean ‘always’ (del, between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of ‘Akaba. WHdy seinppr andjugiter, ]+asp$,but also m’in). So Ps. 917, MfisH lies just N. of the watershed between the two Theod. and EihXos give del ; Quinta Els 703s a&us ; seas, in 30’ 19’ N. lat. and 35’ 31’ E. long.’ Travellers Sexta Graaavrbs. 6,however, gives GidqaXpa, a word coming up the ‘Arabah usually approach the ruins from of somewhat uncertain signification (Theodoret, pbXous the SW. by a rough path, partly of artificial construc- pmu@X$) ; it occurs more frequently than the Hebrew tion ; but the natural entrance is from the E. down a z Selah. ’ narrow defile more than a mile long called the Sik L‘arious conjectures as to the etymology of Selah have (‘ shaft ‘). The Sik is a contraction in the valley of a been offered (see Ges. Thes. 955 ; and the commentaries stream which comes down from the E., rising in the a. Useand of Delitzsch and Ehethgen) ; even a Greek so-called Fountain of Moses (‘Ain MI~sZ),~and passing origin (qdXXe) has been suggested (Paulus between the villages of Elji and ‘Aireh (Palmer). Both mew* Cassel ; see Siegfried-Stade, fiz.). Parisot these places are ancient : the latter is the fortress Wo- (Rm.dibl., Oct. 1899) approves the theory that Selah ‘aka of Y2ktX4 whilst Elji, mentioned by Edrisi, is the represents a musical interlude. Briggs suggests that ‘Gaia urbs juxta civitatem Petram ’ of the Onomasti~on.~ when a section of a psalm or a prayer was used apart Below these and above the ravine the characteristic from its context in liturgical service it was followed rock-cut tombs and dwellings of the Nabataeans begin by a doxology, and that ‘ Selah ’ divides a psalm into to appear. sections for liturgical use.’ By an inductive process Not only was Petra a place of refuge and a safe Miss E. Briggs arrives at results of much interest (AYSL storehouse, it was also the great centre of the Nabataean 16 1-29). These partly depend on the correctness of the caravan trade. It was the place where the Gaza road MT ; but Grimme has shown that in some cases (and branched off from that to Bostra, Palmyra, and N. the present writer, Che. PJ.(~),has added considerably Syria, and it commanded the route from Egypt to to the number) the nh of MT is due to corruption of Damascus. From Petra, too, there went a great route the text. direct through the desert to the head of the Persian Attractive as the view that 23~is properly a musical Gulf. Thus Petra became a centre for all the main indication may be, it will have to be reconsidered if lines of overland trade between the E. and the W., the other so-called musical notes in and it was not till the fall the Nabatean kingdom 3. the headings owe their existence to of ^--I that Palmyra superseded it as the chief emporium of u1 ‘SU. textual corruption. In that case it N. Arabia. becomes plausible to hold that is a corruption of See Leon de Laborde and Linant, VoyaEe dam rArarhie Sazlm (&), ‘supplement,’ or @“allZm (OS&), ‘for PitrPe (1830) ; Duc de Luynes, Voyage Gexjloration 2 Za mer supplementing.’ The note may either be a direction nrorfe (sa.);Palmer, Deserf of fhe Exodus, ++os; Visconti, Viaggo in AraBia Petrea (1872); Lihbey, PEFQ, rgoz, to supplement the MS at a defective place from another P. 412J T.K.C.,§I; W.R.S.,§2. MS, or an intimation that an editor at this point has made an insertion in the psalms. Possibly the old traditional interpretation always ’ points to a reading osy or 03~5,which was itself a corruption of o$& or 1 The latitude and longitude are taken from De Luynes’s map. Ptolemy, who, according to Olympiodorus, spent some &w!. For another view see B. Jacob, ZATWl61%9& time in Petra, and doubtless owes to this fact his excellent in- As to the meaning of @‘s Gr&$dpr : for the opinions of the formation about the caravan-routes in Arabia, zives the latitude, Fathers see Suicer, 18p; Lag., Nova PsaZfe++iGrr~ci Edifzonis with surprising accuracy, as 30’ 20‘. S#ecimrn, IO; B. Jacob, ZATWlS (r896) ~73-181. The result a Cp Diod. 1997. is that all the vanous explanations are pure guesses. What, 3 This seems to be the fountain mentioned by Nowairi (in then, is to be offered in place of them? We cannot suppose Quatremsre‘s Milnnges, 84), which Boned with blood and was that the Alexandrian translators coined Grd$aApa ; hut it is very changed to water by Moses. The name Od-demB, which gave rise to this legend, may possibly be a relic of the old name of Edom. 1 ‘An inductive study of Selah’ (/BL18132f.). Briggs 4 Perhaps also the ‘IrBm of Gen. 3643 [see IRAM]. thinks it probable that is an imperative cohortative, ‘lift 6 See Tuch, Gen.P) 271 n. up a benediction or doxology.’ 4345 4346 SELED SELEUCIDA possible indeed that GL~$.only exists through textual corrup. lost, and then Asia Minor and Egypt effecting their tion. Sc~i+dpaand ivi+Apa have been suggested (a#. withdrawal from Seleucid sway. Egypt under the Schultens, Lex. in LXX [782o] 1146), but neither word exists. It remained to suggest that 6ri+. may be a Grsxised Hebrew Ptolemaic dynasty became in fact a standing rival, dis- word ; (see above) might become first Gaodpa and then, puting with the Seleucidae the possession of Palestine. for euphony, Gri$dpa. T. K. C. The hold of the Seleucidae upon Asia Minor was pre- carious, owing to the peculiar characteristics of the SELED (15D ; aAc. cahah, [BI, c. [AI, [LI), -EA Greek cities there, and the rise of new powers (e.g., b. Nadab b. Shammai, a Jerahmeelite ; I Ch. 230. Pergamos and the Attalid dynasty). Here nothing can SELEMIAS (Le., Shelemiah). I. (C~AEMIAC [BA]) be attempted more than a few general remarks upon I Esd. 934=Eua 1039 SHELEMIAH,6. salient features of the monarchy. Syria was its intel- 2. (Seletnium) a scribe ; 4 Esd. 14 24, RV Selemia. lectual centre ; for Seleucus abandoned his capital at SELEUCIA (CEAEYKIA, ActslS4, Ti.WH ; I Macc. Babylon (which was in truth suitable only for the 11 8). One of the four chief cities of northern Syria undivided world-wide empire dreamed of by Alexander), (the others being Antioch on the Orontes, Apameia, and transferred his permanent abode to Antioch on the and Laodiceia) which together were spoken of as the Orontes (see ANTIOCH,2). This transference also calls tetrapolis of Seleucis (Strabo, 749). They were the attention to the constant striving, as constantly thwarted, foundation of Seleucus Nicator (died 280 B.C.). of the Syrian empire, to become, not so much a military, Seleucia lay on the southern skirts of Mt. Coryphaeus as a naval power. Its wealth, indeed, came froul com- (the Pieria of Strabo, 751)-a spur of Mt. Amanwl- merce, which partly depended upon command of the sea, separated from it by a ravine (see description in Pol. and partly also upon keeping open the old trade routes 559). The town extended to the sea, and was sur- leading into inner Asia. The latter condition was rounded by cliffs, except towards the W., where the found to be more easily realised than the former, for site was more open ; here lay the mercantile buildings the rise of Egypt and of Rhodes, with other powers, (
ii fact, perhaps the only one of ATexander's succeskors that Hierax was at last driven from the country into Egypt ; ~. (' showed an appreciation of Alexander'strue policy Ishouldbe but~~ Ptolemv imDrisoned him. and when he escaDed he inclined to call him a true disciple of Alexander,' Holm, Gk. 1 , ~---'r .~ ~ 1~ Hist., ET, 4131). was slain by brigands (227 B.c., Justin, 273). Not much is known of the reign of his successor. Seleucus apparently owed his title Callinicus to au eastern Y expedition in which he vanquished Arsaces of Parthia (Straho, Antiochus I., Soter (281-261 B.c.). It yas occupied 513 ; Justin, 41 4). Afterwards however, Arsaces defeated 3. antiochus I. partly with attempts to assert himself Seleucus in a great battle which ;he Parthians long celebrated (281-261B.C,). in Asia Minor, as a prelude to making as the foundation of their independence. 'lhe title to the sur- name of Callinicus was therefore as well made out as is necessary good his claims to the Macedonian for an Oriental monarch, and the subsequent foundation of a crown, and partly in endeavours to render effective the city called Callinicum in his hereditary territory on the Syrian rule over Ccelesyria, as against the claims of Euphrates by the hero who had been fortunate enough to Egypt to those territories (the so-called First Syrian escape from the Parthians, no doubt madea great impression on the surrounding inhabitants ' (Holm, oj. cit. 4 2'5). War).l In Asia Minor he was defeated by the In 226 B.C. Seleucus lost his life by a fall from his Bithynians, at the beginning of his reign; and by horse. Eumenes, king of Pergamum, towards the end of it.2 Seleucus III., Ceraunus, or Soter (226-223 B.c.), The intermediate years show him engaged in warfare was the elder son and successor of Seleucus 11. He with the Gauls who poured into Asia Minor (277 B.c.) 6. SeleucusIII. invaded Asia Minor in order to put and fonnded the state of Galatia (see GALATIA, 5 I). He /QQc-Qo9r( F., down Attalus. He was assisted hy his
In 201 B.C. AntlOClIUS was killed in battle by abaul(Lelt); Seleucus 111. seems to have :eft a son Antiochus mentioned but whether he was actually then fighting the Celtic invaders is only in an inscription, to whom are attributed coins' bearing on doubtful. He seems to have been a brave and energetic prince ; one side the image of an infant Antiochus (see Head, ofl. cit. 640, history knows nothing to his discredit, and he deserves praise and cp CIG 4458, and Droysen, Gesch. d. Hell. iii. 2 121). for his attempts to carry on his father's Grecising policy by means of city foundations. Antiochus HI., the Great (222-187 B.c.), the younger Antiochus 11.. Theos 1261-2.46 B.c.\. son of the son of Seleucus Callinicus and Laodice (Pol.540), was 4. Antiochua II. preceding and Stratonice, married 7. An~iochus only twenty years old when he came to the throne, and for some time he RUS (261-246 B.D. ). Laodice, daughter of Antiochus I. III. (222-187 bv another wife Polvaen. 8 GO\. _", entirely under the influence of his I\ 2 --, D.V.J. Practically our knowledge of him is confined to the statements minister Hermeas. The condition of that 'he was a debauchee and addicted to drink, that he left Egypt, then governed by Ptolemy IV. Philopator, a weak affairs in the hands of unworthy favourites that he waged war in in Thrace, that he earned his surname by &rating the Milesians and vicious monarch, invited attack. A rebellion from their tyrant Timarchus, and that he was generally popular Persis and Media weakened the blow ; but when that in the cities of Ionia' (Holm, o#. cif.4 18s). had been put down, and the king had freed himself Of the second Syrian war which he waged with from the evil influence of Hermeas by executing him Ptolemy Philadelphus, we know little. This led in- (Pol. 556) the war with Egypt was resumed. At first directly to his death ; for to put an end to the strife Ptolemy gave his daughter Berenice in marriage to 1 He was also called Pogon, the Bearded, from his habit of Antiochus, who put away Laodice. After a time, wearing a heard which like Demetrius II., the only other however, Antiochus changed his mind and recalled bearded king of Syria, h: probably adopted d-iring his sojourn in Parthia (cp Head Hist. Numm. 639). 1 Alluded to only in Paus. i. 7 3. 2 See the Adule 'inscription preserved by Cosmas Indica- 2 See Strabo 624. It occurred near Sardis. leustes in his Toflogra Ita Christiana=CIG 5127 (and cp 3 See decree'of thanksgiving from Novum Ilium, CIG 3595= ier. on Dan. 11 5 ; also olyaen.' 8 50, who says that he pushed Hicks, Manual, no. 165, with notes thereto added. is conquests p+ res 'Idc~+). 4349 4350 SELEUCIDLE SELEUCIDLE Antiochus carried all before him, and made himself to forego the oppprtunity of interfering beyond \It. master of Phcenicia‘and the territory on both sides of Taurus, in assisting 1’h;irn;iues of I’oritus against Eunicnes the Jordan (Pol. 568f.), and wintered in Ptoleniais. In of Perganiiim (171) B.c., see hod. Sic. 2924). Yet he the following year, however, he was utterly defeated at coiicluded a treaty uf alliance with Perseus of \Iacedonia. Raphia, the most southerly Syrian city (217 B.c.), and \Vith Egypt he lived outw
~ of Perseus, married to Ariarathes 1'. of Cappadocia, Wilcken, S.V. ' Antiochus ' in Pauly's Realencyc., ed. Wissowa), possibly in order to form an anti-Roman league in the or only two (so 2 Macc. 5 I ; see Mahaffy, Em#. of UePioltmies, east. Failing in this, he married her himself, and in 3363). His usurpation of Egypt was marked by the Seleucid revenge encouraged a claimant to the Cappadocian anchor on the copper coins, and also by a new issue of copper coins with his own name. throne in the person of Orophernes, brother of Ariarathes 1 Perhaps the savage outbreak at Jerusalem upon the second (Polyb. 3224). The only result was to raise against occasion was +e to pome more personal grievance than mere Demetrius the enmity of both Rome and Attalus of resistance to innovations. The nationalists of Palestine may have heen in part responsible for the delay and failure of his Pergamum (Polyb. 35). Attalus 11. in return supported Egyptia expedition, as Mahaffy suggests, og. cif. 341. the claims of a pretender, Alexander Bala, or Balas, to 4353 4354 SELEUCIDE SELEUCIDA the Syrian throne ; ALEXANDER (4.”. , 2) made himself native troops and retained only his Cretan mercenaries. out to be a son of Antiochus Epiphanes. This led to risings in Antioch, which were put down by Alexander Bala appeared at an opportune moment, as Deme- the mercenaries with the aid of 3000 Jewish troops sent trius had completely alienated his subjects by his tyranny and by Jonathan. Confiscations and executions alienated excesses (153 B.c.) whilst at the same time he had gwen way to I 1133f.). love of drink, the Aereditary vice of his house (Polyb. 33 19). In the goodwill of the people ( Macc. This addition to this, an attempt to secure the island of Cyprus by emboldened one Diodotus, a native of Kasiana, brought treachery had indeed failed, but had earned the Syrian monarchy up at Apamea on the Orontes (Strabo, 752; cp id. the hostility of Ptolemy Philometor (Polyb. 33 5). The result 668), to declare a young son of Alexander Bala king as was that, though a party at Rome (perhaps that of the Scipios) was favourably inclined to Demetrius, the Roman Senate, upon Antiochus VI. Dionysus.’ This was in 145 B.C. ’The grounds of policy, and also upon more sordid grounds, was Jews profited by this revolt, for Demetrius had not mduced to recognise the impostor Alexander (Polyb. 33 IS) who redeemed his promises to withdraw his garrisons from was also supported by Attalus Ariarathes and Ptolemy $‘hilo- Judaea. The disbanded troops also rallied to the metor. Consequently, in 153 B.c., Alexander appeared with an army in Syria. standard of his rival, and Demetrius was compelled to Both Demetrius and Alexander made bids for the evacuate Antioch and to retire to Seleucia (Livy, Epit. favour of the Jews, who were now under Jonathan 52) or to Cilicia (so Jos. Ant. xiii. 54). Jonathan and (I Macc. lor$). The king recalled his garrisons from his brother Simon mastered all southern Syria (for the all the towns except Jerusalem and Beth-zur, and gave details of the operations, see I Macc. 11 601: ). Jonathan power to raise an army and to liberate the Seleucia, near Antioch, remained true to Demetrius, hostages. The various taxes and royal claims upon the along- with Ciliciaand the eastern provinces -cenerally,* so Jews were also remitted (see the instructive list given in that the young Antiochus never ruled 13. Antiochus over more than a small part of Jos. Ant. xiii. 2zf:).l The impostor, however, was (146-142 B.C.) more successful in appealing to Jonathan’s personal His reign soon came to ambition, nominating him high-priest, and sending him anamphon YEid, as he was murdered by (142-138 B’C’)‘ Diodotus. who usurped the throne the insignia of royalty, with the title of ‘king’s friend ’ (cp FRIEND). The decisive battle was fought in 150 under the name of Tryphon. B.c., and Demetrius fighting heroically was slain The date is disputed ; probably it was in 143-142 B.C. : so the coins (see Babelon Rois de Syrie r31f: and cp I Macc. 13 31). (Justin, 351, Polyb. 35, Jos. Ant. xiii. 24). In spite On the other hand: according to Jbsephus (Ant. xiii.5 II 7 I) the of the fragmentary and obscure character of the record, murder of Antiochus occurred affer the capture of Demetrius we may well doubt whether this Demetrius was not one by the Parthians. (On this much disputed point see the authorities referred to in Schiir. Ffist. of theJms, ET, i. 1177, of the most gifted of the Selencid dynasty (v. Gutschmid, and Cambridge Bible, First Book ofM. in 2.c.). Iran, 43). The usurper made himself detested for his cruelties. Demetrius 11.. Nicator (145-139and 129-125B.c.), Chiefly he alienated the sympathies of the Jews, and the elder of the two sons of Demetrius I.. had been sent earned their active hatred, by the capture and execution 12.DemetriueII. by his father for protection to of Jonathan when he had all but established the inde- Cnidus when Alexander invaded (&et reign : pendence of his country (I Macc. 123gf.). Syria (Justin, %z), and remained 145-139B.D.r The three or four years of the reign of Tryphon are there for some years in exile until he almost destitute of incident, save for a few isolated became aware that the usurper had forfeited the goodwill notices. His headquarters seem to have been at Cora- of his subjects by his negligence of state affairs and his cesium in Cilicia Aspera, a robbers’ eyrie on a pre- self-indulgence (Livy, E@. 50). In 147 B.C. he landed cipitous crag by the sea. Strabo (668) attributes to on the Ciliciau coast with a force of Cretan mercenaries him the rise of the piratical power in Cilicia, which (I Macc. 1067). Ptoleniy VI. Philometor had given afterwards attained such extraordinary dimensions. his daughter Cleopatra Thea (‘one of the most The generals of Demetrius, in Mesopotamia and Cele- impudent women produced by the Ptolemy line, which Syria at least, retained their ground before those of had no lack of such characters,‘ Holm, Grk. Hz’rt. Tryphon, whilst Simon, who had succeeded to the 44’7) in marriage to Alexander, and at first came to his leadership of the Jews (I Macc. 138), entered into assistance, but afterwards transferred his favour to negotiations with Demetrius, who granted all his Demetrius II., to whom also he transferred his daughter. demands, including even exemption from tribute Ptolemy’s voZfe-fue was accounted for by a story that Alex- (I Macc. 1336f.). Though the Jews thus did not gain ander had attempted his life (. Macc. 11 IO); but the true motive was probably the desire to take advantage of the intestine strife absolute independence, but had still to recognise the to annex at least Palestine and Ccelesyria (I Macc. 11 I). suzerainty of the Syrian kings, they adopted a new era, According to Jose hus (Ant.xiii. 45f:), Ptolemy actually at and Simon ruled as ethnarch, or vassal prince (I Macc Antioch assumed tEe ‘diadem of Asia’ (so also I Macc. 11 sf:, where, however, the motive assigned for Ptolemy’s conduct 13413 ; cp Justin, 361 3): differs). On this episode, see Mahaffy, Em?. ofthe PtoZemies, At this moment the attention of Demetrius was diverted to Babylonia, where he had to face a new peril. Mithridates I. of 364f: Parthia 3 after displaying his power in the The opportune death of the Egyptian king on the 14. Demetrins E., had conquered Media (147 B.c.), and third day after he had gazed upon the severed head of in parthia even Seleucia on the Tigris two years later. (139-129 B.c.). The Babylonians appealed for assistance. Alexander Balas, removed a formidable rival from the Demetrius was joined by the Persians, Ely- path of Demetrius (I Macc. 11 18 ; was he murdered ? mxans, and Bactrians; but jn 139 B.C. he was defeated and Straho, 751, says that he died from a wound received taken prisoner by the Parthiam, and carried about through their territorie? as a show4 (I Macc. 14 I, Jos. Ant. xiii. 7 I, in the battle on the CEnoparas, near Antioch. fighting Appian, Syr. 67. The actual capture was due to treachery). against Alexander). Having thus won hack his father’s For ten years Demetrius remained a prisoner ; but very soon kingdom by arms he received the title Nicator (‘ Con- after his capture his treatment improved, and he was even queror’ ; Appian, Syr. 67, v68ov TOO y&ms lfvspa given the king’s daughter Rhodogune to wife. Probably the 5s promise of reinqtallation in his kingdom would have been vtK4uas).z The entire country, in fact, had rallied to realised bad not Mithridates himself died, and been succeeded him, with the exception of Judzea, where the ambitious Jonathan had inflicted defeat upon his adherent Apol- 1 The coins of this seven-pear-old king also hear the title lonius, governor of Coelesyria Macc. 10 @ ). Epiphanes. His mother was the Egyptian princess Cleopatra (I f: Thea. In A~~ian.Svr.68. he is wronelv_. called Alexander. Denietrius was, indeed, fain to purchase the acquiescence See ANTIOCHGS,4. ’ . of Jonathan by confirming him in the high-priesthood, 2 Cp inscr. from Babylon in Zeitschr. f: Assyr.8110, and and by the abolition of taxes (I Macc. llzof:), and inscr. from Papbos in.fourn. of UeZZeenic Sirhes 9 (1880) 230. 3 Mithridates I. reigned 174-136 B.C. He.calls)himself on his the surrender to Jndaea of three Samarian districts. coins King of Kings the Great Arsaces, Epiphanes, Euergetea When peace was assured Demetrius disbanded the Philhellen. He wis the mo:t considerable of the Parthia; monarchs. 1 See the remarks of Maha@ Em#. of the Pfokmies 182f 4 From this circumstance he was called mockingly Seripides a On his coins he also calls hihself Theos and Philadilphos. (Eus. Chron. 1256). 4355 4356 SELEUCIDE SELEUCIDE by Phraates 11. as Arsaces Philopator Epiphanes Philhellen He was induced to enter into war with Egypt on behalf (reigned 136-127 B.c.). It seemed hetter to this monarch to of Cleopatra XI., sister-wife of Ptolemy Physcon,' and retain Demetrius in order to he able to use him in case of threatening circumstances. his own mother-in-law, who had taken refuge in Syria. Whilst Demetrius was a captive in the hands of the The war with which he was thus threatened Physcon Parthians (see above, § 14) his younger brother Antio- evaded by setting up Alexander Zabinas, a pretended 16, Bntiochus chus Sidetes, who owed his surname to son of Alexander I. Bala, to claim the Syrian throne.* vII., sidetes the fact that he had been brought up at Supported hy a strong Egyptian army the pretender invaded Syria, where several cities fell away from Demetrius The (138-129B.C.). Side in Pamphylia (see SI DE),^ asserted decisive battle was fought in 125 B.C. near Damascus, and his claims to the kingdom of Syria Demetrius was defeated. He fled to Ptolemais to his wife (I MRCC.15 13 ). He was now sixteen years old. His Cleopatra, who refused to receive him and when he tried to attempt succeeded, perhaps chiefly because he was joined enter Tyre, had him murdered (Justid, 39 i, Appiau, Syr. 68, Jos. Ant. xiii. 9 3). by queen Cleopatra Thea, who, enraged at the union of Little is known of the rule of Alexander 11. ; but one Demetrius with the daughter of the Parthian king, authority at least passes a favourable verdict8 He went over to the side of Antiochus, and surrendered to lllexander entered into friendly relations with him the strong tower of Seleucia, near Antioch, which Hyrcanus, influenced largely, no doubt, during all these years she had held for Demetrius. Tryphon was defeated and driven into the Phcenician town of sefi;g:v.by the desire to find support against Dora, where he was besieged. Thence he escaped to Apamea, Egypt, from which power he soon but was again besieged, aud compelled to end his life by his own became estranged (Jos. Ant. xiii. 93). He was, in fact, hand (I Macc. 15 1037 ; Strabo, 668 ; Jos. Ani. xiii. 7 2; Appian, not left to enjoy his usurped dignity long without Sur. 6Q.2 Antiochus married Thea (' the objectionable but rivals. Immediately upon the death of Demetrius II., evidently inevitable adjunct of the Syrian throne,' Seleucus, the son of the murdered king, laid claim to the throne, only to be murdered after a few months by Holm, Grk. Hist. 4419). and acted very vigorously to unite again the severed fragments of the Syrian kingdom the infamous Cleopatra Thea, his mother, who was (Justin, 361). First and foremost came the necessity indignant that he should have taken such a step without of dealing with Palestine, which in the turmoil of the her, and without sharing the power with herself. past few years had absorbed large tracts of Syrian Cleopatra then put forward the second son of Deme- territory, and attained an almost completely inde- trius 11. as heir to the throne; his claim was also pendent position, even entering into diplomatic relations ls. Antiochus supported by Egypt. Alexander 11. Grypus4 defeated and fled to Antioch, and with distant and, in part, hostile powers (I Macc.105gJ vIII., was then to Seleucia (Diod. Sic. 121f. 1416324). In 135 B.C. Antiochus invaded (12s-96B,c.). 3528. Judaea in person. Already, three years previously, the lustin, 392). Finally he was captured Syrian king had come into collision with the Jews, and brought to Antiochus, who had him put to death. who, under Judas and John Hyrcanus, inflicted a defeat Thus from 125 B.C. Antiochus reigned, in association upon his general CEXDEBBUS. After the assassination with his mother, after the fashion common in Egypt. of Simon and two of his sons by his son-in-law Their joint reign lasted four years5 The queen-mother was thrown more and more into the shade, Ptolemy, the son of Abubus (I Macc. 1611f.), John especially after the marriage of her son with Cleopatra Try- Hyrcanus had become high priest and prince of Judza. phrena, given to him by her father Ptolemy Euergetes 11. as a Upon the invasion by Antiochus he was shut up in the pkdge of Egyptian support, and also after 123 B.C. by the victory gained over Alexander 11. (cp Justin 39 z : 'Cleopatra citadel of Jerusalem for at least a year, and then forced cum huius [sc. Antiochi] quoque victoria infehorem dignitatem to capitulate. The walls were destroyed, hostages juam factam doleret'). In 121 1i.c. she tried to poison him but demanded, with five hundred talents indemnity, and was compelled instead to drink the draught herself (Apbian, tribute for the cities which had been occupied by the syr. 69). Maccabees (Diod. 341, Justin, 361, Jos. AnLxiii. 8~).~For some years Antiochus Grypus reigned quietly, Syrian suzerainty over Judaea was fully asserted. and then there arose a claimant to the throne in the person of his half-brother and cousin Next occurred the final attempt of the Seleucidae to 19. Antiochus overthrow the formidable Parthian power which had Antiochus (IX.),son of Antiochus VII. IX.,Cyxicenus Sidetes and Cleopatra Thea (see above, wrested from them so much of their eastern possessions. (116-96 B.C.). In 130 B.C. Antiochus undertook an expedition against the Ij 1.5). Antiochus owed his surname to Parthians. His brother Demetrius was still in their hands, his having been brought up at Cyzicus (his title on his having twice been recaptured when he attempted escape. Three victories gave the Syrian king the possession of Babylonia, and coins is Philopator), whither his mother had sent him in brought to his standard all the peoples who had been reduced 129 B.C. upon the return of Demetrius II., her second under the Parthian yoke.4 Phraates opened negotiations with husband, from his Parthian captivity (Jos. Anf.xiii. 101). Antiochus to amuse him, while he prepared once more to try The poisoned cup with which his mother had made his fortune in the field (Diod. 35 IS); more effective still was the stroke by which Demetrius was at last released from captivity him familiar was employed in vain by Grypus to remove in order to cause the withdrawal of the Syrian forces. In the this rival. The attempt only precipitated the inevitable next collision with the Parthian trcops Antiochus fell, bravely struggle (116 B.c.). In the first important battle of fighting (Appian, Syr. 68; Justin, 38 IO). His entire army was cut to pieces. the war Grypus was victorious, and took Antioch. The Parthian king, having thus won the victory by where he found his own sister-in-law Cleopatra IV., sister arms, keenly regretted having set Demetrius at liberty and divorced wife of Ptolemy Soter 11. (Lathyrus); having been expelled from Egypt by her mother (;.e.. 16. Demetrius (see 5 14), and tried to recapture him, He tried next to undo his Cleopatra III., Physcon's niece and former wife, who II., Nicator hut failed. (second reign, work by sending into Syria a second herself married Ptolemy Soter) Cleopatra had married 129-126 B,C.). pretender, a son of Antiochus, the late Antiochus Cyzicenus. By command of her sister, Try- king, Seleucus by name, who had fallen 1 Ptolemy Euergetes II., or Physcon, reigned 146-117 B.C. into his hands. This also proved of no avail. Deme- Or, according to another and more probable version (Justin, trius, however, did not long enjoy his change of fortune. 59 I), he claimed to be an adoptive son of the dead Antiochus VII. Sidetes. He was really an Egyptian, son of a merchant 1 'In Sida urbe educatus, quapropter Sidetes utique voca- called Protarchus though Jos. Ani. xiii. 9 3 calls him a genuine hatur' (Eus. Chron. 1255). On his coins Antiochus VII. calls pleucid. He alko gives the title as Zehinas. It is translated himself Euergetes, which was, therefore, his true official title. slave ' (~yyopamhs)in Eus. Chron. 1257. Jos. Ant. xiii. 7 I calls him &njp. See ANTIOCHUS,5. 3 Diod. sic. 35 22 (34 45). $V yhp Irpp^OC Kai OV~VUJpOVtK&, 2 On his coins Tryphon calls himself BauiAoLs ahoKp&op, kr 6; ;v 7a;s 6prAiars rai iu sak ;vs&ur rrpoq6c. &v which no other Syrian ruler does. a' LU 6ra4epivros hb7i)v rroAASv $F&TO. 3 This Anticchus was not hostile to the Jewish faith, and for His titles are Epiphanes Philometor (!) Callinicus. The his tolerance was called EusebCs (' pious '), Jos. Ant. xiii. 8 2. name Grypus= ' hook-nose '-a feature conspicuous on his coins. 4 For these victories Antiochus received the title Great Grypus is, of course, not an official, hut a vulgar title. (Dittenb. Sylkp,ll)244 and 245, BalrrA\ioc pcydhov 'AWL~XW, 6 Coins hear her portrait, with cornucopiae. Her titles are cp Justin, 38 10 : ' Magnus haheri ccepit '). Thea and Eneteria ('abundance '). 4357 4358 SELEUCIDB SELEUCIDE phaena, the wife of Grypus, the unfortunate Cleopatra (Holm, Gr&. Hist. 4542). The confusion prevailing is was put to death (Justin, 393). Soon the scale was well illustrated by the fact that Antiochus X. married turned, and Grypus was defeated, and compelled to Selene who had first been the wife of Grypus and had retire to Aspendus (Eus. Chron. 1257) ; Tryphaena was then married Antiochus Cyzicenus, his own father. put to death in her turn by the victor. In 111 B.C. First, Antiochus X. had to meet the opposition of Grypus returned and won back northern Syria. The Antiochus XI. and Philippus I., the third and the result of the struggle was that the Syrian empire, now second sons of Grypus. After a battle on the Orontes, in sadly shrunken in size, was partitioned between the con- which Antiochus X. was victorious, Antiochus XI. lost testants, Grypus retaining northern Syria with Cilicia, his life in the river in his flight (Jos. Z.C. ; Eus. Chon. and Cyzicenus taking Phcenicia and Ccelesyria with its 1261). Philippus then assumed the royal title, and capital Damascus. Apparently a state of peace did not held part of Syria (from 94 B.C.). In the meantime, long continue; but the details of the never-ceasing Ptolemy Lathyrus had sent for Demetrius, fourth son warfare are hard to trace. of Grypus, from Cnidus, and had established him as It is clear that the brothers' war in Syria was intimately con- king in Damascus.2 After hard fighting Antiochus X. nected with a similar strife in Egypt, where also Ptolemy was expelled from Syria (or, according to Josephiis, Alexander and Ptolemy Soter 11. were at enmity, due to the intrigues of their mother the reigning queen Cleopatra 111. (cp lost his life in battle with the Parthians). Journ. of Hell. Stud. 9 230 ; ustin, 39 4 ; Jos. Ant. xiii. 10 2 ; According to Appian (Miihr. '05) this Antiochus was alive and see Mahaffy, Empire olthe' Ptokrnies, 409~3..Grypus and ruling in 83 B.C. when Tigranes (see below, S 22, end) made held with the party of Alexander, and by way of attaching him himself master of Syria. If this is true, his death in war with more closely thereto Cleopatra sent him ar his wife her youngest the Parthians fell later (it had already occurred in 75 R.c.). daughter, Selene, beforetime the wife of the exiled Ptolemy Ap ian (Syr. 69) also tells us that he married Selene, his father's Soter 11. wi80w. His son was Antiochus XIII. ($3 23 ; cp Kuhn, Beitr. The confusion in Syria was an opportunity for sur- e: Gesch. der Seleukiden, 33~3. rounding powers. In 103 B.C. even Rome, by the In what way Philippus and Demetrius divided the victory of the Praetor M. Antonius over the pirates, kingdom is not known : but Demetrius orobablv ruled gained a footing in Cilicia (cp Justin, 395). By the 22: philippus C,!,syria and Antioch: Soon hos- tilities broke out between them. Deme- union of Laodice (Thea Philadelphus), daughter of I. and Grypus, with Mithridates I. Callinicus, the dynasty of trius trius was also engaged with the Jews, Commagene was founded, and the way prepared for the III. who in 88 B.C. called him in to aid severance of that kingdom from Syria (cp Mommsen in them against their tyrant prince Alexander Jannzeus. Athen. Miz't. 127f:). The Jews also, under John Demetrius defeated Jannzeus (Jos. Ant. xiii. 14 13); Hyrcanus, who had practically thrown off their allegi- but in the moment of victory Jewish national feeling ance since the death of Antiochus VII. (129 B.c.), awoke, and 6000 Jews went over to Alexander from the made great strides forward, investing and destroying army of Demetrius. The Syrian king must have shown Samaria (about 108 B.C.) in spite of all that Antiochus signs of desiring to reduce Judzea once more to a de- Cyzicenus. even with the help of 6000 troops sent by pendency of Syria. Demetrius then turned his arms Ptolemy Soter II., could do to save it (Jos. Ant. against his brother Philippus, whom he besieged in xiii. lozf.). Such successes as the Syrian king won Bercea.s Straton, the ruler of Berea, who supported were entirely neutralised and torn from his grasp by the Philippus, appealed for assistance to the Arab sheik senatus consulturn secured by Hyrcanus bidding ' Anti- Azizus and the Parthian Mithridates. By them Deme- ochus the son of Antiochus' (Jos. Ant. xiv. 1022; cp trius was himself beleaguered in his camp, and com- id. xiii. 9 2) restore all his Palestinian conquests. pelled to capitulate. He died in honourable confine- In 96 B.C. Antiochus Grypus died, or was murdered by Her- ment at the court of the Parthian king Mithridates 11. acleon (Jos. Ant. xiii. 134 ; cp Eus. Ckron. 1259). He was (Jos. Ant. xiii. 143). forty-five years old at the time of his death, and left behind him five sons. After the capture of Demetrins by the Parthians, Philippus made himself master of Antioch, and for a Seleucus VI., Epiphanes, the eldest son of Antiochus short time was sole ruler of what was left of the Syrian Grypus, on his father's death laid claim to the uu- .. empire (88 B.c.). The intestine strife was soon re- 20. Seleucue divided empire, and proceeded to newed, for Antiochus XII. Dionyso~,~the youngest of Epiphanes assert his claims by arms. Antiochus Cyzicenus marched into northern Syria the sons of Grypus, claimed the throne, and established himself in Damascus B. c.). Philippus. indeed, Nicator against him, but being defeated killed (87/6 shortly afterwards took the town by the treachery of the (96-96 B*C')' himself in the battle (Appian, Syr. 69 ; governor Milesius, while Antiochus was engaged with Jos. Ant. xiii. seems not quite accurate). A sketch 134 the Nabatzeans; but he was compelled to evacuate it of the character of Antiochus Cyzicenus is given in Diod. again. When Antiochus resumed operations against 3534. We are told that he had to wife Selene, the the Arabians, the Jewish despot, Alexander Jannzeus, Egyptian princess, who had been married to his rival attempted to bar the road through Judzea by construct- Grypus ; but whether her marriage to Cyzicenus occurred ing a great wall and trench from Joppa to Capharsaba, before or after the death of Grypus is unknown. For a but in vain (Jos. Ant. xiii.151). Ten thousand Arab few months Seleucus VI. was master of the whole extent riders surprised the forces of the Syriaii king, who, true of the Syrian empire, as it then existed, but soon he was to the traditions of his house, fell fighting bravely expelled by a rival, Antiochus X. Eusebes, Philopator, (probably about 84 B. C. ). the son of .4ntiochus Cyzicenus. He was compelled to The end of Philippus is doubtful. In 83 B.C. the Armenian retire into Cilicia, where he took refuge in the town of king Tigranes was invited to put an end to the long strife by Mopsuestia (mod. Missis). making himself master of the Syrian kingdom. Neither By his violent and tyrannical behavionr, and his extortions, Philippus nor Antiochus X. (if they were still alive; see above, 21) made him- Seleucus raised the inhabitants against him; they fired the could offer any real opposition, and Tigranes gymnasium in which he had taken shelter, and he either perished self master of the entire Syrian kingdom from the sea to the (Justin, 40 I Appian, in the or to worse Ani. Euphrates, including also Cilicia , Sy. flames slew himself avoid a fate (Jos. He so ruled for fourteen years, Syria being governed by a xiii. 134. Aipian Syr. 69). This was probably in 94 B.C. Mopsue& was tdereafter razed to the ground by Philippus and :%ray. In 6 B c. the connection of Tigranes with his father- Antiochus XI., brothers of Seleucus. in-law Mithri&s of Pontus led to his own defeat by Lucullus. a Syria now presented the spectacle of; firstly, a 1 Ptolerny Lathyrus= Ptolemy Soter 11. (see PTOLEMY). contest between two branches of the Seleucids, the 2 Demetrius III., Eucgrus (95-88 B.c.). E~K~L~os,so al. antiochus descendants of the brothers Demetrius Ant. xiii. 13 4, where, however, Niese reads 'AK~'os kl x. (94-83 B.C.). 11. and Antiochus VII., but both coins of Antiochus X. bear the tri le title Theos $hilopator having the same ancestress [Cleo- Soter. or else Philometor Euerzetes- 8allinicw. 3 A town E. of Antioch. patra Thea], and, secondly, of squabbles between the 4 Dionysos' coins bear also the titles Epiphanes Philopator members of the first branch, the five sons of Grypus ' Callinicus, the title Dionysos being also sometimes omitted. 4359 4360 SEM SENNACHERIB
After the defeat of Tigranes, Syria did not all at once SENIR (Tip ; ca~[s]lp; Sanir; Dt. 39 I Ch. 523 23. Antiochus come into the possession of the Cant.48 [C~NIEI~,K] Ezek.27~[CENEIP, B]), or xIII. Asiaticus Romans. The royal house of Syria sometimes, incorrectly, in AV, SHENIR(Dt., Cant. ). was not yet extinct, for Antiochus X. Senir (the Amorite name of Mt. Hermon, Dt. Z.C.) is (69-65 B.D.). Eusehes and Cleopatra Selene had described in an inscription of Shalmaneser as ‘ Saniru, left a son Antiochus. the mountain summit at the entrance to Lebanon ’ (Del. The youth of Asiaticus had been passed in Asia Minor (Justin, Par. 104) ; Ezekiel says that the Tyrians (but cp TYRE, 40 2, ‘ in angulo Cilicize ’), from which circumstance he received his surname (Appian, Syv. 70). This Antiochus, along with a § I) sent thither for planks of fir-trees. In I Ch.523 brother, appeared in Rome to urge their claim to the kingdom of Senir is coupled with Mount Hermon. It might be a Egypt, then under the sway of theillegitimate Ptolemy Auletes. designation of that part of the Hermon-range which is This claim was disregarded, and the disappointed princes re- between Ba‘albek and Homs, and was known by the turned home by way of Sicily, where Antiochus was robbed by Verres of a rich present intended for the Senate (Cic. Vew. same name to the Arabic geographers (e.g.,Abnlfeda). ii. 4 27). This was about 72 B.C. Three years later Tigranes Cp A-ATIzl 159; Halevy RE/ 20 [18~l246’ Wetzstein h;td lost his Syrian possessions, and Antiochus was received ZATW3q8. See HERMO; SIRIONand on ;he questio; with open arms ar, the heir to his kingdom (Appian, Syr. 49). whether there is once or twice’a confudon bitween a mountain- Lucullus recognised his claim. range in the far N. and one in the far s., hearing a similar name, see Crif. Bi6. In 65 B.C. disturbances broke out in Antioch (Diod. frg. 34), and Philippus son of Philippus I. was SENNACHERIBl (>’?fI?D or [2 K. 19201 2ln)D ; encouraged to lay claim to the crown. Thus the old C€NNhXHP[€]IM [BKAQr] -€I5 [Qmg. IS. 27211, -XEIP. strife between the two rival lines was renewed in the [L], C~NAXH~.[z A, z Macc. for1. Sourceshistory. 819 V*], -XEIP. [z K.1813Macc.819 1522, Va; third generation. lhe Arabian chief Azizus (cp J 22) supported Philippus. whilst Sampsiceramus, prince of 3Macc. ~~,V],C€NHPHBTI~.~~~,A~.]; Emesa (Strabo, 753), supported Antiochus. Into the Ass. Sin-ah-erba. ‘ Sin has increased the brothers’). details of the strife we need not enter. Pompeius, who son and successor of Sargon, came to the throne on had taken the place of Lucullus in 66 B.c., took in hand the 12th of Abu, 705 B.C. Sennacherib’s own dated the reduction of this chaos to order. Antiochus, on inscriptions, the Taylor Cylinder being the latest, requesting to be acknowledged as the rightful heir to give the events of the first fifteen years of his reign, the throne, ‘ received the answer that Pompeius would in a chronological order, but arranged according to not give back the sovereignty to a king vho knew campaigns, not, like Sargon’s Annals, according to neither how to maintain nor how to govern his kingdom, years. The Canon Lists, of the second class, which even at the request of his subjects, much less against fix some definite event for each eponymy, are defective their distinctly expressed wishes. With this letter of after his first year. The Babylonian Chronicle, which the Roman proconsul the house of Seleucns was was exceptionally full for this reign, deals chiefly with ejected from the throne which it had occupied for two what concerned Babylon. The Kings List, a Raby- hundred and fifty years. Antiochus soon after lost his lonian document, records the succession of kings who life through the artifice of the emir Sampsiceramus, as ruled in Babylon during this reign. Some statements whose client he played the ruler in Antioch ’ (Mommsen, preserved in classical authors are to be regarded with Hist. of Rome, 4135). Syria now became a Roman suspicion until they are brought to the test of further province (63 B. c. ). inscriptions, still unpublished, of this king’s. The Besides the special articles devoted to Antiochus, Demetrius, many contracts of this reign and a large number of etc., and collateral articles, in the present work Schiirer’s letters, now being published, give many incidental refer- Jewish People in the time .f/isus Christ 24. Literzhme. ET, shquld be consulted for a sketch oi ences. Hence the last word on the history of Sen- Syrian history, and for the authorities there nacherib from the Assyrian side cannot yet be said. cited. The literature of the subject is extensive. Most impor- All that can now be done is to summarise the present tant are P. Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coim in fhe British state of knowledge. Museum: The Sekucid Rings of Syria; and Babelon, Rois de Syrie. Extremely valuable are the articles under the various Sennacherib does not seem to have been in a position headings Antiochus, Demetrius, etc., in Pauly’s Real Encyclo- to proceed to Babylon directly after his accession to the p&&, now available in part in the revised edition by Wissowa . p. struggle for throne of Assyria and there ‘ take the in it will be found the fullest collection of recent authorities, td which general reference must here suffice. .W.J. W. the kingdom. hands of Bel,’ or become legitimate king of Babylon. Polyhistor relates SEM (CHM [Ti. WH]), Lk. 336, RV SHEM. indeed that Sennacherib’s broiher reigned there at first, SEMACHIAH (i”?OD, § 29), one of the sons of and, on his death, a man named Hagises reigned for Shemaiah b. Obed-edom (I Ch.267, caBx~la[B], me month, till he was killed by Merodach-baladan, who CAMAXIA [L], -IAC [A]). Cp ISMACHIAH, where a reigned for six months. The Babylonian Kings List religious meaning is suggested. This meaning, how- assigns one month to Marduk-ziikir-Sum, n ho may be ever, seems to be due to a redactor. The neighbouring Hagises, and then gives nine months to Merodach- names are surely clan-names of the Negeb (cp OBED- baladan. Whatever means Sennacherib took to govern EDOM). Cp SIBRECAI. T. K. C. Babylon in his first two years-whether he ruled by a Fuknzl or governor, or whether he really sent a brother SEMEI (CSM€[€]l). I. I Esd. 933=Ezra1033, s H IMEI (Is). to act as sub-king-his rule was thrown off by an np- 2. Esth. 11 1, RV SEMEIAS: elsewhere SHIMEI(I O). start, ‘son of a slave.’ Merodach-baladan, who had 3. Lk. 3 26 (vapwv [Ti. WHl), RV SEMEIN,a name in the been expelled by Sargon in 721 B.c., although a genealogy of Jesus, see GENEALOGIES, $ 3. Chaldzan, was evidently more welcome than Senna- SEMEIS (CEMEIC [A]), I Esd. 923 RV, AV Semis cherib, whom the Babylonian Kings List calls a member =Ezra 1023, SHIMEI, 14. 3f the dynasty of Habigal. According to Jensen, this SEMELLIUS (CBMBAAIOC [AI), I Esd. 216=Ezra means simply ‘ Great Rascal.’ 48 SHIMSHAI. Sennacherib‘s own inscriptions ascribe to the com- mencement of his reign the active hostility of Merodach- SENAAH Ezra235 : HASSENAAH. (nY!D), baladan, king of KarduniaS, the old name for Babylonia, SENEH (nab), in Neh.33, I S.144. See BOZEZ, whom Sennacherib defeated in his first espedition. MICHMASH, 2. Merodach-baladan was supported by an army from Elam. These allies were defeated at Kisu (now Hymer), 1 As no coins of Asiaticus are extant, we do not know his ibout IO m. E. from Babylon. Merodach-baladan fled official title. The name Asiaticus of course belongs to the some class as Grygus, Hierax, etc.,’which are’vulgar in origin done to Guzumiini. Sennacherib immediately entered not official. Possi ly the official title of this last of the Seleuckd Babylon and took possession of Merodach- baladan’s was Eusebes, which would account for his being confused with his father by our authorities. 1 For a portrait of Sennacherih see ccl. 729, 4361 4362 SENNACHERIB SENNACHERIB palace, acquiring great spoil. He then sent after Mero- does not state the grounds of his quarrel. But doubt- dach-baladan an army which searched the swamps where less all the West had become very backward in payment he had taken refuge ; but the wily Chaldaean escaped. of tribute. Sennacherib says that Lull fled from Tyre Sennacherib then proceeded to conquer the country, city to Cyprus and that all his country fell into Assyrian by city. He seems to have had to fight with a number hands. Great Sidon and Little Sidon, Beth-zait, Sarepta, of tribes, Urbi, Aramu, and Chaldaeans, who had Mahalliba, Ugh, Achzib, and Accho are named as occupied Erech, Nippur, Kisu, HarHagkalamaand Cutha, fortresses captured from Luli. Sennacherib set up and boasts of having captured 89 strong cities as well Ethobal as vassal king over a new kingdom of Sidon. as 820 smaller cities in Chaldaea. On his retnrn to Tyre he could not reduce. Babylon he had to pacify the country, and rescue it from The vassal kings and semi-independent rulers of Syria the hordes of Aramaean and Chaldaean peoples, who and Palestine now hastened to secure exemption from would not acknowledge him as king. pillage by tribute and submission. Menahem of Samsi- Sennacherib enumerates the Tu'muna Ribihu Iadsku murCma, Abdi-li'ti of Arvad, Urumilki of Gebal, Mitinti Uhudu Kipre Malihu, Gurumu, Ubulu bamun; 'Gambdlu: of Ashdod, Pudu-ilu of Ammon, KaniuS-nadah of Hindak, Ru'k Pukcdu, Hanlrlnp, Uagdr3nu Nadatu Li'tau, Moab, Airamniu of Edon, all called kings of the Martu- Aramu. The number of his captives he puts At 208,oob. The nature of these tribes is indicated by the spoil taken from them : land, submitted. Sidka of Ashkelon stood out, was 7200 horses, 11,073 asses, 5230 camels, 80 TOO oxen, 800,500 captured and with all his belongings carried to Assyria. sheep. The country was clearly over-run hy)nomads. He had apparently come to the throne by a revolution It is evident that Assyria had completely lost control which had expelled Sarru-ltiddki, son of Rukipti, whom of the country. Sennacherib had to reconquer it. The Tiglath-pileser 111. had sei over Ashkelon, about 734 Babylonian Chronicle and a fragment of the Canon List B. c. Hence he probably expected no mercy if he sub- place a conquest of Larak and Sarablnu in 704 B.C. mitted. ~anu-lhdlriwas reinstated. Sennacherib then This doubtless marked the commencement of the recon- reduced Beth-dagan, Joppa, Benebarka. and Azor which quest. But the campaign clearly lasted beyond 702 had been under Sidka's rule. B.C., when Sennacherib set BCl-ibni on the throne of 'The nobles and people of Ekron had rebelled against Babylon. This prince had been brought up at the their king Padi, a faithful vassal of Assyria, put him in Assyrian court, but was of the old Babylonian seed chains, and sent him to Hezekiah, king of Judah, to royal, for all the sources acknowledge him as legitimate keep in prison. When Sennacherib advanced against monarch, and the Babylonian Kings' List ascribes him Ekron, he was faced by a great army of the kings of to ' the dynasty of Babylon,' and gives him a reign of Musur, with troops, archers, chariots, and horsemen three years. He was, of course, a vassal king. from Melubha. This army he defeated at Eltekeh. Sennacherib assigns to this period the submission of capturing the sons of the kings of Musur and the generals Nabti-Ml-lumlte, klpu of Hararlti, and the destruction sent from Meluhba. He then stormed Eltekeh and of Hirimmu. Some of Sennacherib's inscriptions follow Timnath. Ekron soon submitted. After wiping out the plan of presenting together the events connected the conspirators and enslaving their supporters Senna- with one district. Thus we learn that after Bel-ibnl cherib reinstated Padl, whom he says he ' brought forth had proved faithless or inefficient, Sennacherib once out of Jerusalem.' more marched to Babylon and deposed him, setting Sennacherib then proceeded to ravage Judah, captur- Alur-nldin-Sum. his own son, on the throne. The Baby- ing forty-six great fortresses and smaller cities ' without lonian Chronicle places the pillage of Hararlte and number,' ' counting as spoil ' 200,150 people. He does Hirimmu in 702 B. c., and associates the accession of not claim to have captured Jerusalem. He says of ASur-nldin-Sum with Sennacheribs pillage of Akkad, Hezekiah, 'him, like a caged bird, within Jerusalem, or Northern Babylonia. Bl-ibnl was called away to his capital, I shut in, forts against him I raised, and I Xssyria. It was probably during Sennacherib's absence repulsed whoever came out of his city gate and tore it in the West that Bel-ibnl became disgraced. ASur- up' ; but there is no mention of capture. The captured nadin-5uni was acknowledged king in Babylon according cities were annexed to the dominions of Metinti of to all sources ; but the Kings' List assigns him to the Ashdod, Padi of Ekron, and Silli-bC1 of Gaza. What dynastyof Habigal. He reigned six years, 699-693 B.C. caused Sennacherib to leave Judah we are not told : but Sennacherib owed Elam a grudge for supporting it is nearly certain that troubles in Babylon were again Merodach-baladan against him. In his second cam- pressing. The army left behind under the Tartan and paign, as he calls it, before September 702 B.C., when Rabshakeh would be well able to carry on a siege ; but the Bellino Cylinder is dated, he marched an army Hezekiah would not push matters to the point of stand- towards Elani. The KaHB, who had once furnished ing a long siege. He did submit, as is evident from the ruling dynasty of Babylonia, about 1725-1155B.C., the tribute which, Sennacherib says, was sent after him and a neighbouring tribe, the Iasubigalli, on the borders to Nineveh. It amounted to 30 talents of gold, 800 of Babylonia and Elam, who had never been subjected talents of silver, and an enormous amount of precious to Assyrian rule, were now ravaged. The neighbouring stones and palace furniture,besides Hezekiah's daughters, kingdom of Ellipi. once subject to Sargon, was also his eunuchs, musicians, etc. Sennacheribs account of pillaged. As in Sargon's case, some distant tribes of the submission seems to imply that it was the IJrbi, the Medes sent presents. Sennacherib boasts that his Arabs whom Hezekiah had received into the city to predecessors had not even heard the names of these strengthen it, who really gave in, and so forced the peoples. But although Ekm was threatened, it does king to submit. They may have been a garrison from not seem that Sennacherib made any direct attack this Melukha. These events are recorded on Cylinder B, time. His hands were soon full in another quarter. which is dated in the Eponymy of Mitunn, 700 B.C. How long the West had been in rebellion does not That the account is complete no one can pretend. It appear ; but Sennacherib calls the campaign in which makes no mention of Lachish, although the celebrated he proceeded to bring the West to submission his third. scene of Sennacherib receiving the submission of that This is ascribed by general consent to 701 B.C. Bel- city shows the great importance attached by him to its ibni was settled in Babylon, and Sennacherib was free capture. Whether Lachish was one of the forty-six to attend to the West at that time; but we have no great fortresses, or not, it seems probable, as it was explicit statement of date from cuneiform sources. The only IO m. or so from Eltekeh, that it was captured in first move was against Tyre. Eululaeus, whom Senna- this expedition. cherib calls Lull king of Sidon, according to Menander, What was the exact nature of Bel-ibnl's fault we do as quoted by Josephus, had gone to Citium in Cyprus not know ; but Merodach-baladan's activity in the Sea- to establish his authority. He was thus committing a land and the unrest of Marduk-uWih in Chaldaea technical act of war against Sennacherib. The latter caused Sennacherib to attack the southern portion of 4363 4364 SENNACHERIB SENNACHERIB Babylonia. His principal enemies fled. Merodach- tured Sippara, slew its people, defeated ASur-nLdin-Hum baladan, with his gods, escaped by ship to Nagitu on and carried him captive to Elam. whence he seems the Elamite coast of the Persian Gulf; but his brothers never to have returned. The king of Elam then set and the rest of his people, whom he had left in Blt Nergal-uSCzib on the throne of Babylon. N&gal-uS&zib Yakin, were taken captives. Sennacherib added 15,000 at once set to work, evidently assisted by Elamite troops, bowmen and 15,000 pikemen from these countries to to occupy the country in Sennacheribs rear. In Tam- his army. This was in 700 B.C. Sennacherib calls it muz he occupied Nippur. He attacked Erech and his ‘ fourth campaign.‘ pillaged its gods and people. His Elamite allies carried Sennacherib now seems to have considered his empire off the gods and people. This was on the first of thoroughly subdued, for he embarked on a fancy ex- TeSrftu ; but on the seventh he met the victorious army pedition, what he himself calls his fifth of Sennacherib returning from the S. and was defeated, 3. Other It can have brought little captured, and carried off to Assyria, after a reign of a campaigns. campaign. profit, but he dwells upon it with evident year and six months. This was in 693 B.C. At the pride and delight. Some of the mountain districts of end of this year HalluSu of Elam was killed in a revoln- Cilicia, peopled by the Tamurru, &mu, Ezama, KipSu, tion and was succeeded by Kudur-nahundi. Senna- Halbuda. Kaa, Kana, dwelling in cities perched like cherib is silent as to the troubles in Babylonia and the birds’ nests on Mount Nipur, ‘ were not submissive to fate of ASur-nLdin-Sum. But he appends to the account my yoke.’ So, pitching his camp at the foot of Mount of the sixth expedition the statement that on his return Nipur, with his bodyguards and picked warriors he scaled he defeated and captured hub. son of Gaul, who had the mountain peaks, leading the attack in person, ‘ like a seated himself on the throne of Babylon. Hc ascribes mighty bull.’ He goes on to describe the hardships of this revolution to the Babylonians, who had fled with this raid in a way that shows his own love of fight- Merodach-baladan to Elam, and had returned thence ing. Then he turned to Manla, king of Ukki, at to Babylon. Sennacherib then sent an army against the Mount Anara and Uppa; then against parts of the Elamite auxiliaries while he apparently pursued his Cilicia, Tulgarimmu, and the borders of Tabal. Every- way to Assyria. His army defeated that of Elam and where he succeeded, pillaged, burnt, and destroyed. slew the king of Elam’s son. This seems to have been in 699 B.C. Although there It was clear that Sennacherib could not pass over seems to have been small value in this move, Berossus such conduct as Elam had shown. In his ‘seventh seems to have known of Sennacherib‘s war in Cilicia campaign,’ Sennacherib raided the land. He claims and ascribes to him the foundation of Tarsus. to have captured thirty-four fortified cities and an end- In his sixth campaign Sennacherib struck out a com- less number of smaller towns, ‘ the smoke of their pletely new plan. Merodach-baladan’s elusive tactics burning lay over the land like a cloud.’ But Kudur- had repeatedly foiled his enemy. He had taken to the naphundi would not meet the invader, who seems only ships, for which the Chaldaeans were famous, and escaped to have ravaged the lowlands. Sennacherib states that to Nagitu, whither Sennacherib could not follow. Now the king of Elam returned to Madaktu, a mountain Sennacherib determined to strike him even there. So fortress. Thither Sennacherib determined to follow and he set his captives from the Phcenician coasts, skilled root him out. Kudur-nahpundi abandoned Madaktu shipbuilders, to build ships at Nineveh. These he took and fled to Hidalu, a remote mountain fastness. Sen- down the Tigris to Opis, dragged them overland to the nacherib attacked Madaktu; but in the hills winter Ar&tu canal, and floated them on the Euphrates at came on so fast and the storms were so severe that he Bit Dakkari. He then embarked his bodyguards and could not press the assault, and returned to Nineveh. picked warriors, stocked the ships with provisions for Kudur-nahhundi did not survive more than three the men and fodder for the horses, and sent them down months, and was succeeded by a brother Umman- the river, while he marched beside them on land, as minanu, whom Sennaeherib regarded as a man without far as Bab Salimiti. The fleet stretched on the shore sense or prudence. of the river to the shore of the Gulf, ‘ two Kaspu.’ At Sennacherib with his plunder-laden army had passed the mouth of the river Sennacherib seems to have stayed Babylon by on his return from the S.. and though he behind. He sent on his fleet, however, and after five days had captured its king N&rgal-uS&zibat Nippur and and nights they reached a point where he caused sacri- driven the Elamites out of Babylonia, and subsequently fices to be offered to Ea, god of the ocean, and threw a raided Elam, he had not yet entered the capital. gold ship, a gold fish, and an aZZuuttu of gold into the Doubtless his first efforts had been directed to an sea. The landing at Nagitu was opposed and the shore attempt to-recover his son from Elam, and the place was difficult ; but at the mouth of the Ulai, where the was hateful to him. Now, when he would enter shore was practicable, a landing was effected and Babylon, he found that the inhabitants had made Sennacherib’s army swarmed out of the ships ‘like themselves a new king, MuSezib- Marduk, another locusts. ’ The Cha1d;eans were utterly routed, Nagitu, Chaldzan. He is credited with reigning four years- Nagitu Dihibina, Hilmu, Pillatu, Hupapanu, Elamite 692-88 B.C. Sennacherib calls him a felon who had cities, were captured. The gods of Bit Yakin that had fled from the prefect of Lahiri and had collected a been carried there, the people, with a number of Elam- band of murderers and robbers, and taken refuge in ites, and immense booty, were brought back to Senna- the marshes. When surrounded by Sennacherib before, cherib at BLb Salimiti. Sennacherib added to his army he managed to escape to Elam; but when he found 30,500 bowmen, 30,500 pikemen. The rest of the spoil there only danger and trouble, he had come back to he distributed among his warriors, Babylon and there found means to secure the throne. In this campaign Sennacherib had violated the terri- He broke open the treasure-house of Marduk’s temple tory of Elam. IStar-kundu of Elam had never crossed and sent a bribe to Uniman-minanu. The latter giving swords with Sennacherib since the defeat of his army no heed to the fate which Sennacherib had brought sent to support Merodach-baladan. Probably he was upon Elam in his last campaign, received the bribe and regarded by the more warlike spirits in Elam as pnsillani- assembled an immense army, drawn not only from Elam, mous. At any rate in 699 B.c. his brother HalluSu but also from many lands which had once acknowledged imprisoned him and took the rule in Elam. How long Assyrian power. It is interesting to note Parsua, Anzan Sennacherib was occupied over his preparations for the (afterwards the land of Cyrus). Ellipi, Lairu, Pukudu, extirpation of Merodach-baladan is not clear ; but it Gambulu ; also Samuna, son of Merodach-baladan. was in 693 B.C. that he pillaged Nagitu, Hilmu, Pillatu, The forces reached Babylon and effected a junction with and Hupapanu. This invasion was at once revenged MuS&zib-Mardnk. It was the greatest coalition that by HalluSu. While Sennacherib was triumphing in the had yet faced Sennacherib. In his eighth campaign he S., the king of Elam made a raid into Babylonia, cap- met them at Halul@ on the Tigris, and the chronicler 436s 4366 SENNAGHERIB SENNAGHERIB waxes eloquent over the immense array that faced the the cuneiform record, is obvious. That portion con- Assyrian army. They were ’like a great swarm’ of sists of barely four verses (2 K. 18136 [from n$y]-16), locusts. ‘ The dust of their feet was like a heavy storm and probably comes from the royal annals of Judah. cloud which spreads over the wide heaven about to It states (so too Is. 3616) that Sennacherib took break in downpour.’ The account of the battle given ‘ all ’ the fortified cities of Judah (Sennacherib himself by Sennacherib is a masterpiece of description, but too says forty-six), and exacted a heavy tribute from Heze- long to quote. He claims to have defeated his enemies kiah as the price of forgiveness; two points of differ- with tremendous slaughter and terrible butchery. The ence in the respective accounts, ( I) as to the amount of Babylonian Chronicle, however, claims the victory for the tribute.l and (z) as to the place to which the Elam. At any rate Sennacherib returned to Nineveh for tribute was sent (Lachish? Nineveh?), need not be a time. It is not clear in which year the battle occurred ; dwelt upon. The second and the third portion (Le., perhaps it was in 691 B.C. In 689 B.C. (Nisan the rgth), 18 17-19ga and 363 19g6-35), however, contain several Urnman-minilnu had a stroke of paralysis and lost his statements which are unconfirmed by Sennacherib. speech. Sennacherib seized the opportunity to attack Thus (I) in z K. 199 (Is. 379)--i.e., in the second Babylon, which was without Elamite assistance. On narrative-we are told that Tirhakah took the field the first of Kislimu the city was taken, MuSezib- against Sennacherib, and it is implied that this stood Marduk was carried away captive to Xssyria, hfarduk in close relation to the withdrawal of Sennacherib from himself was taken to ASur. Babylon was sacked, Palestine. (2) 2 K. 1935 (Is. 3736) tells us that 185,000 its walls razed to the ground, the greater portion men in the Assyrian army were destroyed in one night of the houses burnt, its inhabitants driven out, or de- by pestilence-the explanation which the third narrative ported, and the waters of the Euphrates turned over gives of the failure of Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah. the site. For eight years the Babylonian Chronicle and (3) z K. 198 (Is. 37.8) speaks of Sennacherib as engaged Ptolemy’s Canon write the city down as ‘ kingless.‘ in the siege of Libnah when the news respecting Tir- Some time after this Sennacherib made an expedition hakah reached him-ie., the third narrative gives the to Arabia. This we learn from a notice by Esarhaddon. prominence to Libnah which the first and the second (see Adumd was captured and the gods carried off to Assyria. 2 K. 18 14 17 Is. 362)give to Lachish. The first and the Winckler sees in this an excuse for postulating a second second of these statements are commonly supposed to expedition of Sennacherib to the W., at any rate to be confirmed by the legend in Herod.2141, that when Arabia and Egypt. Several fragmentary inscriptions ZavaXdptpos, king of the Arabians and Assyrians, have been published which are consistent with the invaded Egypt and besieged Pelusium in the days of supposition that there is a cylinder at least partly pre- the pious king Sethas, field-mice gnawed the quivers served, which narrated events occurring after 688 B.C. and shield-handles of the invaders, who precipitately There is no means, however, of dating the events until fled. Even Winckler and PraHek accept this view, and the remaining historical inscriptions are published. The they find in the passage of Herodotus a support for reference to Xzekah, noted by Homniel, may belong to their theory (which is accepted by Guthe [Cesch. 2051 the reign of Sargon. No convincing evidence from and Benzinger) that Sennacherib made a second expedi- cuneiform sources is available to support a second tion to S. Palestine and NW. Arabia (in the course of expedition of Sennacherib to the W. All sources are which he actually besieged Jerusalem) some time between silent as to the last eight years of his reign. 690 and 681, which is referred to in the third narrative. Sennacherib was the maker of NINEVEH(4.v.). whilst the second narrative relates to the expedition of His inscriptions are very full on the subject of his 701,in the course of which Jerusalem was onlyblockaded, 4. Other great buildings there. Some think that it not besieged. was with a view to make Nineveh supreme We shall do well in considering this theory to put details. that he humbled Babylon so completely; aside altogether the material in the second and the third but the trouble it had given him and the memory of Hebrew narrative, for a close examination of them his son amply account for his policy. clearly shows that they are paxallel. The two narra- Besides ASur-&din-Sum, king of Babylon, 699-693 tives are no doubt inconsistent in some respects ; but B.c., doubtless Sennacherib’s eldest son, we know of a upon the whole they interlace and are mutually comple- son Ardi-Bilit, crown prince in Nineveh, in 694 8.c. ; mentary. All depends, therefore, on the justice of the ASur-Sum-ugabS, a son for whom Senoacherib built a inference drawn from Herod. 2 141. PraSek conceives palace at Scherif Khan ; Nergal-Sum-(usur?), named in himself to have shown that the SPthds of Herodotus is 693 B. c. ; Sar-efir-ASur, whom Wiuckler wowmake the no other than Tirhakah. That Egypt was a member Sharezer of z K. 1937 ; and ESARHADDON (g.~.),who of the coalition against Sennacherib is shown by the succeeded him. The mother of Esarhaddon seems to presence of ‘kings of Egypt’ at the battle of Altaku have borne the names ZakQtu and Nakla. For an (Schr. KA TCa)302J ), and the designation of Zava- account of a jewel belonging to this queen, see Scheil, xdp~posas ‘king of the AraBiuns and Assyrians’ is Rec. des Trav., and see the article ESARHADDON for thought to be a record of the fact (?) that after his her rBle as regent in Assyria. Her sister was called successes against the NW. Arabian tribes Sennacherib Abirami. Sennacherib also left a daughter called assumed the title of ‘ king of Arabia’ ; lastly, the Matt&. mouse is said to be the symbol of pestilence. The Sennacherib was murdered by his son, according to objection is threefold. (I) As Winckler has shown, it the Babylonian Chronicle, and the Canon Lists, on the was the kings of Mu+ (m!~),not of Egypt (o:ifp), 20th of ’TebCtu, 682 B.C. On the biblical account of who fought at Altaku; (2) We have no occasion to the murder, see ADRAMMELECH, SHAREZER, and assume that ‘ Sethos ’ is written in error for ‘ Tirhakah ’ ; NISROCH. C. H. W. J. and (3)there is no trustworthy evidence that a mouse is With regard to the history of the relations between the symbol of pestilence (see HEZEKIAH,5 2, col. Sennacherib and the kingdom of Judah, th-re is much 2059). The second of these criticisms may need some ~.Relations difference of opinion. The chief pods explanation. The reason why scholars equate Sethos with Judah. in dispute are (I) whether the Hebrew with Tirhakah is simply that Herodotus gives his narratives, except where they coincide Arabian and Assyrian king the name of Zavaxdpcpos. with the cuneiform record, can be used at all for But how if Herodotus or his informant has made a historical purposes, and (2)whether these narratives, if confusion? And how if the king of Egypt really in- based upon facts, relate to one period, or to two, in the reign of Sennacherib. That the first of the three 1 See Winckler in KAT@)342. portions, into which Stade and his successors have 9 cpin& rs. Z2 ff nnalysed the Hebrew record, agrees in the main with 8 Furschungen Bur Gesch. 8cs A It. 2 TI-21. 4367 4368 SENUAH SEPHARAD tended was Seti (the natural equivalent of Sethos)? As SEPHaR (PD; CWC$HPA [AEL]) is mentioned Brugsch relates : ’- in Gen. 1030 as one of the boundaries of the territory ‘The wars of Seti towards the E. began in the first year of of the sons of Joktan. It has not been identitied with his reign. The scene of them was the districts and the fortresses on the“ territory of the Shasu, or Bedouin, “from the fortress certainty. The usual identification-a very appropriate Khetam, in the land of Zalu, to the place Kan’ana.” . . . The one-is with the [email protected]@ap of Ptolemy, Pliny, and fortress Kan’ana was stormed by Seti and his warriors, and so the Periphus (i.e., the ancient Himyarite capital Zafar) ; Pharaoh became the lord of the entire Edomite Negeb.’ this again is held by Karl Ritter, Gesenius, etc.. to be The name of the Shasu chief is not given us. It is the same with the seaport of Hadramaut, near Mirbat, not unreasonable to suppose that the popular tradition the name being now pronounced Z;f& or /fir. The caught up by Herodotus spoke of ‘ the chieftain of the possibility of this may be granted ; but it is still uncertain Arabian Shasu,’ and that this became to Herodotus‘ (see Di. Gen.16J,201 ; Del. Gen. [1887], 228). ‘The ears, ‘[Sennacherib] the king of the Arabians and mountain of the East’ is too general an expression to Assyrians.’ give precision to the undefined geographical terms of The result, so far attained, is that the only historical this verse. [On the textual criticism and the meaning accounts of the campaign of Sennacherib against Judah of Gen. 1030 see further GOLD, I (c), PARVAIM.] and its capital are to be found in the cuneiform inscrip- [See also Ritter Errlkunde 14372’ Tuch Gen.(’4 212; tions of Sennacherib and in the short extract from the Sprenger, Alte Geoir. won Arad>en, 185 f Glase; SKizze, 2 437; Annals of Judah (zK. 18 136.16). But how is the rest Bent, Sorrtkrn Aradia (~gm)‘A. H. Keane Tke Gold of Oflhir, 70. From Prof. Keane ’we quote the fhowing lines ; of the Hebrew narrative to be accounted for 1 We are his work only appeared as the article OPHIRwas passing- through not bound to answer the question here at length ; but the press. ‘Dhofar [=Zafar], as Bent tells us, forms a sort of some suggestions must be given. According to Mnrti oasis, an extremely rich alluvial plain, extending some sixty z59), the subject of the deliverance of Jerusalem miles along the coast a little to the W. of the Kuria Muria (Yes. islands, and cut off by the Gara range from the sandy wastes of from Sennacherib attracted imaginative and didactic Hadramout. Here still flourish both the m rrh and the frank- writers. This, indeed, is about all that we could incense shrub, which have constituted the c&ef industry of the venture to say, as the text of the Hebrew narrative now inhabitants for thousands of years. . . . The harbour of Rloscha, now nearly blocked by a sandbank, is still deep, and extends stands. But it is not all that we can say, if we give due jnland about a mile and a half, and there are many ruins about %-eight to critical considerations. We must not ex- It. Here we have the Porfus Nonilis of the PerzjVus’ (70J). aggerate the imaginativeness of later Hebrew writers, Bere Prof. Keane would place ‘the elusive Ophir. Moscha was in fact the port of Ophir which itself stood a little inland but rather dig deep down for the fragments of genuine round about the head of the’inlet, which Bent tells us is sur: tradition in their works. This is by no means a hopeless rounded by many ruins and was reached “from Mesha as thou task because we know that the two powers constantly goest into Sephar”‘ (82).] E. R.-T. K. C. present to the minds of the peoples of Israel and of (l>QD, in pause for [BDB]? Judah were N. Arabia and Assyria; the works of the SEPHARAD 171D prophets of the ‘ Assyrian age ‘ prove this conclusively. EC$pAB& [BHA], CC$p&A [Q*nia’B‘r ’19 c&C$&p&A We have, therefore, something to direct and restrain us [Q“]; Vg. [in] Bosphoro, as if the prefixed 3 were in our application of text-critical methods. Now in radical). If the text is right, a place or country in the account of the national extinction of Judah two which Jewish captives from Jerusalem resided when invasions appear to be combined, an Assyrian and a N. Obad. 15-21 was written (Obad. 20). That Sepharad Arabian. This leads us to suppose that such may have (or Sepharecl?) is not Spain’ (Tg. Jon. Pesh.), nor been the case in 2 K. 18 13-19 37. The king who invaded sip=, or some other Babylonian city (Schr. KAnV Judah may have been a king of Melubba-the same who 285 ; cp von der Hardt, De S@p/raraBubyhzie! [1708]) sent troops to fight against Sennacherib at Altaku,- need not now be shown. Schrader in KATW 445J and the Cush, whose king interfered with the invader’s identifies it with Saparda, a region in SW Media progress, may have been the N. Arabian Cush (friendly towards Babylonia mentioned by Sargon (cp KGF to Judah?). The names Sennacherib and Tirhakah 116-119). This view is also accepted as most probable may be explained on the analogy of the erroneous by Fried. Delitzsch (Pur. 249) and G. A. Smith Zaua~hpt~orof Herodotus. ( TwehPr@hets, 2 176) ; it harnionises with the theory The pestilence, if at all historical may have attacked the N. that w. 10(15)-21 are to be referred to the time of the Arabian army. ‘ Nineveh,’ as in kome other passages, may ‘ Babylonian exile.’2 But it is also possible to identify have come from ‘ erahmeel,’ Nisroch ’ from ‘ Nimrod ’ ‘ Adram- pelech’ from ‘Jrahmeel,’ and ‘Ararat’ (as in Ged. 84) from Sepharad with Cparda, a province of the Persian empire Aram ‘-i.e. ‘ Jerabmeel.’ The object of the Assburite or N. mentioned in two inscriptions of Darius between Arabian invahn would be to form one strong united empire in Cappadocia and Ionia, and in a third (Behistun) at the opposition to Assyria. It may be added that the much-disputed head of the list of provinces. immediately before Ionia.3 and badly transmitted prophecy in Is. 22 1-14 refers most prob- ably, not to an Assyrian, but to an Asshurite sie e of the Judahite In the Seleucidan chronicles from Babylonia this name ca ita1 (see VISION, VALLEY OF, and Crit. Sij). is applied to Asia Minor as a whole. According to ft may be urged in objection to these conclusions that fresh Winckler. the origin of the Jewish captivity of Asia inscriptions of Sennacherib are not past hoping for. That is true; but these inscriptions will not supersede the Hebrew Minor is to be referred to 168 B.C. (Antiochus traditions. To attempt to write the history of the Israelites Epiphanes) : if, however, the tradition of a captivity simply on the basis of the uncriticised Hebrew texts and the un. under Artaxerxes Ochus is historical, this period will criticised Assyrian inscriptions would be a very grave mistake. naturally deserve the preference. W. R. Smith remarks,* G. Smith’s History of Sennackerilgives the chief events with the original texts. For additional small items of information ‘ Lydia was a great slave-market, and Asia Minor was see the Histories of Assyria, especially a chief seat of the Diaspora at an early date (cp 6. Literature. Winckler’s GBA, R. W. Rogers’ History Gutschmid, “Vue Be&. 77).’ Babylonia Assyria, Winckler’s AOF, of and The text of Obad. 20, however, is very far from trustworthy $‘~ssiiiz,and Assyrian Deeds and Docrrmenfs,passim. and the context does not favour the view that any distant plad C.H.W.J.,§§1-4,6;T.K.C.,§5. of captivity or indeed (see OBADIAH, I 5) any place of captivity at all is referred to. We expect some part of the Negeb to be SENUAH (ne!3D), Neh. g ; in 33 HASSENAAH. I1 mentioned. It is not too bold to take ii~~as a dittographed SEORIM (D*?@), the name borne by one of the n31.1.5 This is confirmed by B’s reading r4paOa (so the AI. (post-exilic) priestly courses: I Ch. 248 (CE~~EIM 1 From Sepharad thus explained comes Sepbardim, the name [BLIP -PIN [AI). of the Jews of Spanibb origin. a Knudtzon (Ass. Ge6efe. nos. 8 11, 30) has also found a SEPARATION. On the water of separation (’g Sa arda, NE. from Nineveh, s oke)n of in Esarhaddon’s time. nyl), RVmg. ‘water of impurity,’ Nu. 1998,see LEAN SO Sib. de Sacy, Pusey, d R. Smith (see col. 3454), Saycc C (Cn’t. Mon. 483), Cheyne (Foundtrs, 312 ), Wi. AOF243o. AND UNCLEAN, 17. Lassen even connected the name Sardis witiqparda. On the separation of the Nazirite see NAZIRITE. 4 EB(8,art. ‘ Obadiah.’ 6 Cp CnY. Bi6. on Ezek. 27 14 (pim). That ‘0 in Obad. is 1 Gesck. A&.vjt~rrr, 458.460; cp EGYPT,$57. corrupt is recognised by Wellhausen and Nowack. 4369 4370 SEPHARVAIM SERAH versiou). ‘ Zarephathites’ was a synonym for ‘Jerahmeelites.’ D:)I 150 (or ma),Sipar (or, Sippar) -maiml--i.e., ‘Sipar See OBADIAH, g- 5 end, n. I. C. -. T. K. on the stream.’ Cp the phrase ‘ the stream of Sipar,’ SEPHARVAIM (QD? ; variously C~IT@A~SIM, a title of the Euphrates (W 1 [1887], p. 267). -IN, -€IN, -OY&IM, -oyai~,OYMAIN [2 K. 1834, B], There is, however, a threefold difficulty in the above OT -OYN, CE@@A~OY&IM~-0yt.i~~ -OYN, explanation of ‘ Sepharvaim ’ in z K. 1724. (I) The 3. Annals of ASur-bani-pal do not affirm references. €ITl@&pOyAlMn, SIT@. I SI?@&p€Nl~ Objectione €M@APINC€IT@ApOy€M)9 whence the that the king transplanted people from to current Babylon, Kutu (Cuth&), and Sipar. gentilic Sepharvitee (P’!lgPi?, 2 K. 1731a, Kt. in theories. D. 31b P’mb). The references to a place, or places, but only that he commanded that they called ‘Sepharvaim’ are in 2 K.1724 (cp 31), 1834 should remain alive, and caused them to dwell in ( =Is. 36 ~g),19 13 ( =Is. 3713). Taking the passages Babylon. ’ (2) The god specially worshipped at Sipar as they stand, in contexts relating to the political was neither ‘ Adraninielech ‘ nor ‘ Anammelech ’ but intercourse between Assyria and israel or Judah, we Sam&. On the other hand, it is equally true that may venture to explain them provisionally as follows, Sargon, who as a fact brought captive populations to reserving our own judgment to the end. Samaria (KB243 2. 20; cp SAMARIA), did not and I. The passage z K. 18326-35 (Is. %18-20), which is could not includeany captives fromBabylon, Sepharvaim, plainly an interpolation (see Marti, and cp Znfr. Is. z18), etc., for the excellent reason that he made none there.3 seems to be based on z K. 1913 (Is. 3713), which may And (3) the theory in question requires us to suppose refer to the Syrian city called in the Babylonian Chronicle that Avva and Hamath have been introduced into 2 K. gabarain, which was destroyed by Shalmaneser IV. 17 qfrom18 34 by RD,~which is a complicated procedure. (see SIBRAIM). The question of Sepharvaim is therefore no simple 2. The Sepharvaim of 2 K. 172431 (in which passages one. At present there is’ no current theory which captives of war appear to be referred to), however, is e Textual satisfies the conditions of the problem. There is a strong a priori objection to more plausibly identified’ with Sipar, or Sippar, the criticism. city of SamaS the sun-god (Ztr+apa, Ptol. 5 18; distinguishing the Sepharvaim of z K. Zirrrapvv&v rbhis, Abyden. up. Eus. Prep. Ev.941), 1913 and 1834 (with the parallels in Is.) from that of famous from its association with the Deluge-story as 2 K. 1j 24 31, and there are three considerable difficulties given by Berossus, and regarded as one of the mabazi in this course, two suggested by Assyriology and one by rabdti, or ‘great capitals.’a This place was one of literary criticism. Let us, then, approach the subject, the three cities which maintained the great Babylonian bearing in mind the gradually accumulating evidence revolt aRainst Ah-bani-pal the loneest. It was on the for the apparently destructive but in reality conservative - I a. Assyriologicd left or eastern bank of the Euphrates ; theory that many passages both of the narrative and of the prophetic books have been recast, and provided evidence’ the site was identified with the mounds of Abu Habba. about 16 m. with a new historical and geographical setting. It is SE. of BaghdZd, by the explore; H. kassam, who by no means an impossible view that the passages in found here a large stone with a representation of the Kings and Isaiah here referred to have been recast by shrine of SamaS and short inscriptions, dating from the an editor to suit his own theory of the course of later time of king Nabu-abla-iddina (about 800 R.c.). The Israelitish history (see SENNACHERIB, § 5). This view builder of the temple was Naram-sin (about 3750 B.c.), implies that the names of the cities mentioned there whose original inscription was found by Nabu-na’id have come out of somewhat similar names of places on (about 490 B.c.), one of the royal restorers of the the N. Arabian border of Palestine. Sepharvaim, like Rezeph in 2 K. 19 12 (Is. 5712). will then be sanctuary. The temple was held in high honour ; one a distortion of Sarephath, one of the most important places in of the most constant titles of SamaS was, ‘the great that region (see ZAREPHATH),or rather the final letters 0.1 (MT lord, dwelling in fi-bara, which is within Sipar’ D;!, uapk)are, together with (MT l$, ‘to, or of, the (Pinches, TSBA 86 164fi). But there was also a city’), p>n (MT Y!?, ‘Hena’?), and possibly 7191 (MT, 7JW, second divinity, called Anunit, who was specially ‘and Ivvah’?), representatives of $xom* Uerahmeel). !t is worshipped at Sipar. In the Synchronous History noteworthy that the god worshipped by the ’Sepharv~tes (218-21), Durkurigalzu is said to have conquered Sipar receives the double name ail^ and ?$my (2 K. 1751). In of SamaS and Sipar of Anunitu (KBl~gg;Sayce, the latter form 3 has displaced 1 (cp yi>p and 13~);probably TSBA 2131) ; the Anunitu referred to was the consort the best intermediate reading is ~$~i~,the original of which is of the sun-god. We must not, however, use this surely $pmni* Uer?l)mFel).S The rite of sacrificing children statement to confirm Schrader’s (very natural) explana- was apparently drstlnctrve of some famous sanctuary in Jerah- meel (see MORIAH,and cp Cd.Bib. on Gen. 222 Jer. 2 34 11 15). tion of ANAMMELECH (z K. 1731) as =Anu-malku, The other passages which have to be considered in this for if Anu (the heaven-god) were designated ‘king’ connection are Ezra48-ro(see SHUSHANCHITES)and Is. 109 (see in Assyria, the word used would not be malku (‘ prince ’) Crit. 172.). See also REZEPH. but farm. See especially Winckler, Alf. Unl. roo-103; and cp Cheyne, Ex#. T,1898, P. 428f: T. K. C. Dr. W. H. Ward (PYOC.Am. Or. Soc., 1885, pp. 29J) thought that he had found the site of a double city of BEPEELA (ce+~ha[AKC.aC.bl, c. ITEAINH kN*Vl, I See Spar (Sepharvaim, dual?) at the mod. el-Anbar, a few Vg. Sephela), Macc. 12 38, RV ‘ plain country. miles from Sufeira, WNW. of BaghdM, where, from SHEPHELAH ; also JIJDEA, col. 2617. the appearance of the ruins, it is evident that a canal SEPTUAGINT. See TEXT A~ERSIONS,$5 46-55. was conducted from the Euphrates into the heart of the SEPULCHRE (PP, Gen. 236 etc. ; MNHMBION, ciry. Dr. Ward found there a small tablet on which Mk. 1546 etc.). See TOMB, RESURRECTION. three or four Sipars were mentioned, and he supposed SERAH in pause AV SARAH in NU. ’Anbar to represent at once Spar Sa Anuniturn and (nfp, nfD, Agan6 (Peters, i\iipPur, 1 176 355 [Dr. Ward‘s diary]). 2646 ; cap& [L]), daughter of ASHER [q.~.,§ 41 ; If so, Sipar Sa Anunitum was a more considerable city Gen. 4617 (caap [A], cappa [Ol), Nu. 2646 (KAPA than Sipar of SamaS (Abu Habba). But we can hardly [B v. 30 capa ; BabAF])=l Ch. 730 (cope [B], CAPN admit that the duality of the city which lies under the CAI, -Ah PI). mound of el-Anbar is made out. Most probably the 1 Cp @E 2 K. 18 34 crrmprrpovpcrv. form Sepharvaim is erroneous. Either the editor con- 2 KB 2 1;3 (foot) : .‘p Ki. Kdn. 276. 3 See Wi. Alt. KJnz‘. 99. founded ‘ Sipar ’ with the ’ Sepharvaim ’ of 2 K. 19 ‘3, 4 Ibid. xorf: or, as Haupt proposes, we should restore the reading 5 The most plausible alternative original is Marduk ’ or ‘ Merodach’ (cp NISROCH).This is favouredxy Nergal’ in 1 Eg., by Wi. Alt. Unl. 101 : Bcnzinger, KHC, Kdn. 175. the =me list. But it mmst perhaps be owned that ‘Nergqh‘ is a See Wi. AOF2520. only il little less doubtful than ADRAMMELECH ty.ri.1. 4371 4372