FILOZOFICKÁ FAKULTA MASARYKOVY UNIVERZITY
ÚSTAV JAZYKOVĚDY A BALTISTIKY
Roman Sukač
Topics in the Reconstruction and Development of Indo European, Balto Slavic and Proto Slavic Prosodic Patterns (Morphonological Analysis)
PhD. Thesis
Brno 2010
Dissertation Advisor: Prof. RNDr. Václav Blažek, CSc.
Prohlašuji, že jsem disertační práci vypracoval samostatně s použitím literatury uvedené v bibliografii.
Opava, 8.4.2010. Roman Sukač
2 Foreword Some occasions are unforgettable and people can view them as a sign of fate, no matter how empirical and rational persons they are. That last August day in 2006, which was sunny and pleasant, I was strolling along a busy Copenhagen street full of cars but almost empty of real people. The day before I came to my first international conference and wanted to spend a day with sightseeing and enjoying the capital of Denmark. It was late in the afternoon and I was really tired because I was going on foot almost without a break. I had blisters because my boots were very unsuitable for such a sport. But I wanted to see the Copenhagen harbour so I was slowly trudging along that busy avenue eager to see big ships which I last saw some twenty years ago at the North Germany coast. On that noisy street full of cars in both directions there was only one man. Leaning against the wall, dressed in a grey coat, the older man with grey beard and glasses was reading a booklet. I spotted him just when I was passing about. Two or three steps later I suddenly stopped because it struck me that although I had never met that man, I knew him from a photograph. I turned back, came to the man and asked him: "Excuse me, sir, aren't you professor Kortlandt"? It seemed a miracle to me that in the unknown town full of unknown people, in the street where there was nobody but me, I met a the Kortlandt the Great, whose puzzling but fascinating papers introduced me to the mystery of Balto Slavic accentology more than 7 years ago. That time I could not know that two years later I would spend hours in Leiden with Kortlandt discussing his views on accentology and that in 2009 Kortlandt would be in Opava on the conference which I organised. I do not believe in fate but God sometimes play such strange tricks for us to believe that fate exists. I consider my dissertation as the second step in my approach to Balto Slavic accentology. The first basic level was my master thesis 1 where I concentrated on the history of accentological thinking (mainly in Czech territory but I also wrote on Stang's, MAS 2 and Kortlandt's contribution). My dissertation broadens the ideas that I developed in my Master thesis. I dealt more with the history of accentological thinking, especially post Stang development. The second part of dissertation deals with some specific topics of the history of Balto Slavic accentuation accentual laws and the problem of the distribution of quantity in Czech. All those phenomena have been heavily dealt with scholars. However, final solutions are problematic and there are many conflicting result from different authors. I present the problem in a very detailed way
1 Vývoj názorů na původní přízvuk podstatných jmen v jazycích slovanských. Opava 2003. 2 Moscow accentological school.
3 and try to be explain those accentological topic in the frame of Optimality Theory which I consider one of the excellent and progressive tool of contemporary linguistic thinking. I also consider the third and maybe final level of my scientific interest in Balto Slavic accentology which should be a general introduction to the problem and covering all contemporary approaches. Nothing like that has ever been done and I would like to fill the gap in future years. During my study I received help from a number of people. I wish to thank my supervisor Václav Blažek for allowing me to come with some revolutionary ideas of combining modern phonology and classical comparative approaches. A great experience for me was a half a year stay at Lehrstuhl für Indogermanistik in Jena, where Rosemarie Lühr showed me that a classical "Indogermanistik" can be combined with Optimality Theory. The same confirmation of "my way" was the excellent Master thesis and further internet discussions with Melissa Frazier (North Carolina). A special pleasure for me was my October 2008 stay in Leiden where I had a great opportunity to discuss things with Frederik Kortlandt who devoted many hours of his time to me. I am very grateful to him. Peter Kosta from Potsdam was eager to listen to my ideas and wholeheartily allowed me to spend some time in that beautiful town to do my research. Extremely important for getting deep into accentological stream were my regular participations at IWoBA (International Workshop on Balto Slavic accentology). Although I missed IWoBA 1 in Zagreb 2005, in further sessions in Copenhagen 2006, Leiden 2007, Scheibbs 2008 I met the big names of accentology and it was a pleasure for me to discuss with them. Among others I extremely enjoyed the company of the modern accentology founding father Vladimir A. Dybo in Copenhagen and especially the appearance of Paul Garde in Scheibbs, whose cordial behaviour and the extreme intelectual power turned me back to reading his brilliant works. It was an honor to me to organise IWoBA 5 in Opava, where I could meet and enjoy the company of Jay Jasanoff, Steve Young, Rick Derksen and Heiner Eichner, Joe Schallert and Bonifacas Stundžia. I would like to thank to all my scientific colleagues for sharing their knowledge and critical remarks with me, especially Alexey Andronov (Sankt Petersburg), Alexandra Ter Avanesova (Moscow), Anna Daugaviet (Sankt Petersburg), Vladimir A. Dybo (Moscow), Ronald Feldstein (Indiana), Marc L. Greenberg (Kansas), Yuri Kleiner (Sankt Petersburg), Frederik Kortlandt (Leiden), Peter Kosta (Potsdam), Orsat Ligorio (Zagreb), Tijmen Pronk (Leiden), Tobias Scheer (Nice) and Ondřej Šefčík (Brno).
4 Last but not least, I wish to express my thank to Eva Höflerová who allowed me to enjoy a freedom of a university job and Zbyněk Holub, whose enormous knowledge of dialects and interest in accentology joined us together and promoted a further fruitful cooperation, at least I hope. Also, many thanks to my "rhythmic" girlfriend Kateřina Káťa Katka whose intelectual background and our common cultural interests always inspired me in too many ways to be expressed. I devote the dissertation to my parents. I cannot say any more here for reasons that everybody must understand.
5 1. Aim and structure of the dissertation
1.1.1. 1.1.1. The title The subtitle of the dissertation is "morphonological analysis". The term has been first adduced by Trubetzkoy 1929a3 as a borderline branch between phonology and morphology. The morpheme variation like ablaut, connection of morphemes with accent and quantity, syllable structure can be put under a cover term "morphonology". In my opinon, the structuralist term morphonology can still be used although has been eliminated by SPE 4 and is being abandoned in modern approaches. 5 But the interface phonology morphology interface is still important for the description of the above mentioned phenomena, although ablaut or prosody has either been put into morphology (e.g. templatic and prosodic morphology) or into phonology (e.g. metrical phonology). Some historical linguists still find it useful to put ablaut, prosodic phenomena and morpheme structure constraints into morphonology, e.g. Szemerényi 1996, Clackson 2007. I would therefore stick to the traditional cover term for the accentual phenomena described in this dissertation although I use OT solution which does not work with morphonology anymore.
1. 2. Complexity of accentology and the need for the generalgeneral overview Indo European and Balto Slavic accentology is complex, as Kortland often emphasizes. Apart from the other branches of linguistics, accentology lacks modern and complex overview or a textbook. While each generation faces at least one compendium on Indo European linguistics, every decade a new massive compendium on phonology, morphology or syntax appears, accentology is still neglected. The last monography on IE accentology is Gercenberg 1981 whose accessibility is limited to non Russian speaking scholars. The most valuable part is the first chapter concerning history of IE accentology since Böhtlingk. Modern trends are mostly omitted. So the only information about accentology are introductory chapter is either more general compendia (Szemerényi 1996, Clackson 2007). The situation with Balto Slavic accentology is much puzzling. While historical linguists and Indo Europeanists basically have a background knowledge of the Indo European
3 TCLP 1: Prague 85 88, reprinted in Trubetzkoy, N.S.: Opera Slavica minora linguistica, Wien 1988, 231 234. 4 Chomsky, N.; Halle, M.: The Sound patterns on English., New York 1968. 5 Goldsmith 1995; de Lacy 2007.
6 accentology in general (but not in detail), the Balto Slavic accentology is taken as complex, difficult and hardly to understand. There are several reasons for such prejudice. First , might be difficult to follow the general trends and to distinguish individual schools. Such is the situation of Kuryłowicz and Stang: although both authors published their major works in late fifties, only Stang became a founding father of a further development in BS accentology. Second, different timeline research phases of scholars and schools are not distinguished. For example, the results of Moscow accentological school can broadly be divided into three periods: before 1990s, after 1990s and after 2000. The first part is dominated by Illič Svityč 1963/1979 monograph on nominal accentuation in Balto Slavic and its relationship to PIE and Dybo's book on the accentuation of derivates and principles of their accentuation (being itself a culmination of a number of his previous papers). Second period is characterised by the revision of some accentological themes which are not generally accepted by other scholars. The work is culminated by the unfinished project Osnovy slavjanskoj akcentologii (1990, 1993) and a half finished torzo by Dybo 2000. Third period in the new millenium is marked by the inactivity of Moscow group members on the one hand but by the enormous activity of Dybo on the other hand. So should a scholar starts to read Osnovy.. being persuaded by the title that the books provide the foundations of the subject, he or she will be discouraged because both the books provide the summary of the new ideas of the Moscow groups but those ideas remained hanging in the air. Accentological works must not be put into one mixed bag. So if a scholar deals with West Slavic accentuation, he or she must not put Bulachovskij, Kuryłowicz, Stang, Dybo, Garde, Kortlandt and Bethin into one paragraph and conclude that Balto Slavic accentology is complex. Third , limited accessibility of primary accentological works. For example, papers by Moscow school are generally unknown to scholars who are unable to read Russian. Moreover, the papers were sometimes published in local journals which were difficult to obtain for the non Russian community. So the Western scholars were acquainted by some ideas by the mediators. This is the example of Garde 1976 whose brilliant compendium written in French heavily backed on Illič Svityč and Dybo but his own modification of dominancy and recessivity was erroneously interpreted as Garde's own. Via Garde, the ideas were adopted by Halle and Kiparsky also in a distorted view and often with "their own inventions", like Basic accentual principle and due to the scientific authority of those scholars further spread among non specialists. So e.g. the situation resulted in the generally accepted fact that Kiparsky is the
7 author of dominancy and recessivity of morphemes and the similar mechanism was developed by Garde. Dominancy and recessivity found their way in various aspects of non linear phonology as well as OT without even mentioning the works of the real inventors. Fourth , the general prejudice against some authors and schools. This is the situation of Leiden school and Kortlandt. When Kortlandt published his 1975 Slavic accentuation claiming that the accentual patterns of Slavic can be explained by the preservation and loss of laryngeals up to the Charlemagne time, it was rejected as impossible. Together with the Kortlandt's glottalism the works of the Leiden group started to be viewed as a curiousity. Partially, the fault is on the Leiden and Kortlandt's side. There is no general introduction to Kortlandt's theories (apart from some Derksen's papers and a a part of his 1996 dissertation). Also, Kortlandt's papers are difficult to read and must be read in the context of his other papers. One paper is not enough. Fifth , the Indo European and Balto Slavic accentology is now characterised by groups or individuals which generally do not communicate. Indo Europeanists do not follow the trends in Balto Slavic accentology and vice versa, Slavist usually omit accentology as difficult and unclear, phonologists generally skip anything diachronic. If one wants to get some basic knowledge about Balto Slavic accentology, the situation is similar to the one for Indo European. The last monumental compendium is Garde 1976. There is no general overview of Kortlandt's theories (apart from the brief ones by Derksen in his own works). Bethin 1998 is not to be taken as an overview of trends. Lehfeldt's (2001) book is a useful introduction to the principles of Moscow accentology but the potential reader must be discouraged by the Appendix written by Vermeer. The Appendix is aimed as a sharp criticism of the Moscow modus operandi so the whole impression from the book is rather embarassing. Skljarenko 1998 who combines MAS and with his own interpretation remains almost unaccessible to a broader community because of the language barrier. Alternative accentological theories are dispersed in journals. Therefore, in my dissertation, I also try to present the general overview of Proto Indo European, Balto Slavic and Proto Slavic accentology and to adduce the main trends with my criticism. Although the original idea of the dissertation was to compare Moscow and Leiden schools with the simultaneous application of non linear accentology, I could not have known that the appearance of IWoBA and new important phonological works will confront me not only with the alternative theories but also with some new proposals and solutions but also with some distorted views and prejudices.
8 1.1.1.3.1. 3. Selected problems 6 My dissertation will be divided into two parts. The first one is the theoretical one, comprising the overview of the accentual patterns of selected Indo European languages, and the foundations of Proto Indo European, Balto Slavic and Proto Slavic accentology. Main results are discussed. From the theoretical part several problems appear to be interesting to solve: Concerning Proto Indo European accentology, the problem of PIE ablaut remains still puzzling and I offer my own solution of the ablaut in acrostatic nouns. Without the Proto Indo European prosodic state we cannot understand the later stage. Proto Indo European is also not a language system to which we can simply project the sum of prosodic features collected from the separate languages. Balto Slavic period is generally characterised by the rise of accentual mobility, Hirt's law and Winter's law. In separate chapter I try to argue that nouns entering the Hirt's law could continue their original PIE accentuation. I also present my own explanation of Hirt's law. The separate chapter on Winter's law presents my own interpretation of the mechanism. Because the similar syllable structures are responsible for Lachmann's law in Latin, I devote the analysis of the Lachmann's law a separate chapter, although Lachmann's law is connected with Latin. But the common feature of both laws is glottal stop and the similar syllabic structure. Combining the result of both laws, I formulate a Bifurcation hypothesis stating that the same structures with glottal stop give different results in Latin and Balto Slavic due to the different ranking of OT constraints. Proto Slavic period has recently faced to accentual problem, the mechanism of compensatory lengthening in West Slavic and the question of the origin of Czech quantity (historical or recent?) We cannot understand those processes without the Proto Slavic prosody and how it developed in separate languages. I devote two chapters to the both phenomena.
I argue that all the topics of my dissertation are interweaving. PIE state of accentuation is characterised by accent ablaut interdependance. PIE prosodic system is the outcome of Balto Slavic state where the problem of mobility and rise of acute occurs. Hirt's law describes the stress retraction to a root ending in laryngeal coda, Winter's law describes the rise of acute from the preglottalized obstruents. Lachmann's law contribute to the proofs that glottal stop
6 The selection principle has also been used in a dissertation by Ronald Kim (2002) who also called it Topics in the reconstruction and development of Indo European accent .
9 existed as a separate element but in the same syllabic structure developed differently in a different Indo European language (Latin). Proto Slavic prosody is characterised by accentual paradigms which in Late Proto Slavic develop into quantitative paradigms and rhythmic structures. All the above mentioned selected topics are framed in the general description of accentological trends, although the main concentration has been done on the Moscow and Dutch accentological schools.
1.1.1.4.1. 4. Optimality Theory Although Indo European and Balto Slavic accentology is generally diachronic, it cannot avoid the application of modern phonological and morphological approaches. Again, the original idea was the application of non linear phonology (which itself is quite complex and disintegrates into many streams autosegmental, metrical, dependency, prosodic phonologies etc). But the mainstream now is Optimality Theory so I apply it to the solution of the selected accentologcal problems. I try to solve out them out and show that in general, accentological development can be described by a limited number of constraints. I describe the methodology of OT in a separate chapter.
1.1.1.5.1. 5. Structure of the dissertation Chapter 2 describes the prosodic patterns of Indo European languages. The choice is selective and centers on the most important languages that contribute to our knowledge of how prosody functions. Chapter 3 is focuses on the methodology issues and describes the principles of Optimality Theory. Chapter 4 describes the Proto Indo European accentuation and targets the accent and ablaut relationship. A solution of the accent and ablaut interdependence in acrostatic paradigms is provided. Chapter 5 is devoted to Balto Slavic state, its prosodic system and prosodic changes that have happend there. Two of them, Hirt's law and Winter's law, are described in separate chapters. Chapter 6 deals with the Proto Slavic prosody system, accentual changes that occured there and also main accentological streams that are currently active. Chapter 7 handles with Hirt's law and it is argued that Hirt's law could happen not only in oxytones (non strict oxytone hypothesis). The mechainsm of Hirt's law is decribed by OT and compared with the opposite development in Old Indic.
10 Chapter 8 centers on Winter's law, its mechanism and development from the cluster glottal stop+voiced obstruent. Chapter 9 deals with Lachmann' law in Latin and the Bifurcation hypothesis of the twofold development of the same syllabic structure in Balto Slavic and Latin is formulated. Chapter 10 focuses of the problem of Late Proto Slavic compensatory lenghtening, describes various approaches to explain the phenomenon and offers a new solution of the problem. Chapter 11 tries to explain the origin of Czech length, proposes the paradigmatic and derivative length and proposes to explain their origin.
11 2. Accentual patterns of Indo European languages
2. 1. Introduction The accentual patterns of Indo European can be reconstructed on account of the prosody of certain Indo European branches. Their synchronic accentuation is the result of separate innovation but historical changes can help us to reconstruct the original state. Latin has a predictable stress system, Greek and Old Indic used to be a pitch accent language, Germanic is important for the reflexion of original mobility due to the Verner's law, Baltic and Slavic are extremely important for post PIE development in Balto Slavic area. Comparison of accentual patterns of those languages leads to the reconstruction of PIE prosodic patterns. Below I adduce the main characteristics of the important Indo European languages which are used for the reconstruction of PIE prosody. The description is not exhaustive and the aim is to provide the current state of knowledge. Part II.2. contains the brief overview of basic prosodic patterns of some languages. Part II.3. is devoted to the detailed description of some Indo European languages and problems related to their prosody.
2.2. Brief description Slavic languages. East Slavic languages (Russian, Ukrainian, Byelorussian) have free and mobile stress and no distinctive quantity. South Slavic languages have either stress only systems (Bulgarian free and mobile stress, Macedonian fixed stress on antepenultima) or pitch accent systems (Slovene, Serbian Croatian word tone in accented syllable only, vowel length). West Slavic languages have mostly fixed stress (Czech, Slovak initial, distinctive length, in Slovak limited with the Rhythmic Law, Upper Sorbian initial stress, non distinctive length with some qualitative reflection of length Lowe Sorbian initial stress, Polish penultimate stress, non distinctive length, Slovincian and Kashubian: free or fixed initial (depending on dialects, qualitative reflections of original length). Baltic languages are traditionally important for the reconstruction of both PIE and Proto Slavic accentuation. Standard Lithuanian has free stress and long syllables distinguish three intonations: acute, circumflex and gravis. Latvian has fixed stress on the first syllable and two or three intonations according to dialects, circumflex, gravis and broken (Brechton). Old Prussian knowledge of accentuation is only scarcely known. Germanic languages have prosodically fixed stress which does not depend on the grammatical information. Historically, the Verner's law is important for the reconstruction of
12 the original PIE ictus. Moreover, prosodic system of Germanic languages (especially English and German) are often touchstones of new phonological theories. From the Romance languages Latin interaction of quantity and dynamic system is iteresting for the knowledge of how such interaction develops across the time. In this dissertation, Lachmann's law is used as a proof of the glottal stop existence and its development. Greek and Old Indic are traditional languages on which the accentual reconstruction of PIE has been based. From Anatolian languageslanguages, Hittite contributes to our knowledge of PIE accentual phenomena, especially the question of accent and ablaut relationship.
2.3. Accentual patterns of several IndoIndo EuropeanEuropean llanguagesanguages in details
2.3.1. Old Indic Old Indic accent is free and as stated by Pā ini, Old Indic was pitch accent system. The typical feature of Old Indic declination is the distinction between the different stem grades: strong, weak and middle. Strong stems occur in N, A and V. The differences are in ablaut. Old Indic nouns can be mobile or immobile. 7 Mobilia are mostly monosyllabic athematic nouns: Nsg. pā t "foot", Gsg padás , D. padé , Asg. pádam ...; Nsg. pitā "father", Gsg. pitúr , Dsg. pitré , Asg. pitáram .... Barytona are observed among thematic nouns: Nsg. áśvah "horse", Gsg. áśvasya , Dsg. ásvāya , Asg. ásvam ...and a small number of athematic nouns: Nsg gáus "cow", Gsg gós , Dsg. gáve , Asg. gā m . Oxytona with fixed accent on the theme vowel are typical only for thematic flexion: Nsg devás , Gsg. devásya , Dsg. devā ya , Asg. devám ....The is also a mixed accent paradigm of a small but important groug of polysyllabic and heteroclitic neuters (and some numerals). Among them are e.g. Nsg púmān "man", Gsg. pu sá with anomalous suffix pattern mā s / s . Old Indic verba are similarly distributed. Mobilia are athematic verbs (here in present forms): dvé mi "hate", dvék i, dvé ti, dvi más, dvi thá, dvi ánti . Barytone accentuation can both athematic: ā se "sit", ā sse, ā ste, ā smahe, ā ddhe, ā sate , and thematic: bhávāmi, bhávasi, bhávati, bhávāmasi, bhávatha, bhávanti . Oxytona are also thematic verbs: tudā mi "hit", tudási, tudáti, tudámasi, tudátha, tudánti.
7 Kiparsky 1973:806 808, MacDonnell 1916/2005, MacDonnell 1910/2007. Apart from the standard compendia, the handy introduction to nominal accentuation is the one by Nielsen 2004.
13 An OT description of Old Indic has been proposed by Frazier 2007 and Marston 2009. Frazier followed her own steps presented in Frazier 2006 where she applied dominant affixes 8 and antifaithfulness constraint theory to explain dissimilarities in the PIE athematic nouns (see next chapter). Antifaithfulness constraints create anti optimal paradigms where stems of members of an inflectional paradigm are compared to each other but they differ due to the antifaithfulness constraints. Frazier solved the problem of vocative in Old Indic athematic nouns: no matter if the paradigm has columnar or mobile stress, the vocative is either unstressed or initially stressed, e.g. Nsg. marút "wind god", Vsg márut/marut , Nsg. vā k "voice", Vsg. vā k/vāk . The distribution depends on the position in a sentence: in the sentence initial position, vocative is accented, elsewhere unaccented. 9 Frazier explains the problem of vocative as the only dominant ending in Old Indic and such dominant ending requires accent deletion by the antifaithfulness constraint ¬OP MAX (A). As vocative is similar to nominative, the interaction of OP MAX (A) and ¬OP MAX (A) are involved. Frazier explains the Nsg vā k as recessive unaccented form and Vsg vāk as dominant form which triggers antifaithfulness MAX accent constraint. The result is therefore accentless vocative, unless in initial position but in that case the accent is controled by syntax constraints. 10 Marston 2009 applied Stratal OT to Old Indic nominal paradigms. She argues that classical parallel OT is unable to generate the correct surface forms without introducing exotic constraints. Marston solves the unaccentness of vocative by postulating a highly ranked *CLITIC ACCENT which prohibits accentuation on clitics. This constraints operates on the word level and the accentless vocative can serve as an input to phrase level. Being on initial position, the ALIGN LEFT constraint shift shifts the accent to the initial position. I am not persuaded by Marston's analysis of the nominal paradigms. She thinks that at the stem and word levels, the highest ranked constraint is consistendt with the head of the domain which is Stem=PrWd. This higher ranked constraint interacts with faithfulness constraints ALIGN and responsible for the accent position. Although distinguisting derivative and invlectional levels, I am dubious if the application is successful.
8 Strong endings are unaccented, weak endings are accented. In combination of strong roots, post accenting roots and unaccented roots the combination of dominancy and "recessivity" explains accentual mobility. 9 Thus already Whitney 1889, I quote from the 2005 edition, p. 108. 10 I am a bit sceptical about Fraziers's solution to the development of PIE to Old Indic. She proposes that the reduction of accent ablaut classes in Old Indic is due to the morpheme reanalysis where e.g. root and suffix merge into one morpheme with the eventual loss of mobility and the loss of dominant nominative and accusative endings contribute to the loss of mobility too. The problem is that we should observe such pattern elsewhere where the morpheme reanalysis is connected with the loss of accentual mobility. But in Balto Slavic, the morpheme reanalysis leads to the rise of mobility. So the solution is still hanging in the air.
14 2.3.2. Latin Latin does not have distinctive intonations but has a dynamic stress. Stress in Latin is distributed according to the following rules. The disyllabics are stressed on the first syllable aúrum "gold", púer "boy". Three and polysyllabics are stressed as follows: when the form has a long penultima, then it is stressed: laud re "praise", puélla "girl". If the penultima is short, then antepenultima is stressed: f mina "woman", ingénium "natura" The Early Latin had strong stress on the first syllabe. Therefore, vowels in the following syllables underwent various changes. 11 Vowels in posttonic syllables were often syncoped or weakened (first to schwa, then often replaced by some high vowel). Weakening can be observed in open nonfinal syllables ( cadō cecidī , change a>i ), in closed nonfinal syllables (factus perfectus , change a>e ) as well as in final syllables (* prōdat >prōdit ). The examples of syncope can also be observed in final syllables: * partis, mortis > pars, mors . Concerning prosody, several phenomena can be mentioned. First, vowels can undergo shortening . According to Dybo's lawlawlaw 12 , long vowels are shortened before liquids followed by a stressed vowel: V >V __RV . This explain the brevity in Lat. vir "man" <* uʢīró <*uʢiHró 13 . The counterexample to that rule is the word for "smoke" which should be short but we have fūmus <* dhuH mós. 14 If the long vowel stands before resonant followed by a consonant, it is also shortened: V >V __RC (Osthoff'sOsthoff's rulerule). As an example the word for "wind" can be 15 adduced: ventus < * uʢēnto <*h 2uʢeh 1 t o . The reason for shortening is obviously the aim to avoid threemoraic syllabes. The similar principle is observed in Littera rule where the long vowel shortens before the consonantal cluster V >V __CC , as in Iuppiter (secondarily Iūppiter ). This rule introduces moraicity into coda consonant, therefore the long bimoraic nucleus must get monomoraic so as to avoid threemoraicity of the syllable. Generally, vowels in final syllable are shortened: victor "winner" but victōris, animal "animal" but animālis. Vowels can also be lengthened, e.g. before nasal+spirantnasal+spirant/obstruentnasal+spirant /obstruent clustercluster: V >V __nS , as in quīntus "fifth" <* quīnctus < *k wink w to 16 . The moraicity of nasal is lost and transfered to the previous vowel. Compensatory lengthening in consonant clusters containing spirant " s"
11 See Meiser 1998:66 74 for the complete list. 12 Dybo 1961. The PIE long vowels are preserved under the original stress, e.g. Lat. brūtus <*g wr tos . Dybo 2008 presented a comprehensive account of the correspondence of Italo Celtic tu and to derivates (oxytona) with the Balto Slavic mobilia, e.g. Lat. rutus < *rūto , Latv. rau t , PSl. *rutı , *r vNj, *r ve tъ; and Italo Celtic barytona tu , to with Balto Slavic immobilia, e.g. Lat. sūtus <*siʢū to , Latv. šũt , PSl. *ši jNj, *ši jetъ. 13 Meiser 1998:75. Dybo's law has been accepted and dealt in detail by Schrijver 1991:334 419. 14 This word is an example of Hirt's law in Balto Slavic. 15 Meiser 1998:75. 16 Meiser 1998:78.
15 also leads to the introducing of another mora into previous vowel: *kosmi > cōmis . One of the most controversial quantitative change in Latin is Lachmann's law. According to that law, the root vowel in past passive participle (and also in nomina agentis ending in tor , nomina actionis ending in tiō and tāre intensiva) lengthens before the original voiced unaspirated consonant, e.g. agō "drive" āctus <*agtos , edō "eat" ēsus <*edtos . There are many counterexamples, like findō "split" fissus <*b heiʢd or scindō "tear" scissus <*skeiʢd . During the history of Lachmann's law interpretation, various explanations have been proposed. I try to solve that phenomenon in the Chapter 7. Latin stress from OT point of view was studied e.g.by Jacobs (2003). 17 Jacobs pointed out to the Early Classical Latin exception to the Classical stress rule when a four syllable word with first three short syllable receives stress on ante ante penultima/or on the first syllable : fácilius "easy", básilicus "royal". Jacobs uses the following constraints to describe that pre classical stress phenomenon and its further development 18 : Constraints for the form of feet: FtBin Feet are binary under analysis; RhTYPE (T): The rhythm type is trochaic, feet are trochees; RhHRM: Rhythmic harmony or *(HL): an uneven trochee is forbiden; Constraints for position/parsing: NON FINALITY: A foot may not be final; PARSE σ parse syllables into feet; EDGEMOST (σ, R) feet are dominated by stressed syllable location; ALIGN (PRWD, R, FT, R) (W/R) prosodic word correspond with the foot on the right edge; ALIGN (HEAD FOOT, R, PRWD, R) (H/R) head of a foot is rightmost in a prosodic word; ALIGN (HEAD FOOT, L, PRWD, L (H/L) head of a foot is leftmost in a prosodic word; QS quantity sensitivity, heavy syllables are stressed. Preclassical Latin Initial Stress is caused due to the high ranking of W/L and H/L: 19 NON FINAL >>W/L>>WR>>H/L>>H/R>>PARSE σ. The change of this rule to Classical Latin is due to the reranking of AL PRWD constraints so that words do not longer stress ante ante penultima: NON FINAL >>W/R>>W/L>>H/R>>H/L>>PARSE σ. Footing in Latin is leftward and therefore Preclassical stress appears due to the higher ranking of W/L constraint over W/R and H/L over H/R.
2.3.3. Greek Classical Greek is a tonal language distinguishing intonations. 20 Although the tonal marks were introduced by Byzantine grammarians, the marks are projected to the Attic variant too.
17 Metrical theory to Latin stress was applied by e.g. Hayes (1995), Halle (1997) or Mester (1994). 18 Jacobs 2003:396 398. 19 p. 410. 20 Bornemannn & Risch 1978:4 9, Rix 1992:41 43.
16 Attic dialect is also the main information on Greek accentual system. The acute was probably rising tone, circumflex rising falling tone. Gravis marks no other distinctive intonation but is used for accented final syllable where it replaces acute. The distribution of intonation partially reflects the original PIE state (Gr. pat r , OInd. pit < *ph 2t r ; Gr. fr tēr , OInd. h bhr tā < *b réh 2tēr ), partially Greek developed its own innovation. First, the distribuiton of accent in Greek follows the Dreisilbengesetz which permits the occurence of acute and circumflex within last three syllables only. No matter how many syllables a word may have, the accent can appear only over one of the last three syllables. Acute can be on the last syllable ( theā "goddess"), on the penultima ( ch rā) or on the antepenultima ( mélitta ). Acute can be both on short and long syllable but if the ultima is short, acute must be on the penultima: Nsg mélitta but Gsg. melíttēs . Generally, acute can be on ultima only when a pause follows. Over the penultima can acute be if penultima is accented and if the ultima is long. Circumflex can be only on the ultima ( Athēnã) or penultima ( Moũsa ), not over antepenultima. Circumflex can be only on the long syllable and on the penultima can be iff the ultima is short. Should the ultima be long, circumflex changes to acute (Gsg. Moúsēs ). Finite verbal forms have recessive accent. It means that accent of a word for goes back from the end of the word within the limits of Dreisilbengesetz. So e.g. the forms of "throw" can be accented as follows: aorist active ébalon has acute on antepenultima because ultima is short but aorist medium ebálou has acute on the penultima because ultima is short. Nomina have mostly persistent accent , which means that the accent in a paradigm has the tendency to stay on the same syllable as in Nsg. The distribution of accent in the paradigm also follows Dreisilbengesetz. 21 So e.g. Nsg of ánthrōpos has acute on antepenultima. Gsg anthr pou must have acute on the penultima because the ultima is long and acute cannot stay on the antepenultima (only if it is short). Change of accent can also be due to the Wheeler's lawlaw. This law causes the retraction of accent from the ultima to penultima if the word form is dactyl: *poiʢk'elós > Gr. poikílos "many coloured", cf. OInd. pēśalá "decorated". The law explains the anomaly in morphology, e.g. plēsíos "close" but skoliós "curved" 22 While Wheeler's law applies to other Greek dialects, Vendryes' law operates only in Attic. According to that law, circumflex from penultima retracts to the short antepenultima, like common Greek etoĩmos "ready" > Attic étoimos or geloĩos "laughable" > géloios .23 Greek accent can also distinguish
21 The law has been reformulated by Jakobson 1937/1962 as the "limitationlimitation rulerule": the vocalic morae between the accented vocalic mora and the final one cannot belogn to different syllables. Or, the span between the accented and the final mora cannot exceed one syllable. 22 Further discussions in Collinge 1985:221 223. 23 Various opinions about this law in Collinge 1985:199 201.
17 meaning of the same words, like oíkoi "at home", oĩkoi "houses". The sōtē ra law causes the change of the acute of a penultimate long syllable to circumflex if the final syllable is short, e.g. * titheísa > titheĩsa "putting". 24 The relative chronology of the accentual laws in Greek was established by Meier Brügger (1987): Dreisilbengesetz, Wheeler's law, sōtē ra law, Barytonesis, Vendrye's law. 25 Apart from those Greek innovations 26 , the rests of PIE prosodic system in Greek is limited but still important, e.g. we still observe the relationship between accent and ablaut, e.g. leípō "leave" (full accented grade), léloipa (unaccented full o grade), élipon (unaccented zero grade). Basically, Greek nouns and adjectives can be accentually distributed in two types: barytona (accent is placed as far to the left as possible according to Dreisilbengesetz). Oxytona do not only place accent according to the recessive rule but also reflect morphological constituency (e.g. themtic oxytona are theme accented). 27 The tonal distinction of Greek final syllables have taken an important role in the debate of PIE accentology. Greek has prosodic distinction in the final syllables, e.g. in final syllables of polysyllabic words: Nsg fyg "flight" x Dsg. fygē ; in monosyllables: poús "foot" x boũs "bull"; in the penultimate sylllable of words ending in oi or ai , Npl. oĩkoi "houses" x adv. oíkoi "at home". 28 Greek intonations used to be taken as PIE origin because the striking similarity of final intonation have been found between Greek and Lithuanian, e.g. Gr. alf "salary", Lith. algà , Gr. alfē s , Lith. algō s .29 Kuryłowicz 1932 refused the continuation of Greek tonal oposition with the PIE state claiming that Greek intonations is a properly Greek phenomenon. He argued that first, the correspondence between Lithuanian and Greek is ilusory, because the comparison had been done betwee different intonations in different languages with the usage of the same symbols
24 Sihler 1995:237, Olander 2009:63. 25 Meier Brügger 1987:289. 26 Interesting is e.g. the "metathesismetathesis quantitatumquantitatum", where a group of vowels changes quantity and accent. The metathesis operates only in Attic: basilē os "king" > basiléōs . (Bornemann & Risch 1978:12). Hock 1986:443 considers it not a metathesis but a compensatory lengthening where a long vowel is shortened in prevocalic position with the subsequent lengthening of the following vowel. The metathesis would therefore be only apparent. 27 The columnarity of Greek nouns is typical for vowel stems and consonantal stems. Mobility was limited to monosyllabic stems and some i stems. 28 Modified according to Olander 2009:64. Various interpretations of Npl oi koi x Adv. < Lsg. oíkoi : Hirt (1929:38): the ending in oi koi was originaly acute (short), the ending in oíkoi originally circumflex (long); Kuryłowicz: oíkoi original circumflex introduced analogically from the consonantal stems; Olander 2009:68 69 prevocalic (short) and preconsonantal alternants * oj/oi. 29 The classical neogrammarians simply assumed that the Greek and Lithuanian acute continue PIE acute and Greek and Lithuanian cicumlex is the same as PIE circumflex syllables (Hirt 1929:199 208).
18 for intonations. Although Greek tē s alfē s correspond to Lithuanian tõs algõs , there is no correspondence of Lithuanian tą al gą to Greek *tē n alfē n . Also, the Greek endings with circumflex intonations which would correspond a disyllabic Vedic endings are limited (circumflex as a result of contractions), e.g.Gpl. ām ~ ō n. Kuryłowicz considers acute intonation as a nothing alse than a lack of circumflex intonation, i.e. it indicates the normally accented vowel not subjected to special phonetic or morphological conditions. 30 So for Kuryłowicz, the important role in Greek intonation is circumflex which is autonomous in monosyllabic words and final accented syllables. Three forms of circumflex can be distinguished:1. circumflex originating from contractions: fáos > fō s; 2. morphological circumflex, e.g. in aorist forms: baínō bē , in monosyllables: kē r "heart"; 3. circumflex originating from prehistoric phonetical reasons: timē s, boũs .31 Kuryłowicz argues that the group 3 is also morphologically conditioned, for example the accent recessivity in u stems boũs < *bó u s. The general relationship between recessive accentuation and circumflex intonation is generalized: "whenever, in a grammatical category, forms accented on the final syllable coexist with forms accented on the penultima, the former obtain the circumflex intonation, if the final syllable contains a long vowel or a diphtong and if it may be conceived as a contracted syllable ." 32 For example, third declination oxytona have suffix í or a complex accented suffix + unaccented i: éni, ídi and contraction syllable eĩ < é i. So circumflex in Dsg of the type eugeneĩ is conceived as resulting from contraction (or phonetic, because eĩ < é i) and circumflex of Dsg second declination ō , as in kalō has a morphological circumflex, because it also obtained i and is modelled on the pattern of the type eugeneĩ.33 Kuryłowicz also claims that there is a rule which applies to Greek oxytone paradigms: forms with marginal accentuation have the circumflex, if there exist corresponding forms with columnal accentuation. 34 Thus timē has circumlex because there exists a coresponding paradigmatic form poiméni etc. The correspondence of Greek and Balto Slavic morphonological patterns has been studied by Nikolaev & Starostin 1982, Nikolaev 1983. It was shown that Greek CVCV roots correspond to Balto Slavic mobilia.
30 Kuryłowicz 1932:202 203. 31 ibid. p. 203. 32 Kuryłowicz 1932:207. 33 ibid p. 207 208. 34 p. 208. Oxytona have columnal accentuation if the accent remains on the same syllable counting from the beginning of the word, e.g. pat r, patéra . Oxytona with marginal acccentuation have the accentuation of the last syllables. e.g. tim , timē s.
19 Olander 2009 analysed Greek tones form a laryngealistics conception and assumed that PIE tones were remade by a distinction between long and hiatal final structures. PIE long h vowels (of any origin) gave Greek final syllable acute, e.g. * dh 3t r > dot r, *b ugáh 2 > fyg . h 35 PIE hiatal structures gave Greek circumflex, e.g. Dsg * b ugáh 2aiʢ >fygē . The modern phonology approach to Greek accentuation has been done by Steriade (1988). She applied metrical phonology to the analysis of Ancient Greek prosody and tried to show that the position of accented syllables is determined by a metrical procedure which is sensitive to syllable weight rather than number of moras. Steriade counts circumfles as HL and acute as LH melodic contour, the gravis as the single H. She also posits recessive cclass of words where the accent recedes as far to the left as allowed. The foot formation of recessive accent is formalized as follows: a) a final consonant is extrametrical, b) a final light syllable is extramentrical, c) construct left dominant binary feet right to left. Main stress rule is formulated by d) construction of a word level right dominan foot, e) eliminate secondary stresses. 36 Surface stress is then computed and formalised by grids. Steriade devotes a lot of space to the accentuation of clitics, which is not the topic of my work. Steriade does not bother with the historical explanation of Greek prosody, her description is only synchronic (she even does not use the traditional accentual laws). An OT solution of the Greek accentuation was proposed by Noyer (1997), who suggests that the surface placement of accent is derived from the abstract syllabification. Noyer reanalyzed the moraic trochee analysis of Greek (proposed by other authors) and concluded that the accent placement depends on the syllabification and surface level syllable contraction. 37 Constraints which interact in that analysis belong to the the Alignment family: 38 OXYTONE: Align (H σ, Right, Base, Right) the right edge of the syllable containing the H tone must be aligned with the right edge of the base BARYTONE: Align (Head Foot, Left, H Tone, Right) align left edge of the head Foot with the right edge of the H tone domain. Complex forms show cyclic effects combining contraction and refooting.
35 Olander 2006:65 66. 36 p.276. 37 Noyer 1997:524. 38 ibid p. 518.
20 2.3.4. Hittite Hittite as an Anatolian lanaguage can now be considered accentologically relevant language. 39 The information of Hittite accent is scarce but it can contribute to our reconstruction of PIE prosody, esp. accent ablaut paradigms. Hittite accent can be deduced from sriptio plena which is "merfache Notierung eines Vokals in der Keilschrift" (Carruba 1981:232:235). 40 Plene writing was observed to reflect length: la a ma an "name", Lat. nōmen. Plene writing can be observable e.g. in the root of N, Asg te e kan , Gr. chth n <* dhég'hōm and in indirect cases also in endings: Gpl pa ta a an , Gr. padõn. Reduplicative syllable can also be written with plene writing and in that case it corresponds to accented reduplicative syllabe in other IE languages: me e ma , le e la mi ja, Got. laílōt , OInd. dádhāti, Gr. gégona.41 Denominatives and deverbatives with * iʢé / iʢo or * éiʢe / éiʢo accented suffixes have also plene writing: hudlija "fight" > hu ulli e ez zi , karpija "pick up" > ka ar pi e ez zi. Athematic verbs can also reflect the original accent e it mi ( dmi ) "I eat", OInd. 42 ádmi <* h1éd mi present participle a da a an ( ad nt ), OInd. adánt <* h1sónt . The position of accent could also be marked by doubling of consonants if the accent preceded or followed: Hitt. lammar "hour", Lat. numerus , PIE * nóm or Hitt. gimmant "winter", Gr. cheim n, PIE.* g' heiʢmónt .43 The accent is also reflected in substantives having collective meaning: Nsg* uʢód "water" > uʢa a tar, Dsg.* uʢedéni > u i te e ni, Npl* uʢed r "waters"> ud da a ar .44 Length is interpreted in monosyllables which regularly have plene writing: e et ! "eat!", i it ! "go". 45 Different view on the plene writing has Hoffner & Melchert (2008:25, 49) who point on the problematicity of plene writing. It is far from being consistent and although some in some position it can reflect accent or length, we cannot be sure that it always indicates length. The concesus on the distribution of plene writing is only in certain postions and certain examples. Some other phenomena can hint the position of Hittite accent, e.g. verbal endings in 1st and 2nd plural. Endings wani/ tani are not accented but weni/ teni are stressed. 46 Summary of recent views are also in Kloekhorst (2008) who attributes several functions to plene writing. First, it is the denotation of length, e.g. ne e pí iš meaning /nébis/. Plene
39 From other Anatolian languages, Lydian accentuation has been thoroughfully described by Eichner (1986, 1987). Lydian had probably free stress system which also colored certain vowels. 40 Here also the history of attempts to explain scriptio plena , similar overview in Kimball (1999:57 58). 41 Carruba 1981:238. 42 Oettinger 1992:207, Hoffner&Melchert (2008:50). 43 Oettinger 1992:209. 44 ibid.211., also Kimball (1999:60). 45 ibid. 46 Hoffner&Melchert 2008:31.
21 writing is here uset for and accented vowel in the open syllable. In the word initial postiion a plene vowel reflects glottal stop: a ar aš zi = / Ȥárstsi/. Nevertheless, not all instances of plene writing can be described in phonetic sense (Kloekhorst 2008:32 33). Some phonological changes can also hint the position of accent. For example, * >ē; ProtoA *m hwr > Hitt. mē ur "time" while *ē >ē , ProtoA * ēr > 3pl. preterite er . Short " o" was prolonged in accented closed syllable, like ProtoA * móld > 1sg. māld "speak solemnly" while long accented " ō" was lowered to " ā", like ProtoA* wed r >uʢidār "waters". Also, short "e" was prolonged in the accented syllable: ProtoA * pédom > pēdan "place" while unaccented " e" was rised to " i": ProtoA * n bes >nepiš "sky". 47 Accented vowels did not lengthen before some consonant clusters, e.g. containing labiovelars or laryngeals: *nég wts > nekuz "nigth" ( ne ku uz ); *még'h 2 i > me ek ki "numerous". Long vowels deduced from plene writing could also be created by compensatory lengthening: *h 1ós uh 2 > a as su u "goods". 48 The analysis of plene writing with respect of the position of PIE accent was done (on a limited examples) by Kassian (2002). Kassian showed that on the Hittite lexemes with direct Indo European parallels the plene writing coresponds to the reconstructed PIE accent, e.g. a a ra "right", OInd. áram , ne e pí iš "heaven", Gr. néfos . Although the data are scarce, I would conclude that Hittite can contribute to the reconstruction of PIE accent.
2.3.5 Lithuanian and Latvian are important Baltic languages for the reconstruction of Balto Slavic and PIE accent.
2.3.5.1. Lithuanian Lithuanian stress is free and mobile. 49 Gravis indicates the ictus on the short syllable rankà "hand". Ictus on the long vowels and diphtongs is either indicated by acute or circumflex: výras "man", na mas "house". Acute diphtongs which end in a resonant have gravis on the first part: pìlnas "full", žiùrk÷ "rat". The standard Lithuanian is based on Aukštaitian dialects where acute is a falling tone and circumflex is rising. The opposition of acute and circumflex exists only in stressed syllables but previously the opposition existed also in unstressed position. The proof for it is de Saussure's law (stress shifted from non acute syllable to the following acute one).
47 For details of all changes see Melchert 1994:101 107. 48 Kimball 1999:61 62. 49 Stang 1966:125 144; Derksen 1991.
22 Žemaitian dialects, on the other hand, have different accentual characteristics. In some parts we observe Brechton which corresponds to acute ( o ɵmžo s "century, age" ~ standard ámžius ) and circumflex (falling) corresponds to standard rising circumflex ( maĩšo s "bag" ~ standard maĩšas ). There is also a middle tone ( ) and rising acute (´ ) which were created due to the stress retraction from non acute vowels. If the target syllable was originally circumflex, the new intonation become middle, if the target syllable was originally acute then the acute (rising) appeared ro nka (standard rankà ), árklĩs (standard arkly s ) "horse". Žemaitian also distinguishes Brechton and circumflex in unstressed syllables: Dsg sûno ɵu "son", standard s nui; g idĩs "rooster", standard gaidy s. Lithuanian nomina can be divided into four accentual paradigms (APs) according to the stress and intonation distribution in cases. 50 AP1 Stress is constant. If the ictus is on the penultima (or first syllable in bisyllabic nouns), the intonation is acute: výras, výro, výrui ... "man" If the ictus falls on the antepenultima or ante antepenultima, the intonation can be either acute: gýdytojas, gýdytojo, gýdytojui ..."doctor", or circumflex: pavãsaris, pavãsario, pavãsariui. .."spring", or gravis: televìzorius, televìzoriaus , televìzoriui ..."television". There are also derivates that have accented suffixes or prefixes and belong to AP1 paradigm, e.g. gimináitis "relative" (suffix áitis ), valdýba "government" (suffix ýba ), šeimýna "family" (suffix ýna ), a tbalsis "echo" (prefix a t ), in takas "estuary" (prefix in ), prókalb÷ "protolanguage" (prefix pró ). AP2 Stress is mobile in that paradigm. Most cases are stem stressed. Only Apl is end stressed. Several other cases can be end stressed depending on the word structure. Nsg is end stressed if the noun ends in a, like mokyklà "school", Lsg and Isg are also end stressed if the number of syllables in those cases is the same as in Nsg, so Nsg ra štas "scribe", Lsg. raštè , Isg. raštù . Stressed syllables have circumflex or gravis: Nsg vaĩsius "fruit", Gsg. vaĩsiaus , Apl vaisùs . Also derivates with stresses suffixes belong here: mede lis "little tree" (suffix e lis ), taisy kl÷ "rule" (suffix y kl÷), švarùmas "purity" (suffix ùmas ). AP3 Stress is mobile in that paradigm. Most cases are end stressed. Only Dsg, Asg and Apl are stem stressed. Several other cases can be stem stressed depending on the word structure. Nsg can be stem stressed if the noun ends in as, like kálnas "mountain". If the Gsg ends in a
50 The following examples are from Eckert et al (1994:117 125).
23 vowel (like in masculines), the form is also stem stressed: árklio "horse" (contra pavard÷ s "surname". Also forms having a monosyllable ending u in Isg are stem stressed: árkliu . The same accentuation counts for n and r stems: a kmeniu "stone", se seria "sister". Npl is stem stressed for feminine forms ending in os and ÷s : gálvos "head", áikšt÷s "squares". The intonation can be either acute or circumflex: rándas "scar", rāšalas "ink". Also derivates with accented suffix belong to that class, e.g. elgesy s "behaviour" (suffix esy s ), staigmenà "surprise" (suffix menà ). AP4 Stress is mobile and most cases are end stressed. Only Dsg and Asg are stem stressed. Other cases can also be stem stressed depending on the structure. Nsg is stem stressed for masculines ending in as ( na mas "house") and for Gsg ending in a vowel ( daĩna "song"). Also Npl for feminines ending in os and ÷s is stem stressed ( daĩnos "songs", g÷ l÷s "flowers"). Stem stressed forms have circumflex, end stressed forms have either circumflex (Gpl laukų "field") or acute (Dpl namáms "houses". 51
Verbs Lithuanian verbs have basically two paradigms in present. If the penultima is stressed with acute tone or any other non final syllable is stressed, the ictus and intonation remains the same in other present forms: šókti "dance", šóku, šóki, šókame etc. If the ictus is on the penultima with i or u (short vowel), the accent moves to the ending in the 1st and 2nd persons singular. The tone is gravis: sùpti "swing", supù, supì, sùpa, sùpame .... Present and preterite indicative forms can also undergo de Saussure's law. Stress shifts to the ending in the 1st and 2nd sg if the 3rd sg has circumflex or short syllable: metù, metì, me ta..; mečiaũ, metei , me te ... 52 Some verbs retract ictus a prefix: vèsti "lead", vedù, ve da > nèveda, prìveda . According to Kortlandt (1977:326 327) those verbs were mobile and ictus was retracted from stressed inner syllables. 53
51 Some standard grammars like Ambrazas et al (1997) take Dpl and Apl as a criterion for a noun to belong into an accentual paradigm. However, this does not explain the minor deviation in Nsg, Gsg, Lsg and Isg. 52 Diphtongs ái, áu, éi under stress changed metatonically to circumflexed intonation. The original intonation is preserved in Žemaitian (Stang:1966:115) 53 Kortlandt call this retraction Pedersen's law because it is similar to the Pedersen's law in Balto Slavic. However, Pedersen's law 2 is specifically Lithuanian because it was preceded by Aukštaitian lengthening of short *e and * o under stress: ve da, sãko . Those new long vowels did not coalesce with Baltic *ē, *ā which became ÷ and o. East Baltic * and *ō were diphtongized to ie and uo in Aukštaitian (and therefore also standard): die vas, dúoti . Mobility of vedù, ve da is due to the Ebeling's law :stress was retracted from the open final syllables unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent. This law is Balto Slavic (Kortlandt 1977:322)
24 The modern description of Lithuanian accentuation by non linear phonology has been done by Blevins 1993 who applied autosegmental phonology combined with rule ordering to account the accentuation of Lithuanian nominals both in Aukštaitian and in Žemaitian dialects.. Her description is useful from the synchronic point of view. Influenced by Halle, Blevins adopted BAP to explain the accented prefixes as in péreiti "to cross" by a default tone insertion. Tonal representations of Aukštaitian are expressed by the H tone associated with either first mora (acute), second mora (circumflex) or only mora (grave). Žemaitian dialects are curiously described without Brechton which makes the description irrelevant. Metrical phonology description of Lithuanian (and Latvian) was provided by Dogil (1999:877 896) who considers Lithuanian a lexical accent system not bound by any metrical rule to a syllable but the morphemes are inherently accented. Apart from Blevins, Dogil thinks that moraic structure can be applied only to acute while circumflex and grave have syllabic representations so Lithuanian should distinguish moraic and syllable morphemes. I do not see any advantage of such distinction, especially in bracketed grid metrical phonology that Dogil uses to analyse Lithuanian examples apart from the fact that it fits to de Saussure's law conception because Dogil considers de Saussure's law as a stress attraction by weight syllables. 54 But since he posits moras only to acute, it logically follows than circumflex must be monomoraic which is nonsense. It is unclear to me how such mechanism can works especially if Leskien's law makes the final acute deprived of mora and the "apparent weight contrast" is lost.
2.3.5.1.1. de Saussure's lalawwww
De Saussure (1896) stated that Lithuanian accentual paradigms AP2 and AP4 originated from the paradigms AP1 and AP3. Those paradigms originated by a stress shift from a circumflex or short syllable to the following acute syllable. It means that Lithuanian still distinguished intonations in unstressed syllables. The law can be illustrated as a difference between Nsg líepa , (AP1) x rankà (AP2), Apl líepas x rankàs or gálvas (AP3) x žiemàs (AP4). The opposition between acute and circumflex in final syllables was lost after the Leskien's law which caused shortening of acute vowels: * galv > galvà .55 The opposition was restored
54 p.889. 55 Olander (2009) incorporated de Saussure's law into his conception of the phonological difference of PIE endings. The accentual differences of Lithuanian nešù and armuõ can be explained as the acute reflex * oH and the circumflex from the long vowel. Olander thinks that PIE plain long vowels are reflected as non acute vowels in PBS (Olander 2009:115).
25 after the loss of posttonic short vowels when penultimas became final syllables: * galv mus > galvóms .56 Apart from the fact that de Saussure's law has been used and misused in classical accentology for explaining all the progressive shifts in Slavic, it is clear now that the law is limited to Lithuanian. 57 Since 1970s several works dealing with the law from the position of modern phonology has appeared. 58
De Saussure's law as a HH tonetone involvement
Zeps & Halle 1971 took an assuption that each Lithuanian word has an underlying pitch contour H and + H. So e.g. martì "bride" would have the mar.tì contour, while líepa "linden H +H líe.pa would have H +H, where +H level would begin at the first syllable. Circumflexed words with would have the break level in mid syllable: aukšta.ĩtis "a speaker of High Lithuanian" H +H The rule which distributes high pitch is the H distribution rule. The rule assgins H pitch to all segments that follow the segment originally specified as +H. 59 Metatony rule, on the other hand, is a phonetic rule which removes the H pitch from the stem final mora so that the low pitche domain is extended. 60 So e.g. mokyklà is a result of metatony rule from mokykla. H H H Metatony rule is phonetic rule but morphologically restricted, it applies only if a desinence has a single mora. It would explain the differences between AP1and AP2 and between AP3 and AP4 and wouuld be the synchronic counterpart of de Saussure's law. HHH H removalremoval rulerule, that removes the lexically supplied +H pitch applies only to certain lexically marked stems in certain environments or, as both authors say, in labile stems, all plural desinences, N, G, Lsg and Ipl mi . Lithuanian accentual paradigms are therefore results of the interaction of abovementioned rules.
56 Derksen 1991:49. 57 On the rehabilitation of de Saussure's law by Moscow accentological school see the chapter on Stang's law in this dissertation. 58 I do not deal with authors who basically rejected the law, as Darden 1984 who proposed that Slavic oxytona kept the original accentuation and (thus considered Dybo's law false) and instead proposed the leftward stress retraction from short or circumflex vowels. The motivation is unknown. Darden (1979, 1980) also rejected Illič Svityč's proof of the accentual connection of PIE short vowel barytona and oxytona and sticked to Kuryłowicz's (1968) claim of the Balto Slavic unmotivation. Since neither Kuryłowicz nor Darden's works have had any impact on the acentology, I do not deal with them in detal. Just to note that Darden does not quote any works by Dybo or Kortlandt. 59 Zeps & Halle 1971:143. 60 ibid p.144.
26 Kiparsky&Halle 1977 intepreted de Saussure's law in their own conception of inherently accented and unaccented morphemes. Accentual paradigms AP1 ( várna ) and AP2 ( rankà ) have originally inherently accented stems: H H Nsg varna ranka H H Gsg varnos rankos H H Dsg varnai rankai
Accentual paradigms AP3 ( galvà ) and AP4 ( barzdà ) have inherently unaccented stems and have initial accent in D sg: H H Nsg galva barzda H H Gsg galvos barzdos H H Dsg galvai barzdai
Kiparsky&Halle claim that there are dominant and recessive morphemes. Dominant morphemes are those that have +H feature on inherently accented syllables. 61 This concerns Lithuanian AP1 and AP2 stems which are dominant. AP3 and AP4 stems are recessive. Kiparsky & Halle also propose that each morpheme has underlying H mora and the important point is whether the accent falls on the first or second mora (in case of disyllabics).This should explain the differences between paradigms. Therefore, the first three cases of the above members of paradigms can be constructed as the combination of dominant *H or recessive H morphemes.
*H * H *H * H H *H H *H Nsg varna ranka galva barzda *H *H *H *H H *H H *H Gsg varnoos rankoos galvoos barzdoos *H *H *H H H H H H Dsg varnai rankai galvai barzdai
In Nsg AP2 and AP4 the +H is on a which monomoraic. In Gsg and Dsg +H is on the second mora. De Saussure's law is therefore interpreted as deaccentuation of the first of two 62 consecutive vowels: V>[ H]/_C 0[+H]
61 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:215. 62 Kiparsky&Halle 1977:216.
27 De Saussure's law as a rule ordering
Kiparsky 1973:825 830 also mentioned de Saussure's law. According to his conception, stress chifted from the last stem mora to the first mora of thematic vowel, e.g. * blus +aa +n > *blus aa+n > blusà. De Saussure's law is incorporated in the rule ordering: alg +aa+an alg +aa+n (strong cases have pre suffixal accent) alg+aa+n (strong cases have word initial accent) alg+aa +n (de Saussure's law) algà (Leskien's law + loss of final n)
Rule ordering was also applied by Robinson 1970 who proposed 14 rules to explain the accentual behavior of the four Lithuanian paradigms. As the rule insertion concept is unmotivated, I leave Robinson's account without further comment. Becker 1981 divided de Saussure's law into two separage changes. First, accent forwarded from in all accented short vowels and then was retracted in certain cases. 63 Rising circumflex occured due to such retraction, e.g. Isg. *piiiirštois >*pirštoooois >*pirrrrštois > pir štais . Falling acute is the result of polarization, so Apl. * piiiirštūs >*pirštūūūūs > pirštùs .64 Becker claims that almost every cicrumflex (also from métatonie douce) is derived bfrom the retraction. Curiously, Becker compares this retraction to Stang's law in Slavic which produce rising intonation. 65 The final change in the sequence of changes is Leskien's law which shortens the final syllable. As far as I know, this proposal did not have any impact on the accentology because the development is highly improbable. There is no motivation for such changes. Becker's proposal is basically nothing else than metatony. It is not clear to me if Becker counts with the original intonations or not because he speaks only about the original accent. Autosegmental analysis by Blevins 1993 is applied to de Saussure's law as a folowing rule: "if H tones are associated to adjacent moras under suffixation, the firt H tone deletes". 66 So e.g. Nsg rãtas is considered to have an underlying H tone on the second mora combined with unaccented suffix /raa Ht as/ while Lsg ratè is a result of the stem tone deletion when an accented suffix e is added: /raa Ht eH/.
63 Becker 1981:9, 12. 64 Becker 1981:13. 65 p.16. 66 Blevins 1993:250.
28 Kortlandt's interpretation of the de Saussure's law
Kortlandt 1974, 1977 interpreted de Saussure's law as follows: "ictus shifted from a non falling vowel to a following laryngealized vowel" 67 If we replace the old Kortlandt's term "laryngealized" by "glottalized" it means that de Saussure's law is simply the stress atraction by a syllable containing glottal stop. Chronologically, de Saussure's law occured after Pedersen's law because stress was not retracted in negãli, nesãko forms having fixed stress until de Saussure's law. 68
MAS interpretation of the de Saussure's law
De Saussure's law can be interpreted as an interaction of dominant and recessive morphemes. The principle is quite easy because dominant endings attract stress from the recessive morphemes. The domimancy is caused by a laryngeal here, so e.g. Nsg * o ( ) + h2(+) 69 >* ā ( +) . It means that the root in Nsg rankà (AP2) is recessive and therefore loses stress to the 70 domimant acute ending. Isg might be interpreted as * ā( ) + N (+) giving * ā n ( +).
2.3.5.2. Accentual rrelationshipelationship between Lithuanian and Latvian 71 Nominals and verbs with falling tone on the first syllable correspond to circumflexed root in Lithuanian: Latv. dràugs "friend, Lith. drãugas . Central Latvian sustained tone on the first syllable corresponds to Lithuanian acute on the root and AP1: Latv. duõna "bread", Lith. dúona . Latvian broken tone on the initial syllable corresponds to Lithuanian root acute and mobile paradigm AP3: Latv. kal ns "mountain", Latv. kálnas .
2.3.5.3. Common East Baltic period The development ofthe Common East Baltic accentuation was described by Kortlandt 1974, 1977 and 1994. Hereby I adduce the main points: Endzelin's law 72 : monophtongization of stressed * ei and * oi to * which later undewent diphtongization to *ie as in Lith. die vas , Latv. dìevs
67 Kortlandt 1977:327. 68 Kortlandt 1974:304, 1977:327. 69 Dybo 2003:155. 70 ibid. Dybo calls the assimilation "metatony" but it should be taken only as a cover term for the change of dominancy which surfaces as an intonation change. 71 Derksen1991:50 53. 72 Kortlandt 1974:301, Kortlandt 1977:323.
29 Shortening of long diphtongs :73 e.g. Dsg. Lith. mer gai x Gr. x ch rāi Rise of phonemic pitch: 74 Glottal stop lost its segmental status and became a feature of the neighbouring vowel Retraction of ictus from a prevocalic "i": 75 , e.g. Lith. áukštas x aũkštis .
2.3.5.4. Origin of Lithuanian intonation In East Baltic, the glottalic articulation merged with the neighbouring vowel yielding laryngeal pitch similar to broken tone. This intonation should have been the same as Latvian and Žemaitian Brechton and Danish stød. This process triggered the rise of distinctive tones. Ictus retraction from prevocalic " i" (the source of metatony): stress retraction from a prevocalic " i"76 to a laryngealised vowel yielded rising tone. The glottalic feature was lost. An example of it is ãukštis "height" < *au Ȥkštìos with rising tone contra áukštas "high". 77 stress retraction onto a non laryngealised vowel gave a middle tone which then merged with the falling tone: * i: * vilkìa "she wolf" > Lith. vìlk÷ stress also retracted from short * à in final open syllables. This retraction applied to neutra o stems which had not been affected by Hirt's and Ebeling's law 78 The retractions above were common to both Latvian and Lithuanian but the further 79 development was only parallel, not identical.
73 Kortlandt 1974:301, Kortlandt 1977:323. 74 Kortlandt 1974:302, Kortlandt 1977:424. 75 Kortlandt 1977:324. 76 Because it lost its stressability. 77 Also Stang 1966:147. 78 Another source of metatony, see the following note. 79 Metatony is a typical feature accompanying derivation processes. In etymologically related words the tone can change, e.g. áukštas "high", aũkštis "height". Since de Saussure 1894 two kinds of Baltic and especially Lithuanian metatonies are distinguished: métatonie douce (change of acute to circumflex) and métatonie rude (change of circumflex to acute). Metatony has been recently extensively studied by Derksen 1996. The important result of Derksen's work is that metatony is not caused by a change of intonation but by a retraction of stress. Métatonie douce in radical syllables was caused by a stress retraction from the prevocalic *ì, e.g. kaĩlius "furrier" versus káilis "sheep skin" for iiʢu stems or aũkštis versus áukštas for iiʢo stems. In those cases the stress was retracted from * ìiʢos, * ìiʢus . Métatonie douce in sta presents like juõsti, juõsta "become black" versus júodas "black" has been caused by the Balto Slavic loss of preglottalized consonant before st suffix: *júo Ȥd st . The sequence *CV(R) Ȥd V results in acute while the development of the sequence *CV(R) Ȥd st >*CV(R) st results in circumflex. This is logical because there is no glottal stop which would result in acute. For métatonie douce see Derksen (2006:36 189), for sta presents ibid (167 168). Métatonie rude in root syllables has also been caused by stress retraction from prevocalic * ì as in Latv. klákis "kite" versus kly ti "squawk". Retraction in o stems occured from * à to a preceding non laryngealized syllable mainly in oxytone neuters. This retraction caused a rising tone and gave acute in Lithuanian and sustained tone in Latvian barytona or an alternation of sustained tone and Brechton in mobile paradigm because mobile and oxytone neuters merged. The examples from Latvian can be lau ks "field", raĩks "slice of bread, see Derksen (2006:190 368) for the detailed account of métatonie rude ; Alternatively about metatony also recent papers by Larsson 2004, 2004a.
30 Kortlandt 1974, 1977 postulated the Lithuanian accentual development in the following steps: Rise of tonal oppositions : retraction of the stress to glottalized syllables yielded a rising tone and the loss of glottalization., e.g. aũkštis x áukštas . Glottalization changed to falling tone in stressed syllables, non glottalic pitch merged with the new rising tone. Stress retraction to non glottalized syllables resulted in middle tone which later merged with the falling intonation, e.g. vìlk÷ x OInd. v kī h. 80 Diphtongization of East Baltic * , *ō > ie, uo , as in die vas, dúoti , limited to Aukštaitian dialects. 81 Lengthening of stressed Baltic *e, *a , lengthening occured under stress in the open syllable, e.g. ve da, sa ko 82 Pedersen's law (the second one) : see above, stress retraction from stressed inner syllable in mobile paradigm of the nèveda type. 83 Hjelmslev's metatony law : stress retraction on a glottalized vowel yields rising tone and the loss of laryngeal feature, limited to trisyllabic nouns, e.g. ÷ desis. 84 De Saussure's law : ictus shifted from a non falling vowel to a following glottalized vowel. 85 Nieminen's law : ictus retracted from a short " a" in final syllables to a preceding long vowel or diphtong, e.g. kíekas , šáltas x šaltásis 86 Leskien's law : acute vowels in final syllables were shortened, e.g. rankà . Intonation in final syllables was neutralized in Aukštaitian. It was restored when posttonic short vowels in final syllables were lost., e.g. vaikáms .87
2.3.5.2.3.5.5555.. Latvian Latvian has got stress on mainly on the first syllable and also distinguishes intonation there. 88 There are three distinctive intonations. 89 Gravis is only on short vowels iff that vowel is the first part of a diphtong: dìena "day", dràugs "friend", pìrkt "buy" It is also on
80 Kortlandt 1974:303. 81 Kortlandt 1974:304, Kortlandt 1977:326. 82 ibid. 83 ibid. 84 Kortlandt 1974:304, 1977:327, Derksen 1996:28. 85 Kortlandt's brilliant formulation from 1974:304, 1977:327. Derksen 1996:28 sticks to the classical formulation that stress shifted from a circumflex or short syllable to an immediately following acute syllable. I will deal later with various approaches to interpret de Saussure's law. 86 Kortlandt 1974:305, Derksen 1996:28. 87 Leskien 1881, Kortlandt 1974:305, Kortlandt 1977:328. 88 Endzelin 1922:17 32; Endzelin 1971:25 28; Stang 1966:120 174, Forssman 2001:78 81. 89 Contemporary standard Lithuanian normally does not distinguish them but they are important from the historical point of view. Forssman (2001:79 80)
31 long vowels if the vowel is not part of a diphtong: bē rns "child". Sustained tone is on the long vowels or on the second part of a diphtong: brãlis "brother", til ts "bridge". Brechton is also on the long vowels and the second part of a diphtong, de ls "son", meîta "girl". The Brechton is characterised by glottalisation. The three intonations are distinctive only in stressed position. In unstressed position the sustained tone often occurs. Traditionally, Latvian intonation are compared and juxtaposed with other Balto Slavic languages: gravis corresponds to Lith. circumflex and S Cr. long falling tone: Latv. Asg rùoku , Lith. ran ką, S Cr. rûku ; sustained tone corresponds to Lith. acute and S Cr. short falling tone: Latv. lie pa, Lith. lípa , S Cr. l pa . Brechton correspond to Lith. gravis in formerly acuted syllables (according to the classical doctrine Brechton originated due to the stress retraction: Latv. gal va , Lith. galvà in cases where the acute syllable preceded final stressed. 90 The system with three distinctive tones in initial syllables has been preserved only in two areas NE part of central Latvia and border area of Kurzeme + central Latvian dialects. Elsewhere, the original system has been simplified. In western parts the gravis merged with Brechton. In eastern part the gravis merged with the sustained tone 91 : Central L. traũks , West L. traũks , East L. tràuks ; Central L. raûgs , West L. raûgs , East L . raûgs; Central L. dràugs , West L. draûgs , East L. dràugs.
2.3.5.6. Origin of Latvian intonations According to classical doctrine of Endzelin, the sustained tone developed on the ictus of acute vowel. Broken tone should originate after the retraction of ictus to an acute vowel in oxytone forms of mobile paradigm. So mobile paradigm with an acute vowel should then contain the alternation of the sustained and the broken tone with the subsequent generalisation of the broken tone. 92 Another ictus retraction should also operate from final to non final syllables, e.g. in flective forms: Lpl. avîs, ragûs and also in derivative suffixes: âks, îgs, e klis ... 93 This means that Latvian should have had two different retraction the first one from the final syllable. So we have e.g. Lpl gal vâs with two Brechtons, the first retraction should have been from the end syllable to the preceding syllable: *galvā sę <*galvāsę . Then, the retraction to the first syllable *galvā sę >*ga lvās . Both retractions should result in Brechton: gal vâs. 94 According to Kortlandt/Derksen hypothesis 95 , the Proto East Baltic possessed an
90 Endzelin 1922:25. 91 Endzelin 1922 in Derksen 1991:51. 92 Derksen 1991:52. 93 Stang 1966:142. 94 Stang 1966:142 143.
32 opposition glottalised (acute) and non glottalised (circumflex) syllables. Proto Balto Slavic glottal closure gave Latvian glottalic articulation because the loss of glottal closure gave rise of rising pitch distionction. After the distintegration of East Baltic the system of glottalised/non glottalised syllables was replaced by tonal system. Several changes occured: 96 wh 97 1. stress retraction from prevocalic * i: * snoig íH eh 2> snaigìaH >snie dze "snow bunting" 2. stress retraction from short * à in final open syllables (oxytone o stem neuters which escaped Hirt's law and BS retraction, *loik wóm >*laikà >laĩks "time" 98 . Barytone neuters became mobile. An example of this are PSl. *krě slo "chair", * ly ko "bast", * si to "sieve" (APa) and Lith. kréslas, lùnkas, síetas (AP1). Fixed stress and immobile paradigms point to the stress retraction of Hirt's law (BSL *kréȤslo, *lúnȤko, *séȤito ). 99 But Latvian has Brechton which points to the neomobility: kr sls, lûks, si ts because the Brechton, which was not dependent on stress, was generalised here. 3. Retraction 1 and 2 result in rising tone on both glottalised and non glottalised vowels . Other stressed vowels became falling. 4. Rise of sustained tone under stressed glottalised vowels lead to the loss of glottalisation under falling tone and gave rise to the sustained tone which merged with rising tone *séh 1 ti > *se Ȥti >se t "sow". 100 h Ȥ 5. Rest of glottalised vowels became falling *d eh 1 (s)tóm >*de stà > dèsts "plant" 6. Unstressed syllables with glottalisation developed the broken tone. So we have three intonational results: laĩks neomobile from stress retraction and sustained tone (métatonie rude), dèsts falling tone (métatonie douce), lûks neomobility. Young (2000) showed that there are two sources of Brechton in Latvian and Žemaitian: the first one represents the inherited Baltic acute (originated from a laryngeal or due to the Winter's law) and another one which originated in the internal syllable. This Brechton corresponds to Lithuanian circumflex, e.g. Latv. devîtàis "ninth" ~ Lith. devin tas . According to Young, the etymological circumflex here was replaced by Brechton.
95 Derksen 1995 96 The chronology of Latvian accentual development was also postulated by Kortlandt 1974:305 306, Kortlandt 1977:328:329. I hereby adduce the improved version by Derksen. 97 Derksen 1995:165. 98 Derksen 1995:165. 99 Derksen 2008. 100 ibid.
33 2.3.6. Old Prussian 101 The accentuation of Old Prussian is scarcely known. The stress was free and mobile and we can only suppose that Balto Slavic acute and circumflex were reflected here. Old Prussian diphtongs can be stressed either on the first or the second component. Macron on the first element corresponds to the Lithuanian circumflex, e.g. OPrus. 3sg subj. ēit "go" ~ Lith. eĩti , Old Prussian macron on the second diphtong component corresponds to acute: OPrus. boūt "be" ~ Lith. bū ti .102 In 3rd Catechism the macron above a vowel corresponds the Lithuanian stressed syllable, e.g. OPr. mūti "mother" ~ Lith. mót÷ and the stress is also indicated by a gemminate, e.g. waikammas "boy". Kortlandt 1974a refused the old interpretation of the gemmination means that a preceding syllable was short and stressed because there are many counterexamples showing the geminates before stressed long vowels, e.g. semmē "earth". The therefore proposed that gemminates indicate that the following vowel was stressed. 103 Rightward stress shift was common in Old Prussian but not in Lithuanian (cf. že m÷), so Old Prussian had the law: " a stressed short vowel lost the ictus to the following syllable ". 104 Stress shift in Lithuanian rankàs and the absence of it Old Prussian rānkans "hand" shows that de Saussure's law did not operate in Old Prussian. 105
2.3.7. SerbianSerbian CroatianCroatian Serbian Croatian tonemic system is composed of four intonations: kratki silazni (short falling): ( ) e.g. kr va , kratki uzlazni (short rising): ( ) e.g. žèna , dugi silazni (long falling): ( ) gr d , and dugi uzlazni (long rising): ( ´ ) e.g. gláva . Stress is free and mobile but final syllables cannot be stressed. Quantity is distinctive, can be either under stress (thus marking by the long intonation) or in unstressed position marking by a macron.
101 For general overview see Schmalstieg 1974. 102 Stang 1966:144, Derksen 1996:17. 103 Kortlandt 1974:300. 104 ibid p.302. As Kortlandt remarks, the law is similar to Dybo's law in Proto Slavic. However, Old Prussian shift does not depend on the accentual paradigm (Dybo's law affects only non acute immobilia) and the target syllable is not dependent on its accentuation (de Saussure's law applies only to acute syllables). But the accentuation between Old Prussian and Slavic corresponds in that respect, e.g. OPrus. gennāmans ~ Rus. žená , so the oxytonesis was fixed here in Old Prussian as well as Slavic. 105 I only recently obtained Kortlandt's book Baltica & Balto Slavica published in Rodopi 2009 which contains 26 papers on Old Prussian thematically arranged under philology, phonology, morphology and texts headlines. As the detailed analysis of Old Prussian is not the topic of that chapter, I refer the reader to this book because all Kortlandt's important papers are collected there.
34 Falling intonations are only at the beginning of the word. Accent moves to the preposition: "prenosi se": kùću > ù kuću ; po d > nà pod , R m > ù Rīm (length retained) or "preskače": no gu > n nogu , grâd > u grād Neoštokavian retraction Originally, there were only falling intonations and . Retraction of the stress the target syllable obtained rising intonations: *nog > nòga (short rising because of short vowel), *rūk > rúka (long rising because of long vowel). This explains why S Cr (Štokavian) has not stress on the final syllable. When we compare S Cr and Russian stress, falling tones are normally on the same place as Russian stress, e.g. m sēc x mésjac , but rising tones are one syllable leftwards in Štokavian, e.g. písati x pisáť . Čakavian dialects distinguish three intonations , , which can be on any syllable: kr va, žen , m so, sũša. Neoacute is a distinct intonation krãlj "king", S Cr. kr lj . It also preserves the original ictus apart from standard S Cr where Neoštokavian retraction occured: Čak. rūk , S Cr. rúka . In closed syllable before sonorant, changes to and the vowel is lenghened: S Cr. d m , Čak. dĩm but only in Northern Čakavian, Southern Čakavian has long falling accent: d m .106 Kajkavian distinguishes the same intonations as Čakavian. Posttonic length cause the change > (neocircumflex): Štokavian p ūk, g vrān, jāstrēb , Kajkavian p uk, g vran, j streb . PSl. acute is reflected in Serbian Croatian as short falling intonation, e.g. * kırva > kr va . short circumflex gives also short falling intonation, e.g. * ko lo > ko lo and shifts on the proclitics, e.g. u kolo . Neoacute is reflected as a separate intonation in dialects, e.g. kljũč, in standard variants merges with long falling intonation klju č. Short rising intonations merges with short circumflexes to short falling intonations, e.g. bo b, ro da . Long circumflex is reflected as long falling intonation, e.g. gr d . Monosyllables are lengthened, thus r d, b g but Gsg ro da, bo ga versus gr da, kljúča .107 So for the reconstruction of the former accentual paradigm also genitive forms must be used. Stress retraction gives the two rising intonations depending on the length of target syllable, thus the differnce between kòlāč and národ . The chronology of accentual changes from PIE to Serbian Croatian was provided by Kortlandt (1994, 2003, 2005). 108
106 Langston 2006:8. 107 For the useful overview of the accentuation of o stems in Croatian see Kapović 2006. 108 The boastful attempt to describe Croatian accentuation and Proto Slavic quantity development was done by Kapović 2005a, 2005b and 2008. Kapović remains on the position of MAS with his own Croatian centric view by which he projects the Croatian accentual patterns to the rest of Slavic territory. Especially Kapović's aggressive response to Kortlandt 2005 (Kapović 2005b) turned his theory into a remarkably farce. I criticise Kapović's approach to Czech length in the last chapter of this dissertation, otherwise his methods and
35 Modern accentological description of the S Cr dialects has been done especially by the members or students of Dutch accentological school: Steinhauer 1973, 1973a (Čakavian), Steinhauer 1975 (Čakavian dialect of Susak), Houtzagers 1982 (Čakavian dialects of Cres island), Houtzagers (Čakavian dialect of Orlec and Cres), Houtzagers 1987a (Kajkavian), Houtzagers 1987b (Čakavian, Isladn of Pag), Budovskaja & Houtzagers 1994, 1996 (Čakavian dialect Kali, Ugljan island), Vermeer 1983 (Kajkavian), Vermeer 1984 (Čakavian dialect of Omišalj), Vermeer 1984 1985 (Neoštokavian dialects), Kalsbeek 1998 (Čakavian dialect of Orbanići); also non Dutch author Langston 2002 (Čakavian, Crkvenica). A long and detailed development of Croatian historical changes which also contain the accentual development are described by Holzer 2005 and Holzer 2007.
Modern nonnon linearlinear phonology and OT approach Serbian Croatian as a pitch accent language is often the target of autosegmental phonology where the tones are considered as autosegments on a separate tiers. The papers concerning synchronic description of accentual system of standard variants as well as dialects are quite numerous so only a brief description will be done here. Inkelas & Zec 1988 tried to combine autosegmental and lexical phonology proposing that tone is the underlying entity here and the information of stress is predictable from the information about tone. S Cr has two tones, H and L linked to V slots in CV tier. Vocalic slots are moras and are tone bearing units. H tone typically spreads leftwards. On the surface, a syllable can bear H, L, HL or LH melody and any long syllable ith H tone on the initial mora will surface as HL, H on second mora via spreading rule will surface as LH. Stress and tone are separate phenomena because stress is connected with duration, is the property of syllables, tone is characterised with differences in pitch and is connected with moras. Stress can be assigned in the lexical rule while tone need not. 109 Zec 1993 dealt with Neoštokavian stress retraction and proposed that the retraction select phonological word or a phrase as a retraction domain. Langston 1997 is a reaction to the Inkelas & Zec and Zec proposing that syllable and not the mora is the locus of tone. Langstons monumental Čakavian prosody (2006) has become a new standard of a complex description of synchronic and historical processes of the South Slavic dialectal area. Zec 1999 proposed OT analysis of Neo Štokavian. Basically, her idea remains the same as in previous papers: H tone is docked with mora ) and the tone introducing to morphological explanations were criticised by Kortlandt 2005. However, some Kapović's results (apparently new) were adopted by Holzer 2005, 2007 . Kapović's approach lacks any relative chronology. 109 This approach of separation stress from tone was adopted by Bethin 1998 in her description of Proto Slavic accentual system.
36 constituents are also influenced by ALIGN family of constraints. In Zec's approach, every Neoštokavian word has three layer of morphological constituents of the lexical level baree stems, forms derived by suffixess 1, forms derived by suffixes 2 and the word constituent. Each constituent have its own prosodic constraints. Neoštokavian system is considered a hybrid system of two types, the one based on grouping, the other on the tone prominence. As the situation described by Zec is quite complex, I refrain from adducing examples here and refer to their original lengthy paper. 110
2.3.8. SlovSloveneeneeneene Slovene has distinctive intonations and stress. Accentual paradigms can be fixed, e.g. Nsg. lípa , Gsg lípe ..., Nsg. ràk , Gsg ráka , or mobile: Nsg góra , Gsg. goré , Nsg mo ž, Gsg. mož . Slovene has distinctive accent and intonations. 111 Stress is mobile, as in Russian: róka, rok÷ , róki, roko . Only long vowels carry tone distinctions. Length appears under stress (apart from Serbian Croatian which has also posttonic but no pretonic lengths) and tone is dependent on quantity. Slovene prosodic system can be either tonemic or stress only. Tonemic system distinguishes long rising intonation ( á), long falling, circumflex ( ), short intonation (à) and double brevis ( ) Mid vowels are also distinguished: close mid , o in long stressed syllable versus open mid e, o. Stress only system distinguishes long stressed vowels ( á), close mid é, ó under stress, open mid vowels marked with carat e , o and short stressed vowels marked with gravis. 112 PSl acute is reflected as a long rising intonation in non final syllable: *li pa >*lìpa > lípa, *mali na > malìna >malína, in monosylables as short bràt . Short intonation in internal syllable changes to circumflex before the syllable with a weak yer: *praɾv da > *pràvda >pr vda . Stress is retracted from final syllables if the preceding syllables is long, rised e.g. by Dybo's law: *nāròd > národ, *trōbà > tróba .
110 Neoštokavian retraction has also been dealt by Bethin 2008:163 168. Her representation of Neoštokavian is autosegmental, with rising intonation represented by a H tone associated with a mora. Stress is independent on the position of H tone. Bethin iterprets Neoštokavian retraction as stress retraction due to the reinterpretation of a prosodic domain. and rise of trochaic foot. 111 The following survey has its source from Lencek 1982. 112 Toporišić (2004:72 73). Greenberg 2008:20 21. Ramovš (1950) presents a well arranged handlist of the Slovene intonations and its origin: Slovene is from the old long circumflex: gr d, old circumflex which underwent progressive shift: zlato ; old circumflex which was prolonged on the closed short syllables: bo g ; neocircumflex: rîb; Slovene ´ is from the former acute syllable which were prolonged in non final syllables: kráva; short neoacute analogically lengthened: nóg, pás; short neoacute on internal syllables: vólja ; long neoacute: kljúč ; result of stress retraction from the final syllables: dúša, žéna ; Slovene is from the old acute on monosyllables: br t ; short neoacute on monosyllables: ko nj, dno ; result of stress retraction from the final syllable: ž na; Slovene is only dialectal, resulting of the stress retraction from the short final syllables: žèna or long long final syllables: òko , standard oko .
37 Stress is also retracted from the final weak yer: *kljūč >kljúč, *kljūča > kljūča (retraction of final stress to long vowel/diphtong and the rise of neoacute); *konj konja > kònj kónja (lengthening in new non final syllables). Stress from short final syllable is retracted to pretonic short vowel and the long intonation is created *gorà > góra, *žena > žéna . Original circumflex shifts to the following syllable: *du chъ du cha > du h duha .
The relationship of Slovene and Kajkavian: 113 Neocircumflex occurs in as a distinctive intonation in Slovene and Kajkavian. It replaces the old acute and apart from the old circumflex it does not undergo the progressive shift. Lenczek (1982:88) distinguishes the following examples where the neocircumflex occurs: forms of APa verbs: present: r÷ zati r žeš, mázati m žeš (cf. S Cr. m zati m žēš ), passive participle: r zan, pom zan ; l participle feminine: r zala, m zala. Noun forms of former APa also show neocircumflex: Gpl: lîp, l t , Npl l ta, m sta , Ipl rîbo, lîpo, kr vo. Also derivates from former APa (and some others) have neocircumflex: c star, mlînar, sîtar, j streb. Comparing Slovene with Serbian Croatian, we observe that both languages have accent retraction. Slovene does not retract from non final or long syllables: Sln. liváda, lisíca x S Cr. lívada, lísica . In Slovene, the progressive accent shift occurs: oko , zlato , golo b x S Cr. o ko, zlâto, go lūb . Slovene and Kajkavian dialects both share the neocircumflex phenomenon: Sln. vîdim, gînem, Kajk. vîdim, gînem x S Cr. v dīm, g nēm . They also have neoacute: Sln. kónjski , Kajk. kõnjski but Štok. ko njskī. On the other hand, Kajkavian does not shift circumflex intonation rightwards: Kajk. Gsg. bo ga x Sln. bog . Also, Kajkavian did not follow the lengthening of a non final reflection of acute and its merging with neoacute intonation, as Slovene did: Kajk. kr va x Sln. kráva , Kajk. sũša x Sln. súša , Kajk. no sim x Sln. no sim , cf. S Cr. kr va, su ša , no sīm. The important contribution to the knowledge of Slovene neocircumflex was proposed by Kortlandt (1976). Neocircumflex originated from the lengthening of a stressed short vowel before iether a non final weak yer, which was lost, or a following long vowel, which was shortened. 114 The first example of the bîtka type is phonetic. Similarly, neocircumflex appeared on the root vowel where the posttonic long vowel originated due to the consonant
113 See Greenberg 2000:45 50. for detailed discussions. 114 Kortlandt 1976:2.
38 cluster simplification (van Wijk's law): vo lja, ko ža .. 115 This should be an example of phonetic lengthening before a long vowel. Kortlandt also checked the occurence of neocircumflex in Čakavian and concluded that also here that intonation rised due to the phonetic lengtheninig before an originally long vowel, although the situation has been obscured by the generalization of short vowels under the stress and long vowels everywhere. 116 Chronologically, neocircumflex occured after the progressive accent shift because first, neocircumflex does not undergo protraction to the following syllable and also, it results from the lengthening of originally short rising tone. So, according to Kortlandt, there was no pitch opposition on short vowels at that time. 117 Neocircumflex is not phonetic in Gpl krâv, lîp (APa) because Kortlandt supposes the analogical transfer of length form the Gpl of APc paradigms go r. Neocircumflex was subsequently retracted onto a preceding syllable in Carinthian and Pannonian Slovene dialects as well as in the Kajkavian Bednja dialect (Pronk 2007). The retraction occured if the preceding syllable was long, therefore *zab va would be submitted to the retraction, so Bednja zõbovo , apart from *dob va. , although as Pronk's analysis shows, there are many examples of furter restoration through analogy.
Chronology of Slovene accentual changes
Lenczek (1982:94 100) distinguishes the following Proto Slovene state: long intonations: neoacute: * strážā, *kljúč , Gpl. * ko nj ; circumflex: * du ch *dūch , neocircumflex: *d lā, *d lāš short intonations: neoacute: *vòlja, *nòsīš
Accentual changes in more detail: 118 lenghtening of monosyllables from APc: *bo gъ, *no ť >Sln. bo g, no č shortening of original pretonic length: *ję zyɾkъ, *māli na (APa) > Sln. malína, jézik neocircumflex: Gpl*žaɾbъ, *lě tъ >Sln. ž b, l t; *mě sę c (APa) > Sln. m sec lengthening of former rising tone syllables: *kòń , *nògъ >*kóń, *nóg > Sln. ko nj, no g rightward circumflex shift (10th century): *bo gъ b ga >Sln. bo g bog
115 ibid, p. 4. 116 ibid.p.9. 117 Kortlandt 1976:2. 118 Modified and shortened according to Šekli, M.:Relativna kronologija slovenskich naglasnih pojavov. Filozofska fakulteta, Univerzita v Ljubljani, MS. I thank the author for providing me the text.
39 (12th century) stress retraction from the open final syllables: *kljúč *ključa (APb) > Sln. kljúč kljúča ; stress retraction from the closed final syllable: *zakònъ *zakòna > Sln. zákon , zako na lengthening of the former rising tone in non final syllables (13 14th cent.): *žaɾba >*žàba >Sln. žába. The chronology differ for individual Slovene dialects. 119 The most comprehensive and up to date description of Slovene historical phonology is the one by Greenberg 2000. Greenberg adopts the newest results of both Slavic accentology as well as Slovene dialectology. I hereby adduce the most important facts concerning Slovene accentology which Greenberg adduces: Illich Svitych's law shift of oxytone stressed nouns from PIE barytone masculines to mobile paradigm, attested in NW Istrian, Čakavian (Susak), also in Slovene dialects: rûh rohá (Rož), standard ro g, rog 120 stress retraction in words containing a long pretonic vowels: Npl *gnězda > gné zda 121 shortening of acute 122 shortening of the falling tone phonetic shortening results in CL I of the following syllable and creates the conditions for the reanalysis of the place of ictus: 123 *rNj kNj > rNj kNj > *rNjkNj Stang Ivšič's law retraction of stress from final yers in Gpl APc nouns: *vodъ > Sln.dial. wút , analogically extended to APa and APb forms: kráva kr v, kóza ko z (Kortlandt' 1975, accepted by Greenberg) 124 lost of weak yers, vocalization of strong yers and CL II; yers in weak positions which received stress due to the Stang Ivšič's law were vocalized and obtained neoacute: *dъchnNj , *dъchn (tъ) "breathes" > dáhne ; former opposition between long and short falling intonation in initial position *d rъ "gift" x *bo gъ lead to the lengthening of falling intonation, thus bo g .; originally falling stressed yers are lost: *sъ to >sto ; CL in postpostonic syllable: *po b ralъ > pobr l "picked" Slovene advancement of PSl circumflex: *męɵso>meso (10th cent.)125 rise of neocircumflex (10 11th cent.) 126
119 For the different reflection of acute in Slovene dialects see Rigler 1977, about accentual variants see Rigler 1970, 1971. 120 p.78 79. 121 p. 79. 122 p. 91. 123 p. 91. 124 p. 93 94. 125 p.105.
40 retraction of neocircumflex 127 retraction of short final intonation onto a long penultimate vowel (primary retraction): 128 *zvězdaɾ > zvé zda since 15th cent. lengthening of short stressed non final syllables: former acute syllables + short rising syllables: *braɾta >*bràta >bráta (dialectally conditioned) 129 retraction of short final stress onto short pretonic vowels (secondary retraction): *ženaɾ > žéna loss of pitch distinction (dialectal) 130 retraction of final long intonation onto the preceding vowels (tertiary retraction): 131 *o ko >*oko >òko/óko Modern phonology approaches was made e.g. by Becker & Bethin (1983) who posited a set of underlying representations upon which various accentual rules operated. Dybo's law is formulated as The oxytone rule, accented final syllables in APc paradigms are formed by The mobile weak (end stressing rule) but circumflex in strong cases is created by Circumflex rule. Gpl a stems of APc which is lengthened (Sln. go r ) is considered to be a result of Gpl lengthening rule, 132 all reflexes of "neocircumflex" are generated by lengthening rules. Both authors reduce the historical development of standard Slovene accentual system to the interaction of a handful of rules. 133 Althought the rules can describe individual processses, I consider the whole approach very arbitrary. Moreover, both authors start with the wrong presupposition that acute versus circumflex opposition was rising and and falling intonation. Both authors remain on the position of classical accentology. Bethin herself returned to the problems of Slovene accentuation in her 1998 book. Skipping the rule insertion approach, she adopted autosegmental phonolgy for the description of accentual phenomena. She did not change her opinion on the character of PSl acute and circumflex, only modified it. She takes acute as a presence of H tone associated with the second mora, falling intonation as a H tone joined with the first mora but is can be redundant, because it can also be realized as stress on the first syllable. Stress and tone are independent. 134 Bethin is very careful in taking all historical accounts into consideration so
126 p. 110. 127 p.111. 128 Synopsis of retraction in p.183. 129 p. 128 129. 130 p. 159 160 131 p. 162. 132 Becker & Bethin (1983:64 65). 133 p. 69 70. 134 Bethin 1998:4., 32.
41 her presentation is very useful. However, even if her idea of rhythmicity in Slavic is favourable to me, her explanations of some Slovene phenomena remains rather descriptive. This concerns CL in South Slavic (p.96 104), she still supposes that acute was shortened in Slavic (p. 127 129). Bethin takes neoacute development in South Slavic as a retraction of H tone (p.131 132). Progressive accent shift (the shift of old circumflex to the following syllable) is explained as a consequence of reevaluating prominence. The prosodic identification of acute and circumflex as long should lead to the rise of quantity as a marker of word prominence for unaccented forms. Bethin thinks that a long syllable was prominent in an unaccented form (because quantity was the marker of prominence) while short syllables were distinguished by H or not H. If the unaccented forms received stress by default, stress starts to be associated with length. But in unaccented forms the length is the phonologically significant which leads to the iambic structure. The generalization of iambic metrical structure leads to the transpozition of quantity and shift of the falling accent to the right: 135
After the shift, the long syllable attracts stress and further supports the iambic metricity. So the circumflex protraction was not a shift of stress but rather a shift of mora. Bethin interprets neocircumflex as an emergence of strong weak metrical footdue to the tone/stress prominence by length (prominence starts to be associated with length). 136 An unaccented mora is reassociated to a preceding syllable. A falling pitch contour on the originally H toned syllable leads to the reconsideration of falling intonation. So H and stress can be manifested as a falling pitch on long syllables which leads to the trochee foot type in Slovene.
2.3.9. A nonotete on South Slavic general South Slavic prosodic system is complex. Alexander (1993) distinguished 15 major types, half of them distinguishing length in some position and the rest havin stress only systems. 137
135 Bethin 1998:136 137. 136 p. 140. 137 Schallert 1993 showed that the distribution of stress in free stress systems of Balkan Slavic dialects depends on Proto Slavic root quantity and intonation ad the nature of the root final consonant. Using the examples of definite masculine singular, he showed that he original APa which ended in a voiced consonant, sonorant or a voiceless fricative shifted into the mobile class in many dialects and exhibit the accentual pattern of former APc (* darъtъ > darъ t ), so e.g. dymъ t, grachъ t . Former APb are distributed according to original root quantity, certain
42 Those systems can be grouped into three broader areas: type A with the distincitive length and tone, represented by the Neoštokavian retraction, type B, characterised by a free stress, encompasses Bulgarian, peripheral areas of Macedonian and Serbian, type C with fixed stress is typical for western Macedonian. Serbian Croatian and Slovene has traditionally been important for the reconstruction of Proto Slavic accentual system and the former has also been heavily studied by means of autosegmental phonology. Stress only systems, like Macedonian, has become useful for OT solutions. The most complete phonological development of South Slavic territory has been proposed by Kortlandt 1982, 2003. The changes are incorporate into Kortlandt's comperehensive description of the develompment from PIE to Slavic (Kortlandt 1994/2002). 138
2.3.10. RusRussiasiasiasiannnn Russian stress is quite complex and there are many intraparadigmatic shifts. Nouns can be e.g. divided into following accentual patterns: masculina can be either stem stressed : zavód "factory", zavóda, zavódu. ., or ending stressed : starík "old man", stariká, starikú ...or mobile. There are two mobile patterns : sád "orchard", sáda, sádu...sadý, sadóv, sadám ... i.e. barytonesis in singular and oxytonesis in plural; and vólk "wolf", vólka, vólku...vólki, volkóv, volkám ... where singular is stem stressed and plural becomes oxytone stressed from Gsg. Feminina are accentually much more complex: stem stressed : škóla "school", škóly, škóle... end stressed: staťjá "article", staťí, staťé ... and a very diversified mobile pattern: kósť "bone", kósti, kósti..kósti, kostéj, kosťjám, kósti ...(stem stressed in singular, oxytone in plural apart from N Apl), sosná "fir", sosný, sosné...sósny, sósen... (end stressed in singular, stem stressed in plural), gubá "mouth", gubý, gubé..., gúby, gub, gubám, gúby.. . (end stressed in singular and plural, stem stressed in N Apl), ruká, rukí, ruké, rúku...rúki, ruk, rukám, rúki... (end stressed in singular and plural, stem stressed in Asg, N Apl), cená "price", cený, cené, cénu...cény, cen, cénam. ..(end stressed in singular, stem stressed in Asg and all plural). Neutra are are less diversified: stem stressed : právilo "rule", právila, právilu. .., end stressed : toržestvó "party", toržestvá, toržestvú... and two mobile patterns: oknó "window", okná, oknú..ókna, ókon ...(end stressed in singular, stem stressed in plural); slóvo "word", slóva ,
long roots have mobile stress and the mobility also depends on the character of a root final consonant, so dъždъ t, mъchъ t etc but short roots have stem stress, e.g. bóbъt, dvórъt . In APb the quantitative distinctions still relevant during the stress mobilisation and Schallert thinks that the length was not lost under neoacute except for voiceless stop, e.g. *prídъtъ >prí:dъt x *glístъtъ >glìstъtъ . Schallert proposes that barytona quantitatively merged with long mobilia, so *dy :mъt > dy:mъ t (APa) = *da:rъ tъ (APc). 138 Kortlandt 1980 dealt also with the accentuation of Kiev Leaflets. The language is a transitional dialect between South and West Slavic.
43 slóvu...slová, slov, slovám (stem stressed in singular, end stressed in plural). Verbs in present can have stem stressed form: délaju, délaješ.. "do", end stressed forms: nesú, nesëš', nesët ..."carry" or can be mobile: pišú, píšeš, píšet ..."write". Mobile paradigm have only verbs with end stressed infinitive: pisáť but délať . Quite complex is the accentuation of l participle: délal, délala, délalo (stem stressed); nës, neslá, nesló (end stressed), sobrál "took", sobralá , sobrálo, prínjal "accepted", prinjalá, prínjalo (mobile). From the modern accentual description of Russian, the important work of Halle 1959 might be mentioned (refuting of structuralism). Garde (1968a/2006) pointed out on the Russian paradigms with "voyelle mobile" alternation, type orël orlá "eagle" (constant paradigm) and úzel uzlá "knot". Garde is also the author of the synchronic description of Russian from the point of dominant and recessive morphemes (see the conception of Garde 1976 here in this dissertation). 139 Feldstein (2007a) proposed the synchronic description of Russian accentual paradigms. The conditioning factor of the accentuation are desinences. For Russian APB forms (which are result of former APb), the determinig factor is the genitive case desinence (e.g. kabán kabaná kabanóv , for APC (originaly APc) it is the desinence of Nsg. But here the quality of ending is decissive, low vowel a causes the advancement of stress to the ending ( golová ), high vowel i does not " volk vólki ". Mid vowels also do not cause the stress advancement and stress remains on its undelying word initial position ( zérkalo ). There are also mixed paradigms like suščestvó, suščestvá, vodá vód etc. Basically, Feldsteins system is just one of the system for synchronic description of the Russian accentuation. Much more exhaustive description of the synchronic Russian accentual system provides Noll&Wenk (2003) but the detailed account is beyond the scope of this chapter. The most complex and detailed descripton of the history of Russian accentuation was proposed by Zaliznjak 1985 who used Moscow accentology conception of dominant and recessive morphemes interaction. Apart from it, Zaliznjak proposed some modifications: a dominant morpheme can be either "samoudarnyj" or "pravoudarnyj" which is a synonym to "postaccenting". Morpheme Re shifts accent to the left and Min morpheme causes the preceding "pravoudarnyj" morpheme be recessive. Zaliznjak's description of the Russian accentual system from 14th 17th century is the most detailed so far. Moreover, his description of Proto Slavic and Early Old Russian prosodic system (pp.113 160) had been used by scholars as one of the main sources of the accentual paradimg of words because they are
139 The short and useful description of Russian is in Garde 1978/2006, the comprehensive and unique grammar is Garde 1998.
44 systematically arranged according to the the proposed original accentuation and its reflexes in Old Russian. 140 An interesting phenomenon of East Slavic languages is the pitch accent in pretonic positionposition. The situation has been described by dialectologists since the beginning of 20th century but the situation starts to be revived in the eyes of modern accentology and phonology. Bethin (2005, 2006) deals with the Belarussian and Ukrainian Nadsnovs'ki dialects and the Vladimir Volga Basin dialects and. Normally, one would not find long vowels in pretonic position but under stress: (CVCV :).But the abovementioned dialecst have pretonic length (CV:CV ) accompanied by a fixed rising falling pitch contour. 141 Vladimir Volga dialects have pretonic length independent of the stressed vowel quality: /sƽdo:'vo:t/ "horticulturalist", /dƽlje:'ko:/ "far away" 142 , Nadsovski dialects have pretonic length dependent on stressed vowel height and vowel position. Only non high vowels have length contrast iff they are found before stressed high vowels Nsg z´ mľá , Gsg z´ :mľí .143 Bethin proposes that the pretonic length in these dialects is the rising falling tonal contour LHL and a lexical H tone is assigned to the pretonic syllable. So stress and tone mapping in Vladimir Volga Basin dialects would be: 144 LH L LH L L HL C V: 'C V: and Nadsovski dialects C V: 'C V C V 'C V [ high] [+high] [ high] [ high]
In the former dialects H tone is assigned as a fixed tonal rising falling tonal contour and associated with pretonic syllable. As a result, the syllable lengthens. The stressed syllable has low tone. In the later dialects the association of H tone depends on the vowel height. The prosodic system here has lexically contrastive stress and H tone is assigned with the respect of stress. The mechanism of tonal association can be described by the interaction of the following prosodic constraints: 145 MAX IO (Tone): tone in the input must appear in the output; LINEARITY (Tone): input precedence relations in a tone melody are preserved in the output; LICENSE Tone/Stressed syllable: tone and stress coincide in a syllable. Unstressed syllables do not have tone; TONE to MORA: a tone is associated to a more in one to one correspondence (no contour tones on short vowels); STRESS FAITH: ictus in the input
140 Now Derksen 2008 should be considered a standard reference book. 141 Bethin 2006:125. 142 ibid p.130 143 Bethin 2005:54. Bethin uses secondary sources of data only. 144 Bethin 2006:139. 145 Bethin 2005:61.
45 corresponds to ictus in the output; DEP : no insertion of mora; STRESS to WEIGHT: stressed vowels are bimoraic. Unstressed syllables violate STRESS to WEIGHT and LICENSE Tone/Stressed syllable constraints, so they must be ranked lowe than MAX IO (Tone) and TONE to MORA.
Stressed high vowel are prohibited from being long due to the highly ranked * /V [+high] constraint.
2.3.11. Polish Stress in Polish is generally penultimate and is indifferent to quantity, so it is quantity insensitive. Quantity is not phonological but the vocalism reflects the rests of original quantity. Late PSl. compensatory lengthening produced ó, thus vóz "cart", bóg "god". Quite complex is the evolution of nasal vowels. 146 Proto Polish had two quantitative variants of front and back nasal vowels: *'ęɹ/*'ę , *Njɹ/*Nj . Due to the "przegłos lechicki" in 9 10th cent. the *'ęɹ/*'ę +C > *'Njɹ/*'Nj +C . During 12. 13th century the nasal ą appeared with four variants due to the merger of positional variants of front and back nasals: *'ęɹ >*ą , (front short), * 'ę ,>*ą (front long), *Njɹ + *'Njɹ >*ą (back short), *Nj + *'Nj >*ą (back long). In 14 15th century the back vowels merged and were distinguished only by quantity: *ą + ą > ą; *ą +ą >ą . Quantity was lost during 15. 16th century and nasals started to be distinguished by quality: ą >ę (from short ones), ą >Nj (from long ones but graphically still ą .) Thus, Polish nasals only partially reflects the original quantity. Why the Polish quantity was lost, is not completely clear. Traditionally, three reasons are distinguisthed: 147 1. change of quantity to quality so that quantity started to be phonologically irrelevant; 2. fixing of stress to penultima, loss of pretonic length which triggered the complete loss of quantity elsewhere; 3. infuence of of Russian during the Yagellonian period. Neither of the explanation is persuasive. Stress was first fixed on the initial syllable (14. 15th century) which is still reflected in the Northern Kashubian, the change of initial accentuation to penultimate was probably done via secondary stress (beginning of 18th cent.) , the similar process that we observe in contemporary Macedonian dialects. 148 Polish stress from the OT point of view was analysed by Kraska Szlenk (2003). As in all fixed stress systems, the central core form the ALIGN constraints which align the edge of a foot with a prosodic word. I refrain from the details because Kraska Szlenk's work is quite
146 The following overview according to Długoscz Kurczabowa & Dubisz 2006:116 123. 147 Długoscz Kurczabowa & Dubisz 2006: 127 128. 148 Baerman 1999.
46 complex, dealing also with the accentuation of derivates, clitic groups, compounds etc. She also combines OT with metrical phonology grid system.
2.3.12. KasKashubian,hubian, SlovincSlovincianian and Polabian Kashubian is a part of Pomeranian group, together with Slovincian. 149 Together with Polish they are part of Central Lekhitic group. Western Lekhitic group is represented by an extinct Polabian. Kashubian has a dynamic stress causing reduction of unstressed vowels. 150 Northern Kashubian has mobile accent : čaroooownica, čarowniiiic, čarowniiiicama "witch" and also has oxytonesis in disyllabic forms, e.g. miodnyyyy "honey like", kosziiiik "small basket". Central dialects have fixed columnar accent (i.e. fixed space between the accented syllable and the beginning of a phonological word): čaroooownica, čaroooownic, čaroooownicama . It means that stress is free but immobile because it always remains on the same syllable. Initial fixed acent can be observed in southern dialects: čaaaarownica, čaaaarownic, čaaaarownicama , other dialects in south east can have also have penultimate stress : čarowniiiica, čaroooownic, čarownicaaaama. The description of Kashubian was done especially by Lorentz 151 who still remains the standard reference material even if the data are noted in a very obscure and difficult script. The problem is also with the fact that the Common Pomeranian vowels split into a long and shor variants so the synchronic quantity differences do not reflect the original quantity. Modern accentual description of the Kashubian was done by Derksen 1988 who dealt with the Jastarbian dialect as an example of northern Kashubian. I hereby adduce the most important results from his paper. The alternatinon between long and short vowels in a paradigm can be observed in cases of the vowel lengthening before the tautosyllabic voiced consonant: põn 152 pāna, r s rāza, dõl dōla, bõg buëga, rëba rīp, dNjp dąba , The distribution can be traced to Proto Slavic accentual paradigms: APa gro d grāda "town", mrõs mrōza "frost", dīm dëmuy "smoke", prõk prōguy "threshold". The zero form ending forms are lengthened in before the former voiced tautosyllabic consonant and the whole paradigma has an "ablaut". The same can be observed in former APb: bõp buëbuy, kõń kuëńa, dvõr dwuëra , nõš nōža as well as in former APc: brōda bro t, zëma zīm, nōga nõk. The only quantity which
149 I refrain from discussing the relationship between Kashubian and Slovincian, I would prefer to consider them as closely related but with considerable differences. For the recent discussions see Rzetelska Feleszko, E.: Słowińcy i ich dialekt, in Breza 2001, 51 59. 150 Breza 2001:108 109. 151 Lorentz 1903, Lorentz 1958 1962, Lorentz 1971. 152 Means the variant in closed syllables.
47 should be preserved is in APb of originaly long stem, e.g.: gře x, sm e ch, xle f, xm e l, trūt, ūt, klūč, tro va, b'e da, brõna, brõzda, trNjba etc. In rąka rNjk , the lengthening is caused from retraction of stress in Gpl APc. Slovincian, which is now extinct, also has fixed and mobile paradigms. As shown by Baerman 1999:119 120, the absence of final stress in Kashubian is controled by the interaction of TROCHEE and FT BIN constraints. He also shows that outside of Slovincian, the noun accentuation is limited by Dreisilbengesetz (referring to Lorentz). According to this law, ictus does not go further than three syllables to the left from the end of the word. So Slovincian čarownica has Northern Kashubian parallel čarownica, as adduced above. In monosyllabic forms, stress alternates between the stem and the ending. In polysyllable forms, stress alternates between stem syllables and falls never on the ending, which means that stress was retracted from final syllables. According to Garde (1976:289), stress was retracted from the short final syllable to penultima. Kortlandt (1978:76) remarks that it does not explain the retraction in the oblique cases, like xùorosc "illness", xoùroscī, xoùroscoum etc. and claims that any final accent in polysyllables was retracted. There is a final stress in Slovincian, e.g. Isg. břegamí "banks" but this should be the new replacement of older forms, like * břegí . Another and more recent retraction should occur from short vowels in final open syllables 153 observed in feminine singular preterite: pjìla "drinks". L participles with monosyllabic stems lost accentual mobility but generalized in polysyllabic forms. Kortlandt also posited the relative chronology of Slovincian retractions :154 1. retraction of stress from a final syllable to the preceding long vowel 2. retraction of stres from a final syllable in polysyllabic forms: Nsg nagùota "nakedness", Asg nàgotą 3. analogical retraction of stress in polysyllabic words with fixed stress penultima ending, where the mobile type stressed the initial syllable, rising of the paradigms: Nsg robùota "work", Asg rùobotą 4. retraction of stress from short vowels in final open syllables: rą ka "hand", pjìla 5. loss of ending in feminine forms of past participle > àla>à, nabrà "took" 6. analogical stress retraction in other polysyllabic forms: přìljepila "glued" 7. generalization of mobility in l participle of stems in i , a , ną 8. analogical retraction of stress in N, G, D, Lsg of polysyllabic a stems when these cases accentually differed from Asg, Npl, e.g. břegamí.
153 Kortlandt 1978c:77. 154 Kortlandt 1978c:77 78.
48 Kortlandt also refuted Garde's claim that Dybo's law did not operate in Slovincian and pointed to the misinterpretation of material (see the chapter on Dybo's law here). Polabian is recorded in two main dictionaries: Vocabularium Vandale and Vocabularium Venedicum from the beginning of the 18th century. The detailed description has been done by Trubetzkoj 1929, Lehr Spławiński 1929 and Suprun 1987. Accentual patterns have been described by Kuryłowicz 1955, Olesch 1973, 1974, Micklesen 1986, Kortlandt 1989, Bethin 1998b. The Polabian vocabulary can be found in Polański & Sehnert 1967. Polabian stress is mobile and falls on the last full vowel of the word. When the penultima was stressed, the ultima had a reduced vowel. The reduced vowels are marked ă (reduced form from a, ě, ъ, ) and ĕ (reduced form from i, u, y ). The detailed chronology of accentual changes has been provided by Micklesen 1986:371 379. The changes are set in motion triggered by the fall of yers in different positions: first medial yers were lost, then final unstressed and next final stressed yers. 155 The succession of changes is too complicated and the connection to the original accentual paradigm is unclear. Kortlandt 1989 refused the complicated chronology by Micklesen and postulated a simple rule: " final syllable had a reduced vowel if the preceding syllable was originally long or neoacute whereas it had full vowel if the vowel of the preceding syllable is originally short, acute or circumflex ", 156 e.g. trNjbă (former APb), laipo "linden" (former APa), bügo "god" (former APc). Acute and circumflex shortened in Lechitic so Kortlandt's result is that "vowels in final syllables were reduced if the vowel of the preceding syllable was long". 157 Long vowels in open sylllables resulted from a stress retraction from short vowels in final syllables, e.g. zenă, smölă. The system resulted in the appearance of three paradigms: the one with short stem, the one with long stem and the alternating paradigm with originally short stem and long stem (newly stressed). Kortlandt's chronology of changes is therefore: 1. stress retraction from short final syllables and lengthening of newly stressed vowels in open syllables; 2. loss of weak yers; 3. fixing the stress on the initial syllable and quantitative rephonemization,
155 1. Stress retracted from final full vowel to a long syllable creaged by the loss of a yer, e.g. * golъka > gláfkă ; 2. stress shifted to the final syllable in mobile paradigm, e.g. * bo ga > bügò; 3. stress retraction from final open syllable to preceding long syllable, e.g. *mNjka > mNj kă; 4. stress advancement to final open syllable in barytona, e.g. *sy ra >sărò; 5. stress retraction from final open short syllables to the preceding short vowels, e.g. *voda >vàdă; 6. retraction from blocked final short syllables arter the loss of final yers, e.g. *životъ > zàiʢvăt , 7. stress shift to the final blocked syllable, e.g. *vèčer > viccèr ; 8. stress levelling according to morphological categories. 156 Kortlandt 1989:163. 157 Kortlandt 1989:166.
49 4.vowel reduction in syllables which followed long vowel and loss of distinctive quantity in full vowels; 5. fixing the stress on the last full vowel of a word. 158 An OT solution of Polabian prosody has been proposed by Bethin 1998b. Stress which is predicted on the last full vowel of the word and the absence of reduced vowel in initial syllable is the result of the interaction of PARSE σ, BINARITY (Prosodic heads must be binary with respect to moras), RH TYPE (Foot type): Trochee, ALIGN RIGHT (Hd, PWd, R, Wd). 159 As observed from the Kortlandt's result, only full vowels are stressed. The constraint WSP (Weight to stress principle) is responsible for it and because the penultima ultima has long short frame (in disyllabic forms), the WSP also interacts with the RH TYPE:Trochee and BINARITY constraints. Polabian system is therefore quantity sensitive stress system in Gordon's typology.
2.3.13. Germanic Verner's law PIE free stress system was replaced by a fixed stress system in Proto Germanic. Before the stress fixation, the unvoiced fricatives became voiced in non initial position unless followed by an accented syllable. This is Verner's law and is one of the proofs of the accentual mobility in PIE. Verner's law is generally recognized as one of the most important sound laws in Indo European linguistics. The law explains the appearace of voicing in fricatives in Germanic. For example, PIE *t has two reflection in Gothic, either þ, as in broþar "brother", or ð, as in faðar . The change is correlated with ictus in Proto Indo European, so *bhréh 2tēr but * ph 2tē r. So, if the ictus is before the original stop, the result is voicelees obstruent, if the ictus follows the stop, the latter becomes voiced. Verner's law accompanies Grimm's law which concerns the first Germanic "Lautverschiebung". Verner's law can be formally described as follows: 160 [+fricative, voice] >[+voice, +/ stop] /[+voice, acct.] __ [+voice, #] Chronologically, Grimm's law should precede Verner's law and Verner's law should operate earlier than the general Proto Germanic stabilisation of ictus on the fist syllable. 161
158 Kortlandt 1989:169. 159 Reduced vowels are absent from initial syllables because the initial syllable must be parsed and be a head of a trochaic foot. 160 Hock 1991:41. 161 Hock 1991:42.
50 Calabrese & Halle (1998) and Halle (2003) 162 proposed that the elimination of feature [voice] should be replaced with the feature [+/ stiff vocal folds]. Accented vowels and voiceless vowels have the feature [+stiff vocal foldse], unaccented vowels and voiced obstruents possessed [ stiff vocal folds]. Also, accented vowels shoud have H pitch and unaccented ones L pitch. Therefore, Verner's law sould be a form of a feature assimilation process, where the feature [ stiff vocal folds] spread form a vowel to the following fricative. 163 Kortlandt 2007:4 proposed that Verner's law could precede Grimm's law, t > d before consonant shift. It means that PIE * d and PGmc * t were not [+voiced] / [ voiced]. Moreover, the reflexes of both consonants in Germanic lengthen the preceding vowel similarly to Winter's and Lachmann's laws. Judging from the operation of Verner's law, we would expect the rests of paradigmatic mobility in nominal stems. It is not so but there are consonantal alternants in the various Germanic nouns, e.g. PGmc o stems * hanhista > ON hestr "horse", * hangista > OHG hengist "gelding". 164 Verner's law reflections in verbs concern present and preterite differences.
2.3.13.1.Verschärfung Apart from Verner's law, which is by far the most important contribution of Germanic to the understanding of Indo European accentuation, another phonological phenomena can be mentioned the Germanic Verschärfung. Verschärfung describest the development of intervocalic glides which geminate into obstruents in Old Norse and Gothic if they are preceded by a short vowel: 165 PIE * dwoiʢ "two" (genitive) > Goth. twaddjē , ON tveggja x OHG zweiio (no Verschärfung) PIE *dreuʢ "true" > Goth. triggws , ON tryggr x OHG triuwi (no Verschärfung) The development is therefore: PIE: VGV > PGmc *VGGV > Goth, ON. VDDGV, while PGmc * jj > Goth. ddj , ON ggj ; PGmc * ww >Got. ggw , ON ggw
162 The article is difficult to obtain in Europe because the article was published in Japan. I thank Morris Halle for sending me an offprint. 163 Halle 2003:166. In my opinion, the result is supported by phonetic analysis of similar environment, is quite attractive. But as the article is difficult to obtain, it is no wonder that it had no impact on Indo Europeanists, as far as I know but partially a shorter version in Calabrese & Halle (1998) can replace the lack of information. 164 The basic and detailed work on the Verner's law reflections in Germanic is Schaffner 2001. The extensive chapter on Verner's law in Ringe 2006 remains on the descriptive frame and the statement that the "phonetc mechanism of Verner's law is not fully understood". 165 Examples from Page 1999:298.
51 The literature on the Verschärfung conditions is great (see Page for discussions). The conditions of Verschärfung are explained e.g. either as an phenomenon connected with non initial accentuation or as an influence a laryngeal following or preceding the glide. 166 Accentual influence is similar to Verner's law, so PIE Gsg * duʢoiʢóm >Gothic twaddjē , ON tueggia .167 The laryngeal hypothesis postulates VGHV >VGGV process, so twaddje would follow *duʢoi Hou .168 Page 1999:328 summarizes that gemmination is connected with the fixing of initial stress serves to make the initial syllable bimoraic while providing the second syllable with an onset. But there are exceptions where the gemination is not connected in stress. Dybo 2008 showed that Verschärfung corresponds with the Germanic shortening of the PIE long non apophonic vowel correspond to Balto Slavic mobile accentuation, e.g. PGmc. *wiraz < *uʢīro , Lith. výras (AP1) due to the Hirt's law, so originally oxytonon/mobile; PGmc. *hawwa "smithe", PSl. *ko vNj, *kovet (APc). Preservation of length in Germanic and the absence of Verschärfung correspond to the original barytonesis, e.g. PGmc. *wæ rō "faith", PSl. *věra (APa), PGmc *sæ ja "sow", PSl. *sě jNj, *sě jet (APa).
2.3.13.2. Auslautgesetze Germanic laws of final syllables has been important fot the indication of accentual properties of PIE. Proto Germanic long diphtongs are thought to be preserved as diphtongs in polysyllabic word, e.g. Goth. ahtau "eight" < * ōuʢ. The standard theory supposes that PIE acute (bimoric) final long vowels yielded PGmc short vowels and circumflex (trimoric) final long vowels gave PGmc long vowels, e.g. Goth. Nsg gibaaaa ~ Gr. fyg ~ Lith. rankàààà while Goth. galeikoooo ~ Gr. kalō ō ō ō s ~ Lith. Gsg. allll ko .169 The main problem here is the conception of threemoraic vowels which are typologically quite uncommon.
166 Dybo 2008 showed that bases with Verschärfung correspond to the Balto Slavic mobile paradigm while bases without Verschärfung have parallels with Balto Slavic immobilia. 167 Modified according to Voyles 1992:243. 168 Jasanoff 1978:83. 169 Olander 2006:77 and references there with discussions. The basic publication about Germanic Auslautgesetze is Boutkan 1995.
52 Summary Accentual description of Indo European languages has been making a great progress. Accentual and broader prosodic patterns are not only tried to be explained historicaly but also modern phonological theories are applied there. Although Indo European languages are generally not tested for new trends, the situation is being changed recently. A good point is that more and more authors who try to solve prosodic problems are familiar both with historical development as well as the modern trends.
53 3. Methodological issues 333.1.3.1. Introduction
I try to solve the accentual problems by Optimality Theory which I consider one of the most successful and progressive theory at the beginning of the new millenium. 170 Optimality Theory (OT) is a theory of language that has been the mainstream since 1993 when it was officially introduced. Optimality Theory (OT) first appeared at the University of Arizona Phonology Conference in Tuscon in April 1991. Paul Smolensky and Alan Prince had there a paper titled Optimality. Broader public got acquaintance in 1993 when both authors had now a classic text Optimality
Theory (Constraint interaction in generative grammar) circulated. The theory started to be extremely popular and interned Rutgers Optimality Archive was created there hundreds of papers and disertations are being published for free reading and downloading. OT grew out of generative approaches which work with the concept of Universal Grammar which is thought and proved to be the innate knowledge of language that is shared by human, it characterises universal. OT takes Universal Grammar as a set of violable constraints that reflect universal properties of language. The real grammar of a language is formed by different ranking of those universal constraints. Individual languages rank these universal constraints differently in such a way that one higher ranked constraints dominate over the lower ranked ones. Although onstraints are universal, they are conflicting. One constraint is satisfied when another one is violated. Certain types of structures are universally preferred unmarkedunmarked, e.g. unrounded vowels, open syllables, short vowels, voiceless obstruents. On the other hand, marked structures are generally avoided (nasal vowels).
333.2.How3.2.How OT works At the beginnig there is an inputinput. The characteristics of input are linguistically well formed objects composed from mental lexicon. Then, the mechanism called Generator creates a set o candidates for potential output. A mechanism called Evaluator uses constraint hierarchy
170 The general overview of OT can be found in Gilbers, D.& de Hoop (1998), Kager (1999), Archangeli & Langendoen (1997), McCarthy (2002) and McCarthy (2008). Application of OT in phonology is dealt in the introductory compendium edited by de Lacy (2007).
54 typical for a concrete language and selects the optimal candidate for the output. The output that best satisfies the constraints is the optimal candidate and becomes the realised form. As an example we can adduce a typical Czech female hypocoristic with a suffix, moraic root consonant and thus short root vowel, everything creating a disyllabic (maximally) threemoraic domain: input /katka / Generator set of candidates ka.tka kat.ka ka.tk.a ka.ta.k a.ta.ka. etc.
Evaluator (constraints) optimal output /kat.ka /171
A constraint is a structural requirement that may be either satisfied or violated by output form. 172 To satisfy a constraint means to meet the structural requirement, to violate a constraint means not to meet the that requirement. Constraints are conflicting to satisfy on constraint means to violate another constraint. There are two types of constraints faithfulness constraints and markedness constraints. Faithfulness constraints require that output should be similar with the input. The general constraint is IDENT (F), requiring that correspondent segments have identical vaules for the feature F and output correspondents of an input segments have the same value for the feature F. Therefore, IDENT constraints are active in both directions apart from MAX and DEP constraints that deal with one way correspondence only. So if the input is /d/ and output is /d/, we observe the identity between input and output concerning distinctive feature [+/ voice], so IDENT IO (voice) 173 . Markedness constraints require that output form meets some structural criterion. For example in Czech we observe that voiced obstruents become unvoiced if they are in the syllabic coda and before pause. This is an example of markedness constraint *VOICED CODA. 174 So if we have our /d/ in the input, the output must be /t/ because of the structural requirements. Markedness and faithfulness constraints are conflicting and the result of this conflict are outputs that we observe in a concrete language. Let's now show how it works:
171 Scheme modified after Archangeli, D.; Langendoen, D.T. 1997:14. 172 Kager 1998:9. 173 This constraint belongs to the so called correspondence constraints which relate elements of different strings in input and output. Correspondence constraints require that there should not be so much differences between input and output. Differences are caused by markedness constraints. The basic correspondence constraints are: MAX I O (no deletion), DEP I O (no epenthesis), IDENT (F) I O (no change of feature), LINEARITY (no metathesis). 174 Asterisk can be read as "there must not be".
55 Again, we choose an example of a markedness constraint that obstruents must not be voiced in coda position *VOICED CODA. The relevant faithfulness constraints will be the constraint saying that the the feature [voice] of a segment is identical both in output and in input IDENT IO (voice). Take an example from Czech language. The graphical Nsg is "med" (honey), pronounced /met/, but we know that the underlying segment is in fact /d/ because the Gsg is "medu" pronounced /medu/. In old phonological literature the process /d/>/t/ in coda position is called neutralisation. From OT point of view it is obvious that what we observe here is the interaction of constraints *VOICED CODA (banning the final consonants to be voiced) and IDENT IO (voice). The /met/ satisfies the constraint *VOICED CODA but violates IDENT IO (voice). The ranking of the two constraint is therefore as follows: *VOICED CODA >> IDENT IO (voice) where the symbol >> should be read as "dominatesdominatesdominates". Graphically, we represent the the constraint ranking in a tableautableau: Input /med/ *VOICED CODA IDENT IO (voice) [met] * [med] *
Asterisks show that the constraint is violated, the symbol shows the optimal candidate, the ranking of constraints is from the left to right in the sense of dominancy. As was said before, one of the principles of OT is the claim that languages differ in the ranking of constraints. So, if we reorder the ranking of our example constraints *VOICED CODA and IDENT IO (voice) we are get a language where final voiced consonants are permitted and do not undergo the process formerly known as neutralisation. Such language is, for example, English: Input /bed/ IDENT IO (voice) *VOICED CODA [bet] * [bed] * or IDENT IO (voice) >> *VOICED CODA We cannot say that the candidate that won in Czech /met/ over /med/ and the candidate that won in English /bed/ over /bet/ are better. /Met/ is no better than /med/ and /bet/ is not worse than /bed/, they are just winner of the constraint conflict.. The winners are actually optimaloptimal.
56 OT abandons the view that constraints are specified for each language, instead, it claims that constraints are universal, therefore typologically we find IDENT IO (voice) and *VOICED CODA in many world languages. An alternative approach to coda devoicing was put forward by Lombardi. Lombardi 1995 1999, when analysing assimilation processes, proposed the constraints *LAR: Don't have laryngeal features AGREE: obstruent clusters should agree in voicing. The faithfulness constraint would be I O (Lar): consonants should be faithful to underlying laryngeal specification. Because the assimilation happens on the morphological seam of two syllables CVC.CVC, there must also be a constraint requiring that the onsets should be faithful to underlying laryngeal specification I O (OnsLar). Those constraits can explain almost every case of consonant assimilation of voice and also the final neutralization of voice. Input /med/ *LAR IDENT LAR [met] * [med] !*
Her interpretation also explains the Czech regressive voicing asssimilation in consonant clusters on the coda onset border: Input AGREE IDENT *LAR IDENT LAR /prosba/ ONSET [prosba] !* * [prozba] !** * [prospa ] !* *
Apart from markedness and faithfulness constraints, OT also has a family of Alignment constraints which describe the coincidence of linguistic objects and the tendecy for the parameters to edge. An example of we can adduce ALL Ft LEFT constraint: Align (Ft, Left, PrWd, Left): Every foot stands at the left edge of the prosodic word. This constraint is satisfied only if a single foot is standing at the absolute left edge of the word, any additional foot will incur a violation. 175 Constituency constraints govern the extent to which syllables are dominated or parsed by fee, feet by prosodic words etc. 176 For example PARSE Syll (All syllables are parsed by feet)
175 Kager 1999:163, Sherrard 1997:50 51.
57 is a typical constraint of that group. Interaction of constituency constraints with aligment constraints and other ones, like FT BIN is responsible for a wide range of metrical phenomena observed in languages. 177 The advantage of OT over other approaches are that there are no rules applying in linear ordering. The set of constraints may vary in different languages and languages differ in the permutation of constraints and their mutual ranking, so language typology is (or should be) essentially the study of the constraints ranking systems. Ranking and reranking constraints into different hierarchies is called factorial typologytypology and typological diversity between languages are due to different factorial typology of the universal constraints. OT successfully predicts some phenomena that we observe in languages. For example it has been observed that universally nasal vowels are marked. 178 This markedness can be context free or in any position *V NASAL . Czech languages undominates this constraint, for example, so all Czech vowels are oral. There are other languages that have nasal vowels only in the neigbourhood of nasals, like English (although non contrastive). This is also a markedness constraint but now it is context sensitive because it prohibits oral vowels in the existence of tautosyllabic nasal *V NASAL N. The correspondent faithfulness constraint will of course be the one that wil keep the distinctive feature [+/ nasal]. When we have the following factorial typology:
Markedness context free *V NASAL >> Markedness context sensitive *V NASAL N., Faithfulness IDENT IO (nasal) the result is the lack of variaton language has only oral vowels
Markedness context sensitive *V NASAL N >>Markedness context free *V NASAL >> Faithfulness IDENT IO (nasal) the result is allophonic variation language has oral and positonally nasal vowels
Markedness context sensitive *V NASAL N >> Faithfulness IDENT IO (nasal)>>Markedness context free *V NASAL the result is positional neutralisation language has nasal and oral vowels but only nasal vowels before nasal consonants
Faithfulness IDENT IO (nasal)>>Markedness context sensitive *V NASAL N, Markedness context free *V NASAL
the result is full contrast language has nasal and oral vowels .
176 Sherrard (1997:51) 177 Roca&Al Ageli (1999) reviewed the function of the metrical constraints in the OT literature.. Van der Hulst (1999:113) reviewed the foot typology and posited an accentual domain: a representation of the bounded accent systems with a bisyllabic domain which is created at the right or left edge of a word. Kager 1999 presents a very clear overview of metrical structures in OT. 178 The following examples are adapted from Kager 1999:28 32.
58 333.3.3.3. Why OT is different? As we can see, OT can successfully explain phenomena that were previously explained separately and in isolation. OT is a framework that can easily handle instances of competition among various forms. It is much more flexible and less strict that other non OT theories. it demands, that all constraints are present in all grammars, it deals with the universals of language. It does not mean that every constraint is active at a certain moment of language development. constraints are hierarchicaly ranked, are violable there is no serial derivation, optimal satisfaction of the constraint hierarchy is determined by reference to all the ocnstraints and all the candidate outputs, there is not any serialism OT is being a mainstream among phonological theories but it is successfully applied into morphology, syntax and also into broad cognitive science trying to describe the architecture of language inside the human brain.
333.4.3.4. OT and the description of prosodic patterns OT can successfully be used for describing both stress as well as pitch accent prosodic systems. 333.43.4.4.4.1..1. Stress systems Stress systems are characterised by the absence of phonological pitch, so the relevant prosodic elements can be quantity and dynamic stress. 179 The position of stress in a phonological word can be either fixed or mobile. Stress languages tend to have a rhythmic pattern, so strong and weak syllables alternate in regular intervals. It means that stress languages have primary and secondary stresses. The smallest unit of rhythm is called metrical foot and a typical syllable can be a two syllable trochee or iamb. Syllables are parsed into feet which means the preference of a constraint: PARSE SYLL Syllables are parsed by feet Feet are usually binary, it means that they consist from two syllables or two moras. The binarity of feet is required by the constraint: FT BIN (Prince & Smolensky 1993) Feet are binary at the level of syllables or moras
179 An overview of the word stress with case studies in Kager 1999:142 193
59 Feet are aligned either to the right or left edge of a prosodic word. Such alignment is responsible for the foot pattern and the position of primary and secondary stressses. The align constraints are responsible for the number of syllables between left/right edge of a prosodic word and a foot: ALIGN FT RIGHT/ALIGN Ft Left (McCarthy & Prince 1993) Every prosodic word ends with a foot. Every prosodic word ends with a foot. A prosodic word containing multiple feet have violations for every foot that is added up. In such a way, the ALIGN constraint is gradient. Final syllables are often required to be unfooted/unstressed which is controled by an undominated constraint: NONFINALITY (Prince & Smolensky 1993) No foot is final in a prosodic word. No stress in the final syllable. Stress system languages can generally be divided into quantityquantity sensitsensitiveiveiveive and quantityquantity insensitive systems. In quantity sensitive systems heavy syllables attract stress. WSP (Weight to Stress Principle) (Prince & Smolensky 1993) Heavy syllables are stressed. Heavy syllables can be heavy because they contain a long nucleus or a moraic coda. The latter is required by a constraint that require coda consonants be moraic: WBP: WEIGHT BY POSITION (Hayes 1989) Coda consonants must be moraic. In quantity sensitive systems systems length (which is represented by mora) is controled by DEP and MAX constraints: DEP IO Output moras have input correspondents. No mora insertion. MAX IO No deletion of mora. Stress systems of Indo European languages from OT point of view were described by several authors. From quantity sensitive stress systems, German has been studied by Féry (1998). Gordon 2002 provided a comprehensive factorial typology of quantity insensitive stress systems. Typologically, quantity insensitive systems can have fixed stress (controled by ALIGN constraints). Fixed stress can be initial (e.g. Irish), final (e.g. Persian, Armenian dialects), penultimate (controled by NONFINAL constraint, e.g. Polish, Albanian), antepenultimate (controled by *LAPSE constraints which prohibit a string of more than one
60 consecutive stressless syllable, e.g. Macedonian). Such classification counts with one primary stress only. When a secondary stress is included, the stress systems are characterised as dual (Lower Sorbian, initial and penultimate stress, where two adjacent stresses are prohibited by *CLASH constraint). Binary stress systems place stress on every second syllable, depending on the direction. Czech is an example of such systems where odd numbered syllables are stressed from left to right (so from the initial primary stress every second syllable to the right is secondarily stressed). Ternary systems place secondary stress on every third syllable (not Indo European, but Finnish and Estonian under certain morphological conditions). Alderete 2001a observed that in Uto Aztecan language Cupen o the inherent accent in roots overrides the deletion of accent in inherently accented affixes. This typological observation has profound consequences to PIE and Balto Slavic accentology because it is very similar to the concept of dominant and recessive morphemes postulated by Moscow accentological school and Garde (see further). When multiply accented structures combine, the resulting structure favors retention of an inherent root accent over inherent accent elsewhere (that is the Cupen o example). The "root accent" constraint is undominated here . Apart from the basic faithfulness constraints, Alderete posits NO FLOP constraint (stress does not flop). Also, Align family is active here because it controls ictus either on the suffix or on the root. Deaccentuation happens due to the MAX family.
333.43.4.4.4.2..2. Tonal systems
OT can also describe tonal language systems. One of the approaches is the theory of Optimal Tone Mapping (Zoll:2003) where patterns derive from the interaction of morphological directionality with quality sensitive markedness constraints. OTM provides a description of the contour distribution and tone spreading patternss. As Indo European languages are generaly no tonal, I refrain from the details here.
333.3...4444.3..3. PitchPitch acceacceaccentnt languages
Pitch accent languages have traditionally been targets of autosegmental approaches. OT has also been successfuly aplied although the autosegmental theory is still prefered or at least incorporated to OT. The rhythmic constituency in Neoštokavian variant of Serbian Croatian has e.g. been described by Zec (1999) using classical OT. The basic ideas are as follows: only H tones plays a role in the lexical representation and tonal interaction, so both stems and affixes may
61 be either toneless or with H tone. Morphological constituency is relevant for the position of H tone,: lexical level M1 (bare stems/derivational suffixes, e.g. en, ij), M2 (derivates created by other derivational suffixes, e.g. ov, ost), MW (Word=stem, derivational suffixes+endings). At the lexical level, H tone is "docked" within a word which iw controled by MAX H constraint and OCP (obligatory contour principle). ALIGN family of constraits are responsible for aligning a mora with a H tone. Interaction of foot structure with tone is influenced by TONE TO FT ALIGNMENT which aligns H tone with the head of the foot and is responsible for the Neoštokavian trochee. Constraints on grouping include FT BIN and
TROCHAIC QUANTITY which bans foot shapes [σ σ ]F [ σ σ ]F
H The interaction for foot and tone is also controled with FTSAL a foot should be associated with tone; and SFOOTSALIENCE: Head of the prosodic word has to be associated with H tone.
333.5.3.5. Application of OT to PIE OT has been applied to various PIE phenomena and early phases of individual languages, ranking from phonology to morphology. Keydana 2000 applied classical OT to the syllabe structure of PIE and phonotactic constraints, also Zeifelder 2006, Pierce 2000 (for Early Germanic), Kozianka 2004 used also the classical OT to describe reduplication in Gothic as an example of the TETU 180 in Indo European, Petrova 1999 (Grimm's law), Frazier 2006 described the accentuation of athematic nouns using the theory of Optimal paradigms by McCarthy, and especially Lühr in many articles, e.g. Lühr 2004 (accentuation of Vedic compounds), Lühr 2006 (PIE and Vedic pronouns), Lühr 2010 (accent, syncope, epenthesis in IE languages).
333.6.3.6. Approaches of OT Apart from I O correspondence, we also have OOO O OO correspondence constraintsconstraints, which extend the corrrespondence between derivates and a base of the word. For example, O O IDENT constraints are responsible for the indentity of output forms in a paradigm. Generalised alignment explains why the constituends edge in a morphological and phonological processes.
180 The emergence of the unmarked (McCarthy&Prince 1994): a constraint which favors unmarked structures (militates against markedness) is promoted up the constraing hierarchy and passes other constraints. As Kozianka showed, this e.g. counts for the Gothic reduplication where the unmarked reduplication vowel "e" appears and the reduplication syllable has no coda.
62 Conspiracy is the phenomenon in which constraints of different families interact. For example, syllabification of a language can be observed as the basis for stress alignment but at the same time syllabification itself is partialy dependent of the stress. Correspondence Theory developed by McCarthy & Prince 1995, correspondence realtions that are between phonological elements of different structures, the most important are the DEP and MAX faithfulness constraints. For example Campos Astorkiza (2004) dealt heavily with DEP constraint which is, together with other constraints: WPB: Coda consonants are moraic (Hayes 1989) and * /C: a mora must not be headed by a consonant responsible for the moraicity or non moraicity of coda. Factorial typology of constraints for non moraic input requires that for non moraic coda, the DEP must be undominated, e.g. DEP >>WBP >> * /C, for moraic coda the WPB must outrank other other candidates: WBP >>* /C >> DEP . 181
333.7.3.7. Opacity Optimality theory is based on a parallel interaction of constraints. It is just a ranking of faithfulness and markedness constraints. Classical OT does not count with any intermediate levels and is surface oriented. The problem for OT are just those intermediate levels and especially the opacity problemproblem. Opacity means an observation that surface forms should undergo a rule but they obviously did not or they undewent a rule but look like they should not have. Three instances of opacity can be adduced here. 182 The counterbleeding order of rules: UF ABC# 1.B > D/_C ADC# 2. C>E/_# ADE# SF ADE#
We have an undelying structure ABC. There is a rule changing segment B to D in before the segment C. The resulting structure is then ADC. There is also a rule changing the segment C to E at the end of the structure. But the latter rule deletes the environment where the rule B>D operated. It means that the condition where B>D applied is not visible at the surface. Should the rules B>D/_C and C>E # apply in the opposite order, the latter would have prevented the former from applying. We call that order counterbleeding. A typical counterbleeding opacity
181 Campos Astorkiza 2004. 182 The following examplex adduced by McCarthy 2009.
63 is is compensatory lengtheninglengthening. A segment, which is deleted projects a mora but that morais associated with a different segment. Another example of opacity is the counterfeedingcounterfeeding order of rules: UF: ABC# 1. B > D/_E no application 2 C > E /_# ABE# SF ABE#
As seen, the rule B>D /_E does not apply because there the conditions for its operation are missing. However, the rule C>E/_# would create such conditions should the order of rule would be reversal. This si the counterfeeding order of rules. Again, from the surface structure we do not know why the the second rule did not apply, the conditions are hidden. Third example of opacity is the famous DukeDuke ooooffff YorkYork gambit originally described by Pullum 1976. The idea came from the following rhyme: The Grand Old Duke of York He had ten thousand men He marched them up a great high hill And he marched them down again.
Duke's activity is non progressive and hardly understandable, even counterproductive. It reminds a linguistic structures that are derived in the following process. Let there be an underlying form AB and two rules B>C and C>B. The surface form is again AB:
UF AB 1. B>C AC 2. C>B AB SF AB
Two pohonological processes are ordered in such a way that one undoes the result of the other. So rule 1 here is not visible on the surface forms which looks like nothing happened. Classical OT cannot cope with those phenomena. There are several modern approaches which try to solve the opacity problem. a) Sympathy theory by McCarthy (1999) tries to account the opacity by postulation that the selection of optimal candiate is sympathetically influenced by candidates which failed. The
64 mechanims of sympathy theory can be illustrated with the solution of counterbleeding opacity from above: 183
/ABC#/ *BC, F(D⇏B) >> F(B⇏D) *C# >> F (C⇏E) opaque a.ADE# * * transparent b.ABE# *! * sympathetic c. ADC # * !*
Now, what happens. There are markedness constraints *BC (B and C cannot occur together) and *C# (C cannot occur at the end of a word). F means faithfulness constraints, so F(D⇏B) means that D in input cannot change to B so that the faithfullness constraint be met. The winner is the opaque candidate a. (marked by ). The candidate a owes sympatetic allegiance to the candidate c (marked by ). This candidate is failed but but influences the outcome through to inter candidate faithfulness. The sympathetic candidate is selected by a a selector constraint and candidate is the most harmonic candidate that obeys that constraint. Obedience of candidate to is signalled by . Now, candidates are tested if they resemble to the sympatetic candidate due to the sympathy constraint F(D⇏B) which requires that output cannot be B if the candidate has D. The transparent candidate b (marked by ) violates the sympathy constraint and is eliminated. The winner is the opaque candidate which is faithful to the sympathy constraint. 184 b) ComparatComparativeive markedness (CM) provides a uniform treatment for non structure preserving phonology markedness constraints compare the candidate under evaluation with another, most faithful candidate evaluated candidate has an instance of markedness present also in the fully faithfull candidate (old markedness oM) or is not present (new markedness NM). Fully faithful candidate (FFC): corresponds exactly to the input but it is only a potential output, not actual one.
183 McCarthy 1999:359. 184 The solution of the Duke of York Gambit in McCarthy 2003. The detailed description of Sympathy Theory in Coetzee 2002.
65 Example of interaction 185
/p/ FFC: p o*PLACE N *PLACE a. p * b. k * c. 0
Let there be a markedness constraint prohibiting the change of place of articulation *PLACE. The input is /p/ and the fully faithful candidate is also p because it fully corresponds to the input. The Old Markedness prohibits the faithful candidate /p/ while the underspecified input is filled with a new feature and violates New Markedness. If the Old Markedness constraint outranks also the faithfulness constraint (required in ranking) and the New Markedness, the unfaithful candidate k will win: 186
/p/ FFC: p o*LAB MAX I O N *PLACE a. p *! b. k * c. 0 *!
CM can explain grandfather effects 187 blocking by emergent markedness constraints, similar to TETU. There are languages that permint only markedness forms and those ones that eliminate them and permit only faithfulness constraints. So markedness should not be visible but it emerges and creates markedness violating structures, e.g. assimilation processes in Mekkan Arabic, 188 glottal stop insertion in German 189 derived environment effects, e.g. different epenthesis processes in Makassarese 190 non iterating processes, e.g. different apocope rules in Lardil 191 coalescence paradoxes, e.g. when two input segments unite into a single output segment that has characteristics of both the input member, when the result of coalescence appears as an
185 Krämer 2006:239. 186 ibid p. 240. 187 Hinted to a term from American jurisprudence. 188 McCarthy 2002:3 4. 189 Krämer 2006. 190 ibid. p. 20. 191 ibid.p.30 34.
66 input, it is unfaithful, e.g. Sanskrit fusion of low a + high i > mid e: (long, because the original moras are preserved. However, input mid vowels are not mapped to surface mid vowels because they are always the result of coalescence. 192 counterfeeding opacity (see below). c) Stratal OT and LPMLPM OTOTOTOT Stratal OT has been developed by Kiparsky (2000, 2003) as modification of parallel OT to constraint system of levels. 193 Stratal OT combines Lexical phonology strata with OT. The advocates of Stratal OT suppose that morphology and phonology of a language are stratified and interleaved as in Lexical phonology, but each stratum consist of a OT constraint hierarchy, The strata (stem, word and postlexical) are serially connected and the output of the lower stratum serves as an input to the higher one. Output of each stratum must follow the phonological constraint which apply on each stratum only. Stem is obedient to stem phonology, word for word phonology an phrase to phrasal phonology. 194 Kiparsky thinks that Stratal OT or its LPM OT variant (Lexical phonology and morphology) reduce all cyclicity to I/O faithfulness and that opacity is just interstratal constraint masking. 195 If there is a constraint hierarchy e.g. on stem level, the markedness constraint on a word level can render it opaque. The opacity therefore means the ordering between the the strata and their different "grammars" and basically is the same as rule ordering. 196 Constraints at each level operate in a parallel way. Word level can be described as an input stem+input inflectional suffix, stem level as input root/stem + input derivational suffix and phrase level comprises the word and clitics. Apart from the classical OT, Stratal OT is used in this dissertation. d)d)d) Turbidity theory Goldrick 2000 proposed that output forms contains covert/turbid structures which are unpronounced but can influence the surface. Output forms are of two types: projection (structural relationships) and pronunciation (surface, audible relationships). Normally
192 ibid.p.35. 193 Reading McCarthy and Kiparsky's articles, the mutual antipathy cannot be overseen. In almost every both authors criticise their opponent's theories as unsatisfactory. The same counts for their followers, see Marston 2009 who abandons McCarthy's approaches to opacity but hails Stratal OT as a comprehensive theory of morphology and morphonology. 194 Kiparsky: Red. 195 Kiparsky Op. 196 McCarthy 2000:43 45 compared CM and Stratal OT. The basic difference is that CM is a property of the whole grammar while Stratal OT dels with specific processes only.
67 projection agrees with pronunciation but concerning opacity, it need not. Unfaithful mapping can be motivaved directly within a single output and it means that opaque covert structure is sensitive to the phonological environment. So unfaithful mappings go from projection to the pronunciation by an outcome based mechanism (which is a constraint Reciprocity). Reciprocity penalizes the output which violates the projection. So another constraint which allow the projected structures be pronounced must be posited and the whole interaction is 197 responsible for the final output. e)e)e) OTOTOT OT CCCCCCCC Optimality theory with candidate chains (OT CC) was developed by McCarthy 2007 as an alternative solution to opacity problem. OT CC deals with candidates in a form of a chain, not a single form. The first member of a chain must be fully faithful to the input. This is the FFM faithful first member. The successive forms in the chain must be gradually different. The constraint which is violated in a specific location is a LUM local unfaithful mapping. So the successive members of a chain accumulate all LUM's from the preceding members. The members of a chain are locallly optimal which means that every non initial form in a chain is more harmonic than its predecessor.
333.8..3.8...8...8..OptimalOptimal and antioptimal paradigms Optimal Paradigms correspondence relation has been developed by McCarthy 2005 to explain the similarities of stems of member of an inflectional paradimg. 198 Members of a paradigm are compared to each other. The model is relevant to the description of inflectional paradigms. Candidates comprise the entire inflectional paradigms and each stem of a paradigm is compared with the stem of the other member. Optimal paradigms press the members of the paradigm to be as similar as possible. Optimal paradigm constraints therefore influence all members of a paradigm, e.g. OP DEP requires that no segment should be inserted into any member of an inflectional paradigm. Antioptimal paradigms were developed by Frazier 2006 who combined OP's and the concept of antifaithfulness paradimgs. Antifaithfulness constraints were proposed by Alderete 1999 as a negation of faithfulness constraints. While faithfulness constraints require identity of features between input and output forms, antifaithfulness do the opposite. So if DEP
197 See the excellent criticism by Langston 2003:182 184. 198 Originally developed for the analysis of Classical Arabic verb.
68 constraint requires no insertion, ¬DEP constraints does the opposite. Antifaithfulness constraints can explain the unexpected alternations in a paradigm.
Summary Apart from the classical OT, various modification have been proposed to deal with linguistic phenomena that are difficult to solve by the traditional OT approach. The current trend follows various McCarthy's solutions as well as the OT modification of the older Lexical phonology which operates with levels/strata. It is difficult to say which approaches are more useful to solve such situations as opacity is. In this dissertation, Kiparsky's Stratal OT is favoured but does not mean that the problems described here could not be solved alternatively.
69 4. PIE accentuation Introduction The hotly debated issue concerning PIE accentuation is deeply connected witth accentaccent ablaut relrelationshipationshipationship.. The following pages will be devoted to the description of that phenomenon. Ablaut, quantity and accent can be described as phonological alternations of morpheme. Ablaut alternations can be showed on the root * sed "sit": Lat. sed ēre, *sod , Eng. sat , *sd , Eng. nest, *sēd , Engl. seat, *sōd , Engl. soot . The timbre alternation (Abtönung) and quantity alternation (Abstufung) can be observed in root, suffix and ending but not in élargissement.199 The term "accent" means here "stress" the rhythmical characteristics of a language. I do not consider PIE a tone language, although suggestions about PIE tonality have been proposed.
4.1. PIE a tonal language? Ternes (2001) distinguishes three groups of languages according to prosodical characteristics: Akzentsprachen, gemässigte Tonsprachen and strenge Tonsprachen. The pure tone languages do not belong to Indo-European family. The moderate tonal languages develop from the change of syllables, e.g. due to the syncope or the loss of intervocalic laryngeal with the subsequent vocalic contraction. Although Ternes' arguments are mainly typological, it neither explains why the PIE could/could not be a tone language and if there was any relationship with ablaut. More interesting is the hypothesis of Moscow accentological school (Dybo 1973; Dybo, Nikolaev, Starostin 1978) in the frame of its paradigmatic accent theory (see the chapter on MAS in the next chapter). Accent systems with phonologically relevant morpheme valencies (morpheme characteristics influencing the position of ictus) should develop from the ones with syllabic tones to the paradigmatic accent systems. The authors claim to discover a language which stands in between of the above-mentioned extremes. In Tubu (Central Sahara family) tones should be disappearing and a new paradigmatic system be developing. Typological analogies lead the authors to the postulate that all systems of paradigmatic accents are reflection of earlier tonal systems. It means that PIE was actually a tonal language and what we observe in individual branches are systems of reduced paradigmatic accent (Greek, Indo-Iranian) or unreduced one (Balto-Slavic).
199 The function of élargissement is unknown apart from the fact that the addition of élargissement changes the meaning of the root, e.g. *(s)teu k , Gr. túkos "hammer", *(s)teu g , Engl. stoke , *(s)teu d , OInd. tudáti "beats", *(s)teu p , Lat. stuprum "disgrace" (IEW:1032 1034)
70 Kortlandt 1986a refused any connnection between Indo-European "acute" and "circumflex" and the prosodic development of individual branches. On the other hand, he is willing to admit the existence of tones in PIE due to the several indications, e.g. tonal system of Old Indic, Wheeler's law and Dreisilbengesetz of Greek (a long syllable attracts stress onto the intervening syllable, i.e. unstressed long syllables receive a rising/falling tone in the neighbourhood of H tone; the process of tonal assimilation). Kortlandt also thinks that Balto- Slavic ictus was actually a leftmost H tone of a word form supposing that morhemes had underlying acccentual properties H-tone, L-tone (in the sense of Moscow accentual school). The final proof for PIE tones would be the reconstructed root constraint of the proto- language: in a PIE root there cannot be a voiced aspirate and a voiceless stop, e.g. **b heut-, **teub h (only with a preceding *s . For Kortlandt, it means that we can observe a prosodic distinction of a root because voiceless stops are connected with H tone and voiced aspirates with L tone. Voicing, aspiration and L tone originated from the feature "lax". Anyway, the classical postulate that PIE prosodic system is a summary of prosodic features of individual branches projected to the deep history (with the heavy background of Old Indic and Greek) must be rejected. Kortlandt's hypothesis of the tonal characteristics connected with root consonantal structure was extensively studied by Lubotsky 1988 on the Old Indic, Greek and Germanic material. In my opinion, the results are not too persuasive. If an Old Indic root contains no stop or the stop is not contiguios to the syllable nucleus, the accentuation is determined by the ablaut grade and effects of stops are blocked by an initial laryngeal, if the root contains a voiceless stop contiguous to the syllabic nucleus, it is accented but only if the suffix belongs to the o-stem. If the stop is voiced and the suffix belongs to the i- or u-stems, the root is unaccented (p.169) It is clear that the accentuation must be morphologized and the influence of of phonotactics is only superficial and Lubotsky himself admits that it is unclear why D-roots have generalized the accentuation of the strong cases and why R-roots (containing resonants, laryngeals or "s") did not (p. 174). I also think that the apparent connection of root phonotactics and tones excludes the behaviour of ablaut (see below). Nevertheless, the idea of tonal character of PIE connected with the root phonotactics has been still attractive, see Beekes (1995).
4.2. Function of accent and ablaut The classical theories (e.g. Brugmann 1922) considered Abtönung as a result of "Umfärbung" due to the PIE tone. Dehntufe was observerd especially in heavy bases CVCV .
71 The traditional theory is basically connected with Hirt 200 , who thought that PIE had first the stress which was responsible for zero grade (with the reduced grade as a transitional state). In later stage, stress system changed to pitch accent with Abtönung. The chronology of changes is therefore e grade > reduction, zero grade > Dehnstufe > Abtönung, o grade. Several tendencies of ablaut appearance have been observed. 201 Thematic presents usually have e grade (apart from 1st and 3rd singular): * bher e "carries", perfectum has o grade in singular, e.g. * uʢoid e "knows", Dehnstufe is found in Nsg root nouns, e.g. * k rd "heart", vrddhi derivations * suʢē kuro "brother in law", sigmatic aorist, e.g. *uʢē g h s "drive", stative, e.g. * stē ut "raise", Nsg of hysterodynamic flexion *ph 2t r (secondary due to the Szemerényi's law).
4.2.1. Paradigmatic function: accentaccent ablautablaut paradigms At the end of the 19th century it was therefore known that PIE o , ā , i , u and consonantal noun stems had a sort of paradigmatic change of accent. O and ā stems were thought to have fixed accent, other stems should have mobile accent. The idea was therefore that the distribution of accent in paradigms was dependent on stems. However, the accentuation of o and ā stems differ in separate language in Vedic and Greek they are immobile while in Balto Slavic they are mobile. At the and of the 1920s some scholars 202 started to observe that the accentual distribution of nouns does not depend on the stem suffix but on the mutual relationship of accent and ablaut. The same morphems in a paradigm can therefore have different ablaut pattern. According to contemporary views on PIE accentual distribution in nouns, the distribution of accent was different in athematic and thematic declination. Thematic nouns had * e /* o ablaut in the stem but there was no relationship between ablaut and accent. An interesting category of that group are tomós tómos nouns. Such substantives add the tematic vowel to the root with o grade. The position of stress differed according to the meaning. When root stress, the substantive is nomen resultative (Gr. tómos "slice"), when suffix stressed, the substantive is nomen agentis or acti (Gr. tomós "slice, cutting"). Ablaut changes inside the "Ausdruckparadigm" 203 and between different paradigms. Dehnstufe can be found in the root of the root substantives (* k rd "heart"), when in the suffix,
200 Hirt 1921:4 102. The synopsis of Hirt's theory is also presented in Lehmann 1993:130 134. 201 The following examples adapted from Beekes 1995:165 166. 202 Holger Pedersen (La cinquieme déclination latine, Copenhague 1926; Jerzy Kuryłowicz: Études indoeuropéennes, Kraków 1935; Franciscus Kuiper: Notes on the Vedic noun inflection., Amsterdam 1942. 203 Rix 1992.
72 it has mostly the function of an ending (* ph 2 tēr "father). Vollstufe is mostly connected with strong cases, Schwundstufe with weak cases. Stress in PIE is morphological. 204
4.2.1.2. AccentAccent ablautablaut classes Athematic nouns belonged to accent ablaut classes where position of accent depended on a case in a paradigm. Moreover, the position of accent influenced ablaut. Unstressed morphems (root, suffix, ending) are in zero grade. Stressed morphemes had either e grade or o grade. Athematic nominal paradigm therefore shows a change between the strong and week stem. Strong stems are N, A, Vsg, sometimes Lsg, N, Apl and N, A, Vdu. Rest of cases are weak. The behaviour of a noun in an accentual paradigm can usually be stated for nominative and genitive singular. Accent in athematic nouns is paradigmatic and the elaboration of
An interesting paradigmatic theory was applied to PIE (and especially to Greek) by Rix (1992:105 119). A paradigm can be defined as the ordering of of paradigmatic paradigmatic categories (N, Ak, sg, pl...) to paradigmatic paradigmatic dimensions (case, numerus, genus etc). Paradigmatic categories are constructed from a certain content (InhaltInhaltInhalt) and expression (AusdruckAusdruckAusdruck). For example, accusative case in Latin 1st declination is formed by the Inhalt "direct object" and the Ausdruck m. This distinguishes accusative from other paradigmatic categories, e.g. from dative. Paradigmatic categories in Indo European languages are normally expressed by endings, by ablaut or by affixes (preterite due to prefix as in Greek, comparative by the suffix). Root is the key morpheme, affixes are means of expression of derivative categories ( tor means nomen agentis in Greek) or can also express paradigmatic categories (with the help of ablaut). Each flective word has a unique paradigm which is distinguished according to paradigmatic dimensions (e.g. in Czech substantives case, numerus, genus) and according to the number and content of paradigmatic categories (e.g. 7 cases for Czech substantives N,G,D,Ak, V, L, I; for verbs two diatheses active, passive). Such paradigm is called Inhaltsparadigma. The expression (Ausdruck) of that Inhaltsparadigma is done due to the corresponding AusdruckparadigmaAusdruckparadigma which are otherwise called declinations and conjugations. Ausdruckparadigmas contain alomorphs for Inhaltparadigmas, e.g. Czech Asg can be formed by a, u, 0 ( pána, ženu, hrad ), Latin Npl can be formed by e, ī, a, s ( puellaeeee, amīcīīīī, dōnaaaa, cursūssss). A word belong to an Ausdruckparadigma according to the forms of its lexems. Important can be the position of stress and ablaut (accent ablaut paradigms in PIE), accentuation (accentual paradigms in Balto Slavic), quantity (quantitative paradigms in West Slavic), phonemic structure of auslaut (e.g. thematic vowel forming i stems, u stems, o stems etc.). Differences between Ausdruckparadigmas can be expressed by variations in a root (Lat. rēēēēx rēēēēgis contra pēēēēs peeeedis ), in an affix (Gr. títhethethethemen contra aréskoskoskoskomen ) or in an ending (Lat. Gpl. puellaeeee contra agrī ). One of the typical features of Indo European languages are portmanteau morphemes. This means that inside the Ausdruckparadigma an expression (Ausdruck) can contain more paradigmatic dimensions. For example, Czech ending i in nominal paradigms simultaneously expresses the paradigmatic category "1st person" of the dimension "person", paradigmatic category "plural" of the dimension "numerus" and paradigmatic category "masculine or feminine" of the dimension "genus". Paradigms can change due to the phonological changes (e.g. the Attic development of " ā" after " e, i, r " leading to alpha purum declination: Attic ch rā contra Ionic ch rē). The change of the content of paradigm (Inhaltparadigma) can also lead to the paradigmatic change. An example of this can be e.g. the loss of dual in most Slavic languages (change of a paradigmatic dimension) leads to the change of paradigmatic change of nouns which name the pair organs (oči, uši, ruce in Czech). Inhaltsparadigma can be reduced due to the case syncretism (as in Greek where Dative, Local and Instrumental merged into the category Dative). Reduction of Inhaltsparadigma can also lead to the reduction of Ausdruckparadigma. The expressions (Ausdrucks) may begin to be alomorphs for certain paradigmatic category, or an expression for a certain category can be lost (e.g. dual) or the alomorphy can be broadened to other Ausdruckparadigms . The change of Ausdruckparadigm which goes not hand in hand with the change of Inhaltsparadigm uses to be called analogyanalogy. Analogy means the change of expressions not conditioned by the phonological chages. Actually it is the tendency to level different Ausdruckparadigms. PIE case number paradigm had mostly one Ausdruck (ending) for one Inhalt (case). 204 That simple premise by Keydana 2006:24 is a key to the following passages.
73 paradigm types are connected mainly with research of Erlangen school since 1970s (Jochem Schindler, Heiner Eichner, Helmut Rix, Norbert Oettinger, Gert Klingenschmitt and Alan Nussbaum). The accent ablaut classes were fully used in Rix's (1976) and since then have become a standard methodology of describing nouns and verbs in Proto Indo European. 205 The basic types of accent ablaut classes are acrostatic (root accented paradigm), proterokinetic (accent varies between root and suffix), hysterokinetic (accent varies between suffix and ending) and amphikinetic (position of accent changes between suffix and ending). Of minor importance are mesostatic paradigms with stable accent of suffix or ending stressed teleutostatic nouns. 206 Below I illustrate the accentual paradigms with some basic and well known examples. The more complete list of data can be found in Schaffner 2001:76 94, the exhaustive lemmas with reconstructed accent with up to date literature and discussion in NIL 2008. 207 Acrostatic nouns are characterised by the following features: root is accented in the whole paradigm, strong cases have o grade and weak cases have e grade of ablaut. There are also modification of this basic paradigm strong cases (Nsg) can be in ē or e grade. But stress is always on the root vowel. A lot of root nouns without derivative suffix belong here, like *dom s, *ped . From substantives with a derivative suffix e.g. i stems (* uʢēli "worm"), u stems ( *dóru "wood"), heteroclitic r/n stems ( *iʢék w "liver"), men stems ( *b hērmen "load"), h w ter stems (* b ráh 2tēr ), s stems (* g'ērh 2 s "old"), t stems (* nók ts "night") and and nt stems (sēd t "sitting"). As examples can be adduced: strong cases Ró S0 E0, weak cases Ré S0 E0 Nsg * nók wts (night) 208 , Lat. nox ; Gsg * nék wts , Hitt. nekuz 209 ; Nsg * uʢód (water), Hitt. wadar 210 Gsg *uʢéd s, Hitt. wedenaš ; Nsg *dóm "house" 211 , Arm town , Gr. dō , Gsg * déms , Gr. despótēs , OInd dámpatis ;Nsg * gwóuʢs "cow", 212 OInd. gáu , Gr. boũs , Gsg *g wéuʢs, OInd. gó ,
205 The overwiew of accent ablaut classes and related phenomena can be found in Schaffner 2001:69 94, Widmer 2004:49 77, Meier Brügger 2003:201 218, Fortson 2005:103 113. 206 Synonyms for static is kinetic or dynamic. More detailed classification with subtypes has Schaffner 2001:76 94, slightly different Meier Brüger 2003:201 218. 207 See also Schaffner (2003) for a Germanic evidence for the existence of accent ablaut paradigms. The reflexes of accent ablaut in Germanic are due to the Verner's law. Verbs still reflect the variously accented stems, nomina have mostly levelled the consonants appeared by the Verner's law. Proterokinetic paradigm is e.g. reflected in OHG sculd , ON skuldr "guilt" < PGmc. Nsg * skúlþiz , Gsg * skulðiz (levelled ablaut) < PIE Nsg *skéltis , Gsg. *sk téiʢs (p. 479 480); amphikinetic paradigm in OHG zan "tooth" < PGmc Nsg * tanz , Gsg * tudnðiz < PIE Nsg *h 1dént s, Gsg. *h 1d t és (p. 213 214, also Schaffner 2001:617 619, 625 631). 208 Schindler 1967:303;Schaffner 2001:76; Fortson 2005:108; 209 Schindler 1967:303 with paradigm; also Eichner 1973 for nekuz mehur phrase. 210 Schindler 1975:5; Schindler 1994:397. When this word is collectivum, the paradigm is proterokinetic Nsg *uʢédōr , Gsg. *udnés .
74 w w 213 214 Asg *g ouʢm > *g ōm , OInd. g m, Gr. bō n ; Nsg * h2óuʢis "sheep", Lat. ovis , Gsg * h2éuʢis , 215 TochB. ā( u)w strong cases R S0 E0, weak cases Ré S0 E0 Nsg *iʢ k w "liver", Gr. hē par , Av. yātar , Lat. iecur , Gsg * iʢék wns , OInd. yaknáh , Lat. iocineris ;216
Nsg * g´ rƽ 2s, Gr. gē ras , Gsg *g´érƽ2s, Gr. géras (n.) "present of honour"; Nsg * uʢ stu (n). "place of living", OInd. vāstu (n.), Toch A wast , B ost "house", Gsg * uʢástu , Gr. ásti (n.)
"town"; Nsg *s(h 2)n uʢ "tendon, string", Gsg *s(h 2)néuʢ s , Hitt. iš unau "tendon, bow string", OInd. snāvan "bow string" 217 strong cases Ré Sō/o E0, weak cases Ré S0 E0 h 218 h Nsg *b ráh 2tōr, OInd. bhr tā, PGmc br þar , Gsg *b ráh 2t s, OInd. bhr tuh , ON. bróþor ; Nsg *népōs 219 "uncle", Lat. nepōs , Gsg * néptos , Av. naptō ;
Mesostatic nouns Mesostatic nouns are suffix stressed in the paradigm. The ablaut of suffix is o/e. Although sometimes disputed, this category should contain e.g. nomina from the v k type: w 220 w w Nsg * uʢ k íh 2s , OInd. v k "she wolf", Gsg *uʢ k íh 2 as , OInd. v kyàs , Asg *uʢ k íh 2m, OInd. w 221 w v kyàm ; Nsg * k oiʢ néh 2 0 "damages", Gr. poin "quit money", Gsg *k oiʢ néh 2 s, Gr. poinē s;
Proterokinetic nouns Proterokinetic nouns have root vowels in full grade if the root is accented. This is observed in strong cases. In weak cases the suffix is in full grade while root is in zero grade. So the basic accent ablaut scheme for proterokinetic nouns is:
211 Schindler 1967:303 Nsg *d m probably from *dóms due to Szemerényi's law, also Beekes 1995:189. 212 Schindler 1973:151 152. 213 Stang's law for Proto Indo European. Final consonant cluster (containing resonants) simplify with the following lengthening of the preceding vowel. It also operated with the clusters HR, e.g. in Asg of * eh 2 feminines, so * eh 2m > * ām . This Stang's law is different from the Stang's law in Proto Slavic. 214 Schindler 1969:153. 215 Adams 1999:35. 216 Beekes 1985:4 6 argues that Latin form reflects proterokinetic paradigm. 217 Oettinger 1976:97. 218 Schaffner 2001:78. 219 Schaffner 2001:79. 220 Schaffner 2001:80. Using this reconstruction, Asg * íh 2m should require Stang's law. The absence of length in Old Indic is explained by Schaffner as analogy. Alternative reconstruction of the suffix would be Nsg * iʢeh 2 (thus Mayrhofer 1980, Fortson 2005:120. This suffix is used for forming collectiva and feminina of dev and vrk type. 221 Rix 1992:123.
75 strong cases R(é) S(0) E(é), weak cases R(0) S(é) E(0) w 222 223 w The following examples can be adduced: Nsg *g én h2 "woman" , OIr. bén , Gsg * g n 224 225 éh 2 s, OIr. mná ; Nsg * déiuʢ ih 2 "goddess", OInd. dev , Gsg * diuʢ iʢéh 2s, OInd. devy h 226 (vocalism after strong cases); Nsg *h 1néh 3 m "name", Hitt. lāman , Lat. nōmen , Gsg 227 228 *h 1 h 3 mén , Gr. ónoma , OIr. ainm ; Nsg * péh 2 uʢr "fire", Hitt. pa ur , Gr. py r , Gsg. *ph 2 229 230 uʢén s, Hitt. pa uʢenaš, Gr. pyrós ; Nsg* h2érh 3 uʢr "corn", OIr. arbar ,Gsg* h2rh 3 uʢén s, 231 w OIr. arbe ; Nsg * séh 2 uʢl "sun", MBret. heaul , Gsg * sh 2 uʢén s, Av . x ƽ g ; The proterokinesis can be reconstructed for Old Indic i stems, although they can paradigmatically generate zero grade: Nsg. * mén ti s "thought", OInd. matís 232 , Gsg * m téi s, OInd. matés
Hysterokinetic nouns Hysterokinetic nouns accentuate suffix in strong cases and the ending in weak cases. The basic pattern is: strong cases R (0) S (é) E(0), weak cases R(0) S(0) E(é) :233 234 Nsg *h 2uk sén "ox", OInd. uk ā, PGmc.* uXs ē > ON uxi , Gsg * h2uk sn és , OInd. uk á ; 235 Nsg.* poiʢh2 m n "shepherd", Gr. poimēn , Lith. piemuõ , Gsg.* poiʢh2 mn és , Lith. 236 237 piemens ; Nsg *h 2ak'm "stone", Lith. akmuõ , Gsg * h2ak'men és , Lith. akme ns ; Nsg 238 *h3(o)pér h2 "stores", Hitt. āppar "price" , Gsg * h3p n és , Hitt. appenant "rich"; Nsg 239 *ph 2 tér s, "father", Gr. pat r , Gsg. * ph 2 tr és , Gr. patrós;
222 For the discussion of Tocharian A and B k uli , klyiye and its relationship to the PIE forms see Kortladnt 1988 and especially Pinault 2005. 223 Harðarson 1987:127; Jasanoff 1989:140. 224 w c See Matzinger 2000:85 for *g h 2 aiʢ > Gr. gynaĩkes , Arm. kanayk and Alb. grā ; concerning Alb. grua, grue "woman, wife", see Ködderitzsch 1994 for discussion, the Albanian word contiunes from the weak grade form. 225 Eichner 1974:28. 226 Schindler 1975a:263, Beekes 1987:5 * h3néh 3 m with laryngeal dissimilation? 227 Stüber 1997:74 sees the original acrostatic paradigm Nsg *h 1nóm , Gsg *h 1ném s with secondary proterokinesis. 228 Schindler 1975b:10. 229 Greek generalised the heteroclitic r suffix in the paradigm. 230 Widmer 2004:45 48. 231 Schaffner 2001:92, Schindler 1975b:10. The etymology discussions also Bader 1995. 232 Fortson 2004:108 109. 233 Hysterokinec inflection is connected with dervates, there are lot of collectives and agent nouns, e.g. n stems, Gr. ers n "male" < *h 1 s én , OInd. uk án "boy" < *(h)uks én , *serp én "serpent", Alb. gjarpër etc., see Oettinger 2005. Original proterokinetic collectiva could have been later transfromed to hysterokinetic ones, e.g. i collectiva (see Oettinger 1999). 234 Schaffner 2001:88, Oettinger 1980:46. 235 Schaffner 2001:89 90. 236 Oettinger 1980:46 reconstructs mesostatic paradigm: *poh 2i m n, *poh 2i mén s; Harðarson 1987:135 proterokinetic paradigm: *peh 3 i mō, *ph 3 i mén s; neither is accepted by Schaffner. 237 Schaffner 2001:90 91. 238 Oettinger 2005:146. 239 Fortson 2004:109.
76 Amphikinetic nouns Amphikinetic nouns are characterised by accented root in strong cases and accented ending in weak cases. Suffix can be in lengthened grade in Nsg and in o grade in Asg. As an example the following stems can be adduced: Nsg *d hég' hōm "earth", Hitt. tekan , OInd. k ám , Gr. chth n 240 , Gsg *d hég' h més , Hitt. taknaz , OInd. jmáh ; Nsg * g' hés ōr "hand", Hitt. keššar , Gr. cheír , TochA tsar 241 , Gsg *g' hs r és , Hitt. kiššaraš (secondary form), Gr. cheirós 242 (generalised full grade); Nsg * h2éusōs "dawn", Lat. aurōra , Gsg * h2ussés , OInd. u ás ; Nsg 243 244 *uʢédōr "waters" , Hitt. watar, Gsg * ud n és , Hitt. wetenaš ; Nsg * pént oh 2 m "way", 245 h OInd. pánthám ( th from other cases) , Gsg * p t h2 és , Av. pathō , Nsg * h1léng oiʢ "oath", 246 h 247 Hitt. lengaiš , Gsg *h 1l g iʢ és, Hitt. lenkiiʢaš (generalised root vowel) ; Nsg * h1éduʢō, 248 Arm. erkn "birth pains" , Gr. odynē "pain", Gsg. h1dunés The special status in PIE has also the grammatical category of number. PIE possessed four numbers singular, plural, dual and collectivecollective.249 As illustrated by Ha Darson (1987), PIE collective belonged to the following accent ablaut h h types: mesodynamic: Nom.* uʢ d é h2, Goth. waurda "words", Gen. *uʢ d é h2 s (replaced by plural in individual langauges); proterokinetic: Nom. * k'ér h2, Myc. kerā "horn", Gen. *k'( )r
240 Schindler 1967:201, Schaffner 2001:81. 241 Schindler 1967/68: 244 249, Nussbaum 1986:82, Rieken 1999:278 279. 242 Fritz 1996:3; Fortson 2004:109. 243 Schindler 1975b:3 4., Schaffner 2001:82, Rieken 1999:292 293. 244 The reflection of PIE heteroclita in Balto Slavic has been provided by Matasović 1998. He thinks that heterocliticity could still be alive in Balto Slavic. Matasović material comes from the original static and proterokinetic paradigms but he does not discuss the accentual development up to Baltic and Slavic, his comparison is etymological and morphological only. The paradigmatic accentual development of heteroclita depending on the change of morphological structure is an interesting topic which I leave for analysis elsewhere. The good steps were also suggested by Birnbaum 1972 but alas, his analysis is without accentual background. 245 Harðarson 1987:137, Widmer 2004:54. 246 Oettinger 1980:47. 247 PIE ablaut of the root was preserved in the Germanic n stems, as recently showed in the dissertation by Guus Kroonen: Consonant and vowel gradation in the Germanic n stems., Leiden 2007. The dissertation has not reached to me yet but some results and data are in Kroonen's handout presented at IWoBA 3 in Leiden. Most examples adduced by Kroonen belong to amphikinetic paradigm, e.g.Nsg.* ghréub h ōn, Gsg. ghrub h n ós "pan", PGmc Nsg * greubō , Gsg. * gruppaz (with the operation of Kluge's law, see my chapter on Winter's law here), reflected in PGmc * greuban > OE gréofa "pan", * grupan >OE gropa "pan", * gruppan > MDu groppe "pan". 248 Oettinger 1976 249 In athematic flextion, collective originally differed from singular by means of ablaut and suffix (being thus cummulative exponence):sg. * sók' , coll. *sék' ōr < *sék'or h2 "excrement". In thematic flexion, only ending h h distinguished collective: sg *(h)uʢérd o m, *(h)uʢérd e h2 "words, speech". After ablaut stopped being h phonologically relevant, the contrastive accent (see below) played the role: *sék'ōr >*sek' r, *(h)uʢérd eh 2 h >*(h)uʢerd éh 2. The non productive ablaut grades (zero) used to be transponed to strong cases . See Oettinger 1992 for further details. Collective suffix * h2 can sometimes be called external Komprehensiv, being formed from singulative stems, collective ending would be dubbed internal Komprehensiv (Eichner 1985, Tremblay 1996:55). For the relationship of collective and femininum see Tichy 1993. Oettinger 1995 also postulated another collective suffix * éiʢ (zero grade * i ), e.g. *h 2/3 sth 2 iʢ "bones", Hitt. hastāi . See Harðarson (1987a:80 94) for the accent ablaut distribution of Indo European collectiva. He distinguishes mesodynamic flexion: Nsg h h *uʢ d é h2, "Goth. waurda Gsg * uʢ d é h2 s; proterodynamic Nsg *k'er h2 "horn", Myk. kerā , Gsg. *k'( )r éh 2 s, Hitt. karā "horns"; amphikinetic Nsg * uʢédōr , Hitt. widār , Gsg * udnés , OInd. udnás .
77 éh 2 s, Hitt. karā(uʢar) "horns"; amphikinetic e.g. heteroclite Nom. * uʢéd ōr "water", Hitt. widār, Gen. *ud n és , OInd. udnás. 250 Kortlandt 2010 deals with four types of nominal paradigms only: static, proterodynamic, hysterodynamic and thematic. 251 This conception comes back to Beekes 1985 but as far as I know, it has not found too much impact.
4.24.24.2.2.4.2 .2..2..2. D Derivativeerivative functionfunction: here the "internal derivation" is important. It is a sufixless derivation done only due to the change of ictus. Strong stem of a derivate corresponds to the weak stem of the preceding accent ablaut class: 252
R S0, R(é) S0 (acrostatic) > R(ó) S0 * h1uʢē/esu "wealth, good", OIr. fíu "worth",
OInd. vásu "good" >h 1uʢo/esu "good", OIr. fó "good", HLuw. wasu "well" (NIL 253 258);
R(ó) S0, R(é) S0 (acrostatic)>R(é) S0 h2ó/éiʢu "life", OInd. yu >*h 2éiʢu/*h 2iʢeu "alive",
OInd. āyú (Widmer 2004:97, NIL:277); R(é) S0, R0 S(é) (proterokinetic)>R0 S(é) * h2pésos
"penis", OInd. pásas , > *h 2pesés "buck", TochB pa e ; Proterokinetic nouns can have amphikinetic derivates:* bhlég' hm , OInd. bráhma > * bhlég' hmōn Ind.brahmá 253 . Derivates 254 have the meaning of possession, or relation to the meaning of the original noun .
250 Tremblay 2003:242 adduced the accent ablaut difference between two types of collective and a singulative, e.g. acrostatic Dehnstufe singulative Nsg * h1 sh 2 , Gsg. *h 1ésh 2 s "blood", Hitt. ēšhar , ēšnaš ; collective 1 amphikinetic Nsg *h 1ésh 2 ōr , Gsg * h1sh 2 n és , Hitt. Gsg. iš ha an a aš , TochA ysār , TochB yasar ; collective 2 anakinetic (Tremblay's term) Nsg * h1sh 2 r , Gsg. *h 1sh 2 n és , Lat. aser, assyr . Accent and ablaut are used here to distinguish grammatical categories of number, but as Tremblay (p. 253) admits, there is no certain ablaut type which would be special for collectiva only. Anakinetic paradigm was proposed by Tremblay1996:49 for the explanation of Balto Slavic mon / men stems (Lith. piemuõ, vánduõ type). Anakinetic paradigm would have the structure Nsg *CeC m , Gsg *CéC m s. Against this Mottausch 2000:41 42, who admits that unaccented *e and accented * ó cannot occur simultaneusly and if so, it must be secondary due to the * kwetuʢóres rule. Also, should anakinetic paradigm be alive, it would be an unnecessary "luxury" for the language because it it a mirror image of holokinetic paradigm: Nsg *CéC ōr x *CeC r, Gsg *CC rés x *CéC s. 250 Widmer (2004:65) 251 Such state would continue to Proto Balto Slavic. 252 Widmer (2004:65) 253 Fortson 2004:110. 254 Tremblay 2003 dealt with the internal derivation in detail and the interesting reconstruction is the one for "name", reflected in Latin nōmen , Hitt. lāman , OInd. nā man , Arm. anun , Alb. emër , Gr. ónoma , OCS imę , OIr. ainm etc. Beekes 1987:5 reconstructed proterokinetic paradigm Nsg. *h 3néh 3 mn , Gsg * h3nh 3 mén s, arguing that should the forms have o grade in Nsg * h3nómn, *h 3nm én s or even be acrostatic *h 3ném n, h 3ném n s, the problematicity of o grade is obvious, especially if proterokinetic paradigm is reconstructed because o grade nouns are usually static, and should the latter form be reconstructed, the immobility is not confirmed by cognates. Nevertheless, Stüber 1997 proposes the original acrostatic variant Nsg *h 1nóm , Gsg. * h1ném s (with different laryngeal) which should be replaced by quasi proterokinetic Nsg *h 1nóm , Gsg. * h1 m én s. Tremblay (2003:238 239) goes further on and considers Stüber's replacement as a "derivative" model A while his derivative model B would comprise of the further derivates which would be reflected in separate IE languages: acrostatic Dehnstufe: Nsg * h1n h 3 m , Gsg. *h 1néh 3 m s, reflected in PIIr. * nēma , TochA n om , TochB n em; proterokinetic Nsg *h 1néh 3 m , Gsg *h 1 h 3 mé s, reflected in OInd. nā man , Lat. nōmen , Oir. ainm, Hitt. lāman ; hysterokinetic collective *Nsg. * h1 h 3 mē , Gsg. *h 1 h 3 mn és, reflected in OCS imę ; possessive anakinetic (Tremblay's term) Nsg *h 1neh 3 m , Gsg *h 1néh 3 m s, Isg. *h 1néh 3 m h 1 reflected in Early IIr.* °nāmā , Gsg. *°nām áh, Isg. *°nāmā > Av. aoxtō; amphikinetic (holokinetic Nsg *h 1néh 3 mō , Gsg
78 4.24.24.2.3.4.2 .3. The relationship of ablaut grades The obvious problem being solved by various scholars is the origin and relationship of Abtönung and zero grade (e:o:0) and the origin of Dehnstufe. As for Dehnstufe, the situation is quite clear because it is definitely secondary. Dehnstufe can be found in certain morphological categories 255 , e.g. in monosyllabic forms of root nouns: Nsg *uʢ k w s, Gsg* uʢék ws (Beekes 1995:166, Tremblay 2003:231), as a result of Szemerényi's law ( VRs > 256 V R; * ph 2ters >*ph 2t r ). In verbal forms it is typical for Narten presens (* steu "praise" (LIV:600), 3sg * st uʢ ti , 3pl * stéuʢ ti .257 Secondary Dehnstufe is also found in sigmatic aorist 258 , in Old Church Slavic due to the cluster simplification and the compesatory
*h 1 h 3 mn és , reflected as collective in Goth. namo (newly formed) and Hitt. lāmnaš , and as possessive OIIr .*tā/auʢā nmān > NPers. bahmān "so and so". It might be suggested clear that accent and ablaut distinguishes different syntactic categories here. 255 Schmalstieg (1993) proposed an idea about the origin of lengthened grade iteratives in Baltic and Slavic languages. Of course, the lengthened grade here has nothing to do with the original PIE ablaut but the principle can be interesting. Schmalstieg thinks that long root vowel in Lithuanian brýdóti "to stand in water into which one has forded" and Slavic * birati "take" with the suffix * ā are intensives of iconic origin. The vowel lengthening would therefore be a sort of intensity expression. Now, it would be interesting to look for such examples in PIE if some ablaut forms cannot express "intensity" or some other mark of expression. Also, from the accentual point of view, Lithuanian intensives have the acute intonation and are accentually different from original statives. 256 For the first time formulated by Johanna Narten (1969) and misleadingly named as "proterodynamic". The accented Dehnstufe is in indic.sg.active, full grade in plural. So PIIr. forms would be * st umi, *st uši, st uti, *stáumasi, *stáutha, *stáuʢati (Narten 1969), so the paradigm has the structure C C , CéC . Further data supporting the existence of Narten presens were adduced by Schindler (1994:398 399). The ablaut pattern can be called acrodynamic, see Kümmel (1998:191) who suggests tha Dehnstufe in singular is created by the * é infixation into the root thus being similar to the Vrddhi derivation. According to Kümmel, the Narten roots have special function. If acrodynamic present roots have the corresponding amphikinetic root aorist forms, the aorist has momentary meaning while the meaning of present forms is durative iterative, e.g.* dek' > aorist *dék' /*d ek' "perceive (momentary), present * d k' /dék' "continually perceive". It means that the acrodynamic morphemes are not underlyingly long but the long grade is secondary with a certain morphological function. In the late PIE the acrodynamic present could just be taken just as the opposition of aspect to aorist. 257 The real existence of Narten's presens has recently also been challenged by de Vaan (2004). Having examined the data from Schindler (1994) who advocated the underlying existence of Dehnstufe in a root, de Vaan showed that the Avestan data adduced by Schindler as a support for Dehnstufe, can be explained alternatively. For example the agent noun bāšar "rider" from the root * bher , reconstructed by Schindler as * bhr tá . De Vaan points out that this word belongs to a small number of word which have an unespected sequence āš <*ārt which have phonetic lenghtening before š with the simultaneous influence of preceding labial (because all the similar examples have initilal syllable labial. De Vaan also disputes the canonic example of Narten's presens, the root *steu . De Vaan disregards the putative OAv .stāumī (1sg.pres.ind.) is actually a misreading form of staomī which excludes the reconstructed form with root Dehnstufe. Although de Vaan considers Narten's root as a concept to be abandoned, I do not know about studies which would disregard the data from Old Indic, Germanic, Greek, Latin etc., although the amount of data from those language is considerably smaller than data from Avestan. So for the time being, I consider Narten root still relevant. Nevertheless, one must say it is dubious if Schindler really meant that Dehnstufe should be complete secondary of if it is only a lexical specification of certain roots. His article is too brief for generalising. Narten presens is not attested in Balto Slavic, where the length should be traced to Narten prezens, it can be explained as a reflection of Winter's law (Matasović 1997:132). 258 Kümmel (1998:206) mentions the similarity between accented long grade in Narten presens and s aorist. Both forms have durative meaning while s suffix could characterise perfective aspect. The amphikinetic non durative s form would be probably desiderativ which has e grade root in indicative, injunktive and conjunctive singulaar and unstressed zero grade root in plural (stress is on the ending or secodary sufix), e.g. *uʢéiʢd s /uʢid s "catch sight of, see", reflected probably in Lat. vīsō, vīsere (LIV:23 24, 666).
79 lengthening: *nes s > *nēs0 s > OCS. 3pl něsę (Drinka 1995), Dehnstufe is also typical for vrddhi derivation. 259 It means that Dehnstufe is a secondary morphological marker. 260
4.2.3.1. Eichner's law Thee secondary character of Dehnstufe is the proposed long * ē in the vicinity of a second 261 laryngeal: *h 2ē which is originally * h2e + e grade. The resulting long * ē protects h2 to change the timbre. The variants of the original root can be seen in Lat. mātūrus < *meh 2 and
Hittite mēhur "time" < *mēh 2 . The original accentual paradigm is acrostatic: *mē h 2 uʢr, w w 262 *méh 2 un os like *iʢ k , *iʢék n os . Further data (about 25) for the support of Eichner's law has been presented by Rasmussen 1990/1991: e.g. *h 2ē k' uʢr, Hitt. hēkur "peak", 263 h *h 2ē ug o , OCS jugъ "south" , *g h2ē uʢ mon , OHG. giumo "gum, palate", *uʢē h 2k o m, OCS 264 265 věko "lid" , * r h 2p o m, OCS rěpa "turnip" etc. If correct, Eichner's law is not only limited to Anatolian (for which it was originally proposed) but the reflections are also in other languages.
4.4.4.24. 222.3.2..3.2. e/o/0 ablaut 4.2.3.2.1. Classical Hirt's theory Concerning e/o/0 ablaut, various explanations have been proposed. The classical theory of Hirt 266 operated with the influence of dynamic stress. Unstressed vowels should have been reduced to zero grade. To explain the anomalous vocalism at the position of a zero grade, Hirt also postulated a reduced grade or the so called schwa secundum (Lat. magnus , Gr. megas <* mgno . Dehnstufe and various quantitative qualitative changes should also operate in light and heavy bases :*sed "sit", * dhē "place", * deme "build", * bhewā "become". The Late PIE should change stress to intonation and due to that prosodic change the originally *e with an original secondary stress should change to * o. Abtönung is, therefore, the last change in the succession of ablaut development.
259 For the discussion about Dehnstufe and vrddhi with examples from Vedic see Leumann 1954:5. Leumann explained the vrddhi derivates as an analogical proces, the frame of which was taken from basic words, esp. Nsg monosyllabic forms. Vrddhi derivates are also productive in Balto Slavic, e.g. mēmsom >S Cr . m so (Matasović 1997:133 134). 260 Mottausch 2000:86. 261 Eichner 1973. 262 Mayrhofer 1986:132 133. 263 S Cr. ju gъ, Sln. jùg júga , original acute due to the Winter's law. 264 Probably original neuter with the barytone accent. 265 according to Rasmussen, there was also the collective form * ráh 2pá h2. 266 IG II, IG V.
80 4.2.3.2.2. Kurylowicz et al. Kuryłowicz 267 remarked that there are examples with stressed " ó" (Gr. fóros "fee"), so the accent does not change the timbre, only weakening and syncope. The o grade preceded the 0 grade. Structures of the type CeRC , CoRC should undergo weakening CeRC, CoRC followed by the timbre fusion CoRC. Consequently, the o grade should develop and so the oppositon eR/ eR should be transformed to the opposition of CoRC/CR C. Mańczak (1960) argued, that both tonic and pretonic " e" changes its timbre to "o", e.g. Gr.*dedérka "I have seen" >*dedórka (inovative accent dédorka ). Timbre is also changed before a sonant: Gr. legéte/légomen. Szemerényi (1996:121) sums up that the influence of stress on " o" is excluded and timbre * e>*o changes due to the influence of nasal or sonant/sonant or preceding labial, as in * pōs. Beekes (1995:166) claims that 0 grade and o grade are in unstressed position, while o grade is in fact the epenthetic analogical, e.g. *mén s >* ménos ; Gen. *mn és s > men és os ; The full grade in Gsg is probably analogical according to the Nsg or epentetical in unstressed position. Beekes distinguishes three stages of accent ablaut development: 1. stage [+stress] é,ó + 0 [ stress] , 2. stage [+stress] é,ó + 0, o [ stress], 3. stage [+stress] é,ó + 0, o, e [ stress]. A bit extreme version of the ablaut origin was proposed by Palmaitis 1980 who started from the premise of monovocalic PIE. Palmaitis thought that the original apophonic opposition was * (traditionally *e) /* a (traditionally *o). Palmaitis postulates a "sense intonation", a dubious term, and does not think that PIE had the pitch or accent (which is probably stress in Palmaitis' terminology). Anyway, the * a shoud have come into being under the sense intonation of the fientive (active) forms while * was not connected with the intonation. The original alophones would have appeared first in final syllabeme, on the onset they should have been neutralised to * Ã and further modified by laryngeals to obtain *e, *a *o vocalism. The sense intonation should then contrast the original allophones but curiously, Palmaitis considers first * a to be under intonation. As we know, traditionally it is the opposite, *e is in tonic and * o in atonic position. Although Palmaits claims that later the original atonic * disappeared from theend of stem and replaced a thematic * a (which is actually * o) he skips the fact that reconstructed * o/*e ablaut is in root nouns. The obvious caveat is that Palmaitis considers PIE a primitive language where the elementary system phoneme should develop into a more complicated one. It is unclear to me what the sense
267 1956, 1968a.
81 intonation can be and how it can develop into either stress or pitch accent system that is usually postulated for the proto language.
4.2.3.2.3. Iterative syncope Fulk's concept of iterative syncope operates with the rhythmical phase of early PIE. Every second syllable should be secondarily stressed and later reduced. Unstressed syllables were reduced and syncopated : * Háwayàs >*Háwyàs >*Hewyos > Gsg OInd. ávyah (Fulk 1986:49, 210); Pre PIE syllable had CVCVCV... structure, according to Fulk, later changes due to the stress created closed syllables. The conception is too mechanistic and a bit naïve although the connection with stress and vowel reduction is typologically normal.
4.2.3.2.4. Rasmussen's complexity Rasmussen (1978: 44 47) tried to explain the origin of Abtönung and Abstufung due to the Lautgesetze. He postulates 18 of them in the relative chronology, counts also with stressed Dehnstufe. Unstressed*e > *o and was secondarily prolonged: *ō and subsequently shortened to *o . Unstressed * ē >*e and secondarily lengthened before *s/*h 2 (collective suffix) so 3 vowels appeared followed by a change of timbre. * e >*õ . Generally, Rasmussen counts with the relationship of accent and vocalism, not the relationship between ablaut and accent. 268 As an illustration of Rassmussen approach the development of acrostatic paradigm for "night" can be adduced: Nsg * n k wts >*n :k wts (*ē >ō unconditioned) >* n k wts >*nók wts (shortening before CC cluster); Lat. nox; Gsg * nēk wtós >* nek wtós (V:>V _(X) [+accent]) w w >* nék tós ([ accent] >[+accent]/#[ vocal] 0(first vowel is stressed) >* nék tos ([+accent] >[ accent] / [+accent] (X)_; (loss of secondary accent) >* nék wts (syncope), Hitt. nekuz . It is obvious that Rasmussen's approach is very similar to the generative rule ordering and the algorithm is very improbable for the real Indo European speaker. Amfikinetic paradigm is considered secondary because disyllabic forms are normal mobile paradigms (see further in this text). Trisyllabic forms just copy that model and create polarisation of stress. Such polarisation hints to the similar process that we observe in Balto Slavic (Pedersen's law): Nsg h h *d ugh 2t >Lit. dukt÷ ; Asg* d ugh 2tér m > Lit. dùkterę). Dehnstufe in Narten presens is curiously explained by the combination of stress retraction and ablaut weakening: in 3sg.
268 Rasmussen 1987/1999:247 postulates a root infix Q , a consonantal element developing into the vowel " o". This is actually the o grade in certain grammatical categories like causative iteratives (* men "think" > / m Q en éy e t i/ >*monéiʢeti "makes think". It is not clear to me how that consonantal element (which should be part of syllable onset) could fuse with a nucleus to produce a timbre " o". The only explanation is that the element could have the modifying characteristics similar to de Saussure's coeficients sonantiques. However, it is dubious if such coeficient has a concrete phonological existence in the language system.
82 *st uʢ ti , 3pl* stéuʢ ti first protraction of stress occured due to the dominant suffixes. This lead to the ablaut weakening in the root with the subsequent retraction of stress and ablaut weakening in the suffix: * stēuʢ énti > *steuʢ énti >*stéuʢ enti >*stéuʢ nti (Rasmussen 1996/1999: 575). 269 Acrostatic paradigm is derived from the proterokinetic one by means of accent retraction and vowel lengthening. 270 The two acrostatic paradimgs (the one with o grade in Nsg and the other one with Denstufe are therefore in complementary distribution: * nók wts *nék wts/,* iʢ k w *iʢék w ns. 271 Proterokinetic and hysterokinetic paradigms develop due to the addition of a syllabic element, so the stress protracts to the right .*h1és ti, *h 1s énti, optative 272 *h1s iʢéh 1 ti, * h1s ih 1 énti. Amphikinetic paradigm skips the inner syllable, like Nsg*pónt ō h2 s, Gsg. *p t h2 ós "path" and according to Rasmussen, such kind of paradigm is a variant of a common mobile one which has not more than two syllables. If a mobile word form has not more than two syllables, it is useless to talk about proterokinetic and hysterokinetic paradigms because stress alternates just between two syllables only. Now, if more syllables are included, the new forms simply copy the original model and stress starts to alternate between the first and the last syllable. This is the polarization principle and strongly reminds Pedersen's law in Balto Slavic. 273 To sum up, Rasmussen's approach to accent ablaut paradigms is as follows: acrostatic paradigms *ó:*é and * :*é are in complementary distribution and the original mobility is neutralised here, proterokinetic and hysterokinetic are just variants of mobility with the ictus difference, amphikinetic paradigm is secondary. Rasmussen 2003 proposed a new explanation of ablaut origin. Having criticised the classical theory of Hirt that PIE first had stress and then pitch accent and stress was the cause of Abstufung while pitch of Abtönung, Rasmussen now thinks that PIE had H tone and expiratory prominence. As a proof he adduces Ancient Greek had tonal height and modern greek has stress accent; Vedic had tonal height, Pashto has stress, Russian has stress, Serbian
269 The interesting remark by Rasmussen 1999Comp:490 is that * /*é ablaut in nominals is observed only in r/n heteroclitica only and only in acrostatic paradigm, iʢ k w *iʢék w ns . Now it is clear that the Dehnstufe must be w secondary because of * m h 2uʢr and Eichner's law. Concerning the ablaut differences * p d s x * nók ts , Rasmussen thinks that the latter form is the shortening between the complex consonant cluster. 270 Also Rasmussen 1996/1999. 271 ibid.; Lsg of acrostatic paradigms is studied by Tremblay (2004:585 587) in great detail. Tremblay posits wh wh wh Dehnstufe in Lsg of * h1 nu , OHG ānu, also * h1 g i, form Nsg *h 1 g is "snake", Gsg. * h1ég is ,, Npl wh *h1óg iʢes which would mean that four different ablaut grades are to be postulated here. 272 Similarly in Rasmussen 1987/1999:250 251 where some endings (N A Vsg, singular active in verbs) are taken to be originally non syllabic while the endings of weak forms were syllabic and originally formed independent words, while "i" and "u" in 3sg * bhereti and imp. bheretu were originaly deictic markers and syntacticaly enclitica without any influence on ictus. 273 The accentual polarization hypothesis also in Rasmussen 1999a:487.
83 Croatian had stress, Slavic in mobile paradigm had falling tone, accented mora had H tone. 274 So Rasmussen simply adds up prosodic features which are results of diachronic stages and posits them synchronically for PIE. This is the obvious simplification. The change of unaccented *e >*o are now considered by the tonal lowering . Rasmussen explains acrostatic nominatives * p d s "foot", *nók wt s as based on long roots /pēd /, /nēk w t / (probably the underlying form, but why are they long?). Accented syllables had H tone, long vowels rising tone, aditional lengthening + the marker of nominative > tone lowering + o timbre. 275
4.2.3.2.5. Contrastive accent theory Concerning the tematic derivates, the question of contrastive accent 276 was discussed (type Gr. tómos/tomós.277 ) Burrow (1955:125) already noticed the change of oxytone adjectives or agentive nouns with zero grade in root with barytone action nouns and o grade in the root: budhá "inteligent" versus bódha "understanding. Stressed suffix causes the root grade to be weakened and the change of ictus causes the change of meaning. Rasmussen (2000:242) tried to explain the "tomos" derivates by postulating an underlying element, that should appear either as "0" (at adjectives or agent nouns) or as "o": *tƽmós >*tomós >tómos. Insertion of an infixal vowel causes stress retraction and generalisation of o grade in the root. 278
4.2.3.24.2.3.2.6..6. Krasuchin's "solution" The compilation of the various ideas seems to be put forward by Krasuchin (1998, 2003, 2004). Krasuchin posits ablaut accent paradigm (sic!) concerning mainly morphosyntax. Barytona should have been the independent syntactic forms (active vebal forms, N A L of nouns), oxytona should be syntacticaly dependent (G D of nouns, semanticaly they should mark the inner state of subject of external process which affects subject). The function in the syntagma is expressed by the change of ablaut and accent: OInd. róga "pain", rujá "destroyer"/ bhagá "part", bhajá "participant" (first "e grade, then o grade was generalised). Krasuchin postulates a simple rule accent protraction leads to the change of root ablaut and
274 Rasmussen 2003:354. 275 p. 355. This process is completely unsupported. 276 Contrastive accent is also visible in paradigmatic accentuation, e.g. Nsg * ph 2tē r versus Vsg* pƽ 2ter "father". 277 tómos has a resultative meaning, tomós agentive and action meaning. 278 Rasmussen 1987/1999:248 suggests that contrastive accent might follow the new formation of a barytone h h form. E.g. he considers *b orós "act of carrying" an adjectival inflection of * b oréh 2, derived from a compound with the meaning "that which has x for carrying". From the type *x bhorós a new form (through backformation) bhóros is formed. This scenario seems quite probable to me and I agree with Rasmussen that before the stress retraction the o grade had to be vocalised.
84 semantic change. E grade in suffix is connected with oxytonesis: OInd. śóka "brightness", śucá "bright". In acrostatic paradigm the e grade marks atribute * déms as in * démspotis .279 Krasuchin accepts the Hirt's theory of ablaut, Rasmussens theory of the secondary development of the acrostatic paradigm (although does not quote any Rasmussens's work) and also Erhart's conception of attributive ablaut. 280
4.2.3.2.7. Dominant and recessive morphemes Dominance and recessivity conception is one of the most interesting idea concerned mainly with the modus operandi of Moscow accentological school, Garde (1976) and Halle (1997). Hock (1992) applied that concept to accent ablaut paradigm. Morphemes have inherent prosodic features : strong : preaccenting ←, accented +, postaccenting →, weak: unaccented. Interaction of those morphemes leads to surface ictus: *Nsg p ds ['+ ], Gsg* pedós [+'+]. For PIE the postulating rule is that the ictus falls to the last morpheme of + class. The application of dominancy and recessivity can be adduced on the following examples: 281 acrostatic paradigms * bhr e"carry" [+←] > [[+ ]] * bher e; mezostatic *tud e w w 282 "beat" [→ ←] > [ +] * tud é ; proterokinetic Nsg * g m ti sN [+ ] > * g ém ti s w w 283 w "corridor", Gsg * g m ti sG [+ ]+ >* g téiʢs ; hysterodynamic Nsg * h2uk s n sN [ + ] w 284 w w 285 h >* h2uk s (n) , Gsg * h2uk s n sG [ + ]+ > * h2uk s n és ; contrastive accent: *b r o >*b horó , OInd. bhārá "Last"; * bhr o [+ +++] >*b hóro [+ ⇐], OInd. bhára "das Tragen". Dybo 2003 also returned to the dominancy recessivity interaction of morphemes in PIE. Mobile paradigms are results of recessive roots while dominant ones have immobile paradimgs. The important result is that Balto Slavic, Greek and Old Indic mobile paradigms usually correspond. As for other PIE paradigms, e.g. hysterokinetic Nsg * ph 2( )ter ( )s(+) , Gsg.
*ph 2( )trós (+) > Gr. pa ( )tē r ( +) , pa ( )trós (+) and OInd. pi ( )tā ( +) , pi ( )túh (+) where the mobility is due to the recessive root and the dominant desinence. Although not mentioned by Dybo, the Szemerényi's law in Nsg is interpreted as a fusion of features. The result is the secondary dominancy of * tē r suffix. Another interpretation is that ( ) >( +) before (+) morphemes. 286
279 "master of the house", reflected in Gr. despótēs , OInd. dámpati (Mallory&Adams 2006:209). 280 Atribute is expressed by juxtaposition of sentence parts: dependent noun is accented on the last syllable wich leads to the syncope of pretonic syllables. Due to that development, the N and G forms are distinguished (Erhart 1982:89) 281 Hock (1992:193 196). 282 OInd. gátis, NIL:175 176. 283 OInd. gátes 284 OInd. uk ā , diskuse in NIL:368 370. 285 OInd. uk ás 286 Dybo 2003:150 152.
85 Dybo's interpretation allows us to explain tomós tómos difference. If we assume tomós as an original form with the marking tom ( )ós (+) which is logical because the dominant suffix attracts stress, the ( ) >( +) __(+) results in the secondary dominancy of the root suffix connected with the change of meaning, so tóm ( +)os (+).
4.2.3.2.8.Non4.2.3.2.8.Non concatenativeconcatenative morphology and ablaut Pooth 2002 advocated the non concatenative morphology as a tool for the ablaut description. 287 Although heavily discussing the Indo European ablaut, Pooth failed to apply it, in my opinion. As McCarthy himself admits, the Indo European languages have basically concatenative morphology (McCarthy 1981:374) while Semitic morphology is pervaded by morphological alternations internal to the stem. So non concatenative morphology is originally developed for a different morphological structures where a template has a grammatical meaning. 288 I am very sceptical that Arabic triliteral and quadriliteral roots and their ablaut can be applied to any Indo European language. We can of course state that * h1és m "I am" has the CV skeleton C 1V1C2C3V2 where C tier is h1 s m, V tier 0 e and there is also a special accent tier above above the vowel tier: 289
Accent tier ´´´
Vowel tier e 0
CV Skeleton C V C C V
C tier h1 s m
But it is very dubious how and if such representation really occurs. Apart from certain requirements, there are no canonical patterns of consonants connected with a certain semantics as well as binyianim (they are in no way similar to the conjugational types of Indo European languages). Curiously, although using autosegmental representation, Pooth considers that "die neue Form kommt allein durch interne Veränderungen oder Umstellung von bestimmten Segmenten oder Suprasegmenten zustande wi z.B. der Veränderung oder
287 Non concatenative morphology was proposed by McCarthy 1981 as an alternative to the concatenative morphology (e.g.structuralist one) which concatenate morphemes lineary to the right or left of the base. In this model, morphemes are represented on a separate tiers. Vocalic and consonantal melodies are autosegments and are mapped onto prosodic templates (CV skeletons) which have grammatical meaning. The skeleton is also dubbed as prosodic template tier and represents a canonic shape connected with a certain meaning. 288 This is also the misunderstanding of Czech quantity patterns by Scheer who sees templates here. See further in this dissertation. 289 Pooth 2002:421.
86 Umstellung fon Tönen, des ASkzents oder des Akzentistzes innerhalb des Worts oder der Veränderung oder Umstellung sowohl von Akzent wie Vokal(en)." 290 The problem is that prosodic features are not suprasegments, especially in autosegmental phonology/morphology and the "internal change" can be applied with certainty only to forms with unchanging structure, e.g. in the internal derivation process and to tómos tomós forms but it cannot be applied to root nouns. Moreover, the skeletal position of élargissement is unclear in this interpretation because élargisement does not have any ablaut. Pooth's explanation that the way from early PIE to later periods was from "wurzelflektierend mit Vokalmelodien" to "fuisonirendflektierend mit Ablautstufen" does not seem convincing to me. 291
Summing up and going on The neogrammarian explanation (Hirt) does not seem to successfuly explain the o grade. The postulation of Late PIE as a tone language is based only on the tonal characteristics of Vedic and Greek. The extreme example of ad hoc "mathematical" rules postulated for PIE is done by Rasmussen. It is extremely improbable that the speakers followed the precise succession of changes that Rasmussen presupposes. The analogical explanation by Kuryłowicz seems very artificial and puts the speaker into a position of a linguist who follows the changes in order to reach the final result. Krasuchin's conception relies more on semantic differences than to the explanation of the sound changes leading to the accent and ablaut difference. What seem clear is that morphemes possess inherent prosodic features. Apart from generative phonologists, the inherency was already hinted by late Schindler (1994) 292 and now seems to be advocated by Clackson (2007). So some indoeuropeanists, who generally do not follow modern trends in linguistics, seem to reach the same conclusions as phonologists.The second thing which seems to be clear is that accent and ablaut do not need to be dependent. Clackson (2007:87) remarks that forms * pénk we "five" , *sept "seven" 293 contradict the accepted view that unstressed position must be reduced and syncopated. 294 As seen, * pénk we has the second syllable unstressed so kwe should not have e grade. On the other hand, *sept has the stressed zero form of ablaut which also contradicts the general view. The fact that
290 Pooth 2002:422. 291 Pooth 2002:461. 292 "..das lässt auf zwei ursprüngliche Wurzeltypen schliessen, Standard und Nartenwurzeln." 293 End stress reflected in Gr. heptá , OInd. saptá , Got. sibun 294 Keydana 2006:20 argues that originally, the stressed syllables had only full grade vowel and that * sept must be a later phase.
87 w such cases are not anomalous, can be seen in examples like * uʢ k os "wolf" ,* h 2r tk'os "bear". 295
4.3. Thematic vowel puzzle Second problem that rises here is the function and character of thematic vowel.... Thematic vowel e/o has timbre which is completely independent on accent and its quality depends on h the person, e.g. in present indicative the " o" in 1.sg, 1.pl., 3pl, 1du and 3du (* b ér o h2 "carry", * bhér o me, * bhér o nti, *b hér o uʢe ), the rest of paradigm has " e" as a thematic vowel, e.g. * bhér e si. Thematic formations in nouns do not have a paradgimatic ablaut. Thematic vowel can also be part of a more complex suffix 296 which also alternates in e/o quality according to person: * sk'é/ó (* gw sk'é/ó , OInd. gácchati "goes") 297 , * éiʢe/o (* trp éiʢe , Gr. trapéō "press wine", etc. Although the thematic vowel can cause the zero grade in the root (the abovementioned roots are * gwem , *trep "), it cannot be reduced to zero grade, h 298 e.g. *pléh 1 d e "feel", Gr. pl thō. Moreover, thematisation of nouns/verbs leads to the h stabilisation of accent and loss of mobility, e.g. 1sg. * b ér o h2 "I carry", 2sg * bhér e si; 2sg *tud é si "you beat", 3sg * tud é ti. The stabilisation can be seen e.g. in athematic verbs: 3sg
*h 1és ti "is", 3pl *h 1s énti, after the introduction of thematic vowel the subjunctive becomes acrostatic 3sg *h 1és e ti , *3pl h1és o nti. Thematic vowel behaves differently from true ablaut vowels and should probably not be taken on the same level. 299 Mottausch 2001 proposed that thhe tematic vowel was originally " e" because it is more visible in endings, like instrumental
* eh 1, locative * eiʢ, ablative * ēd . O stems do not have ablaut and according to Mottausch, they originally functioned as adjective and participle derivates, which should be still seen in denominals e.g. *g' héiʢōm "winter, snow" > *g' himó, OInd. himám "snow", himáh "winter cold". Thematic vowel appeared probably first in nouns and later was transfered to verbs via denominatives. 300
295 NIL:343 296 Shields 1989 proposed that the thematic vowels *e/o used to be deictic particles first. Before the separation of Proto Anatolian, those deictic particles began to be added to simple verbal stems and later reanalyzed as a part of stem. Originally, deictic markers showed the grammatic categories of time, place, person etc. Deictic *e/o indicated non present and *o used to be a simple formal element without a temporal value. Once reanalysed, the *e/o lost its original deictic character and became a purely formal element which started to distinguish noun classes. The question which rises here is if the deictic element originally attracted stress or not or if the dominancy of stem vowel occured after its reanalysis from the original deicticity. 297 LIV:209 298 LIV:482 299 See also Clackson 2007:74. 300 Mottausch 2003 proposed a complicated morphological semantic development of thematic verbs. Concerning e.g. stative family, the starting point are nomina CéCo/CCé and via 3rd person the whole categories are formed, pefect, intensive, conjunctive, medium etc, see Mottausch 2003:28.
88 The development of thematic vowels was done probably from root noun, e.g. *b hér "carrying", Gr. f r "thief" > adjective derivate * bhré and the replacing of zero grade due to the o grade >* bhor é , the form which would become the dominant type. The zero grade 301 remained at frequented words like *h 2 tkos. Mottausch observes that o grade appears on the h h place where the zero grade would lead to the syllable loss: **b r éh 2 >* b or éh 2, Gr. forā . Thus oxytona o stems, type tomós, forós would therefore be primary. The stress retraction would lead to the preservation of " o" in root/ending with the simultaneous change of meaning, thus the type tómos, fóros. If I understand Mottausch well, the development of thematic nomina would be *CéC > *CeCó >*CCó >CoCó. The latter forms would also be influenced by root static paradigms *pod s with o grade, new Gsg *pédos which woud further influence thematic nouns. The o grade on *pod s would itself be influenced by the o grade in amphikinetic paradigms, so *dhég' hom s, *d hg' hm és "earth" 302 should influence * ped s >*pod s (static paradigms are under influence of mobile paradigms) 303 , the * pod s and *d hég' hom s should influence the CoCó s forms ( *b hor ó s)304 . It means that o grade spreads analogically in several steps. Mottausch 2000b:93 96 proposed the chronology of phonemic changes from Nostratic to Late Indo European. Limiting Mottausch's chronology to accent and ablaut development only, the first ablaut grade would be quantitative (Early Indo European) connected with the rise of a complicated morphological system. Thematic flection would appear later together with qualitative ablaut. 305 Quick morphologization of qualitative ablaut happened only in Middle Indo European. It is clear that o grade ablaut is typical for static paradigms only. The simplest example is the ablaut change in root nouns *dóm /*dém. 306 Tichy (2006:35 26) poits to the fact that o grade can also be found either in accented positions (with the alternation of e grade) or unaccented opposition (in alternation with the zero grade). Tichy thinks that o grade cannot be described or explained by a single rule. She proposes that unaccented * e was reduced to zero but this law had already been unactive for the reconstructed language. Ablaut is PIE was only marker of morphological rules, e.g. in
301 Mottausch 2001:6. 302 Similarly * g' héiʢom s, g' him és "winter, snow". The Nsg * om s > ōm by Szemerényi's law, thus * dhég' hōm, *g' héiʢōm . These are m stems. The "winter" is problematically to reconstruct, see Friedman (2003) for detailed analysis. 303 Also Mottausch 2000a:45. 304 Mottausch 2001:10. 305 Mottausch 2000b elaborated the origin and spreading of thematic vowel in thematic verbs. The original alternation e/o should have been limited to PIE active, presens, indicative, conjunctive, injunctive and imperfect. The o allophone should be expected in bhárati forms, é allophone in tudáti but it is not so. 306 Also Mottausch 2000:48.
89 thematic presents the root has e grade (but o/e thematic vowel). Tichy also proposed that the thematic inflection bedgan with the pronouns becasue there is a "thematic" vowel * ó (in accented positions) spread from the thematic pronouns (e.g. Gsg *k wósiʢo "whose" x Gsg *kwesiʢo) via adjectives to thematic substantives and thematic verbs (esp. present stems). 307 Tichy's explanation for the distribution of thematic vowels in thematic present forms is breakneck (" o" in 1sg, 1pl and 3pl, "e" in the rest): the verb form originally had accented * ó in the suffix when used sentence initially/in a subordinate sentence. In the main sentence and non initial position the verb should have had the unaccented *e. In PIE, one variant was generalised for each person, apart from the 1sg, 1pl (* o from adjectives?), 3rd pl (exception, contrast of * ónti/* onti with athematic *énti/* ti ). 308 Concerning thematic vowel *e/o , the voice is the decissive parameter in Rasmussen 2003
(already Rasmussen 1989,:139 141) and h2 + nominative morpheme induced voice upon the preceding segment. Rasmussen claims that the voiced segment cause the preceding thematic vowel to change from e >o backing on the phonetic results from tone languages that voiced consonants are connected with low tones and voiceless with H tones. 309 So the change of timbre is a sort of assimilation, probably by high feature. In connection with it, Rassmussen rejects the idea that thematic forms as a whole are post PIE development. The other cases of ablaut should be unrelated and individual, e.g. reduplication *derk' dórk' are explained as dissimilation, the tómos:tomós type are simply sweeped as an * o appearance in unaccented position and having nothing to do with ablaut. Indo European ablaut is "a relatively unproblematic set of changes" for Rasmussen which can be the result of stress and pitch interaction.
307 Tichy 2006:52 53. 308 Tichy 2006:51, 54. This conception was criticised by Rasmussen 2003:353 who claimed that the * e / o alternation applies to most pronouns (so it is a morphological marker) and that the spreading of *o from pronouns to other word classess is improbable, especially concerning verbs. He also stressed that the there is an obvious problem with the augment * h1é 309 This is another unsupported claim. While the connection of +voice/ voice with H/L tone cannot be excluded, this connection need not at all be phonological, especially if tone is already a phonological marker of prosody. Rasmussen (p.356) adduces Verner's law as support for his idea of L tone assimilation without even mentioning Calabrese & Halle (1998) who proposed the same idea.
90 444.4.4.4. OT solution of accent and ablaut 4.4.1. Frazier Frazier 2006 combined dominancy 310 , recessivity, Alderete's conception of Root controled accent and McCarthy's optimal paradigm model. Frazier explains the alternation of strong and weak forms in PIE athematics as a result of dimiant affixes interaction. The problem is that Frazier uses BAP principle, 311 deaccentuation rule due to the dominant affixes which causes a deletion of accent somewhere in the stem, 312 and poststressing root morphemes which have the inherent characteristics of shifting the stress to the following syllable. Several important prerequisites are to be mentioned: 1. Frazier takes PIE as a morphological, not a rhythmic stress system. Therefore, the application of metrical phonology which computes final stressed syllable from underlying ones misses the point. 313 Every noun has one and only one stressed morpheme, there are no tones in PIE. The constraint responsible for one stressed syllable is CULMIN. 2. Ablaut is a morphologically conditioned process, neither phonetically nor phonologically. 3. All suffixes are reconstructed with /e/ as a part of underlying representation even in cases where it never surfaces. Here the problem of élargissement is explained. 4. Strong and dominant encings are e.g. N Asg ones, weak and recessive endings are the rest ones in sg. 5. Suffixes are derivational, always undergo ablaut, endings are inflectional and may or may not undergo ablaut 6. Root is the decissive factor. Acrostatic roots are underlyingly stressed, proterokinetic as well as amphikinetic roots are underlyingly unstressed and hysterokinetic roots are poststressing. Frazier takes acrostatic nouns as thoses with roots inherent accent, amphikinetic paradigm does not have any underlying acccent in the stem or suffix, so strong stems are accented because of BAP, weak cases have stressed and underlyingly accented endings. Proterokinetic paradigms have dominant strong endings, underlyingly accented suffix and postaccenting or unaccented root. Hysterokinetic paradigms have postaccenting root and unaccented suffix.
310 Dominancy here means "lexical specification associated with a morpheme that causes a base mutation (Alderete 2001:224). It is not the dominance and recessivity in Moscow accentology conception, although the function is basically similar. 311 Kiparsky & Halle 1977, if there is no more than one stressed morpheme in the underlying representation, stress will surface on the leftmost of these moprhemes. 312 ibid. 313 This is the approach by Kim 2002 who used Halle & Idsardi (1995) metrical theory approach, now considered a bit obsolete.
91 The configuration of root and suffix interaction can be as follows: 314 R S + + (acrostatic) + (acrostatic) + (proterokinetic) (amphikinetic) PoA + (proterokinetic) PoA (hysterokinetic)
Frazier explains paradigmatic syncope (deletion of unstressed high vowels) as an interaction of constraits *P foot and *M foot which penalize a nucleus of the specified sonority for being the peak (foot heading) or the margin (no foot heading). This would eliminate non high vowels as which are not heads of a foot (p. 41 42). But such claim is in contrast with the Frazier's claim that PIE has no foot structure. To explain the proterokinetic Nsg *h 2éuʢis from underlying
/h 2euʢ éiʢ s/ Frazier considers the factorial typology MAX>>*M foot /[i, u]. The latter constraint bans high vowel from being a foot. But high vowels can be head of a foot in PIE as seen in w mesostatic *uʢ k íh 2s which Frazier does not discuss. On the other hand, for Gsg acrostatic w w *nék t s she postulates *M foot /[e,o] which would explain why the underlying /nék ét és/ must be acrostatic and the underlyingly stressed suffix and ending must be deprived of the full vowel on the surface. Ictus in the word is the result of interaction of MAX (A), DEP (A) and NOFLOP (A) and ALIGN (A) constraints which control deletion, insertion and shifting the accent. 315 I agree with it apart from the fact that I consider MAX and DEP superfluous because it would double the behavior of accent.
Faithfulness and antifaithfulness The important invention of Frazier (but basically Alderete 2001) is the antifaithfulness constraint. Simply, if a faithfulness is required by a constraint, the antifaithfulness constraint requires precise the opposite. So e.g. OO MAX (A) is a faithfulness constraint requiring that no deletion of accent between the output form occurs, the ¬OO MAX (A) does the opposite. From the antifaithfulness constraints there is a way to antioptimal paradigms which is Frazier's inovation (p.68). While McCarthy's optimal paradigms (McCarthy 2005) require tendency to similarity of each member of a paradigm. Anti optimal paradigms can successfully explain the dissimilarities in inflectional paradigms.
314 Frazier 2006:37. 315 Frazier 2006:44.
92 Basically all mobile paradigms are anti optimal because they cause base mutation. For example proterokinetic paradigm are antioptimal due to the undominated ¬OP NOFLOP (A) which causes the stress shift to the suffix.
Ablaut For Frazier, the alternation of e grade and o grade ablaut is due to the two antioptimal constraints, ¬OP [back] and ¬OP [long]. So for the acrostatic Nsg *nókwt s she posits the following tableaux: 316
w /né k ét sdom / ¬OP ID [back] ID [back]
nókwts * nékwts *!
As we can see, the antioptimal constraint requires that the underlying e grade be eliminated.
Proterokinetic Nsg * méntis as a winner candidate is the result of *M root /[e,o] >>¬OP
NOFLOP (A) >> ¬OP ID [back] >> ID[back]. Should the underlying input be /men téiʢ sdom /, the *M root /[e,o] and ID[back] would eliminate the suffixal *o of the candidate *méntoiʢs. Candidate *m tóiʢs is eliminate by the ID[back] requiring and ¬OP ID [back] interaction and *móntis does not fit ¬OP ID [back] and ID[back].
4.4.2. CCCriticismCriticism of Frazier 1. Frazier thinks tha PIE was a morphological, not rhytmic stress system (p.23). So surface accent is the result morpheme interaction and is not determined by the creation of foot structure. I think that such prerequisite is completely unfounded. It is based on our deficient reconstruction of PIE because we cannot reconstruct the secondary stress. But the interplay of accent and ablaut must be a strong support for rhytmicity. In my opinion, the Dehnstufe in acrostatic paradigms is the strong proof for the existence of a foot. Also, syllables where we reconstruct zero grade could in fact contain reduced vowel which would mean that the post and pre stressing syllables were influenced by a licensing.
316 Frazier 2006:92.
93 2. I agree with Frazier that ablaut had been a phonologically conditioned process (p.26). once but reconstruction does not give us the satisfactory explanation. What we observe here is the morphological conditioned ablaut. But I would argue that we still face the phonologically conditions of ablaut in some acrostatics, proterokinetics and hysterokinetics.
3. Frazier reconstructs dominant endings in N Asg which should attract stress but in fact do not have an accompanying full vowel (p.30). She claims that her explanation operates with unsaccented strong endings but after the introduction of anti optimal paradigms she claims that her system works with underlying accented vowel. I agree that for the conception of optimality antioptimality the ablaut of endings is not important (if root is decissive) but what is the point of postulating their dominancy if they never appeared with a full vowel? On the other hand, weak case endings are not dominant and are accented.
4. Frazier (p.54) claims that PIE does not have a general preference for poststressing roots/stems but such claim is against the existence of hysterokinetics and especially mesostatic stems. On the other hand, I would be positive to the term unaccented roots (as in amphikinetic) because it can explain the existence of alternating paradigm. But unaccented roots would obtain the the ictus by default (in strong case) and when combined with clitics, they would shift the accent to the left. We do not have any proof that amphikinetic nouns behave in such a way.
5. Beekes 1995:175 adduces that hysterodynamic flexion has number of subtypes. One of them is Nsg C(e)C ōR, Gsg C(e)C R ós which was originally amphikinetic CéC ōR, CC R ós. As a proof, Beekes reconstructs the word for "earth" * dhég' h ōm, *d hg' h mós 317 , Hitt. tēkan, taknaš but Greek points to the hysterokinetic one: khth n, khthonós . The existence of original paradigm makes *M foot constraint very problematic.
6. Although I fully accept Frazier's concept of optimal/antioptimal paradigms, the caveat that she avoided is the incorporation of rhythmicity into her analysis. Her solution of anti optimality is based only on the position of stress. On the one hand, Frazier is undecissive about the foot structure in PIE, on the other hand, she does not apply it fully in her paradigmatic analysis.
317 ibid p.178.
94 7. Frazier does not use any constraint for desribing the accent ablaut pattern. For example, the in the analysis of the individual cases she operates both with DEP (A), MAX (A) and NONFLOP (A) but in the anti optimal paradigms those constraints are not used, only NONFLOP one.
4.4.3. New proposed solution for simple examples of accent and ablaut My solution is not as ambitious as Fraziers one and I stick myself to the analysis of the acrostatic nouns only because the acrostatic paradigm is the most simple one. I claim that: 1. Qualitative ablaut alternation *e/*o are original alophones which are later first phonologically and then morphologically distributed. Concerning acrostatics, we cannot predict the distribution of e grade and o grade. If we take three basic examples: *nók wt s: *nék wts, *uʢ k w s: *uʢók w s318 , * iʢ k w : *iʢék w s, we can only reconstruct the pattern but we cannot say why Nsg in *nók wt s has o grade. The root ablaut is lexicalised now. Nevertheless, we can try to make a hypothesis about the stage which preceded such lexicalisation. 2. I therefore propose a hypothesis that *e is the original ablaut and *o is its allophone. Because acrostatic nouns distinguish nominative and genitive singular only by ablaut (apart from heteroclitics), I suggest that the nominative singular as a strong case must have contained o grade which would be controled by the constraint RootStrong *o: ROOT STRONG o: strong case requires o grade in the root. MAX constraint controls the deletion of a segment. For acrostatic of *nókwts type the underlying input would be /né kw et s/. Because acrostatic nouns are root accented, I suppose that there is only one underlying stress and it is on the root. NONFLOP (A) constraint prohibits the stress shift to the suffix:
/ne kw et s/ ROOT STRONG o NONFLOP (A) Max
nókwts * nékwts *! * ne kw ét s *! *
318 Beekes 1995:189, reflected in OInd. vā k, vācas, Lat. vōx , Gr. Gsg opós , the meaing "voice".
95 3. Dehnstufe is definitely secondary, even in the acrostatic paradigms. Because Dehnstufe requires a more insertion, it must be controled by Ident I O (no change in moraicity) and DEP (no insertion of mora). Because neither the suffix, nor the ending has ablaut, I suppose that there is a binary metrical foot controling the amount of mora by FT BIN. In the above mentioned example the winner *nókwts over *n k wts is due to the IDENT I O >DEP . The Dehnstufe in *iʢ k w would therefore be the result of the following constraints interaction:
/iʢék w er s/ FT BIN DEP IDENT I O NONFLOP(A) MAX ROOT STRONG o
(iʢékw ) *! * * (iʢ k w ) * * * * (iʢókw ) *! * (iʢekwér) *! * *
As we can see, the candidates are successfully eliminated by FT BIN apart from *iʢ k w .
3. The situation with *uʢ k w s is a bit complicated. Should the underlying input be /uʢék w s/, first, the o grade must be introduced to the root and then the additional mora be inserted. So I suppose that the process is two levelled. At the first level, the input /uʢék w s/ gives the output /uʢókw s/.
/uʢék w es/ ROOT STRONG o NONFLOP (A) Max
uʢókw s * uʢék w s *! * uʢekw és *! *
The winner /uʢókw s/ from the first level comes as an input to the second level:
/uʢókw s/ FT BIN DEP IDENT I O
(uʢókw s) *! (uʢ kw s) * *
96 Conclusion The relationship of accent and ablaut si still not quite clear because we are not able to reconstruct the levels in which both morphonological features operated independently or interdependently. I would argue that PIE would not be a tone language but a stress language. First, what is clear is the intra and interparadigmatic dependance of accent and ablaut both accent and ablaut differ nouns in paradigms. It is unclear how it would be possible with tones because tone would be a satisfactory prosodic feature for distinguishing word forms and ablaut would simply be superfluous. Second, there might be certain tendencies for rhythmicity in PIE this would explain the zero grade in unstressed syllable. Derivative function of accent and ablaut seems largely be semantically and morphologically frozen, the mechanism of internal derivation is described but not properly explained. It might be proposed that apart from semantic factors, the interaction of morphemes with certain inherent characteristics (dominancy/recessivity) can play the role but the present state of knowledge is not satisfactory to make a definite solution. Instead of the complicated decription of how e grade would develop to o grade, it seems better to count with the two accent independent allophones. We are not sure what their precise function was. In my opinon, the most original state can be observed in acrostatic athematic nouns where both ablaut forms are present. I proposed that in * nókwts type the underlying input would be / né kw et s/, so the underlying form contains e grade and o grade is required by a constraint which militates against e grade in certain paradigmatic cases (strong cases), therefore the surface structure appears as * nókwts. Accent (stress) is connected with ablaut but above all, it is connected with a paradigm type. Zero grade is due to the rhythmicity syllables are parsed. Long grade is secondary and is connected both with parsing and with addition of mora. It is not clear if the state which I describe for acrostatic nouns is sychnronic or if we deal with projections of different levels. I would propose the latter variant because Dehnstufe could be connected with the rise of moraic parsing, not syllabic one as in normal ablaut grade. Further research is to be done here but it might be possible that the reconstructed forms Nsg:Gsg *nók wt s: *nék wts, *uʢ k w s: *uʢók w s*, iʢ k w : *iʢék w s with different ablaut grades might thus not belong to the same synchronic level. Also, special status should be devoted to the study of thematic vowel because thematization leads to the loss of mobility. From MAS, this would mean that thematic vowel is a dominant suffix or, stabilization of stress is connected with the change of paradigms as a whole. This is also a problem to be solved.
97 5. Balto Slavic period
Introduction Balto Slavic period is characterized by several accentual phenomena: the problem of Balto Slavic mobility, Hirt's law, Winter's law, Ebeling's law.
5. 1. BaltoBalto SlavicSlavic mobility The problem of Balto Slavic mobility has been in focus on accentology since its beginning. The central idea is whether the PIE and Balto Slavic paradigms correspond and whether the Balto Slavic mobile paradigms is an internal innovation or if the the mobility is an archaism which continues from the PIE. In Baltic and Slavic we have immobile and mobile stems while for PIE the mobility can be reconstructed for athematics only. As the overview of the history of research in this subject already exists, 319 I will deal only very briefly with it and will concentrate on the themes that are not present in Olander's compendium. The most important and persuasive explanation of the rise of BS mobility is the Pedersen's lawlawlaw.law The law was originally prposed by de Saussure (1896) and explains how the mobile paradigm rised first in consonantal stems in Pre Lithuanian. Accent should retract from medial syllables: Nsg * dukt÷ > dukt÷ , Asg * dukte rin > dùkterį. The marginal mobility of consonantal stems should influence the vowel stems which should imitate it. The law should be common to Lithuanian and Slavic. Stang (1957:175 178) accepted the old Meillet's idea (Meillet 1914) that a , i , u and o stems were mobile in PIE (although Meillet proposed o stem mobility as an Lithuanian and Slavic innovation) rejected the influence of consonantal stems on vowel ones and expressed clearly that the mobility goes back to PIE and mostly disappeared in Old Indic and Greek. Concerning MAS, Illič Svityč (1963/1979) proved the connection of PIE and BS barytona and mobilia/oxytona. Because Slavic barytona and oxytona are in complementary distribution (former acute/non acute root) Illič Svityč proposed a rightward stress shift (Dybo's law). The exception to the correspondence are masculina barytona o stems which became mobile in Balto Slavic. As for DAS, Ebeling (1967) proposed that Slavic mobility arised as a series of paradigmatic levelings due to the several laws: Law of marginal oxytones (change of
319 Olander 2009:14 52.
98 columnal accentuation to the final one), Law of maximal contrasts (word forms which contrasted with longer finally accented forms obtained initial stress), Reshuffling of mobile paradigm (disyllabic forms with final accentuation obtained initial stress if they contrasted with the monosyllabic forms in the same paradigm). Kortlandt 1974 suggested that in Late Indo European the mobility was lost and replaced by the immobile paradigms: barytone of OInd. bhrā tā type) and the oxytone of OInd. pitā type where the stress alternated between the suffix and the ending. He also proposed the following chronology of changes form Early BS to the Late BS:320 "loss of PIE accentual mobility, of which there is no trace outside the nominal flexion of the consonant stems". Loss of mobility lead to the oposition of columnal stress paradigms. "Pedersen's law: the stress was retracted from medial syllables in mobile accent paradigm", limited to polysyllabic consonant stems. "barytonesis: the retraction of the stress spread analogically to vocalic stems in the case forms where Pedersen's law applied", no retraction in Npl of o stems with atypical phonemic shape, like Lith. dievaĩ. "oxytonesis: the stress is shifted from a medial syllable to the end of the word in paradigm with end stressed forms, e.g. Lith. Isg. sūnumì. Hirt's law Winter's law 321 "retraction of the stress from final open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent" (EbeEbeling'sling's lawlaw). It is the Late Balto Slavic stress retraction from final open syllables of disyllabic forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent (Kortlandt 1974:300, Kortlandt 1975:5, Kortlandt 1983:6). The obstruent could be a fricative, like Lith. avie s "sheep", nasal, like Lith. Gpl. vilkų < òm 322 or laryngeal Lith. Nsg galvà <* àH . Other examples are Lith. Gsg. vil ko, Dsg vil kui (where stress was retracted from final diphtongs) but Rus. feminine l participle pilá < *àH, but neuter pílo, also Russ. neuter form of that participle nesló, infinitive nestí etc. The final root syllable obstruent prevented the retraction of stress.
320 Kortlandt 1974:300; 1994. 321 Winter's law was unknown to Kortlandt in 1974. 322 Derksen 2008:4.
99 Kortlandt (2006:4) 323 interprets Pedersen's law observed in Lith. dùkterį as a phonetic development (or we could rather speak about morphological and systemic development) with the aim to eliminate the stress from any medial syllable. The result od this leftward shift are only barytona or mobilia (with stress alternation between initial and final syllable). Hirt's law and the Kortlandt's retraction from final open syllables resulted new new redistribution of accentuation in Balto Slavic, because up to that time the substantives could have been acrostatic or amphikinetic (or root stressed or mobilia). For PIE, Kortlandt posits two mobile paradigms proterokinetic and hysterokinetic ones. Proterokinetic paradigm correspond to OInd. Nsg s nus , Gsg sūnós, hysterokinetic correspond to Gr. Nsg. thugátēr , Gsg. thugatrō n .324 Nevertheless, the orignal nominative was root stressed and was paradigmatically isolated so according Kortlandt, the stress shifted rightwards to the final syllable which is seen in Lith. dukte and OInd. duhitá. Sufix stressed forms were thus only Dsg an Npl of proterokinetic and A, Lsg and N, A pl of hysterodynamic paradimg. In those forms the retraction of stress occured as seen in Lith. A sg píemenį, N, Apl píemenys, píemenis. So end stress in Lith. dukte , piemuõ, sūnùs is due to the systemic elimination of an anomalous radical stress while the retraction of stress from medial syllable is a phonetic development. 325 The original PIE stress was preserved in e.g. Lith. Asg s nų, žie mą contra die vą (because OInd. devám). Instrumentals like sūnumì and žiemomìs also preserved original accentuation. 326 Kortlandt now assumes that there is no need that the PIE mobility should be lost. Final stress in Lith. dukt÷ could be indepently motivated when the root stress in hysterodynamic paradigm was lost and the final stress in Nsg was generalised. Barytonesis did not affect Asg which is preserved, like Lith. sū nų. Kortlandt also admits that the Balto Slavic oxytonesis now may not have been because Isg sūnumì might be original.
5.1.15.1.1.. Ebeling's law and related problems As stated above, Ebeling's law is defined as the retraction of the stress from final open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent. Derksen's oxytona rule explains the lack of Kortlandt's retraction which did not occur due to the closed pretonic vowel. The structure of the neuters os CCo . This results to the
323 Kortlandt presented the article at IWoBA 2 in 2006 and the article immediately appeared at his web page www.kortlandt.nl. The proceedings were published three years later (Stressing the past. Papers on Baltic and Slavic Accentology, eds. Olander T., Larsson, J.H., Rodopi 2009). I use the web version of Kortlandt's article. 324 Kortlandt 2006:2. 325 This is Pedersen's law. 326 Kortlandt 2006:3
100 preservation of oxytona in Balto Slavic. 327 As and example can be adduced the Lith. stas and klas nouns and Slavic dlo substantives (Derksen 1995:166; 1996:96 128, 229 232). Dybo 2009 showed that those oxytona belong to Lith. AP2 and APb in Slavic, e.g. Lith. aũkštas 328 "floor", PSl. * glístъ < *glh 1istós. Lithuanian lost the original acute aũkštas "floor" , tin klas "net" and shows metatonie douce which became a productive feature.The difference can be also seen in dlo substantives like Polish Ŝądło "sting" with "ą" reflecting pretonic length (APb) contra APa mydło "soap", Cz. mýdlo. 329 Among the problematic words belong also the Slavic word for "rain". 330 Derksens oxytona neuters are also found in polysyllabics and are connected with dominant suffixes originated from * iH and * uH. 331 Lithuanian examples are those with retraction from final * à with subsequent metatony (k aby klas, kabyklà "peg") or generally ending with as
327 The original idea of oxytonesis was proposed by Nikolaev 1989 who compared behaviour of Greek, Old Indic and Balto Slavic suffixes. Balto Slavic reflexes of the PIE suffixes * tlV are dominant and derivates are immobile, e.g. *ırdlo, *žerdlo . The original accentuation of verbs does not matter. The problem is when the APa is expected (because the original verb had acute) but the derivates belong to APb, e.g. *stadlo , *dědlo . Because derivates from acute roots are acute, derivates from circumlex roots are oxytona, in the cases of oxytona from the original acute roots Nikolaev is forced to suppose acute > circumflex metatony with the mechanism ( )(+) >( +) which is the secondary dominancy and shift of the stress rigthwards by Dybo's law. On the other hand, Derksen explains the oxytonesis as primary. Derksen returned to the problem at IWoBA 2 (2006, published 2009) immediately followed by Dybo 2009b with the further material supporting Nikolaev results. Nikolaev's ideas are also incorporated into Osnovy 1990 and Dybo 2000a and 2000b:59 64. 328 Derksen 2009:18 supposes the loss of laryngeal in pretonic position and compensatory lengthening. 329 Kortlandt 2006:3, differently Derksen 2008:571 who considers *žędło as a probable APa because of Rus. žálo and Sln. žélo. The root form of *mydlo contains root final laryngeal *muH (Derksen 2006:348) which means that the form underwent Hirt's law and resulted in the root acute intonation which reflects length in Czech and short falling intonation in SCr (m lo). 330 *dъzdj affair: *dъzdj "rain" belongs originally to APb. There is no pretonic length and so we should expect brevity after the year vocalisation. But West Slavic reflexes are long: Cz. déšť, Slk. dážď , Pol. deszcz , dial déšč , USorb. dešć, Plb dåzd, Pomer. dešč Other Slavic fors are S Cr. d žd, Sln. dèž/dèžč, Rus. dožď, OCS dъžd . Morphologically, the word is jo stem with the traces of ju stems. The standard etymology derives the Slavic form from PIE *dus diʢu s whose parts are *dus , reflected in OInd dus, Av. duš, Gr. dus "bad"; *diʢu "heaven" which is a zero ablaut form of *deiʢ "lighten" (IEW:183, NIL:69ff., ESJS 3 1992:161 162). The semantic problem is with the interpretation of *dus diʢu s as "bad time/day/heaven, bad weather, cloudy sky" etc. Trubeckoj (1927) noticed that * dъšč is limited only to West Slavic languages and considers the šč a West Slavic form: bľušč , lešč , klěšč . Vaillant 1927 proposed the dissimilation procedss * d ždž >*d šč and further analogical spreading of that consonant group. He considered the original acccent on the first part of the compound, Slavic accent should be the result of shift from the root from the weak yer. As Watkins (1990) remarks, the original meaning would not be "rain" but "rainstorm" reflected in OInd. durdinam "thunderstorm" addduced already by Trubeckoj. Derksen (2008:128) thinks that the length can be attributed to the retraction of stress from yer in the final syllable. Final stress year was preserved here after a closed syllable. Before Dybo's law there were still oxytona class. T This phenomenon was already hinted by Kortlandt and called Ebeling's law stress retracted from final open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent (Kortlandt 1975:4). Proto Slavic final syllables with yer lost their stress before Dybo's law. When the ictus retracted, the target syllable obtained a rising tone. All syllables with rising tone were later prolonged. he Proto Slavic excaped Illič Svityč's law because it was neuter. The problem is the Upper Sorbian dešč which is short and the word shows anomalous quantity in Czech language. Czech déšť is only a standard variant and a new doublet to the old dešť. Moravian territory has length déšť + the new shortening dyšť (Central parts), see ČJA5:197 198. Brevity is typical for Old Czech dešč. So Derksen's claim must be corrected here. In my opinion the difference in quantity on the Czech territory 331 Kortlandt 2006:4
101 daly kas "object", sida bras "silver". Slavic end stressed neuters are reflected in stvo substantives and deminutives with c suffix. 332 Dominancy is also connected with suffixes y b÷ and y st÷ in Lithuanian where the accent retracted from a prevocalic * i.333 This type can also be seen in Lith. vìlk÷ "she wolf" and Rus. volčíca, both from * uʢilk iH kaH. 334 Slavic abstracts and collectives with ьje and ьja suffix as well as adjectives with ьj suffix also underwent retraction. 335 Third class of dominant suffixes originated from Hirt's law 336 reflected in Lith. taukúotas "greasy", kraujúotas "bloody", Rus. bludníca "fornicatress" (??* blond iH kaH ) or travína (??* torw iH naH ) "blade". All the three types of domiant suffixes are connected with Early BS end stressed forms (see below for the Late Balto Slavic paradigms).
5.1.2. Alternative approaches to BaltoBalto SlavicSlavic mobility problem 5.1.2.15.1.2.1.... Poljakov Poljakov's obscure attempt to reconstruct BS intonations (Poljakov 1996) is characteristed by the complete ignorance of Dybo and Kortlandt and the mix of classical accentology. Poljakov tries to reconstruct the common source from the classical comparison of Baltic and Slavic intonations. Curiously, he quotes Young and Derksen and hints to the postulation that Latvian and Žemaitian Brechton result from the laryngeal and tries to disprove it by the experimental phonetics (but without any examples). 337 He therefore comes out from a wrong premises that BS intonations (acute=rising, circumflex=falling) were changed in Lithuanian and preserved without any change in Old Prussian, Latvian and Slavic. The latter is of course nonsense. Poljakov tries to prove that stress retraction and reduction of final syllables make the original intonation invisible in separate languages apart from Standard Lithuanian. The results are curious Slavic intonations are younger than Lithuanian. 338 Aukštaitian had to preserve the original BS intonations and the rest of Baltic and Slavic should be inovative. His
332 Kortlandt 2006:4, also Dybo 1968:174 192; Dybo 1981:146 172. 333 Kortlandt 1977:324, Kortlandt 2006:4, Derksen 1996:181 and 188. 334 Kortlandt 2006:4 (Accent...) 335 Dybo 1968:181 191; Dybo 1981:152 170. Kortlandt (2006:4) identifies the ьj suffix < * iH with Italo Celtic Gsg ī . This o stem suffix (like Irish Gsg magi "of the son" is seen as one of the proof of the Italo Celtic hypothesis because it is also in Latin, e.g. domini (Palmer ??:9). It is the common Celtic and Italic innovation, the original suffix was " osyo." 336 Kortlandt 2006:4 (Accent...); Dybo 1968:193 195; Dybo 1981:172 174. 337 He also rejected the origin of Latvian intonations as archaic (Brechton) and considered them a later innovation (Poljakov 1997). 338 Poljakov 1996:177.
102 interpretation of data is curious and as Kortlandt (1998:149) remarks, Poljakov starts from the premise that glottalization is not old apart from the comparative evidence.
5.1.2.5.1.2.2222.. Jasanoff versus Kortlandt 2 Jasanoff has recently started to be involved in the problems of Balto Slavic accentology (Jasanoff 2004, 2004a). His recent attempt to explain the burning problem of Balto Slavic mobility (Jasanoff 2008, 2010). Jasanoff asks if the de Saussure Pedersen's law (Jasanoff's term for Pedersen's law) has been phonetic or morphological. Jasanoff operates with unaccented forms (left accented forms in Slavic) where the accent had been thrown to the leftmost syllable of a phonological word, e.g. Russ. gorá, góru, ná goru . Jasanoff thinks that the difference between Asg *zìmNj and *žènNj, i.e. between accusatives of a mobile and immobile paradigm is of Balto Slavic origin. If *zìmNj was unaccented, it would explain the absence of Dybo's law in that paradigm apart from the fact that the intonation in the two paradagims was phonetically different (p.345). Jasanoff concludes that the differentiation process started in Balto Slavic at 3syllabic forms, e.g. * dùkterin (mobile) <*duktèrin with retracted stress from internal syllalbe due to the Pedersen's law versus *sèserin (immobile) with preserved stress. Retraction in *dùkterin should yield different tone contour. 339 It means that Pedersen's law produced a contrastive intonation on the target syllable. The new left marginal stress had been copied by vocalic stems as well as its tonal contour, e.g. *že imān, *sū nun (p.348). 340 Loss of acute in unstressed syllable *galvā > PSl. *golvā lead to the analogical removal in other forms, e.g. *gàlvān, gólvNj > *gàlvān, g lvNj . So Jasanoff thinks that Slavic acute is only at the place of the original Balto Slavic acute (p. 353). 341
339 p.347 348. 340 Jasanoff deals with a wide range of possible Balto Slavic initial syllable nuclei having different tonal contour but he refrains from explaining if such tonal contour is really phonological: short with inherited accent and immobile *žènā; short with retracted accent due to the Pedersen's law, e.g. *dùkterin ; long non acute immobile accent (no retraction by Pedersen's law but with later Dybo's law protraction), e.g. *lànkā > PSl. *lNjka ; long non acute mobile with Pedersen's law retraction, e.g. že imān > PSl. *zìmNj; unaccented long non acute mobile, e.g. *žeimā > Lith. žiemà, PSl. *zimá; long acute immobile (inherited or from Hirt's law), e.g. *vàrnā > Lit. várna, *grī vā > PSl. *griva ; unaccented short, e.g. * vadā > PSl. *vodá ; long acute associated with left marginal accent and mobile, e.g. Asg *galvā n >*gàlvān > Lith. gálvą; long unaccented acute, e.g. Nsg *galvā > Lith. galvà (p.350 351). In my opinion the distinction is only ad hoc and if it would exist, it would have been phonetic. 341 Hirt's law should cause stress retraction to the preceding syllable with containing final laryngeal, e.g. *suHnús >*súHnus. The problem is, that Lithuanian sūnùs is mobile (AP3). Jasanoff solves the problem with an analogical repair. Hirt's law really occured in *suHnús but after the retraction the anomalous prosodic features occured in the first syllable (because Pedersen's law also produced different tonal contour). So analogical repair must put the word into the mobile paradigm. The *grī vā forms which also underwent Hirt's law generalized immobility earlier so escaped the analogical repair. See Jasanoff 2008:353 for details. I think that this scenario is improbable because the analogical repair is not motivated.
103 Jasanoff (referring to Stang 1966) claims that Lithuanian does not opposes the original mobile and immobile verbal paradigms apart from the influence of de Saussure's law ( vedù , ve da x sakau , sa ko, so the verbal mobility is preserved in Slavic where the data point to the left marginal accent, e.g. *vèdNj and final accent elsewhere *vedešı , *vedetъ (mobile) where the ictus was determined by length of a word form. 342 Jasanoff postulates Proto Vasiljev Dolobko's Law (PVDL) which shifts stress to the end of polysyllabic forms. The law is absent h h in Baltic. The effect would be seen in Slavic, *ne uʢéd oh 2, *ne uʢéd eti > *nè vedNj, *nè vedeti (Pedersen's law) > *nè vedNj, * ne vedetı .343 So the Balto Slavic mobility has been influenced by two laws only, the Pedersen's law (or Saussure Pedersen's law in Jasanoff's terminolog) and PVDL. The former caused retraction from word medial short open syllables and spread analogically to Asg. It operated only in nominals. Verba faced both Pedersen's law and PVDL.344 The conception was immediately challenged by Kortlandt 2009a who objected to not only Jasanoff's reconstructed forms but also the many accentual possibilites of PBS nuclei. The detailed discussion of separate forms that Kortlandt criticises is avoided here. Jasanoff returned to the problem at IWoBA 5 2009 with the paper that should be published in 2010. The theory was broadened into a more general historical theory of mobility. Phonetically and phonologically contrastive left marginal accent was rephonologized as a phonetically contrastive zero accent. Jasanoff finds typological parallels in Romance langauges. Saussure Pedersen' Law is postulated as a refinement of Pedersen's law: "PIE accent was drawn one syllable to the left from a word internal short open syllable. When the newly accented syllable was word initial, it received a distinctive left marginal (falling?) contour." PVDL is considered a new rule which relates right marginal accent of long word forms with left marginal ones. As the article has not yet been published and another Kortlandt's reaction is to be awaited, the discussion of the problem will continue. Moreover, Jasanoff promissed a criticism of Olander 2009 in a paper to be.
342 Jasnoff 2008:355 361. 343 Adapted from Jasanoff 2008:362, 366. 344 Jasanoff put both laws into relative chronology from PIE to PBS: 1. Pedersen's law, 2. rise of mobility, 3. PVDL, 3. Hirt's law, 4. laryngeal loss and rise of acute, 5., neutralisation of in situ and retracted accent in word internal position (Jasanoff's explanation of the absence of the left marginal retraction in i iteratives *ne prokéiʢoh 2 > *nè prašiiō but the retration must be word internal, in situ accent. (Jasanoff 2008:375 376).
104 5.1.2.5.1.2.3333.. Mobility law Apart from Jasanoff, the recent solution to Balto Slavic mobility was also proposed advanced by Olander (2006, 2009). 345 Olander's criticism of Kortlandt's hypothesis are aimed mainly at his specific and analogical laws. He also objects to Pedersen's law whose mechanism considers improbable. How could the mobility be transfered from an unproductive consonantal stems to the vowel ones? Olander objects that it is unlikely that the regular columnar accent of vowel stems would be disturbed by an analogical transformation of mobility from a small group of stems. 346 Concerning the accentuation of final syllables (see the chapter on Germanic here). Olander refuses the traditional connection of acute and circumflex in final syllables of Greek, Lithuanian and Germanic with PIE suggesting that the distinction is actually between the simple long vowels and sequences of two vowels separated by a laryngeal. It means that the tonal opposition of final syllables are irrelevant in PIE (p.89). 347 The accentual differences of Lithuanian nešù and armuõ can be explained as the acute reflex * oH and the circumflex from the long vowel. Olander thinks that PIE plain long vowels are reflected as non acute vowels in PBS. 348 Olander's phonological structure of PIE endings are as follows: 349
Short: V C 0# (PIE Nsg * long ós ), Hiatal non laryngeal VVC 0# (PIE Npl *long óes ), Hiatal h laryngeal VHVC 0# (PIE Npl * g olƽuʢ áh 2as ), Long non laryngeal V C 0# (PIE Nsg h h *d ugƽ2t r ), Long laryngeal V(iʢ)HC 0# (PIE Nsg *g olƽuʢ áh 2) and Disyllabic
V(H)C 1V(H)C 0# (PIE Dpl. long ómos ). Olander reconstructs Proto Balto Slavic as a free accent system with distinctive quantity. 350 It should also comprise unaccented forms (which is problematic). Olander's problematic reconstruction i that the accented syllables had H pitch and unaccented L pitch and (which is the pitch accent language) but he takes them unrelated to the distinction
345 Olander 2004 dealt with ending stressed forms in Balto Slavic. He proposed that the Balto Slavic mobility occured between phonologicall unstressed form (which is a synonym for root stressed forms) and thematic vowels. Final stressed form appeared due to the de Saussure's law in Lithuanian and Dybo's law in Slavic. Olander reminds that the acute thematic stress in *golvaɾmъ etc. contratict with the reconstrucion of final stress in mobile paradigm. The accentuation on thematic vowel can be either due to the analogy by APb forms *ženaɾmъ or due to the Hirt's law. Olander prefers to assume that the ictus was originally on the thematic vowel, as in Greek and Vedic so it remains unshifted. It was challenged by Kortlandt 2004 objects that Hirt's law must be dated after the Balto Slavic oxytonesis. 346 Olander 2009:51. 347 The classical example is the twofold reflex of * oiʢ in Slavic: Npl o stems i (considered acute), Lsg o stems ě considered circumflex because of the differencic Gr. agroí x Lith. namie . Olander (p.60) proposes that Lsg * āiʢ > ě (long syllable analogical to the one from a stem), Npl *aiʢ > i. 348 Olander 2009:115. 349 Olander 2009:91. 350 Olander 2009:144 154.
105 beteween acute and circumflex syllables (p. 144). Olander uses BAP principle (although he does not call it so) that the unaccented forms obtained stress by default (including clitics). Long vowels in final postition are distinguished acute ones *V Ȥ
351 Apart from the fact that Olander sticks to the traditional version that Winter's law was lengthening of a preceding vowel, he leaves the question open.(p. 148). 352 p.149. 353 See Olander 2009:153 for the reconstructed paradigms. 354 Olander 2009:156. 355 ibid. 356 p.166 198. 357 Olander's conception was criticised by Kortlandt 2005 (a reaction to Olander's presentation of the problem at IWoBA 1), 2006a, 2006b and 2009d with Olanders's responses in Postscript of the 2009 book. I only pinpoint the most important issues: Kortlandt 2006a criticises Olander's reconstructed pitch accent like PBS system with unaccented word forms, Olander's conception of acute=long, circumflex=short and the whole conception of what
106 was Pre PBS state with H tone and L tone phonological? If so, what is actually PBS acute? can just one law caused by a one syllable structure in one position of a phonological word trigger such radical changes in columnal paradigms?
5.2. From Late Balto Slavic to ProtoProto SlavicSlavic Thank's to Kortlandt's recent analysis, we now have an attempt of the paradigmatic reconstruction of that period (Kortlandt 2008, 2008a): There were probably two constant paradigms (fixed stress on the acute and fixed stress on the non acute syllable) and two mobile paradigms (acute root ending, non acute root ending). 358 Due to the Meillet's law (elimination of glottal stop in barytone forms of paradigms) the two mobile accentual paradigms merged into one. We now have three paradigms only. Illič Svityč's law caused the accentual mobility in non acute stressed o stems. (Kortlandt 2008a). Otherwise, the three paradigms entered Proto Slavic as APa, APb and APc. Kortlandt also distinguishes two minor paradigms: the one with post radical accent and an acute derivational suffix (original * iH and uH stems, dominant Slavic suffix * ьj ). 359 The other paradigm has post radical accent and a non acute derivational suffix. The paradigm comprises the Derksen's neutra.
5.3. An aalternativelternative proposal to BaltoBalto SlavicSlavic accentual changes Chronology of Earliest Baltic and Slavic accentual changes after Matasović (2005). 360 Matasović's proposal of relative chronology is rader modest: acute and circumflex is, Olander's conception of Meillet's law (neutralization of accentual opposition in unaccented syllables), his interpretation of Dybo's law. In 2006b Kortlandt reconstructed two mobile paradigms in PIE: proterodynamic and hysterodynamic.Stress retraction yielded the paradigms which are reconstructed for Early Balto Slavic. This conception differs from earlier Kortlandt's views because there is no need to postulate that the PIE accentual mobility was lost at early stage. Curiously, this confirms my interpretation of Hirt's law although Kortlandt's and my conceptions are different. Pedersen's law was a phonetic law. Olander's reply concerns mainly the complexity of Kortlandt's prosodic changes. The latest Kortlandt's article is a review of Olander's book but is is too detailed to be discussed here. Kortlandt criticises Olander's reconstruction of PIE obstruent and vowel system, his confusing prosodic terminology, unclear relative chronology, the reconstructionof PBS mobile paradigms on Lithuanian material only, the unclear loss of glottalized and non glottalized consonnants in Early Slavic. Concerning Mobility law, Kortlandt seems to hit the nail when he remarks that Olander's reconstruction of PIE endings are influenced by the outcome of his mobility law (p.11). 358 Remind that acute and non acuted = glottal stop and absence of glottal stop. 359 Kortlandt's reconstruction of Rus. volčíca <*wilkìȤ kaȤ and Cz. jazyk <* inźùȤkos (Derksen 2008:159). The VȤC sequence resulted in acute V ȤC . 360 Matasović's chronology includes eleven sound changes, not only accentual. Hereby only the succession of accentual changes is adduced. The earlier version of that chronology was already proposed in Matasović 1997. Matasović works with Hirt's law, Pedersen's law, Meillet's law and Dybo's law. His intepretation of acute is LH contour, circumflex HL, he considers Dybo's law as a progressive shift of a H tone. The chronology was criticised by Kortlandt 2008c.
107 Hirt's law, older then the loss of the laryngeal in antevocalic position, stress was not retracted in *tenh 2uʢós "thin" > Latv. tie vs , older then the development of syllabic resonants,
*plh 1nós > Lith. pìlnas "full" loss of word final * d, earlier than Winter's law, because *tod > OCS to Winter's law, in Matasović's formulation it is lengthening of a vowel before PIE voiced consonant in closed syllable, the lengthened vowel received Balto Slavic acute. 361 aspirated stops merged with the voiced stops in Balto Slavic, posterior than Winter's law 362 loss of laryngeals before vowels: later than the development of resonants *tnh 2u "thin", Lat. tenuis, PSl.* tъnъkъ , laryngeal here was still syllabic
after resonants: with CL+ rising of BS acute: *h 2erh 3tlo "plough" >*ar:tlo >, Lith. árklas; * dlHg ho "long" > (d)ilHgo > (d)il:go > Lith. ìlgas, acute is a feature of a vowel, Matasović sticks to Kortlandt's view that it is glottalisation, not a segment ; PIE vrddhi did not have acute intonation in Balto Slavic: * h2ōwyom "egg", S Cr. jâje , but BSl vrddhi could have secondary analogical acute: Lith. várna "crow" rise of BS mobility although Matasović rejects the Kortlandt's solution and admits that it is disputed how PIE oxytona became mobilia, he refrains from any suggestions. 363
Conclusion Concerning Balto-Slavic period, the central problems of that period is the problem of Balto-Slavic mobility. Should we suppose the loss of mobility in the late PIE period, the question remains why the thematic paradigms are mobile in Balto-Slavic. Various approaches have been proposed - the most important are addduced here. The issue has been hotly debated in the last few years. Concerning Hirt's law, it is one of the most important accentual laws of the Balto-Slavic period, together with Winter's law. As I devote two separate chapters to both laws, I refrained from any details here. Just to note that Hirt's law requires stress retraction from a suffix/ending to the preceding syllable which contained a coda laryngeal. Normally, Hirt's law presupposes oxytonesis. My proposal in the Chapter 7 is that not all substantives which undewent Hirt's law had necesarilly be oxytonesized.
361 Although Matasović's original interpretaton of Winter's law (1996) was adopted by LIV, it was heavily criticised by Derksen 2002 and Kortlandt 2008. Also, data from Dybo 2002 are counterexamples to Matasovic's interpretation. 362 Matasović 2005:151 152. 363 p. 153.
108 6. Proto Slavic accentology
6.1. Introduction
While classical accentology based its modus operandi mainly on application of de Saussure's law into Slavic and the conception of metatony, post Stang accentology works with accentual paradigms. Moreover, the whole conception of Proto Slavic accentuation was radically changed. Standard overviews and textbooks usually do not follow modern trends and their interpretation of prosodic patterns development is therefore distorted. Basic references to Balto Slavic and Proto Slavic accentuation: Hock 2004, 2005 (a brief and levelled overview of main results of modern accentology). Townsend & Janda 1996 remain on the accentual oppinions of Jakobson, Carlton 1990 accepts Stang's accentual paradigms but otherwise his background is classical accentology and can be served only as a beginner's introduction. The only compendia aimed at accentology are still Stang 1957 (not for beginners), Garde 1976 (useful for general introduction but marked by his own interpretations), Bethin 1998 (useful for general introduction, mixed bag of classical accentology and autosegmental interpretation), Lehfeldt 2001 (general introduction to the basic concepts of Moscow accentological school) and also comprehensive works by Moscow accentological school: Dybo 1981, Osnovy 1990, Osnovy 1993, Dybo 2000. There is no general introduction to the Dutch accentological school (we have only numerous papers and introductions in special publications) and apart from Bethin 1998 we lack any other publications which would apply modern phonological and morphological theories to the complex historical development of Proto Slavic accentuation.
6.2. Principles of ProtoProto SlavicSlavic accentology
6.2.1. General accentual phenomena
According to more or less general agreement, Proto Slavic accentual system is characterised by several accentual phenomena: 1. by the class of accentogenes and the class of clitics. Ortotonic words and the enclinomena, and the class of clitics. Ortotona are word forms with their own accentual pattern they have accent on a certain syllabe. Enclinomenon is word form with the default stress at the beginning. The characteristic phenomenon of enclinomenon is that they lose their accent to a cliticon, if presented the law of VasiljevVasiljev DolobkoDolobkoDolobko. The law states that if we have the
109 combination enclinomenon enclition , the stress moves to the encliticon stvorju žé , if there is a combination procliticon enclinomenon , the stress moves to procliticon né stvorju. 364
2. by the accentual paradigms word forms characterised by a certain common accentual pattern. Early Proto Slavic was characterised by two paradigms API characterised by the fixed stress with acute or circumflex, AP II by mobile pattern (in Dsg, Asg, Npl, Apl and Ndu were enclinomena, the rest of cases were ortotona. When we compare the Proto Lithuanian API and APII with the Proto Slavic ones, we observe one important difference both Proto Lithuanian paradigms contain acute and circumflexed stems, while Proto Slavic APII (mobile paradigm) does not contain that opposition. in PLit API root syllable stress a) acute stem ( várna ) b)circumflex stem ( ran ka ) APII mobile stress a) acute stem ( galvà ) b) circumflex stem ( mergà )
Because both stems contained circumflexed syllables, the stress forwarded to the unstressed acute syllable (dede Saussure's law), so the original two paradigms splitted in contemporary four: API a > Lith. AP1 (unchanged), APIb > Lith. AP2, APIIa > AP3 (unchanged), APIIb > AP4. 365 On the other hand, the Proto Slavic mobile paradigm APII remained intact, but API was splitted into two paradigm. According to Dybo, substantives with acute root of the APII developed a sort of different intonation which was analogically transformed to circumflex
364 The law was formulated by L.L. Vasiljev for Old Russian, Dolobko prolonged the law to Proto Slavic. As Dybo (1977:190) remarks, the Dolobko's explanation of the law was wrong. The law was heavily studied by Dybo, who described the shift of accent to clitics for Old Russian (1975) and Middle Bulgarian (1977). The enormous amount of data adduced by Dybo is indispensable for any research, especially syntactic one. 365 For complete reconstructed API and APII paradigms see Dybo 1981:13. Why do we have accentual correspondences between Baltic and Slavic languages? Because Baltic and Slavic languages once possessed the common accentual paradigms (immobile and mobile), we also find correspondences between individual words. Lithuanian AP1 corresponds to Slavic reflexes of APa: Lith. várna, PSl .*vırna , S Cr. vr na , Slov. vrána , Cz. vrána (Kortlandt's lengthening rule), Russ. voróna; Lithuanian AP2 corresponds to Slavic reflexes of APb: blusà, PSl. *blъchà, S Cr. bùha (Neoštokavian retraction), Čak. buh (original ictus), Rus. blochá ; Lithuanian AP3 corresponds to Slavic APc: galvà, S Cr. gláva , Čak. glāv , Sln. gláva and Lith. AP4 also corresponds to Slavic APc: barzdà , S Cr. bráda, Čak. brād , Sln. bráda . The problem remains with a large groups of nouns which have AP4 in Lithuanian and APb in Slavic, e.g.: žvaigžd÷ , PSl. *gvězdà, S Cr. zvijèzda , Čak. zvīzd , Rus. zvezdá. As showed by Illich Svitych (1979:15, 24), Lithuanian mobile paradigms spread to barytone ones from the southeast region of Lithuania (Dzuk dialects) to Aukštaitian dialects. The archaic state is preserved in northwestern Žemaitian dialects, eastern Aukštaitian and East Dzuk dialetcs.
110 root substantives of API. The difference of intonation in API was thus neutralised and the stress moved from the former circumlex or short syllable to the following one (Dybo'sDybo's law). Dybo's law is similar to the de Saussure's law, but there are two important differences. First, de Saussure's law operated only in Proto Lithuanian and in both API and APII while Dybo's law was active only in Proto Slavic API. The second difference is in the target syllable of stress movement in de Saussure's law the target syllable is acute, in Dybo's law the intonation quality of the target syllable did not matter. To sum up, Lithuanian AP1 and AP2 and Proto Slavic APa and APb continue a Balto Slavic paradigm with fixed stress on the stem. Lithuanian AP3 and AP4 and Proto Slavic APc continue a Balto Slavic mobile paradigm.
API acute stem API non acute stem kırva že na > žena kırvy že ny > ženy kırvě že ně > ženě kırvNj že nNj > ženNj kırvě že ně > ženě kırvojNj že nojNj > ženo jNj kırvy že ny > ženy kırvъ že nъ > ženъ kırvamъ že namъ > žena mъ kırvy že ny > ženy kırvachъ že nachъ > žena chъ kırvami že nami > žena mi
In Proto Slavic we thus have three accentual paradigms APa, APb, APc. 366 APa is characterised with fixed stress on stem and acute intonation which is reflected as a short rising intonation on originally long vowels. A minor group of *vòlja type has neoacute intonation ( *kòža, *nòža, *tę ža, *žę da, *súša ...). 367 APb had generally columnal accentuation: in disyllabic endings the stress is on the first syllable of the ending: *žena , *ženy . . The intonation here is short rising. 368 There can also be stem stressed form with neoacute intonation, which is long rising and the old quantity is preserved. In APc (mobile paradigm) the stress shifts between the first syllable of the stem (which has a falling tone
366 Stang 1957:57:68. 367 Stang 1957:57. 368 Stang 1957:59
111 circumflex, long falling ( ) or short falling ( )intonation) and end stressed forms (which have rising intonation). Stem stressed forms shifts stress to clitics (VasiljevVasiljevVasiljev Dolobko'sDolobko's lawlaw).
Forms in APc underwent Vasiljev Dolobko's law Asg *go lvNj > *nâ golvNj, *golvNj že .
Reflection of the accentual paradigms in Slavic languages:
APa South Slavic: SCr short falling accent (kr va ), Slovene long rising accent in open syllable (kráva ), short falling accent in closed syllable ( bràt ). East Slavic no intonation, just dynamic stress on the second syllable of "polnoglasie" (koróva ) West Slavic Slovak has brevity ( krava ), Czech dialects and standard Czech length ( kráva) , Moravian dialects brevity ( krava ), Upper Sorbian reflexes of length ( króva ), Lower Sorbian and Polish brevity ( krowa ).
APb SCr retraction of accent oxytone with long roots > barytone neoacute (Čakavian and Posavian dialects (dre n ), in other dialects it merged with long falling tone ( dre n ). Slovene neoacute rising tone ( br st ). Neoacute on short vowel short falling tone in SCr bo b, also in Sovene ( bòb ). There is no lengthening in closed syllables. East Slavic Russian stress on the second syllable of polnoglasie ( derën ). Russian dialects with two "o" contrast show closed vowel or diphtong ( bôb ) West Slavic Upper Sorbian length only on TORT syllables, Slovak "neoacute length" diphtong "uo" bôb , reflexes of pretonic length, e.g. Cz. tráva. APb is the only paradigm where the accentual system has distinctive reflexes for etymologically long and short nouns.
APc South Slavic SCr long falling tone on the long syllable ( ru ku ), short falling tone in open syllables ( vo du, bo ga ), lengthening of short falling tone in closed syllables ( bo g ), Slovene long falling in monosyllables ( gra d ), in polysyllables accent and intonation shifts to the following syllable Asg *rNj kNj > roko , *vo dNj > vodo , bo ga > boga ) East Slavic no intonation, stress on the first syllable of polnoglasie górod, Russian dialects which have open/close "o" constrast have open "o" bog (Rjazań)
112 Shift of accent to proclitics and enclitics in barytone forms SCr zîmu > n zīmu, Rus. zímu > ná zimu West Slavic brevity, e.g Cz. ruka, zima, Slovak boh but Czech bůh 369
Late Proto Slavic is considered to be a tonal language with three distinctive intonation acute, circumflex and neoacute. Circumflex is considered short ( ) on former short vowels *e, o, ъ, (* slo vo ) or long ( ) on long vowels * a, i, u, y, ě, ę, Nj and TORT groups ( *z lto ). Circumflex was limited to word initial position, coincided with sstress and behaved recessively: Asg *gl vNj, *n glavNj > Sln. glavo , na gl vNj (after the protraction). Neoacute can also be short ( ) on short vowels (* bòbъ) and long ( ) on long vowels (*kõrľ ). Neocircumflex exists only in Čakavian, Kajkavian and Slovene as a special intonation, e.g. Gpl * k rvъ > Čak. kr v , Sln. kr v ). There is no evidence about the pitch contour on weak yers in APb, so a neutral marker o stress placement is often used: *bobъ .
6.2.2. IlličIllič Svityč'sSvityč's law Illič Svityč's law (the term is often mixed with the Dybo's law) is used for description of the generalisation of accentual mobility (thus APc) in Slavic of PIE barytone masculine o stems which did not have acute root vowel 370 , e.g. PSl. *zNj bъ "tooth" (APc), Gr. gómpho s "nail", PIE * g'ómb hos. 371 Barytona masculina were still different from barytone neuters. The law preceded the rise of distinctive tone in the mobile paradigm because the transfer from barytone to oxytone paradigm was based only on the identity of barytone case forms. Illič Svityč showed that PIE barytona neutra o stem became Slavic masculine o stem barytona if they had long roots (PSl. tyɾlъ (APa) "back", OInd. t la "panicle", *PIE túHlom )372 and oxytona if they had short roots (* dvorъ , dvora "courtyard" (APb), OInd. dvā ram , PIE *d huʢórom )373 . The fact that barytona neutra became masculine means that they only changed a gender but accentually remained the same. So APa and APb originally formed one paradigm.
369 The situation is complicated by the compensatory lengthening. 370 Illich Svitych 1963/1979; Kortlandt 1983:10. 371 Illich Svitych 1963/1979:99. Other correspondences e.g. PSl *v zъ "vehicle" ~ Gr. ókhos , PIE *uʢóg' hos , PSl *v lsъ "hair" ~ OInd. válśa "sprout", PSl.* čerɵpъ "crock, tile" ~ PGmc *h wérfaz "skull", PSl *v lk ъ "wolf" ~ OInd. v kas 372 Illich Svitych 1963/1979:115, Derksen 2008:11. 373 Illich Svitych 1963/1979:108.
113 PIE neutra oxytona remained neutra in Slavic 374 , most of them belong to APb: PSl *pero "feather", Gr. pterón , PIE *pteróm/peróm; Neutra oxytona with the structure CVCC ó are also APb but due to the Ebeling's law. 375
Neutra oxytona replaced BS suffix *om with * od: *iʢeh 2tóm > *iʢeh 2tód >*iáHto (Hirt's law) > *játo.376 Slavic neutra mobilia (APc) have either long root (* j ro, *tě sto, *vě no, *sě no, *pi vo 377 or a suffix * iʢo. They come from the PIE neutra oxytona (in singular). 378 Neutra barytona are now due to the Hirt's law. The set of the oxytone stressed nouns should be attested in NW Istrian and Čakavian of the Susak island: e.g.Susak zûp zūb , S Cr. zûb zûba "tooth", Sln. zo b zob x Gr. gómphos "bolt". The relicts should also be found elsewhere in Slavic (Osnovy 1993). The problematicity of materials was criticised by Vermeer (2001) who pointed to out to the lack of thorough investigation of material. Greenberg (2000:79) suggests two Proto Slavic accentual variants: *zNj bъ,*zNjba > Susak and Istrian zûp zūb ; *zNj bъ, *zNj ba > S Cr. zûb zûba , Sln. zo b zob . Chronologically, it should operate in Early Middle Slavic (Kortlandt 1983:10) between second palatalization of velars and Slavic Pedersen's law. Baltic data provide the information for the reconstruction of original accentuation while Slavic data provide the information about the original genus. 379 Where the Lithuanian barytone o stem corresponds to Slavic oxytone masculine, the original form is barytone neuter: Lith. glaĩstas, AP2>AP4, "plaster", PSl. *glistъ , glista (APb), "worm" > *gléistom. 380 Where the Lithuanian barytone o stem corresponds to Slavic masculine mobile o stem, the original barytone masculine must be recostructed: Lith. sal pas AP2>AP4 "backwater", PSl. *s lpъ, s lpa (APc), "waterfall" >* sólpos . Where the Lithuanian and Slavic o stems are both mobile, the original form was oxytone masculine: Lith. rum bas, AP4, "notch", PSL. * rNj bъ, rNj ba , (APc) "seam" > r b hós.
374 Illich Svitych 1963/1979:105. 375 Derksen 2008:11. 376 Derksen 2008:11. 377 Illich Svitych 1963/1979:135. 378 Illich Svitych 1963/1979:116. 379 Illich Svitych 1963/1979:121 123. 380 Actually, it seems that this word belongs to Derksen's neuters . The PIE form would be * glh 1istós with the original oxytonesis. Oxytonesis would have been retained in Slavic due to the Ebeling's law (in Balto Slavic, stress was retracted from final open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent which is actually this example). The root contained laryngeal which was lost in pretonic position with the simultaneous compensatory lengthening. It explains the absence of Hirt's law which would cause the stress retraction. Lithuanian glaĩstas, although semantically different, has métatonie douce (Derksen 1996, 2008:165, 2009:18).
114 6.2.3. Meillet's law
When we compare Lithuanian and Slavic stems of mobile paradigms, we observe that Lithuanian stem can be acute, circumflex or short. In Slavic, it is never acute, so mobilia do not have acute. Examples for both Baltic and Slavic circumflexed stem are: Lith. vil kas (AP4), Latv. vìlkas, S Cr. vûk ; Lith. žam bas (AP4), Latv. zùobs , S Cr. zûb .381 Examples of Baltic circumflexed stems and corresponding Slavic acute stems are: Lith. galvà (AP3), Latv. gal va, S Cr. gláva gl vu, Sln. gláva ; Lith. sūnùs (AP3), S Cr. s n , Slovene s n . Meillet (1902) thought that Slavic had to undergo metatony which changed circumflex intonation into acute. Since then the rule has been called Meillet's law. Meillet's law for Slavic verbs was studied by Dybo 1958 and 1962. Meillet's law is defined by Kortlandt (1975:11; 1983:7) as the analogical elimination of laryngeals (or alternatively glottal stops) in barytone forms of mobile paradigms. Laryngeals were first lost in pretonic and posttonic syllables, except in the first posttonic syllable. Analogically, they were removed in barytone forms of mobile paradigm. The absence of laryngeal (glottal stop) yields circumflex. This should be reflected in SCr Asg gl vu "head" (Nsg is gláva) or sîn "son" with circumflex marking the absence of a laryngeal. The original presence of a laryngeal is reflected by acute intonation in corresponding Lithuanian forms gálvą and s nų. Chronologically, Meillet's law belong to Early Slavic, therefore it did not operate in Baltic, as obvious, so any comparison of Slavic and Baltic (or Greek) circumflexes do not have sense.
6.2.4. Dybo's law Accentual paradigms a and b used to form one common paradigm with fixed stress on stem. The split was done due to the Dybo's law (rise of APb). Dybo (1962) proposed the progressive shift of stress from the forms of the original paradigm if those forms had neither acute nor circumflex intonation. The succession of changes was as follows: 382 first, a special intonation in the mobile acuted paradigm rose; second, that intonation spread to the words of mobile paradigm with the original circumflex or short root (neutralisation of accentuation in the mobile paradigm); third, change of a phonetic character of the new intonation and its pressure on the circumflex. The circumflex intonation starts to change and the stress shifts to the following syllable.
381 See also Derksen 1995:58. 382 Dybo 1962:8 9.
115 Illich Svitych (1963/1979), who showed that APb nouns correspond to non acute stem stressed nouns in Baltic, on the other hand, supposed that non acute stressed syllables were falling. He also considers the change of paradigms a phonetic rather than mrphological because it would have had to affect nominal with long roots (acute). He supposes that the Pre Slavic internal syllables had falling tone which was phonetically impermissible. The accent therefore shifted rightwards to the preceding syllable resulting in a neoacute. Illich Svitych thinks that the tendency to eliminate the falling tone in internal position began early in Pre Slavic and originally the accent shifted to the following syllable. First the shift could have happened in the preposed forms * vъ lNj kNj > vъ lNjkNj and subsequently analogically other case forms shifted. 383 But as Kortlandt (1983:35) remarks, "we should expect traces of the original distribution of phonetically and analogically end stressed forms" but we do not find them. Also, the theory predicts the opposite what we actually find, because we have Russ. tudá "thither" but ottúda "thence" where the internal syllable should have moved the syllable to the right and the former word shoud have been root stressed. Illich Svitych also postulated the law only for substantives and in a prepositional phrase. He sticked to phonetic change because should the shift be morphological, it would affect all nouns, not only the the immobile ones with non acute intonation. The shift which starts at the prepositional phrase and later analogical levelling is very dubious. Dybo, on the other hand, proposed the shift not only for nouns but also for verbs proposing the intonation neutralization. But as Feldstein (1990:45) remarks, it requires a third type of Proto Slavic intonation type apart from acute and circumflex. Dybo (1981:5) is even willing to postulate two acutes, one for mobile and for immobile paradigm. Apart from those shortcomings, Dybo's law remains one of the landmarks of modern Balto Slavic accentology and is generally accepted by all scholars who do not stick to classical pre Stang approaches. The criticism of Dybo's law is rare. 384
383 Illich Svitych 1979:144. 384 One of the famous one was the criticism by D.J.L.Johnson (1980, 1981) who attacked not only Dybo's law but the whole post Stang accentology. According to him, theories of Dybo, Ebeling and Kortlandt "raise more difficulties than they provide solutions" (1980:481). Johnson's objections are aimed at the evidence of Dybo's law and its chronology, the assumption that the law causes typologically unlikely reconstruction of processes, the refusal of the PSl accentual system before chronology and the non tone character of acute (in Kortlandt's view), Kortlandt's chronology of events, accentual mobility in present tense, the origin of neoacute, the importance of Illich Svitych's law, the Kortlandt's explanation of Slovene neocircumflex, objections to van Wijk's law. Johnson refused to accept new theories because he took them from his position of classical accentology apart form misinterpretation and misunderstanding of basic facts. The detailed criticism of both Johnson's articles was provided by Vermeer 1984. As far as I know, since then, Johnson has never published anything concerning accentology.
116 Dybo's law identifies Slavic APb with Lithuanian AP2 both paradigms are originally non acute with a constant stem stress. Slavic APb originated due to the Dybo's law, Lithuanian AP2 due to the de Saussure's law.
6.2.46.2.4.1..1. Feldstein's conception Feldstein 1990 dealt with the structure motivation for Dybo's law. Should Feldstein be a generativist, we could say that he uses mora theory with autosegmental non linear framework. But Feldstein is a "classical" Slavist so his application of moras is linear. Feldstein proposes that Dybo's law represents a generalization of second mora stress in the immobile accentual paradigms. Being persuaded, that acute represents a rising tone, he postulates that acute can be formally described as a stress on the second mora, circumflex as a stress on the first mora, if length is formalised as two mora succession. This presumption is similar to the PSl conception of Skljarenko (see the chapter on Hirt's law here) but Sklarenko's interpretation of Dybo's law means the ictus establishment on the second mora of acute. Feldstein claims that there was a quantitative difference between long and short diphtongs *pārgas > *por gъ x *paistas >pěstъ . Feldstein concludes that the diphtongs had been quantitatively identical at the time of Dybo's law and so the intonation would have been the factor for different behavior: long diphtongs *V R , short diphtongs V R . 385 This point is unclear to me because the *porgъ contains TORT sequence which was preserved much later than the *paistas form because the *ai diphtong was monophtongized already at the beginning of Proto Slavic period. Here Feldstein thinks that Dybo's law operated before the loss of diphtongal quantitative oppositon because he claims that long roots CV V C retain their stress and short roots CV CV shifted the stress to the mora in the second syllable. The problem is that such operation should have occured before the monophtongization of diphtongs and I am very sceptical to the fact that Proto Slavic distinguished short and long diphtongs at any time of its existence. It means that chronologically, Dybo's law in Feldstein's interpretation (and also in Skljarenko's) is in Early Proto Slavic. 386 The concept is more puzzled because should Dybo's law operated in such a way, it should definitely result in the expected rising intonation (if the stress should be protracted onto the second mora) but Feldstein supposes the rise of new post root circumflex. 387 Reinterpreting the Nikolaev conception of metationical
385 Feldstein 1990:51. 386 Feldstein 1990:53. 387 p.54.
117 circumflex in immobile BS paradigms (Nikolaev 1986), Feldstein is even willing to suppose the "third mora stress" CV V CV > CV V CV which means shift from circumflexed syllable which is completely against the original conception of Dybo's law. The conditions of Dybo's law are morphological because the root is the trigger and the law depends on the position of ictus in relation to morpheme boundaries. 388 Meillet's law and Dybo's law should specify second mora stress in immmobile paradigms but first/last mora in the mobile stress. 389 Feldstein argues with the morpheme position, so
6.2.46.2.4.2..2. Dybo's law and Stang's law Dybo's law provides and input to the stress retraction. The new paradigm (b) was subsequently modified by Stang's law. Before the operation of Dybo's law, stressed initial syllables had pitch oposition. Pitch oposition could be on both short and long syllables. There were also initial laryngealised syllables but those were indifferent to quantity and intonation. 390 The existence of Dybo's law is the proof of three distinctive intonations on first syllables: acute in constant paradigm (no shift), non acute in constant paradigms (Dybo's law), circumflex in mobile paradigm.
6.2.46.2.4.3..3. Kortlandt's theory In Kortlandt's theory stress moved from syllables with rising intonation to the following one, e.g. * òsnowā "base" > * osnòwā. If the newly stressed vowel was long, it obtained falling tone, like wol' . Pitch opposition which existed on short vowels in polysyllabics before the operation of Dybo's law was eliminated. Subsequently, pitch opposition in monosyllables was also eliminated. 391 Short falling vowels in monosyllables were lengthened and merged with long falling vowels. 392 The law did not operate if: the following syllable contained final yer. The law did not operate because final yers already lost stressability before. So *kòń remained Slov. kònj. 393 if the intonation was acute (broken or glottalized), so *wy’dra "otter", *dy’mъ "smoke". The Dybo's law is therefore blocked by the presence of a glottal stop. Those words had fixed paradigmatic stress. Dybo's law operated after the rise of new timbre distinctinction. 394
388 p.58. 389 Feldstein 1990:48. 390 Kortlandt 1975:16. 391 Kortlandt 1975:16. 29 ibid. Seen in S Cr. b g, k st, d n . 393 Kortlandt (1983:15). The loss of final yer stressability occured in Young Proto Slavic before the Dybo's law.
118 Dybo's law caused the vowel contrast in pretonic syllables. If the pretonic vowels were long, they remained long: *nāròdъ "people" > *ōNtròba "liver". 395 As seen, the pretonic long vowel is not shortened. Acute vowels in APa were shortened in late Proto Slavic. The distribution of APa and APb is therefore complementary: *ko rva x *borna . Later, in e.g. Czech, those words could merge into one quantitative paradigm: kráva krav, brána bran. The original quantitative distinction can also be seen in Polish timbre differences: ręka x trąba.
6.2.4.3.1. Fate of long vowels There is a difference in later development of pretonic long vowels. Original pretonic long vowels were shortened after the rise of new timber distinction. 396 Long vowels which originated after Dybo's law remained long. This is the quantitative difference between Czech ruka and tráva, těžký but bílý. Other long pretonic vowels originated from Dybo's law are e.g. in Czech národ, zákon, zábava, trouba , SCr. národ, zákon, zábava, trúba . Posttonic long vowels were shortened if the following syllable contained a long vowel 397 , e.g. Czech Np. peníze but Dpl penězům, Pol. Npl pienądze , Gpl pieniędzy <* ī
6.2.4.4. GGGarde'sGarde's conception of Dybo's law Dybo's law was also interpreted by Halle & Kiparsky (1984: 175 176) as a phenomenon similar to the accent shift caused by de Saussure's law in Lithuanian. They claim that "there is a long tradition in comparative IE studies that indentifies the two processes as manifestations of a single sound change"...and in the light of their own approach "there is no basis for such identification". 398 Actually, the fact that de Saussure's law did not operate in Slavic was proved by Stang (1957) and the rightward accent shift established by Illich Svitych (1963) and Dybo (1962). Halle & Kiparsky wrote their article as the review of Garde (1976) and they obviously did not realize that Garde follows both the ideas of Stang as well as Illich Svitych and Dybo. Kortlandt 1978:78 79) refuted Garde's claim that Dybo's law did not operate in Slovincian and pointed to the his misinterpretation of material. Slovincian monosyllables which reflect old oxytona have either fixed stress if the stem vowel is long and mobile stress if the stem vowel is short. (van Wijk 1922:13). For Kortlandt, this is the result of stress retaction to a
394 Kortlandt 1975:14. 395 Kortlandt 1983:15. 396 Kortlandt 2009:7. 397 Kortlandt 2009:7. 398 Halle & Kiparsky (1981:176).
119 long vowel and rise of mobility in short stem forms after the stress retraction from short vowels in final open syllables (his stage 4, see the chapter on Slovincian here). Disyllabic stems have difference in mobility: dùoxoud "pension", příxoud "arrival", the mobility arose in his stage 3 (see the chapter on Slovincian here). It means that the retraction occured on the oxytone forms which must have been created by Dybo's law. But the obvious examples are feminne zābàva "enjoyment" and voųtrùoba "intestine" where the pretonic vowel arose due to the Dybo's law, as in Czech zábava, útroba. Dybo's law did not operate in forms with a nonsyllabic prefix: spràva "matter", zgùba "lost". As already hinted by Kortlandt 1985:187, the absence of Dybo's law is due to the glottal stop. If glottal stop in APa blocked the progressive shift in APa, its absence triggers the shift.
6.2.4.5. Olander's proposal The new reformulation of Dybo's law has been recently done by Olander 2006:143 who elaborated an idea of Rasmussen 1992 that the law affected all accented non acute syllables regardless of their position of the word. Such interpretation would explain the 2pl *ne'sete >nese'te or Ipl. *gas'timiȤ >*gasti'mī. Concerning the prosodic characteristich of the target syllable, Olander does not assume anything but the shift itself. After the Dybo's law the opposition glottalised/non glottalised disappeared. If the target syllable was on short medial diphtong or a reduced vowel, it was retracted by the Stang's law (this Olander's conception of Stang's law), e.g. *dvòrъ, *mògNjtъ.
6.2.5 Stang's law During the operation of Dybo's law the target syllabe could be long. 399 If such syllable obtained ictus, it developed falling intonation: 3pl. *nòsęt > *nosęɵt (APb). Such syllable could later lose its ictus to the preceding syllable: *nosęɵt > *nósęt . 400 Neither of the two processes operated in Baltic. In Kortlandt's formulation of Stang's law, 401 stress was also retracted from long falling vowels in final syllables, so *woľ' > *wòľā, Rus.dial. v lja, Cz. vůle, Slovak v ľa, Slov. vo lja, SCr. vo lja. What happened to the original syllable: As seen, long vowel which remained, was shortened apart from the Lekhitic group where in Old Polish the length remained reflected wolå.
399 All falling vowels had the tendency to shorten. 400 Kortlandt 1978:273; Derksen 1991:54. 401 Kortlandt 1975:14; 1983:17.
120 What happened to the target syllable: The vowel which obtained stress developed a rising tone. Stang's law causet the accentual alternations typical for the PSl APb Stang's law has often been dubbed or combined with Ivšič's law because it is thought that Ivšič (1912) was the first one who described the law. 402 Greenberg (2000:77) considers the Stang Ivšič's Law as a stress retraction from internal circumflex giving rise to neoacute. Greenberg, as Kortlandt does, distinguishes the similar results in rising pitch from Stang's Ivšič's law, e.g. retraction
6.2.6. Accentuation of vverbserbs 403
Verbal accentuation is also distributed among three accentual paradigms:
APa: staɾvljNj, staɾviši, staɾvit , staɾvimъ, staɾvite, staɾvęt ; 404 lě zNj, lě zēši, lě zēt , lě zēmъ. .. 405 APb: služNj , služìši, služìt , služìmъ, služìte, služę t ; mogNj , mòžēši, mòžēt , mòžēmъ.... 406 APc: tvo rjNj, tvoriši , tvorit , tvorimъ , tvorite , tvoręt ; nesNj /n sNj, nesēši, nesēt , nesēmъ ... 407
APa is reflected a short falling intonation on the root in Štokavian : v dīm v dīš as a falling intonation in Slovene: v dim v diš and as a root stress in Russian: vížu vídiš . APb is reflected also as a short falling intonation in Štokavian: no sīm no sīš, as a rising intonation in Slovene nósim nósiš and as ending stressed 1sg and stem stressed forms in other persons in Russian: nošú nósiš. All thematic verbs can be divided into several groups: 408 I) present forms with e , je , ne thematic vowel: 1. roots ending in vowel, diphtong or sonant: * bi jNj, *kaɾjNj.. This group can be further divided to 1a) roots ending in liquids or nasals, e.g. *meljNj ;1b) remaining roots, e.g. * du jNj. Further division of the group is according to the infinitive stem: without infinitive stem with a stem vowe,l e.g. * bi ti.. , and with the stem vowel a, e.g. *b raɾti.. verbs can have all three paradigms, e.g. APa *bi jNj, APb *borjNj , *borje ši, APc *zo vNj, pr zovNj, *zovešì. (1sg is enclinomenon) 2. present forms with root ending in a consonant, e.g. *kl dNj..
402 Greenberg 2000, Kapović 2005a,b. 403 The detailed description of the accentual patterns of verbs in Dybo 1981:197 262, Osnovy 1990:62 85. 404 Carlton 1990:189 190. 405 Dybo 1962:4. 406 Dybo 1962, 4. 407 ibid. 408 Dybo 1981:197ff.
121 the accentual distribution depends on the thematic suffix. Verbs with e suffix are mobilia, verbs with je and ne suffix 409 belong to the APa or APb paradigm, e.g. *kl dNj, *kladešì (APc), * maɾzjNj, *maɾzješi (APa), *sъchnNj , *sъchne ši (APb). Other forms of thematic verbs (participles, aorist) are basically derived from the accentual pattern of the present forms.
6.2.7. III I verbsverbs
Accentually, i verbs can follow all three paradigms, e.g. *staɾvjNj (APa), *nosjNj (APb) and *lo vjNj (APc). Slavic i verbs can be classified into 4 types: iteratives: OCS nositi nošNj, nositъ ; causatives: OCS morjNj moritъ ; denominatives: zvoniti: zvonjNj, zvonitъ and statives: gorěti: gorjNj, goritъ. 410 Baltic present forms differ from Slavic in causatives and iteratives where they have *ā, so prašýti prāšo. Causatives, iteratives and statives had the Indo European suffix * éiʢe , denominatives * iʢé and in the case of o stems * e iʢé .411 Denominatives are considered to have its origin from i stems ( *i iʢé ) but Rasmussen (1993) considers the possibility of its origin from * eiʢé ti giving * ejetí > ītí > it > ít (stress retraction from yer), reflected in S Cr. dvòrīm. Indo European * eiʢe should develop into * iiʢi >* ii >*ī as observed in Lithuanian numeral try s. The corresponding Slavic tьje contradicts to it but the development might be restricted to final position or be regular after initial consonant which is supported by OCS v jetъ x Lith. ve ja "twists" (Rasmussen 1993:477). The direct continuation of * éiʢe to Slavic causatives and iteratives is disputed by Rasmussen (1993:477 478) claiming that the most verbs reflect the initial accent (either from Hirt's law *stah 2uʢ éiʢe > *staɾvī > S Cr. st viti st vīm, or from the IE Dehnstufe: Av. vādaiia "defeat", S Cr. v diti v dīm . As the corresponding Lithuanian infinitives are also initially accented ( válgyti ), Rasmussen explains the stem stressed *nosi ti due to the Dybo's law, so the original accentual difference was h *baɾvīti < *b uʢhi(iʢ)eti but *no sīti < *h 2nok'éiʢeti. Hock 1995 explained the development of PIE causatives to Slavic forms, e.g. *uʢort éiʢō, *uʢort éiʢe si, *uʢort éiʢe ti... >PSl. *vortjNj , *vórt i ši, *vórt i t ... , OCS vraštNj, vrat i ši, vrat i tъ.. .by four processess which can also be observed in other grammatical categories: 1. *eiʢV > *iiʢV ( *treiʢes > tr je ), 2. *iiʢV > *iʢV ( *žemiiʢā > zemlja ), 3. *iiʢe > ĩ (via je ) , 4. *iiʢo> ĩ (probably in 3pl).
409 Detailed by Dybo 1986. 410 Rasmussen 1993:475. 411 Rasmussen 1993:476.
122 MAS paralellised causatives and denominatives together and distinguish them from 412 iteratives. The important distinction is between APb 1 and APb 2. Iteratives of the *nosı ti
APb 1 should have undergone Stang's law while causatives and denominatives of APb 2 should not (e.g. *vortı ti, *bělı ti ). Such division is connected with the new conception of Stang's law in MAS.
While there is a general agreement that Proto Slavic had nominal and verbal distribution into accentual paradigms, there are different conceptions about the origin and development of some accentual phenomena. There is not full concesus about the fate of 1. acute, 2. neoacute and compensatory lengthening, 3. neocircumflex, 4. preservation and loss of PSl length.
6.2.8. Acute and circumflex
Acute and circumflex are the important terms for Balto Slavic accentology. However, they are often misused. Several mistakes must be pointed out: 1. Baltic and Slavic acute and circumflex are compared and thought to be the same. This is wrong. Baltic circumflex is the absence of acute (glottalization). Slavic circumflex is a falling tone which is independent of the Baltic circumflex and occurs only on the first syllable of words belong to the mobile paradigm. 413 2. Acute is considered and original long rising intonation. The proofs shoud be Lithuanian and Slovene and Czech where acute should be reflected as length. This is also wrong. Both Lithuanian and Slovene intonations are independent and recent. Czech length is also recent, it is a separate phenomenon of Czech dialects together with Upper Sorbian. 3. Acute and circumflex are of PIE origin. This is also wrong because it is based on the comparison of Greek and Lithuanian tones which are of different origin. Balto Slavic circumflex is the intonation of any non acute long vowel or diphtong. Slavic circumflex is the falling tone on the initial syllable of word forms in mobile paradigm APc and the falling tone of the non initial vowels that were affected by Stang's law. 414
Halle & Kiparsky 1977 interpreted Lithuanian acute as follows: H H VV VR < ˙*V *V R
412 Osnovy 1990:111 121, Osnovy 1993. 7 10 ... 413 Dybo 1981, Kortlandt 2005b. 414 Derksen 1991:55.
123
Lithuanian circumflex: H H VV VR < *V *VR 415 Classical accentology often thought that acute ( ) used to be a long rising intonation like *ko rva, because Slovene has a rising tone kráva and Czech has got length kráva .416 Nowhere in the Slavic territory (apart from the vowel changes in Upper Sorbian kruwa) the acute is not reflected as length. Czech length is obviously secondary because Moravian dialects have brevity. Slovene length is also secondary because the situation of Slovene dialects prove that the acute was originally short 417 Kortlandt interprets Balto Slavic acute as glottal stop. This glottal stop is preserved in Latvian as a glottalic tone on the preceding vowel in originally pretonic syllable : pęɵds "footstep < *pe Ȥd , nuo gs "naked" < *no Ȥg .418 According to Kortlandt, acute was lost in Late Proto Slavic (Kortlandt 1983:16). Acute was actually a broken or glottalic tone and this developed into short rising contour, like *dy mъ or * gorà . It was posterior to the lengthening of short falling vowels in monosyllables because it caused rising pitch on the short vowels in polysyllables like *malìna. Therefore, short vowels must have had a pitch contrast because only short vowels (in monosyllables) with falling pitch were prolonged. 419
415 Kiparsky&Halle 1977:214 416 A very influential was also a paper by Jakobson 1963 who postulated two prosodic types of words: H pitched wit one phonemically high pitched syllable and low pitched words. The word accent should fall on the H pitched syllable and on the first syllable in L pitched words. Culminative function of word accent and H pitch should have distinctive function, L pitch should only have demarcative function being also recessive and taken over prefixes and prepositions. Long H pitched vowels were shortened this is a synonyme for acute shortening and the H/L oposition was reformed to quantitative opposition with new H/L accents (in South Slavic). In initial syllable, only L pitch could be on short vowels. Czech and Upper Sorbian should generalised L pitch short forms and H pitch long forms, Slovak and Lekhitic shortened both the initial L pitched longs and H pitched longs. The processes are quite clear because H pitch corresponds to acute/neoacute and L pitch to circumflex. The basic idea is the restructuring the original accentual paradigms and their transformation to quantitative and new tonal opositions in a geographically limited areas. Should we translate Jakobsons ideas into modern accentology, he deals with the development of former APa, APb and APc and their Post Proto Slavic merging or contrasting. This idea was further developed by Feldstein 1975, 1978. 417 The Slavic borrowings to Baltic languages and Finnish, e.g. * měra > Finnish määrä have been taken as a proof that acute was long. As Vermeer (1992:121) points out, the North Russian dialect area has drifted away from the rest of Slavic early before all Proto Slavic innovations had taken place and that there Finnish length is no proof for the postulation of Slavic acute length. 418 Kortlandt 1985:185. 419 Kortlandt 1983:15 16 (lengthening of short falling vowels in monosyllables).
124 Long vowel that occured from the sequences containing short vowel and laryngeals or an unaspirated voiced stop have Balto Slavic acute intonation. 420 Sequences containing PIE apophonic length yieal Balto Slavic circumflex (Kortlandt 1988). Acute can also be on non initial syllable, like *utě cha, *zakınъ, *mali na, *Njtrıba. TORT syllables could have distinctive intonation: *v lkъ (APc) x *v lna (APa), *z lto (APc) x *sılma (APa), *b rgъ (APc) x * be rza (APa) Acute therefore developed from the sequences CVH /CV ȤD which both yield CVȤ /CVȤD . Proof that glottal stop was a full phonological Balto Slavic consonant: 1. Hirt's law 2. Winter's law 3. Late Balto Slavic retraction of stress stress was retracted from final open syllables in disyllabic words unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent (Kortlandt 1977:322). Final syllables closed by a laryngeal (glottal stop), fricative and nasal did n ot lose the ictus *golHwáH > Lith.Nsg galvà, Gsg. *ouʢéis >Lith. avie s, Gp. * uʢilkóm >vilkų Loss of glottal stop and rise of distinctive tones is different in separate Balto Slavic branches. Most authors apart from Leiden do not consider acute a glottal stop, although the Kortlandt's analysis is persuasive. Classical accentology often it is thought that acute ( ) used to be a long rising intonation like *ko rva , because Slovene has a rising tone kráva and Czech should preserve acute length. Greenberg (2000) adopted Kortlandts views on the origin of acute, so although he considers acute to be phonetically a rising intonation, he is also eager to accept the VH sequence and Winter's law as the origin of acute. Greenberg 2007 considers the neoacute as a rising pitch (because of the rising neoacute in Slovene and Serbian Croatian), acute as an original laryngeal feature (according to Kortlandt) but apart from Kortlandt (who claims that old laryngalized vowels merged with short rising vowels) 421 Greenberg thinks that in some Slavic areas the laryngeal feature persisted as glottalization before being phonologized as pitch or quantity. His claim is supported by the phonetic analysis of Slovene Upper Carniola dialects where the laryngalization is a concomitant feature of pitch but not in the stresed syllable. Pointing to Kavitskaya 2000, Greenberg is favourable to the idea that glottal stop, if simply lost, does not lengthen syllables but the lengthening happens when it weakens to the
420 The connection of acute and laryngeal hinted by Shevelov (1965:47), explicitly Pohl 1974:146 for various lexica, e.g. *uʢorHnā "crow" x *uʢorno > S Cr. vr n "raven", *korHuʢā "cow" > S Cr. kr va , etc. 421 Kortlandt 1975:33.
125 laryngealized phonation. The latter process could happen in Slavic, e.g. in Czech and Upper Sorbian where the lengthening would have been due to the weakening of glottal stop and in central and Western Slovene dialects where there is a lower tone. High tone due to the glottal stop loss would be reflected as short rising accentuation. So a the loss of syllable final glottal stop results either as a high pitch, laryngealised syllable or low pitched long syllable. Where the intonation is lost, the results are quantitative, as in Czech and Slovak. To conclude Baltic reflexes of acute and circumflex with Slavic reflexes of acute and circumflex cannot be compared. Slavic acute and circumflex developed only in Proto Slavic. On the other hand, Latvian and Žemaitian Brechton continue East Baltic acute. Slavic circumflex is the falling tone on the initial syllable of forms in mobile paradigm and the falling tone of the non initial vowels not affected by Stang's law. Baltic circumflex is any non acute long vowel or diphtong.
6.2.9. Main accentological schools and streams
Modern accentology began with the Slavonic accentuation by Christian Stang, published in 1957. All earlier view are now termed classical accentology , all modern views that ignore Stang and post Stang development should be taken with reservation. Classical accentology is characterised by the highly developed conception conception of metatonymetatony, which is a broad term for every apparent change of intonation. Proto Slavic should have four accents, acute, circumflex, neoacute and neocircumflex. The last two ones should have resulted as a change of the basic intonations, so acute > neocircumflex, circumflex > neoacute. The motivation of such metatony change is quite obscure and in the course of time metatonical analogies used to explain almost every changes of intonation. The second feature typical for classical accentology is de Saussure's law which has developed into a broad term for every apparent rightward stress shift both in Baltic as well as Slavic languages. Classical accentology also heavily relied on data from limited languages: standard Lithuanian and Latvian, standard Russian and Serbocroatian, Serbocroatian dialects described by esp. Belić at the beginning of the 20th century, standard Slovene (Valjavec, Pleteršnik) and mostly standard languages of other Slavic languages. The main protagonists of classical accentology are Belić , van Wijk and Lehr Spławiński. Stang's main postulates can be summarised as follows: 422 de Saussure's law did not operate in Slavic 423
422 Stang 1957:179. As I dealt with the description of Stang elsewhere (Sukač 2003), I refrain from details and proofs of his theory.
126 neoacute is not due to the metatony but to a stress retraction from a semivowel or from a non initial vowel with falling intonation neocircumflex did not belong to the Proto Slavic period there are 3 Proto Slavic intonations: acute occurs on any syllable, keeps its stress constantly throughout the paradigm; neoacute can occur on any syllable, proved that other forms of the paradigm have stress on the subsequent syllable; circumflex occurs on the first syllable when other forms of the paradigm have the stress on the last syllable all nominal and verbal paradigms are: a) stress on the first syllable; b) stress on the medial syllable (also with neoacute tone); c) mobile with stress in some forms on the first syllable, in others on the last one; acute is characteristic intonation of the paradigm with constant root stress, circumflex for the mobile paradigm. mobile nominal paradigm in Slavic is closely related to the one in Baltic These conclusions are not Stang's discoveries, they were separately proposed by other authors before him 424 but Stang put them into a coherent view. Stang's book boosted a new and radical development of Balto Slavic accentology and left classical accentology an obsolete. 425 Two leading post Stang groups dominate the Balto Slavic accentology.
6.2.9.6.2.9.1.1. Moscow accentological school (MAS) MAS has been formed especially by V.M. Illich Svitych (until his premature death in 1966), V.A. Dybo, R. Bulatova, A. Zaliznjak, S. Nikolaev, A. Ter Avanesova. The main points of their research can be summarised as follows: 426 a) Illich Svitych's proof of the connection of PIE with Baltic and Slavic accentual paradigms b) Illich Svitych's law c) reformulation of Hirt's law
423 Already rejected by Kuryłowicz 1952. 424 See Vermeer 1998 for details. 425 The criticism of Stang was negative e.g. from Kuryłowicz 1958 (the second edition of L'accentuation des languages indo européennes, for the information of the other reviewers see Vermeer 1998:241 243). From the Czech linguist community, the devastating review by Horálek (1961) who called Stang "kein Sprachwissenschaftler, der sich selbst um die Bildung einer neuen Konzeption bemüht" and who "verlässt sich vor allem auf das Belegmaterial und verarbeitet es hauptsächlich klassifikationsmässig" (Horálek 1961:376). On the other hand, Horálek pinpoited the works of Prague structuralists (Trubetzkoy, Jakobson) whose accentological contribution was very scarce. This approach threw Czech accentology back to the past from which it has not blasted yet (see Sukač 2003 for details). 426 The detailed overview of MAS has been provided to us by Lehfeldt (2001). As an introduction to the main concepts of MAS the article by Dybo 1980 can be recommended. For Czech linguistic community, Dybo 1999c is accessible. The basic works by MAS are still Dybo 1981, the miscellanea Istoričeskaja akcentologija i sravniteľno istoričeskij metod 1989, Osnovy 1990, 1993, Dybo 2000a.
127 d) explanation of APb origin and Dybo's law e) principles of the accentuation of derivates f) study of the accentuated mediaeval manuscripts g) the concept of dominant and recessive morphemes, paradigmatic accent and a conture rule h) accentual paradigm d) i) Slavic dialectal groups according to accent retraction j) reformulation of Stang's law and the rehabilitation of de Saussure's law a) Illič Svityč (1963/1979) found the PIE accentual basis for the system of nominal accentual paradigms in Baltic and Slavic. Nouns with the originaloriginal short rootroot.. The opposition of PIE barytones/oxytones is preserved as opposition of barytona/mobilia in Lithuanian, e.g. Lithuanian barytona ~ PIE barytona: Lith. rankà (de Saussure's law), PGmc* wránhō, ON . rā ; PIE * uʢrónkā ;427 Lith. blusà (de Saussure's law) Gr. psúlla < * phsúlsā
427 Etymologies by Illič Svityč are preserved here. 428 Illič Svityč 1963/1979:20 21. 429 ibid p.22 23. 430 ibid p.53. 431 ibid. p.56. 432 Hirt's law and its explanation in pp.61 64.
128 to the root syllable. The explanation started to be universally accepted although with some slight modification. As I deal with Hirt's law in a separate chapter, I omit further details. d) Explanation of APb origin and Dybo's lawlaw.... See above. e) Accentual principle nonnon derivatesderivates and derivates There are two accentual types of non derivates and derivates: 433 Non derivates:1. immobile paradigm with constant root stress 2. mobile paradimg forms with final stress enclinomena syntactically unaccented, in absolute position initially stressed Derivates: I. immobile paradigm with constant root stress II. mobile paradigm (ad 2) III. immobile paradigm sufixally stressed Accentual types of non derivates are "traditional", underlying. Accentual types of derivates are dependent on the class of suffix. 434 f)f)f) AcceAccentualntual description of mediaeval manuscript Members of MAS heavily studied the accentual system preserved in Slavic mediaeval manuscripts, e.g. by Dybo himself: Dybo 1969a (Old Russian Čudovskij novyj zavet 14th century) 435 , Dybo 1969b (Middle Bulgarian texts from 14th 15th century), also Dybo 1986 (incorporated data from Old Russian, South West Russian 16th 17th century), Dybo 1987 (Middle Bulgarian), also Dybo 1972 (Serbian manuscript 16th century), of course the most important Dybo 1981, from other co workers the comprehensive book by Bulatova 1975 (Old Serbian) can be mentioned. The method of comparative accentrography (supralinear signs in the mediaeval manuscripts) has been applied by non MAS scholars: Hinrichs 1985 (14th century Middle Bulgarian manuscripts), Schweier 1987 ( Russian Ostroger and Moscow bibles from 16th and 17th century)Steensland 1990 ( Manuscript Chil. 323, Russian manuscript from 15th century containing lithurgy), Lindgren 1990 (17th century North Russian manuscript containing sermons), Ambrosiani 1991 (15th century Russian Church Slavonic manuscript containing Gospel lectionary), Hock 1992a (14th century Middle Bulgarian tetraevangelion manuscript).
433 Dybo 1972, Dybo 1981:256 262. 434 See the note 79. 435 For the broader scientifical community Lehfeldt made available the original edition from 1892: Neues Testament des Čudov Klosters . Hgb. von W. Lehfeldt., Böhlau 1989.
129
g)g)g) Concept of dominant and recessive morphemes, paradiparadiggmaticg matic accent and a conture rule Morphonologically, all morphemes can be prosodically dominant or recessive. Dominant morphemes are such morphemes which obtain ictus, e.g. stems of APa, endings of APb...; recessive morphemes do not have ictus or lose it, e.g. stems of APb, endings of enclinomena... Morphemes are divided according to valency, dominant morphemes (+) have higher valency than recessive ones ( ).436 The accentual paradigmatic curve is the result of contour rule "konturnoe pravilo" which is specific for a language group. Balto Slavic conture rule states that ictus falls on beginning of the first sequence of morphemes of higher valency, e.g. Gpl * st'ar c , Nsg* měch ov ' j e437 + + + + The behaviour of stress within a paradigm is called paradigmatic accent. Each word belongs to an accentual paradigms. There are two kinds of paradigmatic paradigmatic accent systems 438 , which Dybo has discovered up to now. The first one is the Balto Slavic paradigmatic system with the conture rule above mentioned, the second one is the one of Abkhaz Ubykh type. 439 Here the contour rule rule place ictus on the ending of the first sequence of morphemes of the higher valency. 440
436 Zaliznjak 1985 developed another kinds of accentual morhpeme features. A dominant morpheme can be either "samoudarnyj" or "pravoudarnyj" which is a synonym to "postaccenting". Morpheme Re shifts accent to the left and Min morpheme causes the preceding "pravoudarnyj" morpheme be recessive. (Zaliznjak 1985:35 36, 121) 437 Something similar was proposed by Halle (1975) for synchronic Russian. Halle does not distinguish dominancy and recessivity but he considers case endings to be intherently stressed. Nouns with stress on stem in all forms (like goróch ) are also inherently stressed. The distribution of stress is directed by two principles: if a stressed syllable is deleted, stress retracts to the preceding syllable; a word with more then one stress will result with the stress on the leftmost stressed syllable, no stressed string of morphemes obtain the stress on the first syllable. This is BAP principle (see below). 438 Paradigmatic accent systems are such systems which are characterised by accentual paradigms. Accentual paradigms are responsible for the accentual distribution of both non derivates as well as derivates. Accentual pattern of non derivates are lexically inherent. Accentuation of derivates depends on the original accentual paradigm of the derived word as well as the class of suffix. First class suffixes basically copy the accentual pattern of the derived word, e.g. *sněɵgъ (APc) + ov (1st class suffix) > * sněɵgovъ (APc). Second class suffixes can attract acute intonation or if they containn a short vowel or a vowel with the original circumflex, the derivate is accentuated at the ending, e.g. *d rvo (APc) + i n > *dervi na, *slěɵpъ (APc) > ota (short vowel) > *slěpota . (see Dybo 1968, 1981 for details). In paradigmatic accent systems, a certain percent of derivates choose their accentual pattern mechanically and without any background to the original derived forms. This is what we could call productivity in a language. For Dybo the situation corresponds to the catergory of derivates. So certain derivates are categorically connected with a certain accentuation. Categorial principle intrudes the paradigmatic accent systems. The categorial principle and productivity would explain the anomalous prosodic behavior of some derivates. Categorial principle of quantitative distribution is, in my opinion, observable in Czech where only certain derivate categories. 439 See Dybo 1989 and Dybo 1997 for detailed description. 440 Dybo 1972, Dybo 2009.
130 Dybo still takes tones as suprasegmentals, not autosegmentals being thus under the influence of structuralist phonology. The concept of dominancy has been applied to various aspects of accentual development. 441 Domimant and recessive morphmemes were also compared with the similar behaviour of morphemes in other Indo European languages. 442 It was shown that Greek roots can be classified as CVCV, CVC and CV , e.g. eché tās, buk tēs, dó tē s, sufixes of the 1st type, e.g. tās, tis, do not modify the root to CCV. Suffixes of the 2nd type cause the root weakening, e.g. tōr, e.g. kale +tōr > klē tōr . Verbal roots of the CVC and CVCV correspond to Balto Slavic dominant roots with immobile acccentuation, e.g. sede "sit" > estōn, PSl. sę dNj. Roots of the CCV and CVCV correspond to the Balto Slavic recessive roots with mobile accentuation, e.g. teme "cut"> étamon , PSl *t nNj, *t net . 443 The same principle counts for the suffixes, first type suffixes in Greek (and Old Indic) correspond to the Balto Slavic dominant suffixes while the second class suffixes correspond to the Balto Slavic recessive suffixes. The similar principle can be observable in Latin, as shown already by Dybo 1961. The PIE long vowels are preserved under the original stress, e.g. Lat. brūtus <*g wr tos . Dybo 2008 presented a comprehensive account of the correspondence of Italo Celtic tu and to derivates (oxytona) with the Balto Slavic mobilia, e.g. Lat. rutus < *rūto , Latv. rau t, PSl. *rutı , *r vNj, *r ve tъ; and Italo Celtic barytona tu , to with Balto Slavic immobilia, e.g. Lat. sūtus <*siʢū to , Latv. šũt, PSl. *ši jNj, *ši jetъ. Another similarity of the roots and suffixes behavior is observable in Germanic shortening and Verschärfung (Dybo 2008). MAS result is impressive here Italo Celtic, Germanic, Greek and Old Indic derivates from roots are genetically indentical with the Balto Slavic ones. 444 Roots of the 1st class correspond to the Balto Slavic dominant roots belonging to the immobile paradigm while
441 Dybo 2003 tried to prove that PIE athematics with recessive roots are mobile, e.g. Nsg * pód ( )s( ) > OInd. pā d ( ), Gr. poús while dominant roots are immobile, e.g. * Hné r(+) s( ) > OInd. nā r(+) . Especially the Baltic, Greek and Old Indic athematics have similar tonal curve and recessive roots, e.g. * k'uʢon ( )s(+) > BS *šuʢō ( +)n (assimilation of marked features), Gr. kýōn (OInd. švā is immobile). The domimancy concept is also used for the explanation of Derksen's oxytona behaviour (Nikolaev 1989, Dybo 2009a, 2009b). Secondary suffixes can also be recessive, e.g. Lith. ast i , PSl. * ost or dominant, e.g. Lith at a , PSl. * ot a . The final combination is due to the original accentual paradigm and the accentual character of the suffix, e.g. Lit. pílnasti, biau rastis (both immobile paradigms, distinguished by acute and circumflex), gyvastìs, nerimastìs (both mobile paradigms, distinguished by acute and circumflex), PSl. *raɾdost , *mNjdro st (derived from APa and APb), *lěɵnost (from APc), similarly *ni šteta, *dobro ta, lěpota , see Dybo 2009a, the exhaustive description of the principle of accentuation of derivates in Dybo 1981. 442 Nikolaev & Starostin 1982, Nikolaev 1983, Nikolaev 1986, Nikolaev 1989, Dybo 1961, Dybo 2003, Dybo 2008, Dybo 2009b. 443 Nikolaev 1983, 1986, Nikolaev & Starostin 1982. 444 Dybo 2003 also showed that if the original athematic root nouns in Germanic, Baltic and Slavic transfer to I or o stems (and Germanic an stem) they preserved the original accentuation, e.g. PGmc. Npl *mū siz , "mice", PSl. *myɾš (APa), Lith . žv÷rìs, PSl. *zvěɵr (APc).
131 roots of the second class correspond to the Balto Slavic recessive roots. The same counts for suffixes. For MAS, such behaviour is the reflex of the original tonal system. Morphemes of the 1st class and dominancy is the reflection of H tone while 2nd class morphemes and recessivity is connected with L tone. But what was really the phonetic character of Balto Slavic acute and circumflex, is unclear to MAS. 445 h) Accentual paradigm d 446 According to protagonists of MAS, apart from the three accentual paradigms there was also a mixed paradigm APd. The paradigm should comprise mainly masculine o stem and u stems. Nominative singular has the feature of APc, i.e. enclinomenon, e.g. * z zNjbъ, but Gsg has the form of APb *zNjba . The paradigms is considered a variant of APb. The evidence for APd is seen in data of Čakavian dialects Susak (Illič Svityč 1979:94 104) and East Slavic "Kriviči" dialect and East Russian dialects (Osnovy 1990:159). The number of lexemes varies, according Osnovy 1990 the data from Istria and Susak comprise 42 nouns, Russian dialects about 12 nouns. Other Slavic dialects merged APd with APc, e.g. S Cr. zûb zûba, Sln. z b zob . The source of data and its interpretation has been recently challenged by Vermeer 2001 so the relevancy of material remains dubious. i) Slavic dialectal groups according to accentaccent retractionretraction Considering the Stang's law of i verbes and , four accent retractions can be distinguished: 447 1. retraction to any vowel: * chvalī t > *chválīt , 2. retraction to a short vowel: *stročī t > *stròčīt , 3. retraction to a long vowel, e.g. *sNjdī t >*sNj dīt , 4. no retraction. The local Proto Slavic variations should be influenced by the different attested reflexes of the retraction as well as with the respect of APb reflexes. 448 1st dialectal group comprises Old Bulgarian, Norh Čakavian, Kajkavian and North Slovene type, characterised by the retractions 1 and 2. Second dialectal group comprises the West Bulgarian, Kriviči dialect, North Russian, North and North West Byelorussian, Galici dialect of Ukrainian and Štokavian. The group is typical with the reflexes of APd and the retraction of the 2nd type. Third dialectal group comprises Old Croatian territory (Križanič texts), South Slovene, certain North Russian dialects, central and south Byelorussian and Kašubian dialects. The common
445 Nikolaev 1989:101. 446 Osnovy 1990:129 154. 447 Lehfeldt 2003:19. 448 The Dybo's law as a single process has been now replaced by "pravostrannyj drejf udarenija", a multi level process which was responsible for the dialetal difference (Osnovy 1993:18 21).
132 feature of that group is the 3rd retraction. Fourth group is formed by the East and South East Russian dialects with the 4th type of retraction and reflexes of APd. 449 j) Stang's law in MAS conception 450 Stang's law has been used to explain the different accentual of Slavic i verbs. Verbs from b1 group (iterativa *vozi ti, *nosi ti etc) should have been dominant (Dybo 2000b:82), verbs belonging to b 2 paradigm (causativa and denominativa *stavi ti, *běli ti etc.) should have been recessive. The b 1 group should have undegone Stang's law, which is defined as the retraction from the long dominant syllables to the preceding syllable(s) (Dybo 2000a:45 46). Causativa and denominativa from the b 2 group should escape Stang's law.
The revision was done due to the "archaic Old Bulgarian" area where the stem stress of b 2 verbs in Old Bulgarian corresponds to a long vowel stems in West Slavic while end stressed forms correspond to West Slavic short vowels, e.g. sNj diši, Cz. soudíš but imperative sNjdí , Cz suď 451 . MAS distinguished dominant and recessive acutes and circumflexes (Osnovy 1993:16). Rightward stress shift never occurs from a dominant acute syllables (APa) and onto a syllable with dominant circumflex (b 1 verbs) so the ictus stays where it is. As Hendriks (2003:111) remarks, this is the combination of Dybo's and Stang's law although both laws are actually virtual here and do not operate. Only internal domiannt acute syllables can attract stress, therefore APb *žená, *tvori ti. The stress shift is now be thought as a Balto Slavic phenomenon and be defined as a shift from short or circumflex syllable to the following acute syllabe if the both syllables had the same accentual valency. 452 It is similar to de Saussure's law because the shift happens to the dominant acute forms and the shift is hailed de Saussure's law now.
6.26.26.2.6.2 ...9.2.9.2. Dutch accentological school (DAS) The ideas of Stang, Illich Svitych and Dybo were taken up by Carl Ebeling who tried to incorporate the accentual development into the phonological development of PIE to Slavic (Ebeling 1967). The most important figure has become Frederik Kortlandt and his students/colleagues. Apart from the MAS, the main concentration of DAS was on the
449 Osnovy 1990:109ff. Križanić's law has been another retraction process heavily used by MAS. Croatian author Juraj Križanić (17th century) has been taken as one of the important sources of accentual archaisms. Križanić's Old Croatian language should have features continuing to the Proto Slavic distribution. The important inovation is Križanić's law: stress is retracted from long vowels to a syllable containing a long vowel, e.g. *plāstō v >*plā stōv , Dybo 1981:127. 450 A very useful and critical review was done by Hendriks 2003. 451 Osnovy 1993:9, Dybo 1998:50 53. 452 Dybo & Nikolaev 1998:62, quoted by Hendriks 2003:111. The original paper has not been at my disposal up to now. The law is also quoted in Dybo 2000b:75..
133 chronology of accentual changes as well as the description of dialectal areas of Čakavian, Kajkavian and Slovene. 453
Kortlandt Frederik Kortlandt is the main protagonist of the Dutch accentological school. 454 Kortlandt's background originated from the results of Stang 1957, Illič Svityč 1963/1979 as well as early Dybo's works. While the MAS centered its research mainly on the synchronic state of Balto Slavic, Baltic and Proto Slavic, Kortlandt dealt mainly with the relative chronology of changes. His conception can now be considered as the most complete description of accentual changes from PIE to the separate Baltic and Slavic languages. Although it is not generally accepted, the main reason for refusing Kortlandt's theories is mainly the lack of information, prejudice and lure of classicism. Here, the main points of Kortlandt's theories will be adduced. 455 AcuteAcute, in Kortlandt's view, existed in both stressed and unstresesed syllable, is the reflect of PIE glottal stop (laryngeal) and is lost in three stages: pretonic and posttonic syllables, then in the first posttonic and in late Proto Slavic in stressed syllables. Distinction between acute and circumflex is not PIE origin. The oldest layer of long vowels in IE language is due to the lengthened grade. According to Kortlandt (1988) the lengthened grade has its origin in : secondary nominal derivates, roots in monosyllabic nouns and final syllables of nominals with resonant before zero ending. Greek Dehnstufe is not distinguished from the sequence V+H both have acute intonation in final syllables. Circumflex has originated from the loss of intervocalic laryngeals. Balto Slavic long vowels originated from contraction are not distinguished from Dehnstufe circumflex is observed in long vowel from contractions, Dehnstufe in Nsg stems in a resonant, sigmatic aorist, Dehnstufe in original root nouns Reflexes of BaltoBalto SlavicSlavic circumflex from PIE lengthened gradegrade:456
453 The works by Vermeer, Houtzagerr, Kalsbeek and others were mentioned in the chapter of the accentual patterns of IE languages. 454 Apart from Kortlandt, Willem Vermeer, Rick Derksen, Tijmen Pronk and more or less loosely connected Leiden workers like Alexander Lubotsky, Michiel de Vaan, Alwin Kloekhorst can be mentioned. 455 A publication which would introduce a reader to the main concepts of Kortlandt's theories is missing yet. Recently, Kortlandt collected his important papers to two books: Italo Celtic origins and prehistoric development of the Irish language. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2007 (with papers on Celtic and Italo Celtic, together with his papers on Lachmann's law and a new chapter on the character of the Italo Celtic) .and Baltica & Balto Slavica , Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2009 (papers are thematically arranged into phonology, morphology and Prussian sections). Both collections are not user friendly and do not provide a reader with the more general introductions to Kortlandt's theories. 456 Kortlandt 1985, Kortlandt 1988, Kortlandt 1997.
134 contractions in final syllables: Lith. Gsg algõs <* aȤes <* eh 2es "salary", Gr. alfe s but acute in algà and alf where the ending was * eȤ.457 Dehnstufe in Nsg of stems ending in a resonant: Lith. akmuõ "stone" (Gr. ákmōn )458 long vowel preterites: Lith. ÷ m÷ "took", l÷ k÷ "flew", according to Kortlandt (1985:113 114) that preterite replaced the sigmatic aorist of stems in a resonant. The sigmatic aorist disappeared in Baltic (we have it only in Slavic). 459 Lithuanian 3sg future forms, e.g. duõs "will give", kalb÷ s "will speak". These are examples of metatony, because infinitives are acute: dúoti, kalb ti and long vowels in polysyllabic stems do not shorten. According to Leskien's law, the final acute vowel must have been shortened (e.g. lìs "will rain", bùs "will be"). Actually, we find circumflex there which means that the metatony must have preceded Leskien's law.460 This model should have served for other forms, so in dialects we find rašìs "will write" (standard rašy s ), darìs "will do" but žinõs "will know", stov÷ s "will stand". Standard language shortens ý and , as seen in lìs and bùs and those forms do not undergo metatony which means that metatony did not operate there. 461 The source of metatony in the abovementioned monosyllables is the loss of glottal stop after a lengthened grade. Because no glottal stop is present, the intonation must be circumflex. This also explains why metatony did not operate in ý and forms because no lengthened grade can be posited there. 462 Dehnstufe in original root nouns: Lith. g÷là "pain", OCS žalъ; Lith. m÷sà "meat", OInd. m s Lith. Nsg e , according to Kortlandt originated due to the loss of laryngeal after a lengthened grade: žvaigžd÷ "star", where d÷ should correspond Vedic dh , Lat. dēs. This e spreads to other nouns of different structure, e.g. Lith. šlove "fame", OCS slava <*klēuh 1 Slavic sigmatic aorist: the best example are S Cr. 1sg dònijeh "brought", ùmrijeh "died" and zàklēh "swore" where " ije " and "ē" are long reflexes of original circumflex. Should there have been an acute, we would have expected short forms: **dònjeh, **ùmreh, **zàkleh. 463 This category is reflected in East Baltic long vowel preterite, e.g. Lith. b÷ r "strewed" 464
457 Derksen 2001:60. 458 Kortlandt 1985:113 and Derksen 1991:61 and Derksen 2008:558 adduce PSl. *žerav "crane", Rus. žurávľ, OCz žeráv , Slk. žeriav , SCr. ž rāv , Sln. žerjàv , Lith. gérv÷ 135 Balto Slavic circumflex is the reflect of any long vowel of non laryngeal and non glottalic origin. It has not always originated from early contractions (as wrongly projected from the situation of Greek). Balto Slavic acute is the reflex glottal stop from of laryngeal or glottalic origin (it has its origin in PIE laryngeal or glottalic feature of PIE unaspirated voiced stop) 465 . This glottal stop developed into broken intonation which was lost under rising of falling tone movements originated in separate languages. 466 In Žemaitian, the acute developed into glottalization (Brechton), in Latvian the Brechton is in originally mobile paradigm. It means, the glottaliztation in Žemaitian developed under stress and in Latvian in originally pretonic syllables. In Slavic, the glottalization did not develop. 467 Slavic glottal stop was lost with CL in pretonic and post posttonic syllables and without CL under the stress and in the first posttonic syllable. 468 In Baltic there is also metatonical origin of acute where the reflex o non acute vowel merged with the reflex of acute vowel. The origin is mainly the retraction of stress from antevocalic *i: * vilkìHaH "she wolf" > Lith. vìlk÷ but Russ. volčíca (without retraction). 469 The glottal stop developed into broken tone which remained unchanged in originally pretonic syllable in Latvian, e.g. pęɵds x OInd. padám. Under stress the broken tone is preserved in Žemaitian dialects. In Aukštaitian dialects it developed into falling tone and in Latvian into rising tone. Newly stressed (originally pretonic) syllables developed rising tone in Lithuanian and falling tone in Latvian. So acute and non acute vowels were distinct in stressed, pretonic in Lithuanian also in posttonic syllables (because of de Saussure's law and Leskien's law) PIE obstruent system can be reconstructed as follows: 470 fortis glottalic aspirated labial p b bh dental t d dh 465 Kortlandt 1988:301. 466 Kortlandt 1977:324 328; 1985:185. The combination of VH gives acute in Balto Slavic and Greek final syllable. Thus the apparent correspondence between Lith. algà , Grk . alfē . On the other hand, the original lengthened grade results in Greek acute but Balto Slavic circumflex in final syllable, even if the lengthened grade is followed by a laryngeal. 467 Kortlandt 1998:147. 468 Kortlandt 1975, Kortlandt 1998:148. 469 Kortlandt 1988:303 304. 470 Kortlandt 1978d, Kortlandt 1994. 136 palatovelar k' g' g' h labiovelar kw gw gwh Glottalic consonants have in fact be preglottalised. In Dialectal Indo Europan the PIE aspirated stops lost the aspiration and the former opposition fortis:aspirated was transformed to the oposition of voiceless:voiced (Germanic, Balto Slavic, Albanian, Armenian, Iranian, ?Tocharian, ?Celtic. 471 So Dialectal Indo European had the opposition plain t:d: Ȥd (plain voiceless, plain voiced, glottalic voiced). 472 In Balto slavic, the aspiration was lost an the former oposition voiceless: voiced aspirated t:d h was transformed to the oposition voiceless:voiced. The system was t:d: Ȥd, the same as in Dialectal IE. 473 Voicedness of glottalic stop became redundant and lead to the dissolution of laryngeal and buccal part. Laryngeal part merged with H (laryngeal, phonetically glottal stop), buccal part merged with the reflexes of aspirated which is de facto voiced. Proofs of BaltoBalto SlavicSlavic glottal stop existenceexistence:474 Hirt's law stress was retracted to the preceding syllable which ended in a laryngeal (phonetically glottal stop) Winter's law stress was not retracted to long vowels which arose as a result of WL retraction from final open syllables of disyllabic forms. This lead to the distribution of end stressed and stem stressed forms in mobile paradigm, e.g. Russ. l participles pilá contra pílo , Lith. Nsg. galvà but Dsg. gálvai . End stressed forms here contained laryngeal. The retraction did not operate if the laryngeal followed the second component of a diphtong: *tenh 2uʢós > Latv. tie vs "thin" or if the root contained Dehnstufe: *mēmsóm > S Cr. m so , OInd. māmsám; *h 2ōuʢióm > S Cr. j je. The retraction also did not occur if the laryngeal preceded the syllable nucleus (i.e. it was the part of syllable onset) : *ph 3iléh 2 > Rus. pilá . 471 PIE system of obstruents and its development into the individual branches is described in Kortlandt 1978:. OInd. Greek and Latin lost glottalization in early period, developed the opposition of voiceless:voiced (t:d:d h), new t h in Old Indic developed from *tH, in Greek from d h. In Latin the voicednes was phonetically redundant, therefore voiced obsturent dissimilated: ð:d:t. Armenian system deaspirated voiced aspirated so that the opposition t:dd h > t:d, voiceless was weakened. Germanic obtained voiced stop form PIE voiced aspirate and a voiced variant of fricative due to the Verner's law. Generally, loss of aspiration was an inovation of PIE dialects as well as the disintegration of preglottalized obstruents into laryngeal and buccal part. The early loss of glottalization and early loss of aspiration depended on the dialects. Opposition voiced:unvoiced is the later development due to the loss of glottalization of aspiration. The original absence of voicedness is preserved in Anatolian languages and Tocharian. 472 Kortlandt 1996:53. 473 Kortlandt 1988:9. 474 Kortlandt 1988d. 137 in Slavic the glottal stop was lost with compensatory lengthening of a preceding vowel in pretonic and posttonic syllable. Under stress and in the first postonic syllable the loss of glottal stop lead to the rise of new timbre distinction. Presence or absence of glottal stop is reflected as short and long reflexes of long vowels. This state is preserved in Serbian Croatian, e.g. short ě and a in j buka where short a is a reflex of glottalic feature (this is proved in Latv. âbuõls. Long vowels without glottal stop were not shortened in Slavic, therefore are also long in S Cr, e.g.1sg. sigm. aor. dònije h contra donèsoh "brought" and also in original root nouns r ječ "word", ž r "live coals" , č r "magic". Ebeling's law stress was retracted from a final open syllable unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent. Therefore, we have ending stressed forms in Lith. Nsg galvà Proofs of glottal stop from other IE languageslanguages:476 Proto Germanic preglottalized stops Proto Germanic preglottalized voiced stops * Ȥb, * Ȥd, * Ȥg were devoiced to * Ȥp, * Ȥt, * Ȥk (or the combination glottal stop + C). 477 PGmc preglottalized stops which underwent weakening are reflected as preaspiration in Icelandic, e.g. epli /e hpli/ "apple", vatn /va htn/ "water". 478 Another proofs are the preglottalization in western Danish dialect - vestjysk st ød 479 , Swedish gemination, e.g. skepp "hip", OE scip (gemination due to the assimilation of glottal stop and plosive) 480 . Geminaniton of Germanic "k" before "j" and "w" can also be observed in ON lykkja "coil", bekkr "brook". 481 Old glottal stop is inserted before tautosyllabic voiceless plosive in standard English dialects, e.g. /leaȤp/, /helȤp/. 482 Old High German Second Lautverschiebung gives geminates and fricatives, e.g. OHG offan "open", wazzar "water" due to the process of glottal 475 Kortlandt 1975:5 6; Derksen 1995:78. 476 The overview and proofs in Kortlandt 1985b. 477 Kortlandt 1997a. 478 Kortland 2003, Kortlandt 2007:3. It means that in Proto Scandinavian there were no voiced obstruents. 479 Kortlandt 1988e, Kortlandt 2009b:3, Kortlandt 2009c. The intonation is before p, t, k_[+voiced][+stress] 480 Kortlandt 1997b, Kortlandt 2007:3 481 Kortlandt 1996, Kortlandt 2007:3. 482 Kortlandt 1997,b Kortlandt 2003c, Kortlandt 2007:3. Proto Germanic * helȤp > Engl. helȤp (continuation of glottal stop), OHG helpfan, Ic. hjál hpa , Vestjysk hjæl'b, also Kortlandt 1997, 2000. 138 stop oralization and assimilation to the following fricative 483 (the original Ȥp, Ȥt, Ȥk > pf, ts, kch).484 Other languages Glottalization in Latin, Greek and Old Indic was lost in early stage but the proofs of glottalization are Lachmann's law in Latin, the etymology of Greek numerals 485 and Lubotsky's law in Old Indic. In Indo Iranic, the difference between glottalic and voiced aspirate is preserved in passive participle: OInd. yuktáh "joined (* ȤCC > CC ), dugdháh "milked" ( VCD hV > VDD hV ). Avestan dugdar "daughter" < * gHt where the intervening laryngeal blocked the effect of glottalization and weakened the following stop: * ȤgHt >* gHd .486 Kortlandt's history of Slavic acceaccentuationntuation Kortlandt dealt heavily with the relative chronology of accentual changes from PIE to separate Slavic languages. Starting with his book 1975, several articles has been devoted to the development of Slavic accentuation (1978), the complete development from PIE to Slavic (1983/1994, corrected version 2002), culminating in the development of West Slavic accentuation (2009, to be printed in 2010). The "classical Kortlandt" dealt with the assumption of the disappearance of laryngeals in different positions of the word. We must bear in mind that what Kortlandt means with laryngeal is phonetically a glottal stop. The following lines back to Kortlandt 1975, 1977 and 1983/1994/2002 if other works are not quoted. Kortlandt assumes that after separation of Proto Slavic from Baltic the laryngeals were lost in pretonic syllables, e.g. *golȤȤȤȤwàȤ > *golwàȤ . Analogically they were eliminated in barytone forms of mobile paradigm. This is Meillet's law which explains the loss of acute forms in Slavic mobile paradigm (apart from Lithuanian ones). I think that such explanation is logical because we dismiss various analogical and neutralisation developments and Slavic circumflex 483 Kortlandt 2007:4. 484 Kortlandt's system of PGmc obstruents was challenged by Perridon (2008). He considers glottal stop insertion in English as a recent phenomenon, that the Vestjysk stød is the result of glottal reinforcement of unaspirated stops in the 14th century, the Scandinavian preaspiration appeared after the breakup of Proto Norse. Perridon also proposes a different chronology of changes. Perridon's approach was recently challenged by Kortlandt (2010). I do not want to go into details. 485 Kortlandt 1983c, e.g. *dk'mtóm >* Ȥdk'mtóm > Gr. hekatón. 486 Kortlandt 1978:18. 139 is just the absence of a laryngeal. This also fits into general Kortlandt's postulation of what acute and circumflex is (see above). The loss of laryngeals also happened in postpost posttonicposttonic positionposition. The exception is the first posttonic syllable where the laryngeal is not lost. The post posttonic syllable is long (laryngeal causes compensatory lengthening). In Slovene, the long vowel in final syllable causes neocircumflex on the preceding syllable, e.g. *osnòvā > osnNj va. IlličIllič Svityč'sSvityč's law occured in Early Middle Slavic. It caused the generalization of Accentual mobility in masculine o stems with non acute intonation, e.g. * zNj bъ. After the Illič Svityč's law, the Pedersen's lawlaw (in Slavic) operated. It cause the stress retraction from internal syllables of mobile paradigms, as seen in Russian vódu, ná vodu . Also from barytone forms of mobile paradigms the stress was retracted which yielded falling tone. Other vowels which were stressed became rising. Late Middle Slavic was characterised by Dolobko'sDolobko's law where barytone forms of mobile paradigms retracted stress to clitics. Metathesis of liquids. Lengthening under acute (apparent lengthening) as in Cz. rádlo <*àrȤdla is the proof that laryngeal was still a segmental phoneme. 487 Length is due to the lengthening before tautosyllabic resonant which occured before metathesis. Rise of the new timbre distinctions. As said above, Kortlandt claims that in posttonic syllable the laryngeal was lost without compensatory lengthening. In stressed syllable, glottal stop become a feature of the preceding vowel. Phonetically, it should be something like Latvian Brechton. The timbre distinction now should be rellevant because "acute" and short vowels were considered different: *wy Ȥdra "otter" x * sъ to "hundred". Quantitative differences in pretonic position were now reinterpreted as the differences in timbre. Pretonic vowels are reflected as short, e.g. *ronka’ > *rNjka > Cz. ruka or * mali Ȥna > Cz. malina. Serbian Croatian reflect length but this would be due to the analogical transfer from some other barytone forms (Asg rûku). Posttonic long vowel were not shortened because they caused neocircumflex in Slovene: *òsnowā "base" >Slov. osnNj va or * žènamī > žen mi . Short pretonic and long posttonic vowels in mobile paradigms alternated and this lead to the unification of quantity either long or short vowel was generalised SCr. long: go lūb "pigeon", ž lūd "acorn", l būd "swan", o blāst "region" but Czech holub, žalud, labuť , oblast .488 Those forms were originally mobile. If the substantives belonged to the fixed stress 487 Kortlandt 2009/2010. 488 Kortlandt 1983:13. 140 paradigm (barytona), the long vowel was retained: SCr. mj sēc , Cz. měsíc "month", SCr. p nēz, Cz. peníz "coin", SCr. j strēb , Cz. jestřáb "hawk", SCr. p ūk , Cz. pavouk "spider". Van Wijk's law operated. Phoneme "j" was lost after consonants with compensatory lengthening of the following vowel: * woljaȤ "will" > wòľā Young Proto Slavic faced contraction in posttonic syllables and retraction of the stress from fifinalnal yers. TThe example of this retraction can be Gpl * gorъ > Slov . go r . This retraction should create long vowels and which should spread into Gpl of other forms. Kortlandt distinguishes several layers of analogical quantity generalizations: West Slavic, Ukrainian and Čakavian generalized length in monosyllabic stems before the merger of stressed acute vowels with other short rising vowels. So according to Kortlandt, acute was still quantitative neutral and the forms could escape analogical lengthening, e.g. Cz Gpl krav .489 As we will see further, the postulation cannot be correct because it does not explain why just "krav" and not "hlín " escaped analogical lengthening. Dybo's law occured. Stress shifted from the rising vowel to the following syllable which obtained a falling tone. Final yers already lost their stressability and could not receive stress. 490 Late Proto Slavic faced acutecute (glottalic) was lost and yielded rising short rising intonation.intonation Lengthening of short falling vowels in monosymonosyllablellablesllables,s e.g. S Cr. b g, d n. Stang's law. Retraction of stress from long falling vowels in final syllables. Long falling vowels were shortenedshortened, e.g. *s rd ce >S Cr. sr ce . Monosyllables and first syllable of the disyllabic forms in S Cr and Slovene escaped shortening, e.g. S Cr. b g , Asg. ru ku. 491 Disintegrating Slavic had the following changes: Czech lengthening rule (see later) Slovene circumflex shift Slovene neocircumflex Lengthening of stressed short vowels in nonnon finalfinal syllables in Slovene they received rising tone, e.g. lé to . 489 Kortlandt 1978:283. 490 This is one of the problematic part of Kortlandt's chronology. Kortlandt thinks that *kòn > **kon because yers were already stressless due to the retraction of stress from final yers. So stress simply remained on its position, as reflected in Slovene kònj. The problem is that Kortlandt has to suppose later lengthening as in Cz. kůň. My interpretation is different, see later. 491 Kortlandt means that tonal distinctions were lost in North Slavic. When the final yers were lost, the new long vowel occured befored devoiced obstruent in Polish, e.g. bóg (Kortlandt 2009/2010). The problem is that they do not occur before other voiceless obstruents. It means that at the time of lengthening the obstruents (as in * bog ) must have been voiced. 141 6.2.9.3. Garde Garde has contributed largely to the problems of Balto Slavic accentology. His works are devoted not only to various aspects of Balto Slavic and especially Slavic accentology 492 but also to the general accentology. 493 Garde's general idea that "L'accent d'un mot n'est que la réalisation des virtualités accentuelles des morphèmes qui le composent" 494 is similar to the concept developed by Dybo and is the central theme of Garde's monumental work on Slavic accentuation from 1976. Both authors advocate the accentual marks of morphemes, distribution of the flective lexemes in accentual paradigms and their characterization as "courbe accentuelle, akcentnaya krivaya": a certain disposition of the accent in flexion. Garde 1976 based his book on the MAS conceptions. He modified the conception of dominant and recessive morphemes. The flexion can be seen as a combinaton of "thèmes forts" T, "thèmes faibles" t, "désinences fortes" D, "désinences faibles" d. The fixed paradigm would be characterised by 'T D, 'T d, mobile paradigms by t 'D or 'td combinations. 495 The thèmes forts could be aigus T or non aigus T thus explaining the Lithuanian paradigms AP1 and Slavic APa, and and Lithuanian AP2 and Slavic APb. A Slavic APc and LIthuanian AP3 and AP4 would have the thème faible (in Lithuanian theme faible aigus or non aigus), while Slavic mobile paradigm is characterised by t 'D and 't d combinations. Garde constructs unaccented words as having the accen on the first syllable (p. 80). The same principle as for "thèmes" and "désinences" applies for "radicaux" R, r and suffixes S, s radicaux fort aigus are Lithuanian AP1 and Slavic APa, radicaux fort non aigus are Lith. AP2 and Slavic APb while radicaux faibles are Lithuanian AP3 and AP4 and Slavic APc. Garde synchronically describes the Balto Slavic prosodic system as an interaction of of the dominancy and recessivity of root, suffix and desinences. The inherent properties of morphemes are independent of the tonal characteristics. Garde is heavily dependent on Dybo's material, also in his description of the accentuation of derivates which are also results of the interaction of dominancy and recessivity. Suffixes can be dominants forts (S+) resulting in the fixed suffixal accent in a paradigm, e.g. Lith. béržas > beržýnas ), dominants faibles (s+, e.g. ámžius "age" > ámžinas "eternity") in the weak stems and in mobile paradigms, suffixes dominants négatifs (s , brólis "brother" > bróliškas "fraternal") which switch accent back to the root (preaccenting) ordinaires suffixes forts (S, e.g. véjas "wind" > véjuotas "windy"), 492 Garde 1966a, 1966b, 1974 (comprised in Garde 2006) 493 Garde 1965/2006 and especially the famous L'accent (1968) being still a user friendly introduction to various synchronic aspects of prosody. Garde 1990 is a short introduction to the basic principles of post Stang accentology (Dutch school is excluded), also in Garde 1976/2006. 494 Garde 1965/2006:89. 495 p.19. 142 combined with strong roots giving root accent, combined with weak roots giving suffixal accent and suffixes ordinaires faibles (s), e.g. Rus. goróch "pea" > goróchovyj "pea like". 496 Garde also tries to reconstruct the development of Balto Slavic accentual system up to the modern ones. 497 Garde proposes that the forms inaccentuables were reaccentuated in different languages. Basically it means that the réaccentuation is the default stress was docked on the initial syllable of an unaccented form. In Lithuanian, this was anterior to the de Saussure's law and the tone neutralization in unstressed syllables. In Slavic the neutralization occured in the pretonic and unstressed forms (Meillet's law in Garde's formulation), final long vowels were shortened before the fall of yers. Dybo's law (Illič Svityč's law in Garde's formulation) occured only in East and South Slavic dialects. West Slavic had shorten the pretonic and unstressed syllables. Garde sticks to the classical theory that acute was shortened but that the Kashubian preserved the Proto Slavic accentual system better. 498 Garde consider Balto Slavic acute to be a reflection of a syllable with laryngeal coda while Balto Slavic circumflex should reflect the syllables with a laryngeal in non coda position or without a laryngeal. Strong and weak syllables are also applied to Old Indic and Greek accentual system. Garde's lengthy publication is the first systematic account of Balto Slavic accentuation. Garde's concept was criticised by Kortlandt 1978 (criticism of the absence of Dybo's law in West Slavic, réaccentuation as a mixed bag of changes and lack of Baltic data supporting the unstressed forms etc). Kortlandt also proposed his own chronology of accentual changes in Slovincian (see earlier in this dissertation). Another criticism came from Halle & Kiparsky 1981 who also proposed their alternative theory which was criticised by Kortlandt 1983 (see further). 6.2.9.4. Halle and Kiparsky's theories Both Halle and Kiparsky wrote several papers where they wanted to apply modern phonological theories to the development of PIE and Balto Slavic accentuation. Their theories are characterised by the large omission of the general accentological literature or their misinterpretation and almost total supression of counterevidence. None of the theories has found an acceptance among accentologists but on the contrary, they are quite frequently 496 Garde 1976:55 68. 497 p.189 297. 498 p.189 295. 143 quoted by the phonologists who are generally not competent in historical linguistics and accentual problems of Balto Slavic languages. Halle 1971 posited several ordered rules to describe principles of Slavic accentuation: H assignment place a feature [+H] on a vowel in the word H distribution place a feature [+H] on all vowels to the left of the vowel marked [+H] by H assigment rule Vowel truncation delete a vowel followed by a vowel Stress assignment place stress on the rightmost vowel marked [+H]; if there is no such vowel, on the first vowel in the word Neutralization assign [ H] to all unstressed vowels, convert unstressed [o, a, e] > [i] after soft consonants, and > [e] elsewhere Neoacute rule assign [+R] to the long vowel in the pre H positon So e.g. accentuation of * stolъ *stola in Russian begins as follows: stolъ stola +H +H H assignment +H +H H distribution 0 Yer deletion o a Stress placement H Neutralizaton stól stalá Halle also posited [+R] neoacute rule, which should assigh the feature [+R] to stressed vowel. An example of that rule can be the the Lpl of Croatian Noví dialect krovĩh 499 : krovīhъ +H H assignment +H +H H distribution +R Neoacute 0 Yer deletion ī Stress assignment H Neutralization krovīh Output Štokavian Slavonian nõž can be interpreted as follows: nož Gsg noža +H H assignment +H +H H distribution ō Stress assignment +R Neoacute 0 Yer deletion +H nõž Output + stress nóža Output 499 Simplified after Halle1970:9. 144 For Slovene, Halle proposes a Stress assignment rule,rule, that puts stress to the penultimate vowel with [+H]: Slov. žę na contra Štok. žèna and Noví žen .500 Halle explains the difference between Štok. l pa and Slovene lĩpa with diffferent operation of H assignment rule in Štokavian, the [+H] is placed on the stem vowel, in Slovene, the [+H] is put on the next syllable ( līpa ) +H To explain the differences between Slovene Nsg r k (short) and Gpl lîp (long), Halle posits a special rule that lengthens stressed vowel in nonfilnal syllable or, there is no shortening rule in Slovene: rakъ līpъ +H +H The falling tone in Gpl lîp can be explained by Metatony rule 501 , which changes [+H] in the last syllable of the word to [ H]. This rule, however, cannot explain the forms like Isg lîpo , gorõ . Halle posits a rule that assigns [+R] to the stressed vowel in certain cases (e.g. Isg fem) of nouns with circumflex stems. This is another variant of metatony. The purpose of the Metatony rule is also to block the rule that would put rising tone in non final syllable, like Štokavian žèna. After application of Metatony rule we have Slovene že na. The whole interpretation of accetuation in Russian, Štokavian, Čakavian and Slovene is therefore interpreted as a set of ordered rules. 502 Kiparsky and Halle 1977 reduced the number of ordering rules and posited three basic rule that can be applied on all Indo European languages that reflect the original accentual system. Kiparsky and Halle tried to show that Slavic, Lithuanian, Vedic and Greek use Deaccentuation rulerule,, Metatony rule and Basic accentuationaccentuation principle (B(BAP).AP). BAP is the easiest principle: 503 If a word has more than one accented vowel, the first of these gets the word accent. If a word has no accented vowel, the first vowel gets the word accent. 504 Deaccentuation rule is the rule causing a morpheme to deaccent the preceding string. 505 This morpheme specification is a part of lexical entry. Metatony rule causes retraction of the accent one or two syllable towards the word. 506 500 Halle 1970:9. 501 Halle 1970:14. 502 The whole schema of rules in Halle 1970:18. 503 For the sake of simplicity I omit formalised writing. The problem is that BAP was in fact postulated by Dybo (1968:148) because the Slavic circumflex is actually an intonatin of a word in an isolated position. When joined with a procilits, the ictus retracts to the beginning of the phonological word. 504 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:209. 505 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:210. 506 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:221. 145 There are also three kinds of morphemes: unaccented, accented and preaccenting (they cause retraction of accent to preceding vowel and trigger Metatony rule). 507 Using those principles, Kiparsky and Halle are able to describe various accentual phenomena in individual Indo European languages. So e.g. Sanskrit athematic forms we have forms with fixed stress (Dsg bhr tre, Asg bhr tram, Vsg bhr tar ) and mobile stress (Dsg duhitré, padé, Asg duhitáram, p dam , Vsg. dúhitar, p d ). Stems in fixed paradigm are inherently stressed while those stems in mobile paradigm lack accent in their underlying representation. However, suffix in Dsg é is inherently accented. Combined with unaccented stem like duhitr the only accented morpheme is the suffix and according to BAP the word is accented on the ending. When the accented suffix gets together with inherently accented stem (like in bhr tr ), the "dominancy" of the stem inhered accetunation prevails and according to BAP the word is stem stressed. Suffixes of Asg am are inherently unaccented, therefore the whole word is accented on the stem irrelevantly of the accentual paradigm duhitáram, p dam, bhr tram . Vocative undergoes Deaccentuation rule, therefore BAP causes the stress to be on the first syllable. 508 There are also two kinds of suffixes Class I suffixes not triggering Deaccentuation of the base 509 accented suffixes: aśvanām> ásvānām; devanām > H H H H H dev nām ; unaccented suffixes ( vant ) aśvavantīnām > ášvavatīnām "having horses"; H H H padvantīnām > padvanīn m "having feet". H Class II suffixes trigger Deaccentuation of the base 510 : metationizing suffixes ( ta ): bandhutānām > bandhútānām "relationship"; agnitānām >agnítānām "firehood"; H H H H accented suffixes ( in) aśvinīnam > aśvínīnām "having horses"; pak inīnām > pa inīnām "having wings" H H H H H The same principle should operate in Lithuanian, where BAP caused initial accent in strong cases of unaccented stems Asg dùkterį, móterį with the extension to unaccented stems in all declensions: gálva, várna. 507 Kiparsky & Halle 209. 508 Similarly for pumā s "man" Dsg pu sé, Asg púmā sam, Vsg púman. 509 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:213. 510 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:212. 146 Russian, as an type of Slavic languages, has modified Metatony rule (suffixes triggering that rule must be accented) and also Post Stem Accentuation Rule (PAR). Especially oxytone paradigms are those subjected to PAR, like Dsg. konjú, Npl sadý etc. Metatony rule accents the vowel preceeding accented suffix. This contrasts singular and plural forms, e.g. kolbasá, kolbasý but kolbásy, kolbásam . Singular forms are end stressed by PAR, plural forms by PAR and Metatony rule. Kiparsky himself tried to deal with Indo European accentuation from the synchronic point of view (Kiparsky 1973). His aim was to describe the inflectional accent of Sanskrit, Greek and Balto Slavic which would, according to Kiparsky, reflect the old accentual mobility. Kiparsky has several requirements at the background of his analysis: the acute:circumflex contrast, the thematization of stems with the subsequent stress stabilisation, the accentual properties of derivational and inflectional suffixes. The solution to the existence of those phenomena are, according to Kiparsky, explained by a system of rules. For example Greek situation presupposes two types of words basically accented and basically unaccented. 511 Strong cases are presuffixally accented while weak cases have a poststem accent. The accent applies to moras, so presuffixal accent is actually the accent on the last mora of a stem in athematic and on the last mora of the theme vowel in thematic stems, like pód a "foot" but phug eé n (phug n) "flight". Poststem accent is the accent on the first mora of a case suffix in athematic and the first mora of the theme vowel in thematic stems, like podós but phug ée s (phugē s). The recessive accent rule is the rule that shifts the accent to the right to left at the 1 end of derivation: V →[ acc] /_X 0C0V0 C0#. The unaccented stems should be characterised by two rules: V →[+acc] /stem+C 0___ in weak cases and V →[+acc] /(a)__C 0 + (Case) for 512 strong cases. / (b) # C0 The Sanskrit should be characterised by the inherently accented stems (athematic and thematic stems with fixed stress) and inherently unaccented stems (mobile, if athematic and fixed stress, if thematic). For example unaccented athematic athematic stem are the forms of p d au "foot" (strong stem), padí (weak stem); the accented athematic stem are the forms of g v au "cow" (strong stem) and gávi (weak stem). Thematic stems can also be unaccented dev á au, dev á i "god" or acccented áśv a au, áśv a i. Sanskrit accentual system has the same rules as Greek, but the rules apply to moras in Greek and to syllables in Sanskrit. 513 511 Kiparsky (1973:802) 512 Kiparsky (1973:804). 513 ibid p. 820. 147 As for Lithuanian, the strong paradigmatic cases of mobile stems have word initial accent (if not shifted to the right by the de Saussure's law), the weak cases have word final accent. Kiparsky thinks that the Balto Slavic (or Baltic) mobility in thematic stems appeared when the PIE thematic oxytona adopted marginal mobility, as observed in Lithuanian: APl. * galv s > *gálv s, Ipl galv mis > *galv ā mís . Lithuanian mobilia are concerned to be original oxytona, they are mobile due to the abovementioned rules. Kiparsky does not consider probable that a small group of athematic mobile nouns could influence the thematic oxytona (Pedersen's law). 514 Thanks to the marginal mobility the weak paradigmatic cases have circumflexed ending and the strong cases acute one (due to the de Saussure's law). The unsolved puzzle from Kiparsky's analysis remains: what was the motivation of marginal mobility in Balto Slavic and why Balto Slavic switched from rightward to leftward accent spread. Kiparsky 1984 modified the above mentioned rules. BAP is not considered to be a single rule any more, but as a separate processes that applies at different levels in the lexical phonology of Sanskrit. 515 Moreover, apart from the stems with fixed and movale stems he distinguishes accented and preaccenting derivational suffixes 516 and inflectional endings. Derivational suffixes are treated as dominant (they impose their accent pattern on both unaccented and the accented stems) and recessive (also all inflectional suffixes are to be taken as recessives). Kiparsky also distinguisthes neutral suffixes. 517 Again, Kiparsky completely omits that the same terms were first adduced by Dybo (1973) and "rediscovers" the same principles. The whole schema of morpheme interaction is framed in the lexical phonology. BAP is cyclic and apply to "early" suffixes at the lower level as well as to "later" suffixes at higher level.. So e.g. the way from the underived lexical entry /puru a/ to pur átānām leads via two levels with the following rules 518 : Level 1: BAP 1: púru a, suffixation: púru a+tá , Accent deletion: puru á+tá; Level 2: suffixation: puru á+tā+n m , BAP 2: puru á+tā+nām, Output: puru átānām . Just to note that at the Level 2 the influence of ablaut can also play role and together with BAP can both phonological processes lead to the accent shift. Barytona are 514 ibid. p. 828. 515 Rule 1: if there is no accented syllable, the first syllable receives the ictus. Rule 2: the first accented syllable receives the ictus (Kiparsky 1984:202). Alas, this formulation is the precisely the one found in Dybo 1968 and especially 1981. No mention is done about Dybo. 516 Preaccenting suffixes move the accent backwards, e.g. pad ás > pádas , or cause deaccentuation first: púru a + tā > puru átā "human nature". 517 Neutral suffixes have no influence on the position of accent. If they are combined with an accented stem, the resulting form is accented on the same syllable as in the original stem: d sa "slave" + ī > d sī "female slave". If the neutral suffixes are added to an unaccented stem, the resulting form is also unaccented: ad "ead" + ant > adant "eating". The final accentuation is then formed by BAP > adán(t). 518 Simplified according to Kiparsky 1984:208. 148 treated as being unmarked forms which have constant stress pattern assigned by BAP to stems without any marked lexical accent. Kortlandt versus Halle & Kiparsky A long year controversy started when both Kortlandt and Halle & Kiparsky reviewed Garde's Histoire de l'accentuation slave (1976). 519 The main points of diagreement can be summarised as follows: 1. The nature of acute: Halle & Kiparsky posit acute as a High tone 520 while Kortlandt takes acute as glottal stop. The pretonic APb forms are assigned as LH tone, so *trNjba should have the tonal structure LH.H in West Slavic but L.HH in East and South Slavic , while circumflex forms APc would have L tone, thus *rNj ka would have LH structure both in West and in South and East Slavic (although it is not clear if Halle and Kiparsky presupposes the long root vowel. 521 2. Halle & Kiparsky stick to the traditional view that the contrast acute circumflex reflects a contrast between PIE long and short vowels. Long vowels should develop H tone and while short vowels should obtain LH tone (circumflex). Kortlandt explains the origin of acute from the sequence syllable nucleus+final laryngeal/voiced obstruent backing his claim on the comparative evidences and Winter's law. 522 3. The mechanism of de Saussure's law: Halle & Kiparsky formulate de Saussure's law as a tone flop rule which detaches a High tone and links it to the next tone bearing phoneme. De Saussure's law operates before BAP and affects a stage in the derivation where the words might have several High tones and accents. 523 As Kortlandt remarks, this is nothing new because almost the same proposal was put forward by the de Saussure himself. 4. Halle & Kiparsky posit the following types of accent rules (p. 174): tone association 524 , tone assignment 525 , BAP, melody simplification 526 , Lithuanian has also de Saussure's law and non final lengthening. Latvian has tonal distinction only on the initial syllables where the ictus appears due to the BAP. Apart from the fact that such characteristics of Baltic tonal system is simplified, Kortlandt also admits that the Latvian system that H&K use is the 519 Kortlandt 1978, Halle & Kiparsky 1981, Kortlandt 1983. 520 Halle & Kiparsky 1981:164. 521 p. 178. 522 Halle & Kiparsky 1981:165, Kortlandt 1983:30. 523 Halle & Kiparsky 1981:171. 524 Each tone bearing phoneme is associated with at least one tone. Each tone must be asspociated with at least one tone bearing phoneme. Association lines cannot cross.(p.163). 525 Assign LH to short syllables and H to long syllables (p. 165). 526 Eliminate L when H is associated with the same phoneme (p.166). 149 simplified standard language situation and the authors give no explanation for the appearance of a glottalic tone in unaccented syllables, the reversal of LH to HL melody in circumflex syllables or the merger of the falling tone with the rising tone with broken tone in Western Latvian dialects. 527 5. Halle & Kiparsky also claim that the unaccented syllables in Slavic were neutralised and uniformly obtained L tone. 528 Kortlandt opposes that the problem of quantity in posttonic syllables is more complex. West Slavic has different quantities in originally unaccented syllables, e.g. Cz. holub < *g lNjb (APc) versus měsíc *mě sę c (APa) which is contrary to what H&K claim. South Slavic dialects show also the difference, as in S Cr. kr vār "cowherd" and Slovene kr var, where the neocircumflex reflects the original posttonic length. 529 6. The mechanism of Dybo's law, which I described elsewhere and will not repeat here. 7. The lack of chronology: Halle & Kiparsky posit only a just a bulk of rules without any chrononological perspective. They do not discuss the reflection of acute in separate languages (e.g.the transformation of H tone to length in Standard Czech, the preservation if pretonic length, e.g. Czech tráva etc.). Kortlandt, on the other hand, developed a detailed chronology of accentual changes from PIE to separate languages While Kiparsky resigned to deal with PIE and Balto Slavic accentology since late 1980s, Halle returned twice to the problem of PIE and Slavic accentuation. 530 Halle (1997) adopted metrical stress theory as an explanation of accentual changes. 531 Instead of Stang's accentual paradigms, Halle posits his own variant of paradigms: (A) accented, as in Russian goróch, (B) postaccenting, as in Russian Dpl korolám, (C) unaccented, as in Russian górodu, gorodám, where stress is determined by the case endings and unaccented forms obtain the initial stress by BAP. The terms postaccenting and unaccented were already used in Halle & Kiparsky (1981). Halle again operates with rules which should explain the behaviour of isolated examples without any reference to historical continuity. Russian should have the 527 Kortlandt 1983:31. 528 Halle & Kiparsky 1981:174. 529 Kortlandt 1983:32 32, reconstructed forms from Derksen 2008. 530 The Vedic prosodic system from the point of metrical phonology is also a part of Halle & Vergnaud (1987) article. 531 Halle & Vergnaud (1987) developed a metrical theory by means of bracketed grids. Brackets are projected and inserted to grids by various operations (grids were massively applied to the surface structure of words and phrases by Prince 1983). Idsardi (1992, the work not available to me, I quote from Halle & Idsardi 1995) eliminated feet and introduced stress bearing marks denoted by asterisks as a representation of stress bearing segments. Asterisks are grouped into larger units by brackets. Such groups can be similar to feet but feet do not play any role in that theory. The position of stress bearing units is only determined by the brackets. Idsardi's work was not accessible to me but the theory was presented in Halle & Idsardi (1995). The theory was also applied to PIE accentuation by Kim (2002). 150 retraction rule which would cause the retraction of stress one syllable to the left. This is the Halle's explanation of neoacute: 532 * line 2 (* * line 1 * * (* * * (* (* *) line 0 kolbasami → kolbá sa mi Halle thinks that the similar rule also operated in Sanskrit and even in PIE. This is nonsense, of course, because neoacute rises due to the Stang's law which operated only in Late Slavic. Halle also posits another retraction rule the yer rule retraction which deletes the final yer which normally bear stress and subsequently the stress is retracted: 533 * * * (*) * (* (*) * (* () * (*) korolъ > korolъ > korol > korol No motivation for the yer deletion exists, apart from the fact that Halle posits a rule that causes the deletion. Serbian Croation should have undergone the High tone spreading rule causing Štokavian shift. The rules assign stress to the ending, if it is accented and if the stem is accentless. If the ending is unaccented, the stem obtains the accent: Russ. vodá vódu, S Cr. vòda (tone spreading rule), vo du . The problem rises in k st which requires another rule which would cause lengthening of the root syllable. According to Halle, the metrical system of Russian and Serbian Croatian (and basically Slavic) is computed by rules. Morphemes are distinctively accented and intotnational contrasts play only a superficial role. 534 On the other hand, the intonation contrast is an inherent property of long syllables in Baltic languages. Halle refutes to compare Baltic and Slavic intonations claiming that there is a mistake to use intonational properties such as acute, circumflex and neoacute to explain the phonological evolution of slavic languages. Although such statements might be puzzling, the fact that Baltic and Slavic acutes intonations are different have been established long before Halle by Dybo and Kortlandt. A special care is devoted to de Saussure's law which Halle postulates ony with the reference to the syllable structure (branching nucleus receives stress) and dispenses with the intonations. De Saussure's law is interpreted as a stress shift form a short syllable nucleus to the directly following long syllable nucleus. No wonder that such interpretation leads to the comparison of de Saussure's law with Dybo's law and this is what Halle does. 535 Dybo's law 532 Halle 1997:283. 533 ibid p. 284. 534 ibid. p. 290. 535 p. 297 299. 151 should create postaccenting stems in Slavic and is a not synchronic rule in contrast with de Saussure's law. The difference between postaccenting stems and other stems is a property of the lexical representation of stems. 536 It is therefore puzzling why Halle compares the mechanism of de Saussure's law and Dybo's law when he states that synchronically, Slavic has no counterpart of de Saussure's law. The only explanation seems that Dybo's law introduced inherently postaccenting stems into the lexicon. Halle also sticks to the Garde's proposal that Dybo's law did not operate in West Slavic and completely ignores Kortlandt's counterexamples (Kortlandt 1983). For Halle, the evolution of word initial strees in Slavic languages is no more than a replacement of rules. Rules are ordered without any phonological or morphological motivation. Halle also broadens his approach to the PIE accent ablaut classes 537 stating that stems in acrostatic paradigms have inherent accent, stems in mesodynamic and hysterokinetic paradigms are postacccenting and stems in holokinetic and proterokinetic paradigms are unaccented. Strong desinences are considered unaccented, weak desinences are accented. Moreover, Halle claims that there are two rules which modify the underlying accentual patterns: a retraction rule similar to the one causing neoacute in Slavic (retraction of stress from weak endings to the stem, visible in weak cases of the proterokinetic paradigm) and a rule that renders the suffix non stress bearing in the weak cases in hysterokinetic paradigm. 538 So all morphemes in the proto language were accented or unaccented and the final stress pattern was computed by rules. The same principle counts for Sanskrit, Baltic (the development of marked syllables with rising tone circumflex, unmarked syllables with falling tone acute, short) and East and South Slavic (the rise of postaccenting morphemes). Other IE languages lost the oposition accented/unaccented morphemes and received mostly stress on initial syllables. A special development is postulated for Greekwhich replaced the original accented/unaccented morphemes by his own accent rules. Halle 2001 basically continued with the abovementioned framework to explain West Slavic prosodic patterns. Curiously, Halle rejected the Garde's idea that Dybo's law did not operate in West Slavic (which he himself supported in previous papers). Now he made Dybo's law the central tenet of the Slavic accentual evolution. Dybo's law created postaccenting morphemes, then shortening of long vowes occured and the loss of accentual mobility in West Slavic occured. When the Dybo's law was subsequently lexicalised, the postaccenting 536 p. 298. 537 p. 309. 538 This idea underwent criticism by Frazier 2006. 152 morphemes appeared in languages with mobile stress. But mobility was lost in West Slavic (apart from Kashubian) and the only proof of that Dybo's law operated here is quantiy. According to Halle, all West Slavic languages preserved length in post accenting morphemes. 539 Those ideas were heavily criticised by Kortlandt (2003b) who opposes that acute and original pretonic long vowels were shortened, new long vowel arose in posttonic syllables and under stress before Dybo's law (everything within the detailed framework of Kortlandt's chronology). Dybo's law, of course, created a new pretonic quantitative contrast, the fact which Halle does not know. Kortlandt also criticises the Halle's proposal that Czech acute long vowels were not shortened in monosyllabic stems. 540 I agree with Kortlandt that they were shortened in Common Slavic and lenghtened later by the rule which I call Kortlandt's lengthening rule. That rule operated in Upper Sorbian and Czech dialects only. 541 Halle also claims that the West Slavic length proofs that West Slavic languages were subjected to Dybo's law. So the theoretical framework supposes a certain behaviour of data and data are explained due to the theoretical framework. The result is therefore circular. 542 Curiously, Halle uses metrical stress theory to explain the West Slavic accentuation but ignores the rhythmicity. As Kortlandt aptly remarks, Halle does not discus the shortening of the root vowel in Slovak vinár "wine grower" from víno "wine", although he adduces the words. 543 Should he consult the Czech counterpart vinař, he would be strucked by the fact that the distribution of length in derivates does not exceed three moras. This is actually the result of Bethin (1998) whom Halle quotes but completely ignores her account of Slavic rhythmicity. 6.2.9.5. Bethin and the rise of rhythmicity The influentian but most often ignored works by Bethin aspirate as a new standard of the description of mainly Late Proto Slavic prosodic development. Bethin 1998, 1998a. 539 p. 809. 540 Halle 2001:807, Kortlandt 2003:239. 541 Halle claims that Dybo's law generated unstressable vowels and those were immune to shortening therefore Slovak nouns belonging to former APb are long ( býk, súd ..), while accented vowels from former APa and APc were shortened ( dym, hrad ). Simply said, only stems that underwent Dybo's law were not shortened. On the other hand, Dybo's law should apply to all monosyllabic stems which would one time be all postaccenting (Halle 2001:808). I do not find this proposal convincing because it does not explain why we find doublets in in Old Czech.. 542 Kortlandt 2003b:239. 543 Halle 2007:806, Kortlandt 2003b:249. 153 characterises Late Proto Slavic as a system with high tone H, word stress * and distinctive quantity. Word stress is connected with the high tone, otherwise is default on the initial syllable of the phonological word. Quantity opposition is between one mora and two moras x . Accentuated word has a tone with redundant stress, ictus is a prominence of the tone or the stress and tone is a property of mora and it is an autosegment. Stress is a property of a syllable, it is independent of the tone and causes rhythmic pattern of the language. According to Bethin, in Late Common Slavic either tone or stress were chosen as a prominence or both of them were retained. 544 Tone and quantity (mora) are separated on independent tiers. Oxytona have H on monomoraic desinential syllable, there is no phonological pitch on an unaccented syllable. A word form can be either accented (H) or unaccented (non H) but stressed (initial default *). Rising contour (acute) is limited to bimoraic domain monosyllabic ( ) σ or bisyllabic H ( ) σ( ) σ, both forming bimoraic prosodic foot, because of the rising contour ( )σ or H ( ) σ( )σ . Barytona and oxytona are characterised by a bimoraic foot ( ) F while mobilia and oxytona by a bisyllabic foot (σσ) F prosodic domain. The prosodic situation of Late Proto Slavic can be illustrated as follows: 545 Autosegmental representation of * raɾkъ. The word belongs to APa and has an acute intonation on a long syllable (two moraic). As Bethin interprets acute as a rising intonation, the H tone is on the second mora. Stress (*) is on the first syllable but has no influence on the position of H tone. 544 Bethin 1998:272 545 Bethin 1998:123. Bethin accepts the Stang's distinction of accentual paradigms but she does not use them sticking to the classical terms acute, circumflex, oxytona. I hereby modify Bethin's terminology. 154 Autosegmental intepretation of * stolъ . The word belongs to APb and it is an oxytone. Bethin interprets the final rising tone as H tone associated with final mora. Autosegmental intepretation of * zNj bъ. The word belongs to APc with long circumflex intonation which is realized by the phonetic implementation of stress on the first long syllable. The prominence at the beginning of the word is interpreted as a falling pitch. Autosegmental intepretation of * vo zъ which is also APc but with short circumflex. Its realization is the same as in * zNj bъ. Phonological changes of Proto Slavic are characterised by the following constraints: 546 Sonority constraint vowel must not occupy the syllable margin;consonats must not occupy the syllable nucleus. Onset constraint syllables must have onsets. Explains Proto Slavic prothesis. No coda constraint syllables do not have codas. Explains monophtongization, metathesis, denasalisation. Moraic constraint in syllable final position are only moraic segments allowed. 546 Those are OT constraints, although Bethin does not use OT for her analysis. 155 The interaction of those constraints explain changes connected with the Law of open syllables (which has never been explained). 547 Due to the interaction of the above mentioned constraints, South Slavic kept moraic distinction within the syllable and also retained tone as the expression of prominence; the opposition between accented (with H) and unaccented (without H) was interpreted as one of quantity, some forms had tone prominence, others had quantity prominence this was organized into iambic groups in Slovene (progressive shift). Northern dialects made syllable itself is the carrier of prosody, primary marker of prominence was intensity, intersyllabic relations organized trochaically; where distinctions in quantity were possible quantity used either to maintain a trochaic metrical foot or to support stress within a metrical trochee. The important result of Bethin's work is the rise of bisyllabic domain in Late Proto-Slavic dialects which means that certain changes in that period took place within a two-syllable group, like contraction or compensatory lenghtening. 548 The reanalysis of the syllables happended before the loss of yers. Weak yers did not have an influence on the new syllable types. South Central dialects permitted maximally bimoraic syllables, (North) West Slavic could have two-moraic syllables and North East Slavic allowed only one moraic syllables (so there was no length contrast). Bethin 1998:143-144 observed that acute has a tendency to be long only in disyllabic forms and when the following vowel was short. This observation fits together with her conception of the bisyllabic domain rise in Late Proto-Slavic. It explains the quantity differences between víra-věř iti, kráva-kravami etc. It also means that the lengthening in Czech (e.g. due to the neoacute or due to the lengthening of original acute syllables) is not constrained by the syllable itself but by the neighbouring syllable. Here Bethin contradicts herself. On the one hand, she deals with the shortening of old acute length, on the other hand her explanation of Czech length in " kráva " would mean that another lengthening should have happened to support a trochaic structure in bisyllabic domain. I deal with bisyllabic domain in the chapters about compensatory lengtheing and Czech quantity. One of the Bethin's misinterpretation is the sticking to the intepretation of acute as a H tone. She must therefore suppose the acute shortening in West Slavic (p.127) which is wrong because data contradict to it. 547 p.28 111. 548 p.95. 156 6.2.9.6. Holzer and his chronology Holzer in a number of papers proposed an alternative relative chronology of Proto Slavic changes up to early Croatian. 549 Apart from it, he developed his own diacritics system which I do not follow here. Some basic facts from Holzer's chronology can be adduced here. Holzer (1999:41) interprets de Saussure's law as a degeneralization of Dybo's law and vice versa, Dybo's law as a generalizatio of de Saussure's law. Winter's law is used in Matasović's interpretation (Holzer 2001). Hirt's law should operate in Balto Slavic before the Meillet's and after the rise of APc in verbs. Hirt's law in nouns applied in original oxytona *grī 'vā, loss of oxytonesis and rise of unaccentness (on unknown reasons) lead to Hirt's law and analogically merged with *leípa (APa) which had the same accentuation. Proto Slavic had only one constant paradigm (a), Dybo's law is post Proto Slavic., e.g. Lat. Salōna > Cr. Sòlīn, Gsg Solína , which was borrowed to Slavic only after 600 AD and could be subjected to Dybo's law at that time. APc is considered unaccented. Unaccented syllables could have acute because later underwent Meillet's law, in Holzer term it is "Meillets Metatonie". Chronologically, Meillet's law is after metathesis of liquids, e.g. acute was lost before metathesis, laryngeal was lost before vowels and then due to the sound laws *arHaHtēiʢ > PSL.* arā teiʢ > Cr. òrati , Cz. orati . (Holzer 2005, 2007). APd already arised in Pre Proto Slavic as a result of tone erasure in initial non acute syllable in as forms, *zambas > *zambъ > Cr. zu b, *n ebas > *neba > Cr. n bo . It means that Proto Slavic had 3 accentual paradigms: a, c, d. (Holzer 2007). APc could appear if some forms shifted accent from ultima to penultima due to the Hirt's law: * wī tēiʢ > Cr. v ti . APc could be APc+ : root syllable contained a long nucleus, accented penultima, due to the Hirt's law sigmatic aorist and infinitive (* wī chъ) or APc : short nucleus in a root syllable *wilkъ > Cr. vûk, here Hirt's law operated in G, L Du and G, I pl: *wilkъ , *wilkū or APc 0: all other paradigmatic variants, do not provide any information if the root/stem syllable was acute, no Hirt's law apart from the retraction to the acute stem syllable, e.g. *gal'vā mъ, *gal'vā mi, *gal'vā chъ, to to root syllable. (Holzer 2007). Originally long vowels were long in Proto Slavic, the shortening became only after the breaking of Proto Slavic. Stang's law is called Ivšić's law and is split into two parts. 550 Ivšič's law 1 caused stress retraction from a long non acute vowel to a long vowel with the neoacute result (this is the 549 Various details in Holzer 1995, 1998, 1999, 2001, 2005 and 2007. 550 Holzer 2005:52 54. 157 real Stang's law). Ivšić's law 2 caused stress retraction from a weak final yer, e.g. * bobъ > S Cr. bo b . Holzer's chronology also incorporates Kapović's Moragesetze 551 : Zwei Moren Gesetz 552 : two moras before long stressed syllable are shortened, e.g. *ję zyɾkъ > *języɾkъ . The process remains unexplained by both Kapović and Holzer. Moreover, Kapović does not distinguish paradigmatic and derivative length, e.g. Cz . trouba trubice .553 Vier Silben Gesetz is described as the shortenind of posttonic length in the second syllabe of quadrisyllabic words 554 , e.g. Štok. p ūk p učina , Cz. pavouk pavučina. Holzer also considers acute originally long and shortened 555 , also by Dreisilbengesetz 556 by which length in the first syllable (which was stressed) was shortened in three or more syllable forms which did not contain yer in the penultima, e.g. *mlādost >S Cr. ml dōst. 557 6.2.9.7. Jasanoff versus Kortlandt 1 558 Jasanoff had recently started to be involved in Balto Slavic accentology which culminates in his own interpretation of Balto Slavic mobility origin. Concerning acute and circumflex 559 , Jasanoff thinks that PIE long vowels are observed in the original Dehnstufe (s aorist, vrddhi derivates, Szemerényi's law), in the contraction syllables (Npl o stems * ōs < *o es), as a result of compensatory lengthening after the syllable loss, e.g. 1sg thematic verbs * oh 2 >* ō from the laryngeal hiatus contraction (Npl a stems * ās <* ah 2es. S aorist, vrddhi derivates, *ph 2tēr type from Szemerényi's law and Npl o stems could have had ictus. 560 The original state was modified in separate languages. Concerning Germanic, Jasanoff postulates the classical thremoraic vowel from VHV, as in Gpl *ō m with the opposition of bimoric vowels in final syllables. 561 Balto Slavic had also have the inherited oposition of long:hypelong vowels as well as the new long vowels from *VRH and *VHi/u sequences: *golHuʢaH >*gōluʢā, *poHimon >*pōimon. 562 Balto Slavic also developed a new markedness opposition, long unmarked > checked (glottalic) long 551 Kapović 2005. 552 Holzer 2005:55. 553 Kapović 2005:91. 554 Kapović 2005:107., Holzer 2005:57. 555 Holzer 2008 considers acute a segment without a suprasegmental level. Kapović is not quoted anymore. 556 Holzer 2005:61. 557 See Kortlandt 2007a for the criticism and comparison of the detailed Holzer's chronology (not adduced here) with his own. 558 Jasanoff versus Kortlandt 2 has been dealt in the chapter of Balto Slavic because although thematically it belongs there, chronologically followed the Jasanoff's idea about the origin of acute and circumflex. 559 Jasanoff 2004. 560 p. 247 248. 561 p. 250. 562 p. 251. 158 marked versus hyperlong unmarked >long unmarked. Checked (Jasanoff's term for glottalic) feature began to be contrastive. Checked vowels could be acute (independent of ictus), accented checked vowels should develop a rising tone while accented unchecked vowel would be falling. 563 Lithuanian acuteness is the loss of glottalization developenas an abstract feature marking the first mora. Latvian reflex of "checked" is the broken tone. Jasanoff's proposal was criticised by Kortlandt 2004 (criticism of the unsupported length of Gpl *ō m, Balto Slavic broken tone as a reflex of laryngeal or preglottalized consonants, concerning Lithuanian Dsg ui <*ōiʢ, Isg. ais <*ōiʢs corresponding to Greek õi, õis, Jasanoff claims that the circumflex is secondary and primary is acute, Kortlandt's opinion is oposite. Jasanoff's response (2004a) was partially aimed at Kortlandt's persuation that only his accentological theories are relevant, that he edeveloped an elaborate and ad hoc choreography of rules relating to laryngeal loss and retention (p. 173). Jasanoff rejects laryngeals as individual segments in the later phases of individual languages. Both Jasanoff and Kortlandt agree in the broken character of Balto Slavic acute but differ in the mechanism of its origin: for Jasanoff the acute is a result of markedness redistribution, for Kortlandt the acute is the result of contact product from a vowel and a glottal stop (either from laryngeal or from preglottalic consonant). Kortlandt responded in 2005a but the criticism of main points of Jasanoff's theory is dissolved into discussion of individual examples. 564 The story continues with the presentation of Jasanoff's ideas on the origin of Balto Slavic mobility. 6.3. Fixing the stress due to the interaction of prosodiprosodicc characharacteristicscteristics of morphemes Slavic languages are also characterised by fixed stresses. Most West Slavic languages have fixed stress: Czech, Slovak, 565 Upper and Lower Sorbian on the first syllable, Polish and Southern Kashubian on the penultima. Polabian and Northern Kashubian have free stress. From the other Slavic dialects the fixed stress is in Western Macedonian (antepenultima). The classical theory of Jakobson 1926 effectively explains the stress fixation as a conflict of prosodic features. A language system cannot simultaneously have stress, quantity and intonation phonological. If such situation could happen, one of such features must be 563 p. 252. 564 One of them is the S Cr.1sg d h, 2sg. d "gave" problem. Jasanoff (p.173 174) thinks that 1sg was * déh 3m >*dóh 3m, 2sg *déh 3s >*dóh 3s. There must be acute and Jasanoff thinks that BS had productive s aorist so 1sg > *dās(o)m >acute. The solution for the anomaly is eithre phonological or morphological. For Kortlandt, d h < *dóh 3s (full grade) and d <*d h 3 s s (lengthened grade) + special rule for the loss of laryngeal after a long vowel which gives circumflex. This conception is criticised by Jasanof as an apophonic curiosity and deus ex machina law. 565 Not the dialects, just standard variants. 159 eliminated. Such is the situation in West Slavic where the intonations are lost and from the two remainig features only one is phonologically relevant quantity (for Czech and Slovak). Stress on the initial syllable does not clash with quantity but should the fixation be on the non initial syllable, quantity is lost. Dominancy and recessivity The concept of dominancy and recessivity can explain the fixing of stress. 566 Accentual curve in a paradigm is the result of interaction of dominant and recessive morphemes. According to Dybo t, the contour rule for Balto Slavic states that the stress falls on the first dominant morpheme. In case of the row of recessive morphemes, the stress is default on the beginning of the word. This is also Basic accentual principle by Halle & Kiparsky. Mechanisms of stress fixation Fixing of the stress can occur due to the several mechanisms: 1. Change of accentual properties of morphemes . Should each the morpheme has a stable accentual property, it would be impossible to explain any change in the ictus. The alternatiove is that morphemes can change their accentual properties in the course of time, most probably due to the phonological changes. Basically, all the morphemes can become recessive so that the accent is finally shifted back to the beginning of the word and becomes stable. The problem is the explanation of penultimate and antepenultimate stress because it would mean that at least some morphemes did not lose their dominancy. 2. Accentual allomorphs. Accentual alomorphism basically excludes static accentual property. On the other hand, it is much more probable that the alomorphs with a certain property will lead to the final fixing of stress. 3. Paradigmatic change . The contour rule is not only result of accentual properties of morphemes. The accentual paradigms can change as a whole, not as a summary of individual accentual properties of morphemes. Paradigms are therefore autonomous components of grammar. 4. OT approach constraints interaction Baerman 1998 and 1999 tried to explain the origin of fixed stress by OT. He postulated intersting preliminary questions: What are the prosodic motivations behind the rise of fixed stress? Where does stress assignment originate, in morphology or the grammar? What are the morphological and grammatical categories affected by the loss of free stress? Are there any 566 For the concept of dominancy and recessivity, see further in this dissertation. 160 regularities of the free stress loss to be observed in various parts of Slavic? Baerman noticed that Macedonian dialects differ with respect of stress: eastern dialects have mobile stress while western ones have fixed stress (no restrictions > no final stress > no final stress and no preantepenultimate stress > no final, no preantepenultimate, no penultimate stress (only antepenultimate). 567 The transitional dialects are characterized by the levels of stress fixation and the role of stress alternation in inflextion. So what is observed here is the increasing restriction on ictus from being free to being fixed from the east to the west while the eastern dialects are historically archaic and the western ones are most innovative. 568 It is clear that what we observe here is again the interaction of ALIGN family with other constraints responsible for creating the prosodic feet. As Macedonian posesses trochaic foot, Baerman posits the constraint TROCHEE (feet are trochaic, initial syllable of a foot bears stress). FOOT BIN (feet are binary under syllabic analysis) requires that feet are composed of two syllables. The faithfulness constraint MAX (HEAD) controls the input output of a prosodic head. Should feet be not constructed anywhere in the word, Baerman postulates *STRUC FT (There is no feet ) constraint which prevents the formation of any feet. Now, the stress development from the east to the west can be described as the different ranking of constraints where the position of MAX (HEAD) is decisive: 569 Free stresss with DA 570 : FOOT BIN, ALIGN R, MAX (HEAD) >>TROCHEE, *STRUC FT, ALIGN L No stress in final syllables: FOOT BIN, ALIGN R, TROCHEE >>MAX (HEAD) >>*STRUCT FT, ALIGN L Antepenultimate and penultimate stress: FOOT BIN, ALIGN R, TROCHEE >>*STRUC FT >>MAX (HEAD) >> ALIGN L Antepenultimate only stress: FOOT BIN, ALIGN R, TROCHEE >>*STRUC FT, ALIGN L >>MAX (HEAD). The last factorial typology can be a starting point for fixed initial stress where ALIGN L shifts to the top rank: 571 FOOT BIN, ALIGN R, TROCHEE, ALIGN L >>*STRUC FT >>MAX (HEAD). 567 Baerman 1998:58., Baerman 1999:18, e.g. the word "mountain": plaplapla nina, planinananana ta > plaplapla nina, plaplaplaninatapla > planininini na, planininini nata >plaplaplaplanina, planininini nata 568 Baerman 1999:14. 569 Baerman 1998:69. 570 double accent primary and secondary stress. 571 Baerman 1998:72. 161 Penultimate stress is taken as an inverse of initial stress due to the absolute dominancy of all the constraints over ALIGN L + a faithfulness constraint prohibiting the stressed ultima 572 MAX(σ ]PrWd : ALIGN R, TROCHEE >>*STRUC FT >>MAX(σ ]PrWd >> ALIGN L. 5. Development of metrical foot Bethin 1998:172 182 showed everywhere in Slavic the fixed stress creates trochaic system. Systems with fixed initial stress create trochaic foot which consists of strong and weak syllables grouped into units in a rightward direction. Trochaic foot is parsed at the beginning of the word. Polish penultimate stress forms also trochaic foot with secondary stresses at the beginnning of the word. 573 Trochaic foot is therefore parsed at the end of the word.Macedonian antepenultimate stress is also trochaic but of leftward direction. The difference between ictus is of course due to the ALIGN constraints. Czech aligned left edge of a prosodic word with the head foot, Polish aligned the head foot to the right. 574 The constraint ranking for West Slavic languages is as follows: 575 Czech: ALIGN WD L >>ALIGN Wd R, PARSE σ >>Ft BIN>>ALIGN Ft R >>ALIGN FT L Polish: ALIGN Wd R, Ft BIN >>PARSE σ >>ALIGN Ft L >>ALIGN FT R Sorbian: ALIGN Wd L/R, FT BIN>>ALIGN FT R/L>>PARSE σ 576 572 Baerman 1998:73. 573 From the point of generative analysis we can say that the last syllable is extrametrical. 574 Bethin 2002:81. 575 Bethin 2002:86. 576 Feet are disyllabic, trochaic in those languages. ALIGN Wd is a constraint requiring that every prosodic word begins or ends with a foot. ALIGN FT requires the foot alignment to some edge of a prosodic word. Sorbian variation R/L concerns Lower Sorbian where the standard variant has initial stress but also a strong penultimate secondary stress, some dialects have also penultimate stress in certain morphological categories. 162 7. Hirt's law Introduction Hirt's law is now, by communis opinio, considered as one of the first and important accentual laws in Balto Slavic. The history of the research is not as complicated and controversial as the history of other accentual laws. The reason is that Hirt's law started to be accepted almost from the beginning and incorporated into the conception of classical accentology together with all purpose Fortunatov de Saussure's law. Although the data supporting Hirt's law are relatively small (originally included more examples), the law has not cause any controversy and its existence was rarely disproved. 7.17.17.1.7.1 ...HistoryHistory of research 7.1.7.1.1111.... Hirt's discovery Hermann Hirt observed in his Indogermanische Akzent , that "Wenn die Wurzelsilbe stossend war, kann..ein Akzentwechsel fortbestehen. Bei Oxytonis wird dann der Akzent in den Kasus mit stossend betonter (kurzer) Endung auf die Wurzelsilbe verschoben...(Hirt 1895:94, also 165 166). Hirt was not able to explain the fact, he thought that originally the mobilia did not have Akzentwechsel, but originally were paroxytona and only later they became oxytona. His data supporting the law concerned Lithuanian material showing contrastive Stosston accent on the root and on the final syllable (Lith. Apl súnus x dangùs , Npl áiškus x saldùs ) on the one hand, and comparative Balto Slavic material juxtaposed with correspondence from other Indo European languages on the other hand (SCr d m x OInd dhūmós , Gr. thūmós ; Lith. káulas "bone" x Gr. kaulós "stalk, shaft";, Lith. tírtas "bridge" x OInd tīrthás ; Lith. výras "man" x OInd vīrás ;, Lith. údra "otter" x OInd udr . The bulk of data is broadened in Hirt's Indogermanische Grammatik Akzent in 1929, where, concerning mainly Lithuanian data, the following definition is adopted:"der Ton wird von der letzten Silbe auf die vorletzte zurückgezogen, wenn diese fallend betont ist". 577 This Verschiebung should apply to the following data: Lith. ántis "duck" x OInd. ātís 578 , Russ. déver x Gr. da r , Lith. dúmai x OInd. dhūmás , Lith. dúona "bread" x OInd dhāna , SCr. gríva x OInd. grīv , Lith. gývas x OInd jīvás , Lith. ilgàs , SCr. du g x OInd dīrghás , Rus. járyj 577 Hirt 1929:165. 578 Russ. útka , S Cr. u tva , Sln. Nj tva, PSl. *Njty (?APa), OPr. anti s, BS. *anȤt , Lat. anas "duck", OHK anut "duck", PIE* h2enh 2 t (Derksen 2008:387). 163 "furious" 579 x Gr. zōros "feurig", Lith. kúrp÷, SCr. kŕplje "shoes" (a derivate from kr pa) x Gr. krēpís "half boot", 580 Lith mót÷ x OInd. mātá, Lith. óras "weather, air" 581 x OInd. ār d "from outside", Lith. pílnas , SCr pu n x OInd pūrnás ; SCr p r x Gr. pyrós , Lit. róp÷ , SCr. r pa x OHG ruoba ,582 SCr. stado "herd" x OHG stuot ,583 Lith. si tas , Rus. šítyj "genäht"x OInd sjūtá .584 This retraction law is considered as "erstes Gesetz" in Hirt's system, chronologically before "zweites Gesetz" which is de Saussure's law. 7.1.27.1.2.. Towards the pillar of classical accentology The law was recognised as important both for Slavic and Baltic languages, e.g. by Mikkola 1913:122 123: "Der ursprüngliche Akzent is verschoben gegen den Wortanfang auf die Wurzelsilbe, wenn diese gestossene Intonation hat; eine änhliche Verschiebun hat auch im Litauischen stattgefunden". The data supporting Hirt's law are only adduced without detailed commentaries. Slavic data are as follows: 585 *dymъ, šitъ, p lnъ, d lgъ, č rnъ, jar , byti, griva, nit ; Baltic data are reflected in Lith. výras, júostas, vérgas, gývas and súnus. Just after the data supporting the Hirt's law Mikkola adduces the opposite Akzentverschiebung : "Der Akzent is im Urslavischen und Baltischen auf die Endsilbe verschoben, wenn diese gestossene Intonation hat und die alte Akzentsilbe kurz oder geschleift intoniert war." (Mikkola 1913:123). The law proposed here are Fortunatov de Saussure's law and both laws became soon the key complementary laws in classical accentology. As the classical accentology in the 1st half of the 20th century operated with Fortunatov de Saussure's law as universal law for explaining every rightward shift of accent in Slavic, it is no wonder that Hirt's law started to be considered as a mirror law to the Fortunatov de Saussure's law, as for example in the accentological conception of Lehr Spławiński 1928. 579 The PSl. *ě rъ is APc. Derksen 2008:152 thinks that the Greek and Russian forms can be connected only with a certain probability. The reconstruction *ieh 3ró would be subjected to Hirt's law but it contrasts with the mobility of Russian form. However, the secondary mobility cannot be excluded. 580 The Greek data are probably incompatible. Baltic and Slavic forms (S Cr. kr pa "rag, patch", Sln. kŕpa "patch", Lith. kùrp÷ , Latv. kur pe "shoe" lead to the reconstruction of *kúrȤp(i)aȤ (Derksen 2008:263). Greek cognate is uncertain, see Fraenkel I:318, Frisk II:16 17,. 581 According to Fraenkel II:518, the Lithuanina and Latvian forms (óras, âra) belong to the family of Lithuanian árti , Latv . ar t "plough". This would point to the BS. root *arȤ (Derksen 2008:372) 582 The original oxytonesis is dubious, cf. Gr. rhápys . Other Slavic forms are Cz. řepa , Rus. répa , Lithuanian has róp÷ , PSL *rě pa is APa, the original form might be *reH pah 2. 583 Rus. stádo , Cz. stádo, Slk. stádo, PSl. *staɾdo (APa), other Germanic cognates: OIc . stóð, OE stōd, PIE h *steh 2 d o m (Derksen 2008:465) 584 Derivates from PIE *siʢeuʢH "sew" (LIV:545), zero grade * siʢuH .Adjective oxytone form *siʢuH tó is reconstructed according to OInd. form, so Lith. si tas points to the operation of Hirt's law. 585 Normalized by me. 164 Hirt's law was incorporated into Lehr's system of stress shifts. Hirt's law is explained as retraction of stress on the acute syllabe, de Saussure's law as an opposite stress shift. The two laws easily explain stress on on any combination of acute and circumflex syllables. For example, stress remains on the acute syllable but undergoes shift if the syllable is short or circumflex. The similar situation can be observed in verbs like SCr. b ti x nèsti which show, according to Lehr Spławiński, the difference between acute and non acute root syllable because of Rus . nestí that shows end stressed accent. The retraction of stress to acute syllabe should also be reflected by examples like Latvian Stosston in bu t. Lehr Spławiński thinks that if the root syllable is short and circumflex, stress is on the suffix Rus . žezló, grebló, seló, vesló, čisló , SCr sèlo vèslo, číslo , Rus. stol stolá , S Cr. sto stòla , if the root syllable is long and acute, stress is on the root Rus. sálo, máslo, dělo , Scr. s lo, m slo, dj lo (Lehr Spławiński 1928, 129 130). Hirt's law was also used to explain the accent differences in l participle Rus. neslá, nesló, peklá pekló, plelá pleló, moglá mogló ; Čak. nesl , neslo , pekl , peko l, plel , plelo , pomogl , pomoglo but Rus. krála králo, klála klálo, grýzla, grýzlo , Čak. kr la, kr lo, kl la, kl lo gr zla, gr zlo . Lehr considers neuter forms as original PSl oxytona which were preserved if the preceeding syllable was short or circumflex. On the other hand they were barytonised if the preceeding syllable was long and acute. Forms like Rus. bylá, býlo; SCrPosav. b o, bíla , bîlo , Rus. pilá, pílo; SCrPosav. p o, píla, pîlo neuter shoud have acute but has circumflex in SCr. The difference between SCr. píla, brála and Rus. pilá, bralá was explained by de Saussure's law which did not operated in neuter SCr bîlo, pîlo , Rus. býlo, pílo (van Wijk 1923). According to Lehr's conception all those forms were oxytonas undergoing retraction *bylъ , bylá, byló and again, stress moved from short or circumflexed syllables and remained on acute ones. So SCr.Posav. bîlo, da lo, bra lo must be secondary. Similarly, Rus. travá, chvalá, golová , where Nsg is á because the syllable is acute, thus also Lith. golvá, but Lith. Asg gálvą, Latv. gal va . Later, analogical levellings were possible grivá/grívy >gríva/grívy. As for masculines and neuters Lehr does not see any acute endings apart from N Apl neuters, endings were only short or circumflexed, therefore stress retracted in all the paradigm like SCr d m, d ma. Analogically stress retracted and was levelled at feminines, like in l participle SCr d u g du ga du go , original state is preserved in Rus. polón, polná, pólno. 165 So type b o bíla bîlo is more original than kr o kr la kr o whose feminine form is a later levelling according to masculine and neuter. As for relative history, Lehr considers Hirt's law as a Proto Slavic phenomenon concurrent with the de Saussure's law. The two important accentual laws in Slavic meant that in cases where the Hirt's L and FS law did not operate, we should find the original ictus. That claim with detailed account about Hirt's law can be found in Shevelov 1965:46 55 who also extended Hirt's law to the retraction of stress to prefixes, like SC návada, náuka. Quite dubious about the real existence of Hirt's law was van Wijk in his 1923 publication on Balto Slavic accentology. Van Wijk considered Hirt's law "viel unsicherer als das de Saussuresche Gesetz"586 and pointed that in the law there are a lot of derailments. As very problematic are Hirt''s data concerning oxytona and barytona in Lithuanian súnus x dangùs or Nsg galvà Asg gálvą ). This means that not all retractions are to be included into Hirt's law which applies on an very limited data. Van Wijk did not refuse Hirt's law completely but accepted the former limitation admitting that it stands "auf sehr schwachen Füssen." 587 The significant influence had the works by Arumaa and Shevelov. Both authors dealt heavily with Proto Slavic grammar. From the accentological point of view, they remained on the position of classical accentology ignoring Stang and sticking to the conceptions of metatony and Fortunatov de Saussure's law. Arumaa was very careful about the validity of Hirt's law. 588 He quotes just two examples where the law operates Lith. dúmai and výras and remarks Illich Svitych's solution but does not see any connection within laryngeals (see below). Arumaa did not bring anything new to the understanding ov Hirt's law. Shevelov in his monumental publication on Proto Slavic phonology 589 also accepted both Hirt's law and de Saussure's law as complementary laws. For Shevelov, Hirt's law means "stress retraction from falling pitch syllable onto the preceding rising pitch". 590 Data adduced as a support for the law are comparative and concern both Slavic and Baltic data: SCr. m ti, Lith. mót÷ x OInd. mātáram ; SCr. pu n , Lith. pìlnas x OInd pūrnás ; SCr. pján "drunk" x OInd pyānás ; SCr. du g "long", Lith. ìlgas x OInd. dīrghás ; SCr. kr va x Gr. kera(ű)ós "horned"; SCr. j to "herd" x OInd. yātám "way"; SCr. b ti "be", Lith. búti x OInd. bh tis ; SCr. zr no , Lith. žìrnis x OInd. jīrnás "ground"; SCr. v dra , Lith. ùdra x OInd udrás; SCr. gr va , Latv. grīva x OInd. grīv ; SCr. d vēr "brother in law" x OInd. dēv , Gr. da r < *daiű r . 586 Van Wijk 1923:55 587 Van Wijk 1923:56. 588 Arumaa 1964 I: 202. 589 Prehistory of Slavic, Columbia university press 1965. 590 Shevelov 1965:49. 166 According to Shevelov, small number of examples does not prove that Hirt's law is invalid. The number of counterexamples is small and if so, they have falling intonation: SCr. m so x OInd. māmsám; SCr. sv t "light", "holy" x OInd. śvētás "shine", śvāntás "prosperous"; Rus. górod x OInd. grhás "house"; SCr. po d "floor", Lith. pãdas x OInd padám "step", Gr. Gsg podós "foot". Unclear is Shevelov's claim that acute is motivated by the loss of laryngeal but there is a lack of rigid correspondence and haphazard distribution so it cannot be upheld. 591 For Shevelov, Proto Slavic had a tendency to stress root and not the ending in disyllabic words which had root vowels with acute. This leads him to the reformulation of both laws which traditionally were interpreted as the shift of stress from circumflexed to acute syllables: both Hirt's law and Fortunatov de Saussure's law arose in Proto Slavic because of the rise of a new free stress. This new stress was no longer bound to a certain syllable but at the same time it was not completely free because stress and pitch distribution became interdependent. Therefore, both shifts are actually conditioned by acute syllables. 592 7.1.37.1.3.. Czech linguilinguistsstsstssts Czech linguistic tradition remained on the position of classical accentology but the classical classical interpretations were often distorted. Komárek (1958:28 29) calls the retraction of stress to initial acute syllabe Pedersen's law. He does neither explains the origin of acute nor the cause of stress retraction. Komárek also thinks that Hirt's law is only a Slavic phenomenon and puts it chronologically into Late Proto Slavic. Baltic data are therefore completely ignored. Hirt's Law is accepted by Lamprecht (1987:79 80) and taken as a Late PIE phenomenon. Lamprecht takes acute intonation as a laryngeal origin, thus reconstructing *duH mo s. Nevertheless, Lamprecht does not consider the law as important as Fortunatov de Saussure's Law and is even willing to take it's non existence. No reference is made to Illich Svitych and Kortlandt, although the works of both authors are included in the final bibliography. 777.7...1111....4444.. Moscow accentological school As Illich Svitych established in his classical work (1963/1979), Baltic and Slavic nominals with long roots correspond to PIE mobilia oxytona. Due to the presence of non apophonic root length caused by the presence of a laryngeal, stress retracted to the root syllable. Illich Svitych adduces numerous examples where the Hirt's Law should operate. 591 Shevelov 1965:51. 592 Shevelov 1965:71. 167 There are 23 Baltic and 8 Slavic examples. Illich Svitych juxtaposes both Baltic and Slavic data with other Indo European oxytona cognates. Especially Baltic data are useful because also dialectal material is included. 593 Baltic examples include 594 : Lith. dúona "bread", Latv . duõna x OInd. dhān s ; Latv. grĩva "river mouth" x OInd. grīv ; Latv. kraũka "phlegm x PGm. *hro "snivel", OE hrōg ; Latv. snāte "linen shawl, cape" x PGm. *snoð "ribon", OE. snōd ; Lith. výras "man" (AP1), Latv. vĩrs , OInd. vīrás; Lith. d mai (Pl.) "smoke" (AP1), Latv. dũmi (Pl.) x Gr . thūmós "life force", OInd. dhūmás "smoke"; Lith. káulas "bone" (AP1), Latv. kaũls x Gr. kaulós "stalk, core"; Lith. tìltas "bridge" (AP1/AP3), Latv. til ts x OInd. tīrthám "ford"; Lith. pìlnas "full", Latv. pil ns x OInd. pūr ás "full"; Lith. ìlgas "long", Latv. il gs x OInd. dīrghás "long"; Latv. ãtrs "quick, sharp" x PGm. *ǃðráz, OHG. ātar "quick"; Latv. jũts "fork in the road, tendon" x OInd. yūtís "joining"; Latv. znuõts "son in law", x OInd. jňātís "close relative"; Lith. úosis "ash tree" (AP1) x Gr. akherōís "silver poplar"; Lith. sūnùs "son" (now AP3 but originally immobile in OLith.) x OInd. sūnús; Lith. véjas "wind", Latv. ve jš x OInd. vāyús "wind"; x Lith. piemuõ "herdsman" (now AP3 but originally immobile in OLith.) x Gr. poim n "shepherd"; Latv. lie menis "swampy lowland" x Gr. leim n "damp meadow"; Lith. mót÷ "mother" (AP1); Latv. mãte x OInd. māt ; Lith. díeveris "brother in law" (AP1), Latv. die veris x OInd. dev "husband's brother", Gr. dā r "brother in law"; Lith. m÷ nuo "month" (AP1) x Latv. me ness x PGm. *mǃn þ, Goth. mēnōþs ; Lith. pūrai "winter grain crops" (only Žemaitian with metatony), Latv. pûri "winter crops" x Gr. pūrós "wheat"; Lith. kory s "honeycomb" (now AP4) x Gr. kēríon "honeycombs, wax" (< kērión due to Wheeler's law). Slavic data comprise *gri va, *dy mъ, *py rъ (S Cr. p r "spelt", Cz. pýr "couchgrass" x Gr. pūrós "spelt", *jaɾto "flock" (S Cr. j to , Sln . játo x OInd. yātám ), *maɾti, *d lgъ "long" (S Cr du g x OInd. dīrghás ), *p lnъ "full" (S Cr. pu n x OInd. pūr ás ); * de ver "brother in law" (S Cr. d vēr. As seen from above, Lithuanian forms belong to barytone AP1 accentual paradigm, corresponding Latvian forms have circumflex and Slavic form show acute. Illich Svitych explained the Balto Slavic barytonesis as the retraction of stress to the root syllable which contained a long and non apophonic vowel, a long resonant or a long diphtong. 595 This means that the syllabic sequences should be CV H > CV or CRHC > C C . Or, the root sequence had to contain a consonantal laryngeal which should cause the 593 Illich Svitych 1979:57 64; 135 137. 594 Simplified and corrected for illustration. 595 Illich Svitych 1979:63. 168 lengthening of a preceeding vowel. On the other hand, nominals containing vocalic reflex of a laryngeal (schwa) show Balto Slavic mobility, so the sequence CV (R)ƽ does not cause the stress retraction (this is the contrast of *griH.uʢ and * tenƽ.uʢós. It is quite improbable that Old Indic, Greek and other IE languages showing oxytona or their reflexes should record the rightward shifting of stress because there is no common syllabic element which would cause such shift.. On the other hand, Balto Slavic retraction seems quite logical because all the words showing Balto Slavic barytonesis contra other IE languages oxytonesis have one common syllabic structure CV(R)H . This is the most important result of Illich Svitych's analysis. Dybo, as the main figure of MAS, also incorporated Hirt's Law in the conception of Balto Slavic accentology (Dybo 1981:17). The total list of nominals undergoing Hirt's Law is about twenty, but Dybo's data are limited to just juxtaposing certain Baltic and Slavic forms with other Indo European cognates. Most of the data are taken from Illich Svitych but without reference to dialectal material and secondary development The reconstructed forms mostly do not contain laryngeals: Lit. dúona, Latv. dúona x OInd. dhān s, PIE* dhōn ; 596 Latv. grĩva, PSl.* gri va x OInd. grīv , PIE *grīv ; Latv . snãte x PGm. *snōð , PIE* snāt ; Lit. váras, Latv. vĩrs x OInd. vīrás, PIE* vīrós; Lit. d mai, Latv. dũmi, PSl *dy mъ, OInd. dhūmás , PIE. dhūmós ; Lit . káulas , Latv. kaũls x Gr. kaulos, PIE. *kāulós ; Lit. tìltas . Latv. til ts x OInd. tīrthám, PIE. * t tHóm; Latv . jũts, x OInd. yūtís, PIE *iʢūtís; Latv. znuõts x OInd. jňātís, PIE *g'nōtís; Lith. úosis x Gr. acherōís, PIE *ōsís ; Lith. s nus x OInd. sūnús, PIE *sūnus ; Lith. v÷ jas, Latv. ve jš x OInd. vāyús , PIE. uʢēiʢús; Lith. píemuo x Gr. poimē n , PIE * pōimē n ; Latv. lie menis x Gr. leim n , PIE *lēim n ; Lith. mót÷, Latv. mãte, PSl. *maɾti x OInd. māt , PIE *māt r ; Lith. díeveri s, Latv. die veris, PSl. *de ver x OInd. dev , Gr. da r, PIE* dāiʢuʢ r ; Lith. m÷ nuo x PGm. *mæ n þ; Lith. pũrai , PSl *py rъ x Gr. pyrós, PIE *pūrós ; Latv. ãtrs x PGm. *æ ðráz , PIE * ētrós ; PSl *jaɾto x OInd. yātám, PIE. * iʢātóm. Lithuanian forms having acute are of AP1 or secondarily AP3 paradigms, those ones having circumflex underwent metatony. The responses in other Indo European languages suggest the original oxytonesis which is also reconstructed in PIE forms. But this presupposes that before application of Hirt's Law, all the nominals had to be oxytonised and accentually levelled in a paradigm. As we will see, it need not be so because it requires highly improbable level of analogy. Dybo himself seems to understand it because he points to the anomalous reversal of the Lithuanian nominals from AP1 (where the were due to the Hirt's Law) to AP3. Dybo is 596 I hereby adduce Dybo's etymologies, the fuller discusiions on etymological forms see below. 169 willing to accept that Hirt's Law caused a sort of mixed paradigm where some cases followed retraction and some not. The question now remains why the accent retracts leftwards. The answer is of course that the acute root (caused by the presence of a laryngeal which is hardly ever reconstructed by Dybo) is dominant and has the tendency to keep the accent. The caveat visible here is why such dominancy cannot be observable in Old Indic where the oxytona have their accent unshifted. Hirt's Law also operated in verbs where the retraction occured if the pretonic syllable was originally formed by a long monophtong, long sonant or long diphtong. The example of it can be the infinitive form of the verb "give": PIE * dō tei (IEW:223), PSl * datı , dajatı , after Hirt's Law *daɾti, dajaɾti . Retraction also operated in 1sg, 2nd and 3rd pl aorist: *daɾsъ, dajaɾsъ; daɾste , dajaɾste; daɾsę, dajaɾsę. 597 Other verb with Hirt's Law retraction are PSl. * pi ti . Hirt's Law is also responsible in some forms of APc verbs (those having long monophtong or sonants in the root), e.g. in infinitive: * klaɾsti, gryɾzti but present * kl dNj, kladet , gry zNj, gryzet .598 7.1.57.1.5.. SkljarenkoSkljarenko's's solution Hirt's law was also dealt by V.Skljarenko whose interesting works are almost unknown among accentologists because they are written in Ukrainian and are very difficult to be obtained. Skljarenko 1990, 1998 refused Hirt's law as stated by Illič Svityč. According to Skljarenko the connection of apophonic length and stress retraction can be supported by *pēda, *jâje, *nâgъ. Skljarenko's conception of Balto Slavic intonation differs from other approaches. Skljarenko's posits two kinds of intonations for Balto Slavic. Long final syllables had "odnoskladovaja intonacija", short syllables had "dvoskladovaja" intonacija. Acute is defined as "vyschidnospadna intonacija" tone rises on the first mora of a long vowel and falls on the second mora with concomitant tonic and dynamic peak. Such culminativity was in Proto Slavic, Proto Latvian, Proto Prussian while in Proto Lithuanian the tonic and dynamic peak was at the beginning of the first mora. Slavic circumflex is defined as the tone fall on the first mora of a long vowel or diftong or just a tone fall on the short vowel. Proto Slavic barytona had "odno " and "dvoskladovaja intonacija", oxytona only "dvoskladovaja intonacija". Oxytone forms of mobilia had the following intonation patterns: if the stressed vowel was long, it obtained "odnoskladovaja intonacija", stressed short vowel 597 Dybo 1981:239. 598 Dybo 1981:252 253. 170 had falling part of "dvoskladovaja intonacija". Long vowel in ending is stressed, ictus on short ending depends on penultima if penultima is short, ultima is stressed with dvoskladova intonacija, if penultima is long, it is stressed with concomitant "odnoskladova intonacja". Skljarenko supposes that Early Balto Slavic disyllabic mobilia with long root vowel had "odnoskladova intonacija" both in barytone and in oxytone forms. That led to generalisation of "odnoskladova intonacija" to the whole paradigm with short ending. Skjlarenko's explanation of Hirt's law is basically the same as the interpretation of Lehr Spławiński stress was retracted from oxytones with "circumflex" (dvoskladova intonacija) or from short vowels with odnoskladova intonacija. The target syllable was lefward acute syllable (odnoskladova intonacija on long syllables). Skljarenko 1990, 1998 refused Hirt's law as stated by Illič Svityč. According to Skljarenko the connection of apophonic length and stress retraction can be supported by *pēda, *jâje, *nâgъ. Skljarenko's conception of Balto Slavic intonation differs from other approaches. Skljarenko's posits two kinds of intonations for Balto Slavic. Long final syllables had "odnoskladovaja intonacija", short syllables had "dvoskladovaja" intonacija. Acute is defined as "vyschidnospadna intonacija" tone rises on the first mora of a long vowel and falls on the second mora with concomitant tonic and dynamic peak. Such culminativity was in Proto Slavic, Proto Latvian, Proto Prussian while in Proto Lithuanian the tonic and dynamic peak was at the beginning of the first mora. Slavic circumflex is defined as the tone fall on the first mora of a long vowel or diftong or just a tone fall on the short vowel. Proto Slavic barytona had "odno " and "dvoskladovaja intonacija", oxytona only "dvoskladovaja intonacija". Oxytone forms of mobilia had the following intonation patterns: if the stressed vowel was long, it obtained "odnoskladovaja intonacija", stressed short vowel had falling part of "dvoskladovaja intonacija". Long vowel in ending is stressed, ictus on short ending depends on penultima if penultima is short, ultima is stressed with dvoskladova intonacija, if penultima is long, it is stressed with concomitant "odnoskladova intonacja". Skljarenko supposes that Early Balto Slavic disyllabic mobilia with long root vowel had "odnoskladova intonacija" both in barytone and in oxytone forms. That led to generalisation of "odnoskladova intonacija" to the whole paradigm with short ending. Skjlarenko's explanation of Hirt's law is basically the same as the interpretation of Lehr Spławiński ssstresss was retracted from oxytones with "circumflex" (dvoskladova intonacija) or from short vowels with odnoskladova intonacija. The target syllable was lefward acute syllable (odnoskladova intonacija on long syllables). 171 7.1.67.1.6.. Dutch accentological school The ranking of Hirt's law within the chronology of changes from PIE to Baltic and Slavic was established by Kortlandt (Kortlandt 1974, 1975, 1977, 1983, 1994). Hirt's law should take place in Late Balto Slavic after the loss of PIE accentual mobility, Pedersen's law, and barytonesis 599 and oxytonesis 600 of thematic stems. Apart from the notoriously known examples like "smoke", Hirt's Law should also operate in some polysyllabic cases form or eH stems. Those are reflected in e.g. Slovene Dpl goràm "mountains" and Lpl goràch . Here the stress should be retracted from the ending to the preceding syllable which ended in a laryngeal. Another example can be observed in Lith. Dpl galvóms and should also operate in Lpl and Ipl but we do not find medial stress here due to the analogical transfer of final stress from other flexion types: galvosè, galvomìs . Hirt's Law did not operate if: the laryngeal followed the second component of a diphtong. The example of it is Latv. tie vs 601 "thin" < *tenh 2uʢós . This means that the laryngeal probably was not part of a syllable coda but formed a complex onset of the stressed syllable, so ten.h 2uʢós. Therefore, no retraction occured. there was a lengthened grade vowel in pretonic syllable in the pretonic syllable was a long vowel from vrddhi formation. Tis is reflected in S Cr. 602 603 me so "meat" < *mēmsóm or jâje "egg" <* h2ōuióm. It is clear that no laryngeal in the pretonic coda position occured. the pretonic syllable contained laryngeal in syllable onset. This can be observed in Rus. feminine l participle pilá with ending stress. Kortlandt (1975:3) reconstructs the form *pHiláH. there was no laryngeal in the root. An example of this is Rus. feminine l participle rodilá < *rodiláH (Kortlandt 1975:3). From the analysis above it follows that in Late Balto Slavic the laryngeal was still a full segmental phoneme. Phonetically it was probably glottal stop because the accentual results of 599 Barytonesis is the analogical retraction of stress to vocalic stems in case forms where Pedersen's law applied, thus seen in Asg Lit. a vį "sheep", s nų "son" (Kortlandt 1983:4). 600 Oxytonesis means that the stress shifted from an inner syllable to the rightmost end of the word in a paradigm with end stressed forms, seen in Lith. Isg sūnumì "with the son" or Ipl žiemomìs "with women" (Kortlandt 1983:4). 601 Reconstruction by Kortlandt (1975:3;1983:5), slightly modified by me. 602 Kortlandt 1983:5. 603 ibid. 172 laryngeal presence are the same as the ones with preglottalic consonants and this is later acute intonation. Laryngeal origin of acute according to Kortlandt's theory is accepted by Driessen 2003:352 353 for the explanation of acute intonation in Lith. áuksas "gold". The word belongs to AP1 > AP3 and Driessen regards áuksas and Lat. aurum "gold" as cognates (also accepted by de Vaan 2008:63). Because the traditionally reconstructed form *h 2éuso or *auso (IEW:86) with short diphtong does not explain acute intonation in Lithuanian (Dehnstufe would give circumflex but there was no long *ā grade in PIE), Driessen proposes a reduplicated form *h 2éh 2uso from the root *h 2eus "to shine with a reddish glow", *h 2uʢes "hell werden" (LIV: 292, NIL :357). Driessen's reconstruction is also accepted by NIL: 358. Latin aurum is a neuter but Balto Slavic forms are masculine (also Old Prussian ausis). This situation strongly supports Illich Svitych hypothesis that PIE barytone neuters (the gender is preserved in Latin) became masculines in Balto Slavic. It means that the PIE form was originally barytone not oxytone. Therefore, no Hirt's law could have happened, although the root structure is HVH . This brilliant reconstruction not only supports Illich Svitych's and Kortlandt theories but also shows how accentology can help with the reconstruction of original forms. 7.1.77.1.7.. Laryngeal must be in coda In his criticism to Illich Svitych's and Kortland's modus operandi, Rasmussen precised the function of Hirt's law (Rasmussen 1985/1999): the retraction of stress is restricted to words containing a consonantal laryngeal; a laryngeal must be non syllabic in anteconsonantal position. Rasmussen also revised the the corpus of words traditionally assumed to undergo Hirt's law and corrected their etymologies both nominals and verbs. 7.1.87.1.8.. Deviant view by KimKim:::: Hirt's and Dybo's laws The very radical view of the whole system and evolution of IE and BS accentology was taken by Kim 2002 (with the largest part about Hirt's law written so far). Using modus operandi of metrical and bracket theory applied by Halle on the IE accentuation together with methods of historical linguistics, Kim argues, that the thematic vowel , especially in o stems, was underlyingly unaccented. Barytone stems were, therefore, also unaccented with default initial stress. Oxytone stems were underlyingly postaccenting. BS system of underlyingly accentend and unaccented morphemes therefore continues that of PIE. 173 Kim distinguishes four Pre Proto Slavic combination of accentuation and stem vowel intonation accented acute, postaccenting circumflex, unaccented acute and unaccented circumflex (Kim2002:117 118). The contrast between unaccented acute and circumlex should be seen in SCr. gr sti and trésti, where the former (contaning acute) underwent Hirt's law while in the second form the distinction between acute and circumflex were neutralised (Meillet's law). According to Kim, it is puzzling that Slavic languages have three accentual paradigms (a, b, c) while Lithuanian has only two (before the operation of de Saussure's law). On the other hand, Old Indic and Greek contrast only barytones and oxytones in o stems and eh 2 . Kim argues that those o stems were underlyingly unaccented and postaccentig, while eh 2 stems were underlyingly accented and unaccented. Of course, Kim admits that we do not have parallels in Balto Slavic where we do not see barytonesis and oxytonesis in vocalic stems and rests of mobility in consonantal stems (as in Old Indic and Greek). Balto Slavic innovated mobility (which is a long time problem in Balto Slavic accentology). Kims research results are in direct opposition to those made by Illich Svitych's: To sum up: according to Kim, PIE o stems were unaccented (barytona) and postaccenting (oxytona); eh 2 stems were accented (barytona) and unaccented (oxytona); BS barytone o stems are continued by unaccented stems of APc in Slavic, oxytone stems underwent a split they continue by postaccenting stems APb if the nucleus of the syllable preceeding the thematic vowel does not end in a laryngeal; if it ends in laryngeal, stress is retracted by Hirt's law. Now the problem with Slavic APb raises Kim is puzzled why this law operates only in Slavic, why it allegedy was not functional in West Slavic ( this is the idea of Garde 1976). Together with the claim that postaccenting and unaccented stems were originally oxytona, "the forward shift postulated by Dybo fails to account for a curous and hitherto insufficiently acknowledged peculiarity of BSl. accentual reconstruction" (Kim 2002:129. It means, that Dybo's law is considered unnecessary. Kim disputes Illich Svitych's and Dybo's etymologies of words that should undergo Dybo's law as questionable and controversal. Also, his counterargument against Dybo's law is the massive morphological remodeling of PIE words in Balto Slavic. It means that forms continuing from PIE to Balto Slavic have no value about the original PIE accent. However, Kim support his claim only in two * tēr words that underwent thematisation: * méh 2tēr and * bréh 2tēr (Kim 2002:130 131). But those examples (apart from varied accentual reconstruction of * méh 2tēr ) are stressed on the root in PIE and 174 have APa in Slavic and API in Lithuanian so the thematisation here does not influence the position of accent. Moreover, Kim claims that PIE accentual system is a misconception taken by Illich Svitych that PIE had dichotomy between barytone and oxytone mobile paradigms. Kim is right that this projection was taken by Illich Svitych according to Old Indic and Greek state but should he use Kortlandt's chronology he would understand that mobility is secondary in Balto Slavic. Kim completely omited the explanation of Balto Slavic mobility. Instead of it, he claims that PIE oxytones continue to Balto Slavic. However, he again backs his claim on a limited bulk of examples, like PSl. *žena (APb) and *v dova (APb). Also, Old Prussian deiws and widdewa which are claimed to be columnal oxytona (Stang 1966:172 3, 300). Just those two examples are considered by Kim as a proof for columnal oxytonesis of o and a stems in Baltic and also in Russian and Serbian Croatian.(Kim 2002:147). On the one hand, massive remorphologisation shoud have obliterated old accentuation, on the other hand, the same remorphologisation had no effect on preserving old oxytona. The solution is simple, for Kim where we find former postaccenting stems with acute intonation, those stems underwent Hirt's law and now have acute on stem final syllable. Hirt's law is therefore "a reversed Dybo's law" while Dybo's law itself is useless in Slavic (Kim 2002:133). This is very bad misunderstanding of the conditions of Dybo's law. Dybo's law does not require the specified intonation of the target syllabe while Hirt's law operates only when the target syllable ends in consonantal laryngeal. Kim also thinks that Hirt's law played minor role in historical studies of Balto Slavic accentology and was used as "an explanation of isolated diachronic peculiarities" (Kim 2002:134). Actually, the whole classical pre Stang accentology based its theory on two laws Hirt's law and Fortunatov de Saussure's law. Kim argues that the features of PIE nominal system of columnal stress on one hand and strong and weak cases on the other hand continues to BS. Pre PSl had, according to Kim, just one immobile accentual paradigm which was postaccenting and part of it are formed by oxytona continuing from PIE. That single paradigm splitted to APa and APb (with and without Hirt's law retraction (Kim 2002:135 136). APc should therefore continue PIE barytona (that they also underwent remorphologisation does not obviously matter). Kim adduces PIE o stems barytona formerly unaccented and postaccenting that should have surived as unaccented barytona APc: * goj , logъ, sъnъ, v lkъ, vozъ, zNjbъ (Kim 2002:136). PIE oxytone o stems (postaccenting) splitted to APb (postaccenting) or APa (if root syllable ended in laryngeal and underwent Hir't law). 175 So PIE barytona o stems unacceted + postacceng > PSl APc; PIE oxytona o stems (postaccenting) > APb. The problem obviously remains how PIE postaccentig acute stems that survived in Old Prussian became unaccented in Balto Slavic. Hirt's law caused that post accenting acute stems ending in stem laryngeal became stem accented and acute (Lith. AP1, Slavic APa), unaccented acute and unaccented circumflex stems gave Lith. AP3, AP4 and Slavic APc. Postaccenting acute stems that did not have final stem laryngeal and did not undergo Hirt's law underwent various retractions from word final syllables like Lith. die vas As far as I know, Kim's proposals have not met any reaction at all. Partially, it is because his dissertation is hardly known among scholars. Should it become more familiar, the reactions would be negative because Kim's solutions are based on misunderstanding of some Balto Slavic accentual conceptions. 7.2. Paradigmatic reconstruction Several problems have still remained unexplained. The PIE accentual distribution has been regarded as follows: athematic nomina shoud have been acrostatic, proterokinetic, hysterokinetic and amphikinetic, as succesfully established by workers of Erlangen school and their followers. Their continuing research in internal derivation and transition between paradigms also promise new looks on early BS accentuation. Thematic nomina are considered to be accentually distributed between barytona and oxytona. The coherent explanation of how those paradigms developed to Baltic and Slavic accentual distribution was made by Kortlandt (Kortlandt 1974, 1975, 1977, 1994). After the loss of IE mobility, mobile patterns should merge into a single laterally mobile class. Pedersen's law should cause the retraction of stress from inner syllables in mobile paradigm; this should be limited to the flexion of polysyllabic consonant stems (the commonly used example is the PIE word for "daughter"; see also Rasmussen 1985, 1992 for a similar view). Then, barytonesis (analogical spreading of stress retraction to vocalic stems in cases where Pedersen's law applied) and oxytonesis (stress shift from an internal syllable to the ending in end stressed forms) applied. Following, Hirt's law is supposed to apply. This succession, which is important for the starting point of the application of Hirt's law, has recently and independently been challenged by Klingenschmitt and his followers (e.g. Klingenschmitt 1994, 2001), Kim 2002 and Olander 2004, 2005, 2006. I agree with Olander's claim that analogical "laws" like Pedersen's, which are supposed to operate at Early BS and at the beginning of Late BS, are complicated and unnatural. More acceptable is to 176 consider the continuation of phonologically unstressed (root stressed) and thematic stressed paradigms in vowel stems (as silently supposed by Olander), and the continuation of accentual distribution of thematic stems from PIE. Olander explains the further mobility of those stems by establishing the mobility law (rejected by Kortlandt 2006). 7.3. Reflection of data and proposed solution 7.3.1. Data When checking the small IE corpus of nominals supposed to undergo Hirt's law, the accentual reconstruction does not apear to be quite firm. Clear seem to be the reconstruction of thematic oxytones: 1) Latv. jũtis "fork", Lith. jáutis "ox", Balt.*jūȤtis , OInd. yūtíh "union, junction", a derivate from the root yav (KEWA 1964:25, EWA II:402), actually abstractum from yáuti, yuv ti, Av. yūitiš ; original root * iʢeuʢ (IEW:507, LIV: 314), ablauted derivate* iʢū ti (IEW:508), Latv. jũtis and Lith. jáutis connected by Smoczynski (2007:231); orig. PIE form*iʢūtís (Illich Svitych 1975:59), *iʢuh tí "joint" (Rasmussen 1985:172) 2) SCr. j to , Sln. játo "flock", játa (collective), Blg. jato , Rus. jat "shoal of fish", Blg. játo, PSl jaɾto (APa), derivate from * jati "go", OInd. yātám "progress"; PIE root * iʢeh2 "go" (LIV 309 310), *iʢah 2 tó m (Rasmussen 1985); *iʢah 2 tó m > *iʢeh2 tód Derksen 2008:154 Further references: Illich Svitych 1976:136; Skok 1971:'761:762; Bezlaj 1976:271, Schuster Šewc 1980/7:262; Gluhak 1993:291, Boryś 2008:207, Snoj 2003:236 3) Lit. dúona , Latv. duõna , Balt.*d nā (Smoczyński 2007:134):, OInd. dhān h "store for corn", Av. dānō.karš(a) "Getreidekörner schleppend", TochB tāno "seed, grain", PIE *dh nā h h (Illich Svitych 1979:57), *d oh ná h2 (Rasmussen 1985, Smoczyński 2007:134)/*d oH néh 2 h (KEWA 2: 98, EWA I: 787, Adams 1999:286), * d oh 1 nah 1 (NIL 125) Further references: IEW:242; Fraenkel:111 4) Ru. dólgij , SCr. d g , Sln. d lg , Cz. dlouhý , Pol. długi , USorb. dłuhi , OCS dlъgъ , PSL *d lgъ (APa); Baltic forms *d >0: Latv. ĩlgs , Lit . ìlgas, OPrus. ilga , PBalt. * lgas , BS.*dīlga (Smoczyński 2007:218 219), OInd. dīrghá "long", Av. darƽga , OPers. darga , Hitt. talugai , Gr. dolichós "long", Lat. longus, PGmc * lang, Goth. laggs , Germ. lang , Eng. long < *(d)long ho , originally from * del(h) gh (Snoj 2003:117); PIE *d ghós (IEW:197, Illich h h Svitych 1979: 58,136), *d hg ó s (Rasmussen 1985), d h 1g ó (EWAi I:728). Kloekhorst 177 (2008:820) and de Vaan (2008:348) suggest that there are various form of the same root reflected in IE languages: Gr. dolichós < * dolig ho; Gothic and Latin form (with nasal infix) h h from < dolih 1g o; OInd., Av., OCS and Baltic forms from * dlih 1g ó while Hittite talugai <*taluki<*dólug hi. Both authors consider the form a part of a petrified pair of the English high and dry , safe and sound , the first part was probably * de/ol(h 1) observed in PSl * d l , Cz. dél "length", dlít "remain, rest", the secont part is reduced to * gh . The root is also observable in Latin indulgeō "be indulgent", originally a compound verb of the form * en /n /endo + dVlg (de Vaan 2008:302); LIV:113 doubtly connects Latin h h indulgeō with essiv form * d g' h1iʢé from *delg' "get fixed", de Vaan (2008:302) h reconstructs * dlg eh 1, probably original stative, but see detailed discussions there. Further references : Boryś 2008:114, Schuster Šewc 3:159, Vasmer I:524 525, Derksen 2008:133, ESJS 3:135 136. Fraenkel I:183 184, Lehmann 1986:224 5) Ru. gríva , SCr .gr va , Cz. hříva , Slk. hriva, Pl. grzywa , USorb. hriva , LSorb. griwa, Rus. gríva , Latv. grĩva , BS * gríȤwaȤ (Derksen 2008:189), OInd. grīv ; PIE * grīuʢā (IEW:475) w w *griHuʢáH (Kortlandt 1975:22), *g rih 3 uʢáh 2 (Rasmussen 1985), *g ríh 3uʢah 2 (Snoj w 2003:191), g riH uʢeh2 (Derksen 2008:189). Further references: Vasmer I:458, Boryś 2008:187, Skok 1971:I:620, Schuster Šewc 1975/5:343, Bezlaj 1976:I:177, Gluhak 1993:247, ESJS 4:203. 666)6) Latv. snãte "linen cloth", s less form also nâts "linen", OE. snōd "hood", Eng. snood "headband, snood", OIr. snāth , OBret. notenn , MoBred neud Dybo's law (in Italo Celtic), the Latvian form with o ablaut * snoh 1to (Matasović 2009:348 349); *PIE form*snah táh 2 (Rasmussen 1985), original root form *(s)nē /(s)nēi "put threads together" (IEW:973), * sneh 1 "spin" (LIV:571), also observed in Lat. neō, nēre ; 7) Lit. sūnùs (AP1>AP3), "son", OPr. soūns , OCS synъ , Rus. syn , Cz syn , Slk. syn , Pl. syn , S Cr. s n s na , Sln. s n s na , PSl. *sy nъ (APc) Balt.*s nus (Illich Svitych 1979:59), BS. *súȤnus (Derksen 2008:483), OInd. sūnús , Got. sunus, TochB soy , Toch A se < PToch *sūyu < * suhyu , the same root but a different derivative suffix; the original root is *suH (NIL:686 690), a derivate from * seu ; PIE form * sūnús (IEW:913), *suh nús (Illich Svitych 1979:59, Derksen 2008:483. NIL:686) 178 Final stress in Balto Slavic was restored in that time, rests of initial stress due to the Hirt's law can still be seen in Old Lithuanian s nus ; Matasović 1997:137, 144 (Note 35) thinks that Hirt's law and analogical mobility spreading (due to the Pedersen's law) occured together, therefore we observe mobile paradigm in Lithuanian. Further references : Boryś:590, Vasmer II:817 818, KEWA 3:494, EWA II:741, Gluhak 1993:547, Snoj 2003:655, Fraenkel II:941. 8) Lit. tìltas , Latv. til ts , "bridge", Balt.*t lta , OInd. tīrthám , actually a substantivised h adjective * tlh 2tó , PIE *t tHóm (Illich Svitych 1979:58) *tlh 2 t ó m (Rasmussen 1985)/*t h 2 th 2 ó (EWAi I:650); original root * telh 2 (LIV:622), related to Lat. lātus (to tollō, tollere "pick up" and Gr. tlētos "enduring, steadfast" Further references: Fraenkel II:1094, Smoczyński 2007:678, de Vaan 2008:621 622 9) Lit. úosis "ash tree" , Latv. uo sis , OPr. woasis, PBalt.* sis (Illich Svitych 1979), * s iʢo (Smoczyński 2007:705), * oȤs iʢo/en (Dersken 2008:29); Gr. oksýa "beech"PIE *ōsís (Illich Svitych 1979), *(H)ōsiʢ˚ (Blažek 2001:50) There are different suffixes in individual branches to the PIE root * ōs (IEW: 782), *Heh 3 s (Derksen 2008:29, de Vaan 2008:435). The suffix * Vno can be observed in Latin ornus (because of rotacisms); the suffix * no in PCelt. * os no , OIr. uinnius , Wesh onn , MBret ounn (Matasović 20009:300 301, who does not accept the * Heh 3 reconstruction and considers the Lithuanian acute as a secondary vrddhi formation); the * en suffix in PSl *aɾsen /aɾsenъ (APa), Cz. jasan , Slk. jaseň , OPl. jásień , USorb. jaseń , Rus. j áseń, S Cr. j sēn j sena , Sln. jásen jas na . The suffix * ko in Germanic: OIc asker , Engl. ash Further references : Frisk II:400, Gluhak 1993:290, Vasmer IV:564, Fraenkel II:1167, Boryś 2008:213; Schuster Šewc Wort: 431 10) SCr. p r , Sln. pîr , Cz. pýr , Slk. pýr, Pl. perz , Ru. pyréj , PSl * py rъ (APa), Lit. p ras (AP1) "grain measure ", Latv. pûri "winter corn", pũrs "corn measure", BS *puȤro (Derksen 2008:425), GrHom. p rós "wheat", OE. fyrs "spelt", OInd. pūrá "cake", PIE *puh 1 ró (Rasmussen 1985) Further references : Bezlaj 3:39, Vasmer 3:419, Fraenkel 671, Frisk II:631, KEWA II:322 323, Boryś 2008:421 11) Ru. dym , SCr. d m , Sln. dìm , Cz. dým , PSl. * dy mъ (APa), Latv. dũmi , Lit. d mai , OPrus. dums, PBS *dúȤmos, (Derksen 2008:132), PBalt *d mai , (Illich Svitych 1979 58), OInd. 179 dhūmá , Gr. thūmós , Lat. fūmus , PIE *dhūmós (Illich Svitych 1979 58), *d huH mós h h (Derksen 2008:132), Rasmussen 1985, *d uh 2 mó < * d uʢeh 2 (Casaretto2004:380, LIV 188); from the root * dheu (IEW 261). h Latin fūmus < PIt. fūmo < PIE * d uh 2mó is an exception to Dybo's law, long " ū" is explained by annalogy and *-h2 is reconstructed according to Hittite forms antuwahhaw h "human", tuhhae "cough" (de Vaan 2008:249). The root form * d uh 2 with * yo suffix is also observed in PCelt. *dwīyot "smoke", OIr. dé (Matasović 2009:111) Further references : KEWA I:109, EWA I: 795, Smoczyński 2007:132, Snoj 2003:110, Boryś 2008:136, Vasmer I:558, Bezlaj 1:101, Fraenkel I:110, Frisk 694, Gluhak 1993:196 Other forms of thematic stems as well as athematic stems are not straightforward: 12) Latv. znuots "son in law, sister's husband, wife's brother", Lith. žéntas "son in law"(AP1), OCS zęt "bridegroom", SCr. z t "son in law", Ru. zjať , Cz. zeť , Pl zięć, PSl. zę t (APa), Balt.*žn ti (Illich Svitych 1979:59), BS *žénȤtis/tos (Derksen 2008:544); Fraenkel:1301 refused the connection of žéntas with zęt , OInd. jňātís , Gr. gnōtos "relative" , PIE etymology varies: IEW:373 374 * g'enƽtos >Lith. žéntas, * g'enƽtis >OCS zęt , * g'nō in OInd. jňātís and Gr. gnōtós; * g´nōtís (Illich Svitych 1979:59),*g´noh 3 tí (Rasmussen 1985:172); Gluhak (1993:695) derives Lith. žéntas from * g'en to s and Latv. znuots from *g'nō to s, both forms ablauted from * 'gen t , a derivate of * g'enh 1 "produce" (LIV:163) ; Derksen (2008:544) reconstructs * g´enh3 to/ti and accepts connection of žéntas and zęt and the derives the Latv. znuots from * g´neh3 to ; Bezlaj (2005:406)reconstructs * g'enh 1ti ; Snoj (2003:853) derives Gr. gnōtos "kinskman", Latv. znuots and OInd. jňāti from the zero grade form * g' h 1tó NIL (136 139, 154) has also different etymologies: * g´emH to/ah 2 for Lith. žéntas , * g´ H t i for OCS zęt , Rus. zját , S Cr. z t (from the root * g'emH "marry"); * g´noh 3 ti > OInd. jňāti , g´ h3 tó > Gr. gnōtós and * g´noh 3 tó > Latv. znuots , everything from the root * g'neh 3 "recognize". Two or three roots of the same structure might have contaminate here.; Viredaz 2002:169 distinguishes four BS types: * žn tis > Latv. dial. znuõtis; * žn tas > Latv. znuõts; *žéntas > Lith. žéntas, *zénti > PSl. zę t , the original root * g'enh 3/g'neh 3 in oxytona* g'neh 3tí, g' h 3tó but he does not mention Hirt's law. Further references : EWAi:585 586, 601; Vasmer II:112, Boryś 2008:740 12) Latv. ve jš "wind", Lit. v÷ jas "wind", PBalt. *v jus (Illich Svitych 1979:59); Smoczyński 2007:730 derives véjas from the root véj , a form from v÷ ti, v÷ ja, v÷ jo "blow", reflected in OInd. v ti, OHG wā(h)en, OCS vějati; further cognates OInd. vājús , Av. vaiiu , PIE *uʢēiʢús 180 (Illich Svitych 1979:59) , *h2uʢeh 1 iʢús; (Rasmussen 1985, EWA II:544), the verbal root *h2uʢeh 1 "blow" (LIV:287) Further references : Fraenkel II:1216, KEWA 3:190 191, IEW:82 83 13) Ru. pólnyj "full", SCr. p n , Sln. p łn, Cz. plný , Pl. pełny , USorb. połny , PSl. *p lnъ (APa), Latv. pil ns , Lit. pìlnas , PBalt. *p lnas (Illich Svitych 1979:58), * p lna Klingenschmitt) reconstructs the oposition *p h 1 nó (oxytone verbal adjective from pelh 1 /pleh 1, also EWAI:156) >*p nó/*p l nó/ *pil nó > *p lnó>*pílna >lit. pìlnas , OInd. pūr á, contra *p ´h 1 no > *Psl p´ lnъ > SCr. pu n , R. pólnyj (Schaffner 2001:336, cf. also Forssman 2001:27); the original root might be root aorist form *ple h1 "fill, become full" (LIV 482, de Vaan 2008:472 473) Further references : Bezlaj 3:82, Fraenkel I:592, Gluhak 1993:512, Lehmann 1986:131, Snoj 2003:541, 14) Lit . piemuõ (AP3 < píemuo AP1), Gr. poim n , PBalt. *p ímōn/p imōn , according to Fraenkel I:585 considers the Lith. vocalims ie <*ei analogicaly introduced according to forms like píesas "feed"; PIE *pōimē n (Illich Svitych 1979:60), *poiʢh2 mē n (Rasmussen 1985), reconstructed by Schaffner as hysterokinetic: Nsg *poiʢh2 mē (n), Gsg *poiʢh2 mn és , with Laryngalmetathese poih 2 15) Lit. m÷ nuo , Latv. mēness "moon", mēnesis "month", OPrus. menig , OCS měsęc , Cz. měsíc , Slk. mesiac , Pl. miesiąc , S Cr. m sēc , Sln. m sec , PSl *mě sęc (APa), BS. *meȤn (e)s , Proto Slavic form from meh 1n s(e)n ko (Derkesn 2008:312 313); OHG mānōd , Got. mēnōþs , Germ.*mǃnō t , Gr. m n, Lat. mēnsis, OIr. mí, OInd. m s , TochA man , TochB men e; PIE*mēnō t (Illich Svitych 1979:60), reconstructed as amphikinetic Nsg *méh 1 n s, Gsg *meh 1 ns ós (Beekes 1985:62); similarly Schaffner *méh 1 nō s: *m 1ns és (Schaffner 181 2001:83 84) and Rieken *méh 1 nō t(s): *m(e)h 1 ns és (Rieken 1999:62); EWA II:352 reconstructs PIIr. * maHas < meh 1 ns, e grade in suffix * meh 1 nes in Greek, Latin, Gothic, Lithuanian and Tocharian forms; Smoczyński (2007:388) considers the Baltic length from laryngeal influence *meh 1 ns <*me.ens <*me.Hens (the resyllabification and compensatory lengthening), Baltic forms from the *mēn reformed from Asg. mē nes in ; the final Lith. m÷ nuo is a modified form of * m÷nuos <* mēnōs and according to vanduõ etc.; de Vaan (2008:373) posits PIt. mēns and Lithuanian and Latvian forms derives from * meh 1n es , the PIE form * meh 1 n s with Nsg meh 1 n ōt ; 16) Latv. vĩrs , Lit. výras , Balt. *v ras , OInd. vīrá , Av. vīrá, Lat. vir, OIr. fer, Goth. wair, TochA wir "young" (Latin, Celtic and Germanic brevity is due to the Dybo's law, accepted by de Vaan 2008:681, Matasović 2009:423 and NIL:726, thus * uʢīró > *uʢiro ); PIE *uʢīrós (Illich Svitych 1979:58), *uʢih rós (Rasmussen 1985), An alternative explanation to Hirt's law is the stress retraction due to the substantivization of the original adjective, thus Schaffner (2001:331) posits the oposition of *uʢih x ró (adjective) > OInd. vīrá , contra *uʢíh x ro (substantive) > Lit. výras (Schaffner 2001:331), but see Casaretto for *uʢih 1 ró > výras (Casaretto 2004:419 +Anm.1359); also Smozcyński (2007:756 757) and NIL:726 729 considers it as an alternative to Hirt's law. Further references : KEWA 3:238, EWA II:569, Fraenkel II:1258, Lehmann 1986:389:390 17) Ru. déver ´ deverjá , SCr. dj vēr , Sln. d÷vęɵr d÷vęɵrja , PSl * dě verъ (APa/c) Lith. díeveris, Latv. die veris , PBalt. d ivē (Illich Svitych 1979:90), PBS * daȤiuer (Derksen 2008:105), Lithuanian forms show AP1 but Slavic forms tend to be mobile (probably secondarily); Fraenkel I:94 considers the Lithuanian root vocalism levelled according to die vas ; Smoczyński (2007:111) explains the long Balto Slavic diphtong due to the laryngeal metathesis and resyllabification processes: * deh 2iuʢer > *da.h 2iuʢer >* da.h 2i.uʢer > *daiʢh2.uʢer > PBS* dāiʢ.uʢer; Gr. dā r , Lat. lēvir , OInd. devár, Arm taygr ; de Vaan 2008:336 reconstructs the PIt. form *daiʢwēr, with the Latin replacement of "d"by "l" (thus also EWA I:744) and *ver with vir due to the influence of vir "man"; PIE dāiuʢē r (IEW 179, Illich Svitych 1979:90), *daiʢh uʢē r (Rasmussen 1985); Nsg *deh 2i uʢē r , Dsg *deh 2i uʢr éi ʢ, Asg *deh 2i uʢér (Rieken 1999:266), hysterokinetic, but see Jeong Soo's argument for amphikinetic reconstruction (Jeong Soo 2005:19), * deh 2i uʢer (Derksen 2008:105), NIL:58 60 reconstructs *daiʢuʢér/daiʢuʢr and 182 according to Greek and Armenian forms the probable basic form *deh 2i uʢer , accepted by de Vaan (2008:336) but the derivation from the root *deh 2i "to distribute" remains doubtful; Further references: KEWA 2:64, EWA 743 744, Gluhak 1993:200, Bezlaj II:99, Vasmer I:991 18) Ru. mať , SCr m ti , Sln. máti , Cz. máti , Slk. mať , OCS mati , PSl *maɾti (APa), Latv. mãte , Lit. mót÷ , OPrus. mūti, PBS *máȤter (Derksen 2008:303), OInd. māt , Av. mātar, Gr. m ter, Lat. māter , OHG muoter ; Arm. mayr, Alb. motër, TochB mācer, TochA mācar, OIr. máithir, PIE *mah tē r (Rasmussen 1985); Nsg *meh 2tér s, Gsg *meh 2tr és , hysterokinetic (Jeong Soo 2005:14), Beekes argues for static inflection (Beekes 1985:185), also Snoj 2003:385 and Snoj 2004 reconstruct acrostatic paradigm * mah 2tér , Gsg. máh 2trs; NIL:457 461 reconstructs *máh 2ter but is not decided whether to posit an original * ā or * eh 2 but Kortlandt's idea of the development of VH sequence to acute is accepted. The oxytonesis in OInd. māt is considered to be taken from pitá type. Derksen (2008:303) admits the possibility of Hirts's law but also the fact that the original root stress (and therefore acrostatic paradigm) can be old, because the root stress appears in Greek m ter, . Further references: IEW 700 701, Gluhak 1993:401 It is obvious that a mixture of nominals of different origin and accentuation underwent Hirt's law. The different mobility of athematics is also difficult to frame into a sort of lateral mobility the starting point from which Hirt's law should apply. There is also an interesting remark made by Dybo (Dybo 1981:17) who, having observed, that u stems and consonatal stems that underwent Hirt's law returned back to mobility in Lithuanian, suggested, that those forms created a sort of mixed accentual paradigm with retracted forms and forms keeping original ending accentuation. 7.3.2. NoNonnnn strictstrictstrict oxytonesisoxytonesis hhypothesisypothesis 604 We can accept the working hypothesis that original IE accentual frames continued at least up to the time of operation of Hirt's law. It means that some words need could retain their PIE accentual paradigm and could escape Balto Slavic Pedersen's law. This hypothesis has not very firm grounds, because the corpus of words under examination is small. But Optimality Theory analysis seems to explain more successfully the Hirt's law under the premise of the 604 I proposed early version in 2006 at IWoBA 2, published as Sukač 2009, with addition in Sukač 2008. 183 continuance of original accentual distribution. However, another condition must be broken we must accept the fact that the stress was retracted also from syllables not immediately followed a syllable with consonantal laryngeal which is against the common understanding of how Hirt's law operates. 7.3.7.3.3333.. AntiAnti optimaloptimal paradigms Frazier has recently dealt with the accentual paradigms of PIE athematic nouns from the point of Optimality Theory (Frazier 2006). She uses a concept of dominant and recessive morphems in a concept of morphology phonology interface. Dominant affixes are those that cause deletion of accent rom the base. Any affix that does not bear such specification is recessive by default. Apart from using input output correspondence also output output correspondence is used, because from one base different outputs in paradigms can be created. Accented roots are always stressed in the output, unaccented roots yield paradigms with alternating stress, postaccenting roots yield paradigms with stress on the inflectional suffix. Frazier also uses antifaithfulness constraints (Alderete 2001), operating only on the output output correspondence, which are satisfied by an output which violates a coresspondent faithfulness constraint. Comparisons between members of inflectional paradigms are solved by a theory of Optimal paradigms, which was, however, not developed with intention of explaining differences among members of paradigms due to inflectional affixes (McCarthy 2005). Creating a non optimal paradigm (¬OP ) model to generate multiple candidates simultaneously, Frazier is successfuly able to demonstrate the interaction and ranking of constraints of the types: DEP (A) do not insert accent, MAX (A) do not delete accent, NoFLOP (A) do not shift accent, ALIGN LEFT for every stressed syllable, align its left edge with the left edge of the prosodic word, OP DEP(A) do not insert an accent into any member of an inflection paradigm, ¬OP DEP(A) insert an accent into the stem of a member of an inflectional paradigm created with a dominant affix; similarly OP MAX(A), ¬OP MAX(A), OP NoFLOP(A), ¬OP NoFLOP(A), DEP(A) ROOT , DEP(A) DERIV , and show how they control the placement of the stress in all four types of athematic accentual paradigms. I use the Frazier's concept as a starting point and I try to show that to explain a leftward stress shift we must include a dominant constraint which specifies position of a laryngeal in a root. As for Hirt's law, it is obvious that a target root syllable contains a laryngeal as a part of a coda, which means, that this laryngeal is consonantal. I argue, that late Indo European and Early Balto Slavic generally prefer consonatal (and tautosyllabic) laryngeal than vocalic. As 184 for the case of Hirt's law, the root laryngeal is consonatal and therefore attracts stress. Therefore, I posit a constraint *ƽroot (Root laryngeal must be consonantal). If we accept the working hypothesis that athematic nouns, at least those that underwent Hirt's law, kept their original accentual distribution, we can easily create tableaux for showing the undominance of constraints *ƽroot and ALIGN LEFT. Amphikinetic nouns have a root stress in strong cases and an ending stress in weak cases. The stress is, therefore, shifted leftward only in weak cases 605 : weak cases of *meH nōt s ; ƽ RSÉ * root ALIGN LEFT OP NO FLOP (A) ŔHSE * RHSÉ *! RəSÉ * * As for hysterokinetics, the stress alternates between suffix and ending. The root is never accented. I accept Frazier's presupposition that hysterokinetics had post accenting root otherwise it would be impossible to explain their anomalous accentuation. The leftward stress shift again shows the undominance of constraints *ƽroot and ALIGN LEFT: strong and weak cases of the type *maH t r, *daiH uʢ r, *poiH m n RPA ŚE ƽ RPA SÉ * root ALIGNL OP NoFLOP (A) POST ACC RPA ŚE **! ** RPA SÉ ŔHSE **! ŔHSE **! Thematic oxytona also have postaccenting root (accepting Halle's proposal): 605 R ə root with non consonantal laryngeal, S suffix, E ending, R H root with tautosyllabic laryngeal; OPNoFLOP (A) do not shift stress in any member of the inflectional paradigms 185 ƽ RŚE * root ALIGN L POST ACC R PA ŚE *! * ŔHSE *! 7.3.7.3.4444.. Lubotsky's accent shift Lubotsky 1992 observed anomalous resistance of Old Indic i and u stems derived from roots with a final laryngeal. Those derivates are oxytonas. There is no retraction of stress although the original root ended in a consonantal laryngeal. Some of the Old Indic i and u stems have parallels in Balto Slavic where the forms underwent Hirt's law: Latv. jũts , OInd. yūtíh ; Latv. znuõts , OInd. jňātís . Lubotsky claims that the Old Indic oxytonesis is not of Indo European origin and he supposes "the laryngeal accent shift". However, the condition of the stress shift in Old Indic is "incomprehensible", because root laryngeals generally attract stress. Concerning this, there is another interesting Lubotsky's hypothesis that laryngeals (which merged into glottal stop in Indo Iranian ) were lost before voiced unaspirated consonant if followed by another consonant (*HDC>DC). Roots have short medial vowel: *peh 2g´ OInd. pajrá "firm" but Gr. πήγν ι "make fast". In Indo Iranian we observe assimilation of a glottal stop (merger of laryngeal) and preglottalised consonants (formerly explained as voiced unaspirated): CeHDC = CeȤȤDC > CaȤȤDC (Indo Iranian "a") > Ca ȤDC. This is Lubotsky's law. Lubotsky supposes that the orginal i and u stems were barytona and the laryngeal shift operated when the root vowel was followed by a laryngeal (or glottal stop in the above interpretation). We can see that the process is quite opposite to the leftward stress shift in Balto Slavic. 606 Taking the above mentioned results into consideration, we can easily explain the anomalous resistance of Old Indic i and u stems derived from roots with a final laryngeal, as observed by Lubotsky. The fact that the roots having final consonantal laryngeal do not attract stress can be explained by the following preliminary hypothesis: while in Balto Slavic the consonantal root laryngeal causes the attraction of stress (Hirt's law) and it is undominated 606 Lubotsky 1992 put his conception on Indo Iranian laryngeal shift into a broader relative chronology of changes. (see Lubotsky 1992:268). The most important result is that all laryngeals merged into glottal stop in Indo Iranian (which is the same result as in Balto Slavic), then the glottal stop was lost before mediae (which are conditions similar to Winter's law in my interpretation), and the laryngeal accent shift followed. 186 from the OT point of view, in Old Indic the constraints *ƽroot and ALIGN LEFT are dominated by some other constraints. Therefore, the leftward stress shift is blocked. Lubotsky observes that the orginal i and u stems were barytona and the laryngeal shift operated if the root vowel was followed by a laryngeal (or glottal stop in the above interpretation). We can see that the process is quite opposite to the leftward stress shift in Balto Slavic. 607 The specification of Indo Iranian laryngeal accent shift only to i or u stems is interesting because it presupposes dominancy of i and u suffix. As remarked by Lubotsky, the shift does not occur in a stems like k ma "wish". In my article on Hirt's law from 2006/2009 (rewritten above) I tried to explain the mechanism of Hirt's law using Optimality Theory. Now it seems to me that Hirt's law and Indo Iranian laryngeal accent shift are opposite mechanisms, althought the latter is specified to i and u stems and both mechanism need not be synchronic. For the sake of convenience I use the structure CVH.S where H means consonantal laryngeal and S is suffix. The constraints involved in accent shift are: MAX (A) do not delete accent DEP (A) do not insert accent NOFLOP (A) do not shift accent ALIGN LEFT for every stressed syllable, align its left edge with the left edge of some prosodic word ALIGN RIGHT for every stressed syllable, align its right edge with the right edge of some prosodic word I also posited a constraint * ƽroot root laryngeal must be consonantal. In my aforementioned article I tried to explain Hirt's law in whole paradigms but here I limit my analysis to Nsg forms. As for barytona which did not undergo any accent shift (like Indo Iranian a stems), the tableau is as follows: 607 In Indo Iranian as well as in Balto Slavic the original three laryngeals merged into one which was phonetically glottal stop. 187 CV HS *ƽroot MAX(A) DEP NONFLOP ALIGN ALIGN (A) L R a CV HS * b CVHS * * * * Candidate (a): *ƽroot >> MAX(A), DEP (A), NONFLOP >>ALIGN L>>ALIGN R Indo Iranian laryngeal shift: barytona > oxytona * dhurH ti , OInd dhūrtí . To narrow the shift for i and u stems I use the S SPEC suffix: CV HS SPEC *ƽroot ALIGN ALIGN MAX(A) DEP NONFLOP R L (A) a * CV HS SPEC b * * * * CVHS SPEC Candidate (b): *ƽroot >> ALIGN R>>ALIGN L >> MAX(A), DEP (A), NONFLOP Hirt's law in Balto Slavic:oxytona > barytona, BS *dúH mo CVHS *ƽroot ALIGN L ALIGN MAX(A) DEP (A) NONFLOP R a CV HS * * * * b CVHS * 188 Candidate (a): *ƽroot >> ALIGN L>>ALIGN R >> MAX(A), DEP (A), NONFLOP Oxytona remain oxytona and do not undergo stress retraction as in Balto Slavic, * dhuH mó , OInd dhūmá CVHS *ƽroot MAX(A) DEP NONFLOP ALIGN ALIGN (A) R L a CV HS * * * * * b CVHS * Candidate (b): *ƽroot >> MAX(A), DEP (A), NONFLOP >>ALIGN R>>ALIGN L Conclusion In this chapter I proposed the Non strict oxytonesis hypothesis. It means that some nouns need not be necesarily oxytonesized and could continue from PIE to Balto Slavic with their original accentual paradigm. I use the Frazier's concept as a starting point and I accepted Rasmussen's claim that Hirt's law required the laryngeal in coda position. Such structures attracted stress. In Indo Iranian, on the other hand, the situation is opposite and roots ending in laryngeal coda do not attract stress. I proposed a new constraint * ƽroot which prohibits vocalic counterpart of a laryngeal in a root. The Hirt's law and Old Indic oxytonesis is then the result of different ranking of * ƽroot and ALIGN family of constraints which are responsible for the position of stress. The both processes need not be synchronic but the opposite mechanism suggests the interaction of the same bulk of constraints. 189 8. Winter's law Introduction Winter's law seems to be one of the important accentual laws of the Balto Slavic period. Its reality is now established and acknowledged by most scholars. The hotly debated issue is the mechanism of Winter's law. In the following section I am going to describe various approaches to Winter's law. Then I review the data, both those who support Winter's law (fully or partially) and the so called counterexamples. I will argue that Kortlandt's theory of preglottalized consonants successfuly explains data and I will propose my solution of Winter's law from the point of Optimality Theory. 8.8.8.18. 111.. Discovery and conditions of the operation The story Winter's law dates back to 1978, when Werner Winter published his groundbreaking article about reflexes of PIE root syllable nucleus with coda containing a voiced stop. Winter observed, that if the root contained a sequence of short vowel with voiced stop, that short vowel was lengthened: CV D >CV D in Balto Slavic. Winter analysed only roots with former * a,o and * e which means that Slavic responses of those short vowels are a, ě, in Lithuanian we find ÷, uo , in Latvian ē, uo, a . The important thing is that Lithuanian shows acute and Latvian shows broken tone: Lith. ÷ sti , Latv. e st , OCS jasti ; Lith. núogas , Latv. nuôgs , OCS nagъ. Winter adduced 19 examples of short vowel lengthening before voiced stop and nine exceptions, which he tried to explain. Lengthening was not observable in sequences CVT *met > m÷sti, mest, mesti and CVD H * uʢedh >vèsti, vest, vesti , i.e. when root syllable contained original unvoiced or voiced aspirated stop. The vowel lengthening can also be found in the sequence with CVRC bases. The diftong bases were hinted but not analysed by Winter, but by Young 1990, 1991. So e.g. in in sequences (C)VRD * bheld > Lith. bélsti (knock), Latv. bel t or *perg > S Cr. pr g, Rus. poróg, Lith. pérgas (fishing boat) we also observe acute intonation in Lithuanian and broken tone in Latvian. It cotrasts to sequences CVRD H *bhend h > Lith. ben dras (comrade), Latv.bìedrs; *g'omb h > S Cr. zu b, Lith. žam bas, Rus. zub zubá where we see circumflex in Lithuanian. 190 8.28.28.2.8.2 ... Rejection of Winter's law Authors who did not accept Winter's law claimed that the apparent law is either a phonetic process which happens not only before voiced unaspirated obstruents but also elsewhere or that the process is morphological due to the vrddhi derivation process. 8.8.8.28. 222.1.1.1.1.. Schmid's "solution" Schmid 1986:362ff wanted to prove that lengthening happened also before "k", "l", "m" and "s". So he compares Lith n úoga, púodas, úosti úoga with Goth. naqaþs, faz, Lat. odor , Goth. akran as well as Lith. juo kas with Lat. iocus , Lith. kuo las with Russ. kol , Lith núoma with Goth niman, Lith. súolas with Lat. solium , Lith. úolektis and alkun÷, Lith. uolùs and Lat. adolēre, Lith. úosis and Lat. ornus . However, this contradicts to the original Winter's idea that lengthening is before media only. "k" and "s" are voiceless and moreover juo kas and kuo las have circumflex intonation. According to Schmid, the following data show that the lengthening is not dependent on the quality of a root consonant and does not depend on the derivative class: like Lith. gro žis gražùs, klónis kla nas, lo bis la bas, ro g÷s rag÷s, stógas Rus. stog, žo dis ža das, sprógti sprag÷ ti, vo gti vagìs . Schmid sees Dehnungspreteritum in Baltic iʢo class Lith. lekiu, l÷kiau, l÷ kti, analogically r÷kiu contra OCS rekNj, gr÷biu contra Latv. grebu. So according to Schmid 1986:364 the lengthening is not dependent on the quality of root consonant and the whole process is just a product of word formation. 8.28.28.2.1.18.2 .1.1.1.1.1.1.... Kortlandt's criticriticismcism The Schmid's conception was heavily attacked by Kortlandt 1988:392. Kortlandt rightly points out that Schmid's wrong results are caused by lack of accentuation in Lithuanian data. Kortlandt also sees different connection with the data that Schmid adduces. Kortlandt compares Lith. túopa (with length before tenuis ) with Lat. pōpulus, while Russ. topol should be blend of MLat. papulus and MHG papel. Schmid connects Lith. stógas with WL and Russ. stog, but according to Kortlandt the absence of lengthening in stog is due to it relation to Gr. stókhos . Lithuanian sprógti has right acute from WL but spragéti is for Kortlandt connected with spraga (breach), spra ge (flea beetle) < * spreg h . So no lengthening happens before media aspirata. Acute in Lith. gr÷ bti is not analogical, as Schmid thinks, but due to gróbti (seize) reflected also in SCr. gr biti. Intonations in Lithuanian verb m÷ gti "like" (WL) and mag÷ ti (want) are taken as analogical by Schmid but Kortlandt points to their different roots. Acute form of r÷ pti (gather) is according to Kortlandt doublets of r÷ pti. Kortlandt sees 191 connection of núoma not with Goth. nima, as Schmid does, but with Gr. nōmáō. As for kúopa, Schmid adduces it as an example of lengthening before tenuis, but Kortlandt identifies kúopa with Gr. k pē "handles" <* keh 2p . Circumflexed ka pas is related to Lith. ko pti "scrape". Acute form of tóšis can be connected with Latv. ta st (peel and is not related to Lith. tašýti and Latv. tèst. Schmid also adduces Lith. trobà (house) with as and example of out BS lengthening because of Osk. triibúm but Kortlandt derives the Lithuanian form from *treb >OIr. treb (dwelling). Kortlandt's criticism began fruitful. Schmid's contribution to Winter's law remains only as a historical peculiarity. The Schmid's cardinal mistake was his persuation that accentuation is not important for WL. Therefore, his article did not have any positive reactions. 8.8.8.28. 222.2..2. Morphological explanation Gercenberg Gercenberg (1981:129 140) shows that root lengthening is not limited to Balto Slavic only and is connected with grammatical function. For example Gercenberg adduces* ēd s > Hitt. ezzai as an sigmatic type of verb form. Length there is considered archaic. He also tries to show examples where lengthening does not depend on root final voiced consonant but on sonant: Lith . ÷ ras "lamb", OCS jarina ; Lith. úloektis , Latv. uôlekts "elbow", Lith. tvorà, OCS tvar , and also examples of lengthening before voiced aspirated consonant: Skt. várdhate <*uʢredh ; Skt. váhati <*uʢeg´ h.Against this, Kortlandt (1988:390 391) claims that Lith. ÷ ras úolektis and Gr. ōlenē <*h 3eh 1l , oblique cases * h3h1el (k) , *h 3h1l (en) observed in Latv. elkuônis , TochA. āle "palm of the hand". Kortlandt's original form for Lith. tvorà , OCS tvar is *tuōr which should have a lengthened grade but no acute. Gercenberg absurdly claims that Kortlandt's hypothesis of preglottalic consonants requires unvoiced and glottalised sonants, e.g.: Lith uosis, Russ. jáseń < *h 3eh 2s, oblique case c h3h1es (k) , seen in Arm. hac i with the same ablaut processes as in *h 3eh 1l , oblique cases *h 3h1el (k) ?proterokinetic. Gercenberg also suggests that Kortlandt's conception of deglottalisation concerns also roots *dō , and *dhē , as OCS dadętъ, Lith. dúodu, dedù. Gercenberg's ideas met only with criticism, e.g. Shintani 1985, Kortlandt 1988b. As Matasović (1995:58) remarked, Gercenberg's approach is largely irrelevant because he tries to show that both Balto Slavic and some other IE language show lengthened grade in the root. 192 This does not explain why just Balto Slavic shows the long vowel and what the mechanism was. 8.8.8.38. 333.. Winter's Law and Compensatory Lengthening The probable mechanism of vovel lengthening was briefly discussed by Birnbaum (1985:48 49). Birnbaum made rather bizarre typological comparison with CL in Slavic. Birnbaum refers to Timberlake 1983 and his detailed descriptions of CL due to the loss of final yers. It is long known and described (e.g. by Polish authors) that CL is limited to the quality of coda consonant. It seems to me that although Birnbaum rejects that he woud see the parallel between WL and NAct CL, he discusses the quality of coda consonants that influence the operation of both process. Winter's law is a Balto Slavic process and it does not operate when coda is formed by either IE unvoiced or voiced aspirated stop or a consonant cluster. Neoacute lengthening is limited to loss of yers (at least in nominals) conditionded by the voiced/unvoiced stops. I cannot see any connection with the two processes and it is not clear to me why Birnbaum tries to argue about quality of consonant. He only alludes to Kortlandt's conception of glottalised stops and the question if those consonants could condition length in other instances. Birnbaum (1999) came back to Winter's Law but only as as a summing up of recent research and as a criticism of Kortland's interpretation. Birnbaum miconnected and therefore refused Kortlandt's glottalic theory with the general Indo European glottalic theory because he did not know Kortlandt's articles about Germanic obstruents. Contrary to the often repeated claim, Birnbaum 1985 did not seem to reject WL, he rather made some objections at Kortlandt and his interpretation of exceptions to WL. Birnbaum also did not discuss the mechanism of Winter's Law and all the data but only the certain counterexamples and problematic reconstructions. In his 1999 article he saw the Law as a tendency not as a phonetic law but this seems only because of the acceptance of the Law by Rasmussen and the problematic interpretation of the Law by Schmid to which Festschrift Birnbaum contributed 608 608 Birnbaum 1999:31. 193 8.8.8.48. 444.... Two cases can be adduced as an important contributions to our knowledge of Winter's law although both had opposite effects 8.8.8.48. 444.1.1.1.1. The "ubogъubogъubogъ" case A bit unhappy contribution to Winter's law has been done by Zimmer 1986:224 who argues, that the prefix u <*au is not attested in Iranian and argues for archaismus for Slavic, because u is lost early as a perfective prefix (OCS udaliti , Rus. ubežat , he also notes that **bogъ as simplex is not atested, only as a compositum. It is quite obvious that Zimmer ignores many facts, such as the similarity of Slavic and Iranian form etc. see also Kortlandt 1988:395. Etymologically, prefix "u " is from BS *au and corresponds to Lithuanian and Latvian au , Old Irish ó and Old Indic ava , PIE *h 2eu (Derksen 2008:506). As for *ubogъ "poor", the form is only Slavic OCS ubogъ , Rus. ubógij, Cz. ubohý, Slk. ubohý, Pl. ubogi , S Cr. ùbog, Sln. ubo g. For etymology and discussions of * bogъ "god" see below. 8.48.48.4.2.8.4 .2. Hamp's coconnnntributiontribution Hamp 1972, 1991 also touched Winter's Law in his etymological analysis of Lith. dúoti dúoda "give" and d÷ ti de da "put". He reconstructs Balto Slavic *duodmi/dōdmi, dedmi and compares those forms with Skt. reduplicated forms dádāmi, dadhāmi and creates PIE *dhédheh 1mi:*dhedheh 1més; *dédeh 3mi:*dedh 3més . The latter forms give Balto Slavic *dédēmi:dedmés, dédōmi: dedmés. Oxytone accent in dedmés as well as vocalism were generalised > dedmì: dedmès contra dèdōmi: dedmès. A new form was created due to proportion analogy dedē ded , dedō dod (with short "o") but for distinctivness sake actually "dōd " > duod . This was the interpretation from 1972, before the appearance of Winter's paper and shows PIE reduplicative background. Hamp 1991 simplified all the process of formation and posited "dōd " as Winter's law but the actual effect of his proportional analogy remains mysterious and very improbable. 8.8.8.58. 555.. Mechanism of WinWinter'ster's law Scholars who accepted the reality of Winter's law tried to explain the mechanism of it. It was observed that the situation is not quite clear and that we cannot simply postulate that in CVD position the law operated and in CVD H not. This is only observation, not explanation. Several hypothesis have been proposed and we can say that without the context of the others theories they might see competing or alternative for anybody who is not familiar with them. 194 8.8.8.58. 555.1..1. Closed syllable hypothesis Matasović (1995) argued that Winter's law is a process of lengthening which occured only in closed syllables. His analysis is limited to monophtnogs because he considers diphtongal bases always to be closed. 609 He expects that WL should operate in athematic verbs with monosyllabic roots CVD , in thematic verbs CVD CV (yo suffixed verbs), in substantives CVD CV and all diphtongal bases CVR D. I will discuss Matasović's examples below. The whole Matasović's theory was criticised by Derksen 2002, who points that first, Winter's law operated both in closed and in open syllables, second, according to Matasović's theory the law would not happen in zero grade of roots Ci/uD type.610 The term "lengthening" is also misleading because it does not say anything about the intonation difference on long vowels. Simply, if one says that Winter's law is lengthening of a vowel, he does not explain why such vowel obtains acute intonation and not circumflex. Matasović also misinterprets the Kortlandt's theory of glottal stop influence on WL. Supposing that WL is lengthening of a preceding vowel, Matasović thinks that the loss of glottal stop occured in the closed syllables causing compensatory lengthening: *seȤd.mi > *sēd.mi > Lith. s÷ du . The first syllable is "double closed" and the mechanism of lenghtening is actually conjoined with the simplification of complex coda. On the other hand, * seȤ.geh 3 (the wrong reconstruction combining glottal stop and a laryngeal) > *se.gō > segù. Here the coda in the first syllable is not complex and that is the reason why WL does not operate. 611 Matasovic (2005) made Winter's law a central point of his relative chronology of early Balto Slavic sound changes. He sticked to his own 1995 formulation claiming that there are many counterexamples to the "original" formulation which, according to Matasović, is the lengthening in open syllalbe, e.g. Lith. dubùs "deep", geguž÷ "cuckoo", pãdas "sole" etc. Matasović claims that there are no counterexamples to his formulation and considers Derksen's objection (Derksen 2002) as a non argument because because length in open syllables can be explained in other way. 612 He considers the original Dehnstufe in *nōg w s/*nog wos "naked body" to be preserved in Balto Slavic while other IE languages should have generalized the full grade. 609 p.66 67. 610 Derksen 2002:6. 611 Matasović 1995:69. 612 Matasović 2005:155. 195 8.8.8.58. 555.2..2. ShintaniShintani RasmussenRasmussen hypothesis Both Shintani and Rasmussen accept the existence of Winter's Law. They both take Winter's Law as a morphonological rule, although the mechanism of lengthening is not clear. Shintani in his paper from 1985 suggested that "a short vowel before PIE plain media was lengthened only in unstressed position" (Shintani 1985:274). As a support for he adduces Latvian Brechton: nuo gs, uo ga, uo st, a bele ...Short vowel was not lengthened in barytone forms of mobile paradigms, only in oxytone forms (otherwise we should observe alternation of long/short vowels. So without lengthening should have been: Lith. pãdas (AP2), Lat. pads, ORus podъ, here barytone *po dom ; original oxytone in OInd padám < *pedo m (Shintani 1985:276) Lith. s÷ gti, OCS prisęšti, OInd sájati, Shintani reconstructs barytone thematic present *sége/o PSl * sed lo Shintani inclines to see it as Germanic borrowing, according to him the form can also have barytonic root *séd (Shintani 1985:276) PSl *voda belongs to mobile paradigm and secondary a stem, originally r/n stem , for explanation of different forms in Baltic and Slavic Shintani suggests following etymologies: contamination of *uʢódr with collectivum * uʢédõ > BS *uʢodõ > PSl *vodá Nsg *uʢádõ (Lith. vãdaksnis ) > contamination with n from verbs (cf. OInd unáti, undáti ) > *uʢándõ >Lith. vanduõ Lcoll. *udén > *ūdén (Winter's law) > * ūndén > Lith.Žem. unduõ, Latv. u dens Also, Shintani completed examples of Winter's law with words containing *i, u >expected BS * and * (Shintani 1985:287 288), e.g. Lith. dras ( AP3), Latv. u dris, OInd. udráh, *udrós, acording to Shintani the lenght in Lithuanian can be analogical, cf. Greek barytone húdra Lith. b gti , according to Shintani from IE thematic aorist injunctive * bhug é/ó or sk present *b hug sk' é/ó Latv. dzĩdrs <*g wh idrós, according to Shintani length can also be secondary. Counterexamples adduced by Shintani would be, e.g. Lith. dubùs (AP4), dùgnus (AP4), PSL * dъno, *d hub >d hub h in some cases, influenced with bhud h (OInd. budhnáh), according to Shintani, therefore no WL. Lith. svidùs (AP4), svid÷ ti; *suʢesuʢóiʢd , pl .suʢesuʢid' , to Lith. svid÷ ti, svyd÷ ti Shintani reconstructs *suʢ' īd root stress form singular >svid÷ ti, *suʢīd' oxytone from old plural > svid÷ ti . 196 Shintani also criticised Kortlandt' solution to WL. First, it goes about the origin of acute Kortlandt thinks that acute originated from laryngeal feature. Second, Kortlandt also incorporated WL into relative chronology of changes. Kortlandt 1977, 1978, 1978a stated Winter's law is posterior to Hirts law, end of Balto Slavic period: "merger of the glottalic feature with the reflex of PIE laryngeals was certainly posterior to Hirt's law because the stress was not retracted in the forms which were to develop into Latv. pę ds, nuo gs (Kortlandt 1977:320). According to Shintani, it does not matter whether Winter's law operated before Hirt's law, e.g. *nog wós > *nágas there was no laryngeal in the root (Shintani 1985: 292) Shintani rejects Kortlandt's theory about the origin of acute from laryngeal feature (Shintani 1985:293, he sees the origin of acute in PIE lengthened grade, like *m s > SCr m š; *n s > Lith. nósis. Shintani refers to Rasmussen and in concordance with him he rejects both glottalic theory and Kortlandt's interpretation of Winter's law. Shintani's theory was accepted by Rasmussen 1992 who specified its conditions. In his conception, Winter's Law produces length only in the syllable immediately preceding the accent, not under accent ( *ségeti >Lith. se ga ), not in the syllable separated from the accent by an intervening syllable ( *maderós > Lith. mãdaras ). If Winter's law is interpreted as a vowel lenghtening before a voiced stop, it is questionable why those new vowels become acute and differ from other long vowels which are circumflexed. 613 The real caveat of Rasmussen's approach is that he does not include reconstructed Slavic accentuation. Most of his "proofs" are just juxtaposition of mostly Baltic forms with other Indo European cognates. But this is not proof, of course. Rasmussen is forced to assume that when a Baltic form has circumflex, it must be an exception to WL or a it must have been due to some blockage mechanism. Such is the situation of Lith. slãbnas "weak" for which he proposes a blocking cluster *bn. Should Rasmussen include the Proto Slavic accentuation, he would have seen that it has acute and is therefore positive for WL. 614 Shintani Rasmusssen hypothesis is heavily defended by Copenhagen circle. Shintani's 1985 article has even been re published in 2009 at the IWoBA 2 Proceedings. 615 613 Derksen 1995:64 65. 614 Rasmussen's claim that there is no Slavic etymological dictionary recording the tonal properties of the word and that he must use Fraenkel's dictionary (the state of the art in 1992) fails to understand why he did not use the rich material of MAS. 615 Stressing the past. Papers on Baltic and Slavic accentology . eds. Olander, T.; Larsson, J.H., Rodopi 2009. 197 8.8.8.58. 555.3.3.3.3.. StressedStressed onlyonly position as a condition of Winter's law A bit curious hypothesis of Winter's Law mechanism was proposed by Holst 2003. Holst takes Winter's Law as lengthening process and he backs his theory on the often lengthening of vowels under the stress while lengthening in unstressed syllable should be less know. 616 Holst thinks that before the WL the original root vowel is short (which really is) and due to the WL that vowel is lengthened with concomitant intonation. 617 The problem for Holst is the explanation of the this intonation which he omits. Moreover, his attempt to reconstruct the original stress system of Balto Slavic and Proto Slavic leads to mere description of prosodic systems in individual languages without taking any account of the scholarly accentological literature. No accentual paradigms are mentioned and forms are juxtaposed and compared as in the stone age of the classical accentology. For Holst, the situation of Winter's Law is quite simple: if the ictus fell on the root syllable, the short nucleus was lengthened. Holst reconstructs Proto Balto Slavic forms which underwent WL as root stressed forms and as a support he adduces root stressed cognates from other IE languages. So BS *ésti >* sti because OInd. átti, Gr . édō ; BS *sésti >*s sti because OInd. s dati, Gr. ézomai etc. What strikes here is the unanswered question why such lengthening under stress does not regularly occur in Old Indic and Greek but only in Balto Slavic. No length is expected where the Old Indic and Greek show oxytonesis: BS *podós, OInd. Gsg. padáh, BS *ognís , OInd. agní . Holst explains counterexamples without any referrence to previous discussions. Therefore, Holst neither quotes nor discusses Kortlandt's glottalic explanation 618 and his blockage clusters theory and if discusses Kortlandt, he misinterprets him although favours glottalic theory. That concerns "water" and "fire" words. 619 Holst's remark that in PIE the "water" was a heteroclitic and the lost of heterocliticity in Balto Slavic lead to the new accent paradigm does not explain the absence of WL and of course, the n infix in Lithuanian. Holst thinks that Latvian Brechton and Winter's Law do not relate and he considers Brechton as a special Latvian origin. But it does not explain why the Brechton occurs in forms with Winter's Law and what the concomitant intonation should be phonetically. Holst's result is quite curious for him the Winter's law is the Balto Slavic lengthening of short stressed vowel before unvoiced plosive (or ejective in glottalic theory). Why should such process happen and why it concerns glottalic consonants, 616 Curiously Slavic languages, where Winter's law operated, show the opposite tendency. Stressed vowels in Czech do not normally lengthen (apart from emphatic forms and local dialectal development), pretonic vowels are lenghtened ( tráva type). Posttonic syllables are also commonly long in Serbian Croatian. 617 Holst 2003:167 158. 618 Apart from p. 168 169. 619 p.166 167. 198 remains a mystery. It also remains a mystery why this article, which omits almost thirty year discussion of WL and the relevant scholarly literature, was published in HS. 620 8.68.68.6.8.6 . Glottal stop solutionsolution Kortlandt's theory According to Kortlandt, Winter's law is a phonetic process of dissolving PIE glottalic stops into laryngeal and buccal part. The laryngeal part merged with the reflex of PIE laryngeals, the buccal part with the reflex of the aspirated stops. 621 In the relative chronology, Winters Law belongs to Late Balto Slavic and is posterior to Hirt's Law because stress was not retracted in Latvian pe ds "footstep". The Brechton here reflects the final stress *pedóm. Similarly, this can be seen in Latv. nu gs <*nog wós and 1st sing. of the verb "give" du mu 622 <*dodh 3mí. Kortlandt 1988b shows that Latvian broken tone can be both the result of Winter's law, both reflexf of mobility. Mobility was productive in Latvian before the stress fixation on the first syllable. Acute can also be reflected as circumflex ( gnĩda "nit", grãbstit "rake", me dz÷t "be accustomed", which, according to Kortlandt, disproves Shintani's assumption that acute is from lengthened grade (Kortlandt 1988:394). Winter's law is not lengthening but the rise of acute. Kortlandt claims that length and timbre are concomitant features of acute. In Kortlandt's theory, acute vowels (of WL and of laryngeal origin) are distinct from PIE and Balto Slavic lengthened vowels. Glottalization gives later either short or long vowels in separate languages. 623 8.8.8.78. 777.. Winter's law in Albanian? Winter's law has been accepted by Huld 2005:57 for Albanian (PIE*sp golos > PAlb. * ǽdzala > fyell "flute". Albanian shares WL with Baltic and Slavic. Orel 2000:9 connected lengthening in Alb. boj "to drive, to mate" < EPAlb. *bāgnja 620 Paradoxically, should Holst have been acquainted with Shintani Rasmussen hypothesis, he could have known that both scholars tried to prove the precise opposite of his own conception that Winter's law is lengthening in the pretonic syllable! Also, should Holst have read LIV carefully, he would have noticed that this new standard Indo European work adopted the conception of WL by Matasović (1995) whose paper Holst obviously does not know. 621 Kortlandt 1983:5. 622 Kortlandt 1983:5 6. 623 This is expressed in Kortland 1988b and 2007b. 199 Summary 1. Winter's law is taken as a proven fact. It operates before voiced unaspirated obstruents. 2. There are two competing theories concerning what Winter's law is. The first proposal comes out from Winter himself and is accepted by Matasović, Shintani Rasmussen et al. It says that Winter's law is a lengthening of a vowel and this lengthening is reflected as acute. Such explanation is problematic because it does not explain what acute is, it implicitly supposes that acute must have been long and project the current intonations to Balto Slavic. The second theory is the one by Kortlandt claiming that Winter's law was glottalization of a nucleus. This theory fits into the Kortlandt's general theory of accentuation and also explains why WL occures only before the originally unaspirated obstruents. The apparent lengthening is of later origin. I therefore suppose that Kortland't theory is the one that is the most probable explanation of WL. 3. Concerning the syllabic position where WL operates. The position of stress is not important because WL is glottalization which results from the loss of glottal stop. Therefore, the strict Shintani Rasmussen and Holst's hypotheses are false. Matasović's hypothesis that WL operated only in closed syllable is also false because what really closes the syllable is glottal stop. 3. Blocking clusters are generally not explained although beaing treated as a cover term "neutralization". 200 8.8.8.88. 888.. Review of data In the following section the data showing Winter's law are adduced and discussed. Because the Winter's law is accepted as a proved fact, I do not discuss data which do not show WL because they contain the original voiced aspirate or unvoiced obstruent. This is not necessary because the existence of WL has been proved by the above mentioned authors and is now generally accepted. However, I discuss the counterexamples to Winter's law. 8.8.8.88. 888.1..1. Survey of data which wouwouldld support Winter's law 1)1)1) OCS agnę , Cz . jehně, SCr. j gnje, Sln. jágnje, PSl *agnę (APa), Lat. agnus , Gr. amnós , w(h) w w PIE * ag no (IEW 9), *h 2eg n ent > PSl *agnę (Derksen 2008:26), *h 2eg no (de Vaan 2008:30); Gercenberg 1981:137 sees varinats of root consonant * gw/gh w, so Lat. agnus, Gr. amnó x OE éanian, OIr. úan , Gercenberg constructs heteroclitic form *ogh w , *ag wnés; Shintani 1985:291 wh h w sees two different roots *(h 2)ag , *(h 2)ag ; *ag nó (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527); Matasović (1995:63) accepts WL as lengthening in a closed syllable, reconstructs BS * āgnen n; Status: Slavic forms reflect the WL. Further references: ESJS1 1989:46, Gluhak 1993:288, Bezlaj 1976:217, Frisk I:93, Snoj 2003:232 233, Winter 1978:433, Vasmer 4:544 545, Dybo 2002:396. 2)2)2) Lith. áikštis "passion, heat"; other cognates: the connection with OInd. ējati "moves, nasal present íngati "flutters" (Fraenkel I:2 3) would lead to the root PIE *aig "move quickly" IEW:13 14. h Smoczyński 2007:4 proposes the alternative derivation from the original * h2eid > *aid ti with further * k epenthesis > aiksti. The epenthesis only supports Winter's law because if the velar would be voiced, Winter's law could operate before the voiced assimilation process. In that case, the cognates would be probably Gr. aíthō "burn in" and OInd édhate "shines", see LIV 259. Dybo 2002:431 connects also PSl. *j gra "game", Rus. igrá , Cz hra , S Cr. ìgra , Sln. ígra . The problem is that Proto Slavic form is APb. Dybo's connection with OInd. éjati "move" < *h 2eig was refused by Derksen 2008:209 also for semantic reasons. Status : evidence for WL. Further references: Vasmer 2:16, EWAi I:264, 201 3)3)3) Lith. áugti "grow", Latv. aûgt "grow", aûdz t "raise"; other cognates: Lat. aug Œre "increase", Goth. aukan "increase", Gr. aúksō, OInd. ójas "strenght", PIE *auʢeg , aug , ug (IEW:84), *h 2eug tei (BIL) Smoczyński (2007:32) considers acute from * ungsta "begins to grow" or from intensive ū gdyti "grow" but the transfer is improbable. Status : evidence for WL. Further references : Fraenkel I:24, de Vaan 2008:61, NIL: 328 332, Dybo 2002:422 4)4)4) OCS azъ , Slovene jàz , SCr. j / j z (dial), Lith. àš , Latv. es , Lat. egō, Gr. eg , OInd aham , Goth. ik , Hitt. ūk , '(h) PIE *eg' , eg om, eg'ō (IEW 291), *h 1eg' , there were several variants of the pronoun in PIE, some languages added * ō ( e/oH ), other * (H)om (Beekes 1995:207), accepted by Derksen: *h 1eg'Hom (Derksen 2008:31, Kloekhorst *h 1ég'H > PHitt h1úg' (" u" from accusative *h 1mnu ) (Kloekhorst 2008:114); Schmid 1986:362 consider the relationship of BS and Latin forms dubious; Smocznyński 2007:25 26 reconstructs PB * ež syncopated from *ežam <*eg'h 2om; Snoj 2005:237 accepts Winter's law, reconstructs tšo PIE forms * eg'h 2óm, *eg'oh 2 . Kapović 2009 624 has dealt with the accent of Slavic *ja(zъ) trying to prove that there were two forms *ja and * jazъ related to the different accents. The latter with neoacute (Štok. jã and for Kapović also in Czech já ) and the former with acute (Slovene jàz , North Čakavian j (z) . The original form *jaɾ (APa)should have been derived from PIE *ég' (with corresponding Lith. àš, Av. azƽ) where the acute is from Winter's law. The absence of acute in Lithuanian is considered a result of a sandhi variant *ek' with absence of Winter's law. The second variant *jāzъ (APb) should also be derived from the original PIE oxytone *eg'Hóm (reflected in OInd ahám ) with the Winter's law producint acute pretonic length in closed syllable (sticking to Matasović's approach). Of course, this interpretation is ad hoc because it is not clear why just sandhi variant would be generalized in Baltic. Kapović supposes that the pretonic acute was subsequently lost in Slavic which is a pure ad hoc solution, later the stress was retracted from the final yer with the rise of neoacute. While Lithuanian should have had only one pronoun form àš , Proto Slavic territory should have two differently accented forms which must have mixed, thus giving rise to various generalization of one of the ttwo accents in both forms. Acute in both forms j , j z should have been generalized in a part of Kajkavian and 624 Originally presented in 2006 at IWoBA 2. 202 North Čakavian, neoacute in Old Czech já, jáz . That improbable scenario was challenged by Kortlandt (2006) proposing that as the geographical distribution of *jazъ is found in SE and NW South Slavic and SW and NW West Slavic, the form *ja is a PSl innovation which did not reach peripheral dialects. Korlandt also refuses to accept that the two forms coexisted paralelly without a semantic distinction. I agree with it and I remark Kapović does not take the syntactic aspect of that pronoun into account. The use of 1sg personal pronoun is marked because already in OCS the azъ is used for stressing the subject: azъ bo neobrětajNj v něm viny (J 19,6, Zogr), 625 corresponding to Greek original: egō gar ouch heurískō en autō aitían . The same counts for Old Czech: Jáz těch kněh dávno hledaji..., jáť sě v tom dobřě znaji. .626 It is therefore quite possible that the Czech length here is simply emphatic. ESJS I:53 54 adduces different views of the etymology, the favourable one seems to me the proposal that *ja is a shortened form of * jazъ . Otherwise, ESJS does not even adduce WL and sticks to an unfounded lengthening of PSL *o , alternatively a PIE doublet with different laryngeals which would explain the Baltic and Slavic differences. Status: positive example of WL. Further references : Gluhak 1993:283, Bezlaj 1976:222 223, Lehmann 1986:204 205, Dybo 2002:410 411, Kloekhorst 2008:111 112, 912, de Vaan 2008:187, Winter 1978:433, Fraenkel I:18, Frisk I:441, EWAi:I:155, Vasmer 4:538, Rasmussen 1992/1999:527. 5)5)5) Lith. b gti "run", Latv. be gt , OCS běgati, Rus. bégať, Cz. běhat , SCr. bj gati , Sln bégati, Gr. fébomai, PIE * bheg w IEW:116, LIV:67 Gercenberg 1981:132 sees there original root *bheg w (also Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528) but suggests that Indo Iranian data show original length too Hind. bhāgnā , Beng. bhāgā etc. also referring to Pedersen length in OIr preterite techim rotáich, rethim roráith. Shintani 1985:290 claims that original length can be seen in Indo Iranian, e.g. bhājnā (flee), Gr. phébomai , and takes those forms as acrostatic athematic. Matasović 1995:62 proposes BS * bēg < PIE * bheg w and the WL due to the closed syllable. Another approach was taken by Derksen (2008:39 41) who posits Balto Slavic * beȤg < PIE *b heg w with differently accented Proto Slavic forms. Iterative *běgati is (APa) with acute form from Winter's Law while * běžàti is mobile (APc) reflected in OCS běžati, Rus. běžáť, Cz. běžet, SCr. bjèžati, Sln. béžati and Lith. b÷gióti "run about". 625 SJS 1:18, ESSJ 2:74 626 Nejstarší česká rýmovaná Kronika tak řečeného Dalimila., NČAV Praha:1957, 17 18. 203 ESJS 1:62 63 considers OCS běžati as developed from * bēg < *b hēg < *b hēg w without considering the possibility of Winter's Law influence. LIV:67 accepts Balto Slavic forms as a result of Winter's Law in the Matasović's approach. Status: Data show the positive evidence for WL. Further references: Strunk 1984:494 495 (original Dehnstufe), Frisk II:998 999, Fraenkel I:38., Dybo 2002:404, Fraenkel I:38, Vasmer I:143, Gluhak 1993:133, 6) Lith. bláižyti "tear off", Latv. blie zt "beat", OCS blizъ ,"near", Rus. bliz, blízkij, Cz. blízký , Pol. bliski, USorb. blizki, SCr. bl z , Sln. blízƽk , Lat. flīgere " beat" , PIE *b hlēiʢg' /b hlīg' "beat" (IEW 160 161), *b hloiʢg' o (BIL), bhléiʢg' (LIV :88). BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:45 46 *bleiȤź . de Vaan 2008:226 challenges the connection with Gr. flī bō "rub, crush" (thus IEW 160) claiming that Greek form has secondary lengthening and requires *g w apart from Latin, Baltic and Slavic forms. Dybo 2002:419 connects also Gr. flídaō "melt away" but he obviously contaminated two roots: * bhleiʢd "swell up" and *b hleiʢg' "beat" (IEW 156, 160, Frisk II:1027 1028) Status : positive occurence of WL. Further references :Fraenkel I:46, Bezlaj 1:27, Snoj 2003:47, ESJS 2:68 7) Lith. b gti "run away from fear", cognate with Gr. feúgō, Lat. fugiō, OIn.d bhujáti "bow", Goth. biugan "run away" PIE * bheuʢg "run away, flee" (IEW:152, LIV:84) Status positive occurence of WL. Further references : Fraenkel I:37, Frisk II:1005 1007, de Vaan 2008:246, Dybo 2002: 415 416. 8) Lith. dróžti "plane, shave", Latv. drãzt "carve", cognate with OInd. dhrájati "move". h h PIE *d reg' (IEW:273), * d reh 2g' (Smoczyński 2007:126 127). The connection between Baltic and Old Indic rejected by KEWA II:115 but taken by Dybo 2002:400 as a proof of WL. Status : positive occurence of WL. Further references : Fraenkel I:106. 204 9) Lith. dúodu, dúoti "give", Latv. duômu, duôt, OPrus. dāt, OCS dam dati, Rus. dam dať , Cz. dám dát, SCr. d m d t i, Slov. dám dáti, other cognates Gr. dídōmi, OInd dádāmi, Av. da Dāiti, PIE * dō /dƽ (IEW 223 226); Shintani excludes that Baltic and Slavic forms reflext * doh 3mí , because they would undergo 627 Hirt's law * *dóh 3mi , which is not supported by Latv. broken tone and Serb. Croat. h h h h mobility. Instead, Shintani operates with "proportional analogy": * d ed éh 1mi: *d ed eh 1més h h h h > *d ed (h 1)mí : *d ed (h 1)més > BS * dedmí: *dedmés , analogically *dedóh 3mi: *dedh 3més > *ded(h 3)mí : *ded(h 3)més, then introducing o from *dóh 3 > *do(h 3)mí: *do(h 3)més > BS *dōdmí: *dōdmés (oxytona, then Winter's law). Different approach is taken by LIV:106 which posits PIE root *deh 3 and reduplicated present form dé doh 3/d h3 reflected in OInd. dádāti . Balto Slavic forms should also be reduplicated h h *dé dh 3 , remade to *d d so that to avoid homonymy with *ded " sit" < *d éd h1 . As an alternative form the remaking of *dé dh 3 >*do dh 3 according to aorist form *dō < *deh 3 with simultaneous Winter's Law (which in LIV conception is lengthening). Matasović 1995:63 64 posits BS *dōmi "give" with the interconsonantal laryngeal loss before the operation of WL * dodh 3mi >*dod mi >*dōdmi >dōmi. Derksen (2008:96) posits Balto Slavic root *doȤ , present form *doȤd mi, PIE *deh 3 , *didh 3. First part of the reduplicated present form has acute due to Winter's Law. Latin present dō dare was explained by de Vaan (2008:174 175) as a new present made according to aorist forms *dō /da. T he original reduplicated forms should be seen in other Italic languages (e.g.Sabelic). Dybo 2002:403 reconstructs BS * do d >*dō d as a reduplication of PIE * dō , Balt. 1sg *dōd mie, PSl. * dad m . Smoczyński 2007:134 135 reconstructs PBS * dō < *doh 3 C <*deh 3 C and takes *dō d as a BS innovation. Status: Anyway, the first part of the compound is definitely WL reflex. Further references : Bezlaj I:95, Snoj 2003:96, Vasmer I:483 10) Lith. dýgti "to sprout", Latv. dîgt, other cognates: Lat. fīgō "drive in, insert", ON dīki , OE dic "dike", TochB tsāk "bite", 627 reconstruction is mine 205 PIE *d hēig w (IEW:243), *d heiHg w/d hiHg w (LIV:142, Smoczyński 2007:109), * dheig w (de Vaan 2008:219) Full grade in Lith. díegti "sting, prick", Latv. die gt "sting", WL accepted by de Vaan 2008:219, reconstruction of laryngeal in the root is superfluous. Status : positive example of WL. 11) Lith. érd÷ti "fall apart, undo"/ ardýti , Latv. ãrdît "separate", OCS oriti (derivate from razoriti "break off"); other cognates: OInd . árdati "disperses, dissolves", Gr. árda "dirt". ardýti and érd÷ti might be different ablaut forms. The problem is with the reconstruction of the coda obstruent. IEW: 333 has the suffix dh added to the root * er "undo" which would exclude Winter's law, Old Indic forms fall to *ered "melt away" (IEW:334). LIV:223 posist *Herd for Old Indic forms and * h2erH "dissolve, disappear" for Slavic forms. Derksen 2008:374 connects both Lithuanian and Slavic forms to BS *or ei/i , PIE * Hor eiʢe. ESJS 10:593 posits dh for both Lithuanian and Slavic forms. Further references : KEWA I:51, EWAi: 117 118, Dybo 2002:448 449 12) Lith. ÷ sti , Latv. e st, OPr. īst, OCS jasti , Rus. esť, SCr. j sti , Čak. sti, Sln .jé sti , Cz. jíst , OInd. ádmi, Lad. edō ēsse, Gr. edō, Hitt . ed /ad , Got. itan; PSl. *ě sti (APa), BS *eȤsti (Derksen 2008:154), PIE *ed (IEW 287 289) now *h 1ed ; Gercenberg 1981:130 claims that Balto Slavic length can be older and not due to WL and adduces Hittite ed <*ēd but ad <*ƽd , so there should be two root variants * h1ēd /h 1ed , see also Shintani 1985:289; Holst 2003:163 reconstructs BS * sti < *ésti; Rasmussen claims that long root vowel can be IE lengthened grade (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 530), similarly Snoj 2003:240 * h1 dmi and Smoczyński 2007:148 who postulates BS* ēd LIV:230 posits present forms * h 1 d /h 1ed (* h1 d as Narten present), length in Hitt . ēdmi accepted by LIV as a possible analogical ablaut. However, long "ē" in Latin and acuted "e" in Balto Slavic can be from Lachmann's and Winter's Law. This idea is accepted by de Vaan (2008:185 186) who posits Lachmann's Law in present forms ēs, ēst < *edt , eds and in past participle ēsus <*edtos. The same is taken by Kloekhorst (2008:261 262) who refuses Narten 206 present because from the point of Lachmann's and Winter's law the reconstructed long "ē" is secondary. Kloekhoerst also newly explains e/a alternation in Hittite: the paradigm e et mi a tu e ni/e du uʢa a ni e ez ši az za aš te ni/e ez za at te ni e za az zi a da an zi used to be considered as the replacement of "e" by "a" in plural (thus Melchert 1994:138). Kloekhorst claims that zero grade "a" is original, therefore the contrast 3sg/3pl ezzazzi/adanzi is due to e/0 ablaut from * h1édti, h 1denti; Narten (1969:15, Anm.44 posited acrostatic paradigm with Dehnstufe for Balto Slavic and Latin, thus PIE * dmi, * tsi.. , see also Strunk 1983:492 494 who discusses it and rejects WL, Dehnstufe probably secondary, analogical; Narten paradigm also accepted by Kim (2000:159) without any reference to WL, Status: Positive evidence for Winter's and Lachmann's laws. Further references : Fraenkel I:124 135, Vasmer II:18, Dybo 2002:404, Bezlaj I:229, Frisk I:444, Lehmann 1986:208, EWAi I:28 13) Lith. glìnda "nit" (AP1), Latv. gnĩda , Rus. gnída, Cz. hnida , S Cr. gnj da, Sln. gnída, PSl. *gni da (APa), other cognates (aslo the meaning "nit") Gr. konís, OE hnitu, ON gnit , Lat. lēns, OIr. sned, Alb. thënī PIE *g hen , g hhneiʢ , g hhneiʢd (IEW 436 437), *knid , *k'nid , *sknid (IEW 608), * ghi(H)d , ghhneiʢ(H)d (Snoj 2003:177), *k/g/Hnid (Derksen 2008:169). BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:169 * gniȤdaȤ. Problematic seems the initial obstruent which, however, is not important for the operation of WL. Concerning Latin form, de Vaan 2008:334 relates it with PIE *k'nid "to scratch" reflected in Gr. knízō "to prick, irritate" Matasović 1995:64 refuses the WL here because of the open syllable. Status: Evidence for WL. Further references: Vasmer I:421, Fraenkel I:157 158 14) Lith. gnaíbyti "pinch", gnýbti, Latv. gnîbeklis "wood splits", cognates with MHG knīpen "pinch", Gr. gnifōn "skinflint, marble" PIE *gneib h (IEW:370) but Dybo 2002:432 sees the probable doublets *gneib /*gneib h Status : probable evidence for WL 207 15) Lith. gr÷ bti, Latv. grâbt "grab",OCS greti "row", Rus. gresti, OCz hřésti , SCr. grèpsti, Sln. grébsti; Cz. hrabat, OInd. g bh ti (* grabh , thus EWAi: 505 507 *grebh 2 ), PIE * ghreb h (IEW:455 456), also LIV:201; BSl * greb (Derksen 2008:186 187); according to Rasmussen it is the PIE alternation of consonantal and vocalic laryngeal h h *g rebƽ2 /g rebh 2 (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528), ESJS 4:201 takes OCS greti from the meaning "grab" and *g hreb h which would explain the absence of acute; Derksen (1996:321 322) considers the confusion of two similar roots *g hreb h and ghreb reflected in Lith. gróbti "seize", SCr. gr biti x Lith. gr÷ bti, OCS greti; PSl *gretì is (APc) while Lith. gróbti has acute from Winter's Law and analogically transfered to gr÷ bti. Status : Baltic forms reflect WL. Further references : Winter 1978:431, Fraenkel I:165 166, Smoczyński 2007:196 197, Snoj 2003:189, Gluhak 1993:246, Bezlaj I:173 16) Lith. gr÷ sti , gréndu "scrape", cognate with OE grindan "rine", OHG grint , ON grandi , Lat. frendō, frendere "grind one's teeth" PIE *g hrend h (IEW 459), *g (w)h rend "crush" (LIV204), *g hrend (Smoczyński 2007:197), *g (w)h rend (h) (de Vaan 2008:241) As proposed by de Vaan, we observe here two allomorphs: a form with *d giving Winter's law in Baltic, and a form with *d h giving Germanic reflexes. Status : probable reflex of WL. Further references: Fraenkel I:167, Dybo 2002:462. 17) Lith . grúodas, Latv. grau ds "grain", OCS gruda "heap, lump", Rus. grúda, Cz hrouda, Slk. hruda , S Cr. hru da , Sln. hrúda, other cognates ON grautr "groats" PIE *g hreuʢ d (IEW 461), * ghrēuʢ d ( Snoj 2003:194). BS form reconstructed by Smoczyński 2007:205 as a derivate from the verbal * griʢāuʢd :gr d " hit"; Derksen 2008:192 193 reconstructs *grouȤd . Status : evidence for WL. Further references: Fraenkel I:173, Vasmer 1:463, 18) Lith. gurdùs "slow, weak" (AP3 > AP4), Latv. gur ds "exhausted", OCS. grъdъ, Rus. górdyj "proud", Cz. hrdý, S Cr. grɵd "terrible, ugly", Sln. grɵd, PSl. *gъ rdъ (APc), other cognates Gr. bradús "tired, dull", Lat. gurdus "blockhead". 208 PIE *g w d (NIL 195 196), *g w Hd (Snoj 2003:172). BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:198 *gurȤdus. The problem here is the Slavic mobility with circumflex. Status Baltic forms probably reflect WL. Further references: Frisk I:262 263, Fraenkel I:178, Smozcyński 2007:212, Bezlaj 1:172, de Vaan 2008:275, Dybo 2002:450 19) Lith. gū žis "gizzard, protuberance" (AP1), Cz. hyže "tip of the shinbone", S Cr. g dža "stump of a wine", PSl. * gyɾža "stump" (APa). BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:200 *gunȤźja. The connection with *gNjzъ, guzъ "bump", Rus. guz "buttock", Cz. huza "rump", S Cr. gu z "buttock", Sln. go za accepted by both by Derksen 2008:184 and Dybo 2002:417. Status : Probable example of WL. 20) PSl. * chu dъ "small, thin", (APc), OCS chudъ "poor", Rus. chudój "thin, lean, bad", Cz chudý "poor, lean", Slk. chudý, S Cr. hu d "bad, evil, Sln hu d, other cognates OInd. k oda "dust", k udrá "small". Baltic cognates are unclear. PIE *kseuʢd "crush" (IEW:625 ) PSl form is mobile but as rightly shown by Derksen 2008:205, the mobility is due to the Meillet's law. Status the original Winter's law is very certain. Further references: Fraenkel II:978, ESJS 4:230 231, 21) S Cr . ju g "south", Sln. ju g, Rus. jug , Cz. jih, PS . *ju gъ (APa), other cognates: Gr . aug "light, beam", Alb. ag "twilight", agon "dawns" PIE *aug "shine, see" (IEW:87), *h 2eug (Derksen 2008:207) Status : positive WL. Further references : Vasmer 4:528, Frisk I:183 184, Snoj 2003:244, Dybo 2002:423 22) Lith. jùngas "yoke" (AP1), Latv. ju gs, Rus. ígo, Cz. jho, Sln. igo iže sa (s stem), other cognates: OInd. yugá " yoke", Gr. zugón, Lat. iugum PIE *iʢeuʢg (IEW:508, NIL:397 404), form *Hiʢugo proposed by Snoj 2003:217, BS form *júȤgo reconstructed by Derksen 2008:209 Status : positive WL. Further references : Fraenkel I:196, Frisk I:615 616, Smoczyński 2007:237, Dybo 2002:425 209 23) Lith. kli ti "obstruct", Latv. klũt "succeed" OCS ključiti sę, Rus. kljúka " handle", Cz. klika, S Cr. klju ka, Sln. kljúka, other cognates Gr. klēis "bolt, hook, key", Lat. clāvis "key". PIE *klēu (IEW 604); according to BIL * e *kle €u is secondary and reconstructs * klh 2u , also de Vaan 2008:119 who connects Lith. form with OIc. hljóta , OE hlēotan "toss", Goth. hlauts "fate, inheritance" which would have élargissement d , * kleud , kloud . Smoczyński reconstructs * kluH C and connects the Baltic forms with Slavic *klj vati "eck, hatch out", Derksen 2008:226 proposes BS *kleȤu < *kleh 2u which excludes WL. Balto Slavic acute presupposes a glottal stop from either a laryngeal or a preglottalised obstruent. As the reconstruction here is not quite clear, acute might be from either a root laryngeal or an élargisement *d which was lost in Balto Slavic. Status : the occurence of WL unclear. Further references: Fraenkel I:274, Bezlaj 2:44. 24) PSl. *kyɾdati (APa), OCS iskydati "throw out", Rus. kidat' , S Cr. k dati , Cz. kydat, Latv. ku dît "drive", other cognates Skt. códati "impel", OE scēotan "shoot". PIE *(s)keud "throw" (IEW 955 956, LIV:560) Status : positive evidence of WL. Further references : Fraenkel I:305, Bezlaj 2:31, Snoj 2003:270, Vasmer 2:230, Derksen 2008:264 265. 25) Lith. láužti "break", Latv. lau zt , cognates with OInd. rujáti "break", OE lūcan "weed", Lat. lūgeō, lūgēre, lūxī, lūctum "mourn", Got. galūkan , OE t¡l³can "interrupt, break" PIE *leug' (IEW:686), LIV:415 *leuʢg , PB *liauž , luž proposed by Smoczyński 2007:340. The connection of Latin form with PIE ablauted *lug "break" rejected by de Vaan (2008:351) for semantic reasons but the etymology is preserved: *loug . LIV takes láužti as a variant with a palatal while velar is supported by avestan uruxti "break". Status : The reconstruction is problematic but apart from the Smoczyński's claim that acute is analogical, the WL can be proposed. Further references: Dybo 2002:425, Fraenkel I:347 210 26) Lith. ligà "illness", líegti "be ill, Latv. líga, cognates with Gr. olígos "small" PIE *leig (IEW:667) *h 3líg (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 536), Fraenkel I:370; according to (BIL) the original tone preserved in Lith. (pa)líegti " be sickly", Latv. lig t x Gr. loigós "ruin", Alb. ligë "calamity". Matasović 1995:65 considers the absence of WL here and derives the Lithuanian form from PIE *li.go where the first open syllable did not cause WL. Further references : Fraenkel I:370, Dybo 2002:432 433. 27) Lith. máudyti "bathe", Latv. maud t "bathe", OCS myti , Ru. myť móju, Cz. mýt , Slk myť , Pol. myć, S Cr. m ti m jēm , Sln. míti mîjem , PSl. *myɾti ( APa), PIE *meuʢ , meuʢƽ "move", (IEW 743), *miʢéuʢh1 /mih 1uʢ (LIV 445 446), *muH (Derksen 2008:338, Smoczyński 2007:578). BSl. * m(o)uȤ (Derksen 2008:338); Slavic forms are therefore primary, acute is a normal reflex of a laryngeal, Lithuanian máudyti is causative iterative with the secondary "d" (LIV and also Smoczyński). Acute is therefore not WL origin. Status : no WL. 28) Lith. mélžti "milk", Latv. mil zt, OCS mlěsti , Gr. amélgō "milk", RusCS mlěsti , SCr. mu sti "milk", PSl *me lzti, also derivates PSl *me lzivo (APa), Rus. molózivo, Cz. mlezivo , Sln. mlé zivo; other cognates Lat. mulgēre , Gr. amélgō , Alb. mjel , OE melcan PIE *melg' /mēlg' (IEW 722 723), *h 2melg' (LIV 279, Dersken 2008:307 308), BS form *melȤź reconstructed by Derksen 2008:307 308, Smoczyński 2007:407 408 *mulž . WL accepted also by LIV and NIL, for Smoczyński (2007:387 388) who did not accept WL is the origin of Lith. acute unclear. Status: positive evidence for WL. Further references: Fraenkel I:434 435, Frisk I:91 92, Vasmer 2:644 645, de Vaan 2008:393, Snoj 2003:407 408, Bezlaj 2:189, Dybo 2002:443. 29) PSl. *me rža "net" (APa), OCS mrěža, Rus. meréža, Cz. mříže "grating", Slk. mreža , S Cr. mr ža "net", Sln mré ža, Lith. márška "sheet", Latv. marɵga " railing". PIE *mereg h (IEW:733), *merHg h (Smoczyński 2007:420), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:308 * merȤg(i)aȤ . The PIE reconstruction with aspirate is challenged by Dybo 2002:451 who points that the reconstruction is based on the Balto Slavic connection with Gr. 211 bróchos "cord, loop, stitch" which is dubious for morphological and semantic reasons. ESJS 8:502 is indecided about the final obstruent, either * morHg , *merHk , merHg w . Status : positive evidence for WL Further references: Smoczyński 2007:374, Dybo 2002:452. 30) Lith. mirg÷ ti "twinkle", Latv. mirɵdze t, Rus. morgáť "blink", Cz. mrgať (dial) "move", Pl. margać, PSl. *mъrgati , other cognates: ON myrkr "dark" PIE *mer(ƽ)g w (IEW 734), *mr(H)g w (Derksen 2008:335). BS form reconstructed by Derksen as * murȤg /mirȤg ; Status : positive example of WL. Further references: Fraenkel I:410 411, Smoczyński 2007:404, Vasmer 2:652, Dybo 2002:451 453. 31) PSl *mırzъ (APa) "frost", OCS mrazъ, Rus. moróz , Cz. mráz, Slk. mráz, Pl. mróz, USorb. mróz , Kash. mróz mrozu , S Cr. mr z , Sln. mràz, other cognates OIr. meirc, Alb. mardhë . PIE *merg' (IEW 740), *morh 2g'o Status : positive example of WL Further references : Bezlaj 2:199, Gluhak 1993:425, Schuster Šewc:962 963, Boryś 2008:340, Vasmer 2:656, Orel:245, Dybo 2008: 453 454, Derksen 2008: 326. 32) OCS naglъ "hasty", Rus. náglyj , Cz náhlý, Slk. náhly (Rhythmic Law), USorb. nahły , SCr. n gao nágla/ nágao nágla , Sln. nágel , Lith. nõglas (borrowing from Slavic?), Latv. nagot "go quick" PSl *náglъ (APb) (Derksen 2008:345), Got. anaks "sudden"; Matasović 1995:63 reconstructs BS *nōglo , accepts WL in closed syllable. Status : positive example of WL. Further references: ESJS 9 1999:526, Gluhak 1993:432, Vasmer III 1987:36 37, Bezlaj 1982:212, Snoj 2003:429, Lehmann 1986:31, Winter 1978:433 33) Lith. naudà "benefit" (AP3), Latv. naûda "money", OCS nužda "necessity", Cz. nouze , Slk. núdza , S Cr. nu žda , Sln. núja, PSl. *nu dja/nNj dja (APa), cognates with Goth. nauþs "need", OHG nōt, OE nēad . Slavic forms with the same root in *nu diti "compel", OCS nNjditi "force", Rus. núdiť, Cz. nudit " bore", S Cr. nu diti, Sln. núditi nu dim, cognates with Goth. niutan "obtain, reach". 212 h PIE *nƽu (IEW 756), *nouH d i eh 2 (BIL), *neuʢd (LIV:456, Smoczyński 2008:418), *nah 2uʢd (Snoj 2003:453) Derksen 2008:358 359 connects *nu diti with Lith. naudóti "use" but admits the semantic difficulties, so prefers connection with OPr. nautin "need". The final etymology is problematic, although WL is attested. Status : positive example of WL. Further references: Fraenkel I:487, Vasmer 3:88, Lehmann 1986:264 265, 269, Dybo 2002:427 34) Lith. níed÷ti "detest", Latv. naîds "hostile", cognates with Skt. níndati " rebuke", Gr. óneidos "reproach", Goth. neiþ "envy" PIE *neid "revile" (IEW:760), *h 3neid (BIL, LIV:303), BS form reconstructed by Smoczyński 2007:424 *neiʢd, *nid Status : positive example of WL. Further references : Dybo 2002:433 434, , Fraenkel I:501, Frisk II:394 35) Lith. núogas (AP3) "naked", Latv. nuôgs, OCS nagъ, Rus . nag, nagój , Cz nahý , SCr. n g, Sln. n g, PSl. * n gъ (APc), w w w h PIE *nog (IEW:769), *nog nós <*nog od h1ós (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527) BSl. *noȤgós (Derksen 2008:345), other cognates: Got. naqaþs with dental formant *nog wot/od h o (de Vaan 2008:418, Lehmann 1986:263), Skt nagná , Lat. nūdus (*nog wodo > *nowodo > *noodo > *nōdo > nūdus (Schrijver 1991:??)), OIr. nocht (both also dental formant) PCelt *noxto (Matasović 2009:294), Gr. gymnós (< *gog wno < *nog wno , de Vaan 2008:418 , Hitt. nekumanza (Nsg from adj. nekumant < *neg wnont , Kloekhorst 2008:602), according to Gercenberg 1981:136 the length is expressive; Holst 2003:164 reconstructs BS *n gos < *nógos; de Vaan 2008: 417 418 reconstructs PIE acrostatic paradigm Nsg *nóg ws, G. nég ws; Matasović 1995:63 refuses the application of WL here and posits BS *nōgos. <*nog wo . Matasović's theory would predict that here should be no lengthening, because the syllable is open, so he posits laryngeal here *nog wh o so that the first syllable would be closed. This approach is criticised by Derksen 2002:7 that the reconstruction of laryngeal is arbitrary and based on the basis of Gothic form and the presence of laryngeal in that position is implausible in Balto Slavic. Derksen is in favour to another Matasović's proposal that the first syllable would be closed by 213 nasal, BS *nogno based on OPrus. nognan "leather" and the OInd. form. Nevertheless, Matasović did not accept the criticism and in still sticks to his original solution (2009:294). The most complete summary of data are in NIL:513 515 under the root *neg w , Baltic forms w from ablauted *nog ó/áh 2, admits the relevance of WL (in Dybo's interpretation), for OInd. cognate nāgá assumes Brugmann's lenghtening. Status : positive example of WL. Further references: Bezlaj II 1982:212, Vasmer 3:36 37, Gluhak 1993:432, Fraenkel I:511 512, ESSJ 9 1999:526 529, Beekes 1995:36, Winter 1978:433, Dybo 2002:402, 36) Lith. obelìs, óbuolas (AP3), Latv âbuols "apple", OPrus. woble, OCS ablъko, Rus. jabloko, Cz. jablko, Sln. jáblo, PSl *aɾblъko (diminutive) (APa); BaltoSlavic *aȤbōls (Derksen 2008:25), *ābi OHG apful , OIcel epli, Welsh afal; PIE *ábōl (IEW 1 2), *ablós (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527; *h 2eb ōl (Derksen 2008:25); Holst 2003:164 reconstructs BS *ā bolos <*ábolos; NIL:262 266 *h 2eb accepts Winter's Law from Matasović's interpretation. Matasović (1995:63) reconstructs BSl *ābi and considers the lengthening of root vowel due to the original closed syllable *h 2eblo ; Original PIE accentuation proposed by Beekes 1995:177 hysterodynamic l stem Nsg *h 2ébōl (Latv.âbuols) , Gsg *h 2blós (Rus. jabloko ), Asg. *h 2bélm (Lith. obelìs) ; Rieken 1999:421 422 supposes proterodynamic paradigm: * bōl, *ābél from *h 1/3 ebh 2b / h2eh 1/3 b ; Clear is the roo t h 2eb . Status : positive example of WL. Further references: Vasmer 1987:539, Fraenkel I:515, Bezlaj 1976:215 216, Snoj 2003:231, Matasović 1995:63, Winter 1978:433, Dybo 2002:396 397. 37) PSl *Nj gl "coal" (APa), OCS. Njgl , Rus. úgoľ úglja, Cz. uhel, Slk. uhol, S Cr . ùgalj, Sln o gel , Lith. ánglis, an glis, anglìs , Latv. ùogle , OPrus. anglis, other cognates OInd. ángāra "coal" w PIE *ong (IEW:779), *angli , angelo (Snoj 2003:465), *h 1ong l (Derksen 2008:385). BS form reconstructed by Smoczyński 2007:15 *angli and Derksen *onȤglis. Status: positive example of WL. Further references: Fraenkel I:10, Vasmer 4:146, Bezlaj II:243, Dybo 2002:460. 214 38) Lith. ožkà "goat", ožy s (AP3), Latv. âzis "billy goat", OCS jaz no "skin", S Cr. (j)azno "skin, leather", other cognates OInd: ajáh "billy goat", Alb. dhī , Dybo 2002:395 connects the forms with Russian jaz' "fish Idus melanotus", Sloven. j z, S Cr. ja z, further references in Vasmer 4:551 and Bezlaj I:231 who also accept the connection with Lithuanian forms. Matasović (1995:63) posits BS *āž , Lith. form ožy s from PIE *h 2eg'yos, so WL should operate in the closed syllable, and also connects PSl. koza (APb) "goat" with no Winter's law. On the other hand, he considers Slavic and Old Indic ajinam as non inherited forms. Different opinion in Derksen 2008:242 who takse *koza as Turkic borrowing. PIE *ag' in IEW: 6, *h 2eg' o (EWAi I:51); Schmid 1986:362 sees Lith. ožy s (AP3) < *āgiʢo; Gercenberg 1981:137 points to length in TochA ās, MIran āz; ožy s accepted by Rasmussen as a positive example of WL, the PIE reconstruction *h 2ag' ío / íno (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527). Smoczyński 2007:434 does not accept WL and takes the BS *āž iiʢa, *āž ina as a vrddhi derivate. Derksen 2008:32 postulates BS *aȤz' ino, PIE *h 2eg' ino. Status: In my opinion, the root form is a satisfactory proof for the WL existence. Futher references : Fraenkel II:519, Winter 1978:433, 39) OCS padNj, pasti "fall", Rus. padú past' , OCz. padu pásti, SCr. p dnēm p sti, Čak. p dem p sti , Sln pádem pásti, PSl. *pado pàsti, Skt. pádayte "go, fall", OE gefetan , Slavic derivative in * ati > PSl *pàdati (APa), OCS padati, Ru. pádat', Cz. padat, SCr p dati p dām, Čak. p dati p dam, Sln pádati p dam, PIE *ped /pod (IEW 790 791, Derksen 2008:392), LIV:458 * ped "fall, sink"; LIV:458 sees *ped in OCS pasti (aorist stem), Skt pádyate < *p ed iʢé (pres. stem), LIV accepts Winter's Law;PIE intensive *pedpódmi (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528); Holst 2003:164 reconstructs BS*pā sti <*pásti; from *pod > derivative ati, OCS padati, Rus. pádať, Cz padat, SCr p dati, Sln pádati, PSl *pàdati (APa); ESSJ 10 2000:628 629 does not accept h Winter's Law, sees *pōd > BaltoSlavic *pad as a contamination with *p ōl <*peh 3lH "fall"(LIV 458, 463 464) reflected in Arm. p clanim, OHG fallan aorist stem *péd /pd in OCS padNj, acceptance of Klingenschmitt's explanation that *ō > PSl *a and contamination with *peh 3lH "fall". Alternatively, LIV accepts Winter's law. As for OInd. pádyate, LIV proposes *p ed iʢé ; for OInd. causative pādáyati "cause to fall" the o grade *pod éiʢe; 215 Gerzenberg 1981:134 thinks that long grade in root is in athematic verbs, normal grade in thematic verbs, Shintani 1985:290 sees that form as a dereduplicated intensive, so OCS padNj 40) Lith. pal÷ gti "lay down", OCS lešti lęgNj, Rus. leč, OCz. léci lahu, Cz lehnout si, SCr. lèci, Sln. léči, Gr. lékhomai "go to sleep", PIE *leg h (IEW 658 659, LIV 398), Derksen (2008: 270 271) reconstructs PSl form *lègti which is (APa). Stative suffix * ēti gives the Proto Slavic form ležàti which is mobile (APc) and is reflected in OCS ležati , Rus. ležáť, Cz. ležet, SCr. lèžati, Čak. lež ti (Derksen 2008:271 272). Iterative form with root lengthened vowel PSl. *lěgati is reflected in OCS lěgati, Ru. legáť, Cz. lehat si, SCr. ljègati se , Čak . lig ti, Sln. légati (Derksen 2008:272). There is also ablauted PIE form with causative suffix *log h eiʢe which gives PSl *ložìti (APb) and whis is reflected in OCS ložiti, Ru. ložíťsja, Cz. ložit, SCr. lòžiti, Čak. lo žiti and Got. lagjan (Derksen 2008:287 288) Status : positive evidenco for WL. Further references : Frisk II:110 112, Snoj 2003:348 349, Vasmer 2: 475, 490, ESJS7 1997:408 410 41) Lith. p÷dà, p÷ das (AP3), Latv. pe da "footstep", OInd. pā d "foot", o stem padám, Lat. pēs pedis "foot", Gr. poús, pedón , Lat. oppidum < *opipedom (NIL 535), Toch. A pe, B paiyye (see NIL 531 532 for the discussion on Tocharian forms), o grade in, Hitt. pāt /pat, Got. fotus , OE fōt, OHG fuoz, Arm. otn, ; data point to the ablauted root PIE *ped /pēd /pod/pōd (IEW 790 792, LIV 458, NIL 526); according to Griepentrog 1995:153 184 generalised o stem in Germanic and Balto Slavic forms vrddhi derivative or original Dehnstufe; Shintani 1985:290 *pód, G .péds (neuter), vrddhi adjective pēdó (jewel); de Vaan (2008:462) claims that Latin pēs <*peds due to the Lachmann's Law, also Schrijver 1991:135, therefore there is no ē grade for PIE paradigm; Beekes (1995:189) reconstructs static paradigm for PIE, Nsg. *p d(s), Gsg. péds , Asg pedm; Kloekhorst (2008:654) reconstructs proterokinetic paradigm as a basis for Hittite form; Kassian (2002:53) compares Hitt. pad(a) , Apl pāduš, Gpl padān "foot" with other cognates 216 claiming that plene writing corresponds to the reconstructed place of PIE accent. Hitt. pāduš /pa a tu uš /corresponds to Gr. pédas, padān , Gr. podō n and OInd. Gpl padā m. NIL:528, 536 for Lith. p÷dà, Latv. pe da < *ped ah 2, accepts Winter's Law but also points to the interpretation by Matasović (1995:62) who posits original Dehnstufe BSl * pōd "fall". Matasović does not consider WL here. This interpretation is contra Kortlandt's theory that Dehnstufe yields circumflex in Balto Slavic, see also Derksen 2002:6.; Winter's law also accepted by LIV as a possible explanation of the long root vowel. What is clear is the operation of Winter's law in Balto Slavic and Lachmann's law in Latin, so the original *ped > *peȤd >Latin * ped s, Lith. p÷ d Status : positive evidence for WL and Lachmann's law. Further references: Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527, Fraenkel I: 561 562, NIL 562 540, Lehmann 1986:121, Winter 1978:433 Lith. pérdžiu pérsti "fart", Latv. pirɵdu pirst Rus. perdet' peržú, Cz. prdět, S Cr. pŕdjeti, Sln prdé ti, PSl. *p rdě ti (APc), other cognates Skt. párdate , Gr. pérdomai, OHG ferzen PIE *perd (IEW:819, LIV 473 474) Slavic form is mobile but acute is preserved in Baltic. Status : positive evidence of WL. Further references : Fraenkel I:577, Smoczyński 2007:452, Bezlaj 3:108, Snoj 2003:561, Vasmer 3:235 236, 42) Lith. pérgas "canoe", OCS pragъ "treshold", Rus. poróg, Cz. práh , Slk. prah, USorb. próh, S Cr. pr g, Sln. pràg prága , PSl. * pırgъ (APa), other cognates Latin pergula "attachment to the front of a building", ON forkrk "club" PIE *porg (IEW 819), *pórHg (Snoj 2003:557). BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:413 *porȤgos. Status: positive evidence of WL. Further references: Fraenkel I:572, Vasmer 3:329 330, Gluhak 1993:498, Bezlaj 3:100, de Vaan 2008:460. 43) S Cr . pj ga "freckle", Sln. pé ga, Cz. piha , Sln peha, PSl. *pě ga (APa), other cognates OInd. pingalá "reddish brown, Lat. pingō "paint", Gr. piggalos "lizard. PIE form seem not to be complete clear. IEW:794 795 and LIV:464 reconstruct *peiʢg , also Derksen 2008:392 differently ablauted * poig , Snoj 2003:503 sticks to IEW but for poíkilos 217 takes *peiʢk' . Similarly de Vaan 2008:465 466 proposes *pink' , connects Latin pingō with Gr. poikilos , OInd. pi śati "adorns", TochB pinke , "paint", Lith. pie šti "draw lines", OCS p sati, "write", everything from *pik' or nasal presen t *pi n k' n which would correspond to the base *peiʢk' . But the two fold etymology does not explain the acute in the Slavic derivate. Status : positive evidence of WL. Further references: Frisk II:532 533, Dybo 2002:434 44) Lith. púodas (AP1), Latv. puôds "pot", cognates with OHG faz "container", PIE * podóm (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527), *pōdiiʢo (Gercenberg 1981:135), IEW:790; Holst 2003:165 reconstructs BS *p dos < *pédos; NIL:529 *podo , a derivate from the original root *ped (the same root as in Lith. p÷ das ), adduces the possibility of Winter's law, cognates also in OE faet, OHG faz "barrel"; Matasović 1995:66 does not consider WL here; Status : WL occurence here is probable. Further references: Fraenkel II:668, Patri 2005:275 276, Winter 1978:433, Dybo 2002:402. 45) Lith. ráug÷ti "belch", Latv. raûgâties, OCS. otъrigati "throw out", Rus. rygáť "belch" Cz. říhat , S Cr. rìgati rìgām , Sln. rígati rîgam, PSl *ryɾgati (APa), other cognates Gr. ereúgomai "belch out", Lat. rūgīre "roar", ērūgere "belch" PIE * reug (IEW:871 872), *h 1rug (Derksen 2008:441 442), BS form *ruȤg also by Derksen. Status : positive evidence for WL. Further references: Vasmer 3:526, Frisk I:554, Bezlaj 3:179, Snoj 2003:621 622, Dybo 2002:428:429. 46) Lith. réžtis "stretch", Latv. rie ztie s "stretch"; other cognates: OInd. n játi "stretches out" (nasalised form from jyati) , Av. rāzayeiti "stretch out", Lat. regō regere rēxī rēctus "direct, guide", Gr. orégō "stretch", Goth. raíhts "right", OIr. atraig "stand up", MW re "get up"; PIE *reg' "make right" ( IEW:854 857), *h 3reg' (LIV:304 305) Smoczyński (2007:512) reconstructs BS *rēž , Latin rēctus is due to the Lachmann's law. Status : evidence for Winter's and Lachmann's laws. Further references: Fraenkel II: 725 726, Dybo 2002:464, Matasović 2009:308 218 47) Lith. riebùs (AP3) "fat", Latv. rie bt "obstruct", cognates with OE reopan "rippen", PIE *reib (IEW 858) Status : evidence of WL. Further references : Smoczyński 2007:514, Dybo 2002:434 48) Lith. raudá "lamentation", raudóti "weep", Latv. raûda "tear", raûd t "weep", OCS rydati "mourn", Rus. rydáť "mourn" Cz. rydat "wail, nag", S Cr. r dati "sob", PSl. * rydat i (APa) other cognates Skt. rudáti, "lament", Lat. rūdō rūdere "bellow", OE rēotan, OHG riozan "weep". PIE *reu d "weep, cry" (IEW:867), *reuʢdH (LIV:508), *h 3r(e)ud H (de Vaan 2008:528), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:441 * ruȤd . Old Russian has stressed suffix but belongs to APa (Zaliznjak 1985:133 134). Status : positive evidence of WL. Further references: Fraenkel II:704, Smoczyński 2007:502, Vasmer 3:526 527 49) Lith. sáugoti "preserve", Latv. saũdze t "keep", Goth siuks "sick" PIE* seuʢg (IEW:915), Status: etymologically unclear but WL highly probable. Further references : Fraenkel II :764, Smoczyński 2007:536, Lehmann 1986:307, 50) Lith. sed÷ ti , Latv. se de t "sit", OCS sěděti, sěsti, Ru. sidéť, Cz. sedět, SCr. sjèdjeti , Čak. sid ti, Sln. sedéti, Lat. sedēre, Gr. hézomai "sit down", Got. sitan ; IE *sed (IEW 884 887), Balto Slavic form *seȤdeȤ from PIE *sed eh 1 was reconstructed by Derksen (2008:445), Holst 2003:163 reconstructs BS* s sti <*sésti , *PIE stative sedéh 1 , present * sedh 1 iʢétor (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528) Gercenberg 1981:132 sees alternation of *e/ē in OCz sedět siesti , *e also in TochA se , TochB sai < *sēd iʢ . He also connects Lith. sed÷ ti and Lat. sēdēs. Gercenberg referring to Stang claims that Lith. s÷ di (3sg) comes from aorist which whose root length would be a mark of original perfect. Shintani 1985:289 opposes that TochA impf. sem, TochB sam 219 The same Balto Slavic root *seȤd is in Lith. sésti , PSl * sěsti, OCS sěsti, Rus. sésť, OCz siesti, SCr. sj sti, Sln sésti (Derksen 2008:447). Ablauted Proto Slavic * sad ti is (APc), reflected in OCS saditi, Rus. sadít, Cz. sadit , SCr. sáditi, Sln. sadíti and Lith. sodìnti "set" is reconstructed as Balto Slavic *soȤd ei , PIE *sod eiʢe, supported by OInd. sādáyati "set" (Derksen 2008:442). Matasović 1995:62 thinks that WL operates here because the verb was athematic in PIE and BS and the first syllable was closed * sed.mi. Winter's Law is also accepted by LIV:513 which posits present roots *sēd /séd and aorist stem *séd /sd . Lithuanian sed÷ ti and OCS sěděti are considered as an essiv. On the other hand, WL not accepted by Smoczyński 2007:538 539 who takes BS* sēd a vrddhi derivative from PIE * sed . Status: positive evidence of WL. Further references : Fraenkel II:769, 777, Vasmer II:613, Dybo 2002:406 51) Lith. sérg÷ti "guard", OCS strěšti "guard, Rus. steréč´ , Cz. stříci, S Cr. stréči, Sln. stré či, PSl. *stergti (APc) other cognates Gr. stérgein "love" PIE *sterg (IEW:1032), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:467 *sterȤg . WL should be preserved in Lithuanian. Further references : Fraenkel II:776 777, Smoczyński 2007:544, Bezlaj 3:325 326, Snoj 2003:703. 52) PSl * sę dzati, sę gati "search for" (APa), Rus. posjagať , Cz. sahat, S Cr. s zati s žēm , Sln. sé zati sé zam, sé gati sé gam , Lith. sègti "fasten, pin", cognate with OInd. sájati "adhere to". PIE *seng (IEW:887 888), BS form *se(n)Ȥg reconstructed by Derksen (2008:449). Winter's law operated here but did not operate in PSl. *sęgnóti "reach for", Rus. sjagnúť , Cz. sáhnout "touch", S Cr. ségnuti "reach. Here the WL did not occure because of the existence of a blockage cluster * ngn , so BS *se(n)Ȥgn . The difference between acute and non acute stem is visible in the S Cr intonation and the length difference in Czech where sáhnout contains pretonic length. Status : Evidence for WL as well as well documented condition for the case of non aplication. Further references: LIV:516 (* seg "pin, fix"), Fraenkel II:770, Smoczyński 2007:539, Vasmer 3:825, Bezlaj 3:221, Snoj 2003:643, EWAi 2:688 689, Dybo 2002:465. 220 53) Latv . sîrds "heart", Lith. širdìs, OPrus . seyr, OCS sr d ce , Rus. sérdce , Cz. srdce, S Cr. sr ce, Sln. src , PSl. *s rd ce (APc), other cognates OInd. h d , Gr. kē r, Lat. cor, Arm. sird , OIr. cride , Goth . hairto, OHG herza. PIE *k'erd (IEW 579 580), *k'ērd (de Vaan 2008:134 135), *k' d (Derksen 2008:485), *k'ē rd /k' d (NIL 417 423). BS form reconstructed by Derksen as *śird . The obvious problems here is the reconstructed Dehnstufe (apart from different ablaut grades Latin has o grade) which would exclude the expected acute from WL which is preserved in Latvian. In my conception of ablaut, the Dehnstufe can be secondary. Should acute in Slavic be eliminated by Meillet's law, the BS form could have been *śirȤd . Further references: Fraenkel II:986 987, Bezlaj 3:304, Snoj 2003:690, Dybo 2002:456 54) Lith. skíedžiu, skíesti "dilute", Latv. škíe žu, škie st "scatter", Rus. cedít "strain, filter", Cz. cedit, Slk. cediť, Pl. cedzić, USorb cycźić , S Cr. cijèditi c jedīm, Čak. cīd ti cīdīm, Sln. cedíti, PSl. *cědìti (APc), cognates with OIc. skíta "shit"; IE *skei d/t (IEW 920 930), *sk' heiʢd "split, tear" (LIV:547 548), *(s)koid (Derksen 2008:74, BIL); BS form reconstructed by Derksen *(s)koiȤd Zero grade *(s)kid is in Lith. skýtas (AP3 4), Latv. «k§i^sts , OCS čistъ, čistiti, Cz. čistý , S Cr. č st, Čak. č st, Sln. čìst, PSl* či st (APa), BSl. *(s)kiȤsto , Skt. činádmi "separate", OHG scīzan "shit", Lat. scindō scindere scissum , o grade causative Lith. skáidau, skáidyti "split", Latv. skaidu, skaidît "dilute" Status: positive example of WL. 55) Lith. sl gti "take off, fall, Latv. slaũgans "sleep", cognate with ON slokna "die", PIE *sleug , slug (IEW: 959 960, 962) According to Dybo 2002:425 the traditional Germanic cognate forms like ON slōkr "sleeping boy" is contaminated with *slēg . Smoczyński 2007:573 who does not accept WL considers Lithuanian acute from the original *slūg to be secondary. Further references: Fraenkel II:835, Smoczyński 2007:573, 56) Lith. smirdé ti "stink", Latv. smirɵd t, Rus. smerdéť , Cz. smrdět, S Cr. smŕdjeti, PSl. *sm rdě ti (APc). Here also belongs PSl *sm rdъ (APc), Cz. smrad, Slk smrad, Pl. s mród smrodu , S Cr. smra d, Lith. smárdas. 221 PIE *smord , smerd (IEW 970), *smer(H)d , *smor(H)d (Snoj 2003:675), BS forms reconstructed by Derksen 2008:456 457 *smirȤd , *smorȤdos. Status: Slavic forms are mobile because of the elimination of acute by Meillet's law, but the original Winter's law is confirmed by Baltic. Further references : Fraenkel II:847 848, Smoczyński 2007:578 579, Bezlaj 3:274, Vasmer 3:684 685, 691 692, Boryś 2008:563, Dybo 2002:455 456. 57) Lith. snáusti "slumber, Latv. snaũst "sleep, cognates with Gr. nustázō "doze", PIE *sneud (h) (IEW:978); Smoczyński 2007:580 581 postulates BS *snaud , concerning WL the PIE root *sneud is more probable. Status : the very probable occurence of WL. Further references : Fraenkel II:852 853, Frisk 329 330, Dybo 2002:430. 58) PSl. *sıldъkъ (APa) "sweet", Cz. sladký , Slk. sladký, S Cr. slàtkī, sl dak, Sln. sládƽk, Lith. saldùs (AP3), Latv. sal ds, cognates with Goth. salt, OE sealt , Lat. sāl . PIE form *sal (IEW:879, NIL 586 590), *seh 2 l s (de Vaan 2008:535), *sh 2el (Derksen 2008:459 and Smoczyński 2007:529 530). BS form reconstructed by Derksen (208:459) *solȤdus , Smoczyński 2007:529 530 *sald u. Winter's law accepted by NIL. The interesting opinion is the one by Dybo 1981:102 who thinks that acute was lost in Old Russian and Middle Bulgarian, thus *s ldъkъ, *solddъka , *s ldъko. Status : positive evidence for WL. Further references: Fraenkel II:752, Dybo 2002:443 444. 59) Lith. spáusti "press", spáudyti " compress", cognate with Gr. speúdō "hasten", PIE *(s)p(h)eud (IEW:998 999), *speuʢd "hurry" (LIV:581) Status : positive evidence for WL. Further references : Frisk II:765, Fraenkel 862 863, Smoczyński 2008:585, Dybo 2002:430 431. 60) Lith. spéndžiu, spésti "arrange traps", Latv. spie st "press", OCS pęd "span", Rus. pjaď , Cz. píď , S Cr. p d , Sln. p d , PSl. *pęɵd (APc), other cognates Lat. pendō, pendere "weigh". PIE * (s)pen(d) (IEW:988, LIV:578), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:398 *(s)penȤd 222 WL is positive, accepted by LIV. PSl form is mobile but this is secondary because "span" is an i stem. WL not accepted by Smoczyński 2007:586 who takes Lith. acute secondary due to the influence of *spenh 1 , Lith. pìnti "tie" Status : positive evidence for WL. Further references: Fraenkel II:865, Vasmer 2:422 423, Dybo 2002:466 467, de Vaan 2008:457 61) Lith. spráusti "press into", Latv. spraûst, cognate with Goth. sprauto "quickly", Welsh ffrwst "haste"; PIE *spreud (IEW:994). Smoczyński 2007:590 591 reconstructs *spreud h /sproud h but WL should prefer unaspirated obstruent. Status : very probable evidence for WL. Further references : Fraenkel II:879, Lehmann 1986:320 321. 62) Lith. sprógti "burst", Latv. sprâgt; ablauted forms, e grade in Lith. spragù, spragé ti "pelt down", Cz. prahnout "long for", Pol. pragnąć, USorb. prahnyć "dry", Ukr. pragnúti, PSl. *pregnNjti; PIE *(s)p(h)ereg , (s)p(h)erƽg (IEW 996); Baltic forms are with s mobile. Form *spreg in LIV, present form with the meaning "speak" can be seen in OHG sprehhan . Other cognates h are OInd. sph rjati "burts" < *sp h 2g (EWAi 7 78), Gr. sfarageómai "bursts, rustle". Causative forms seen in OCS pražiti, SCr. pr žiti, Sln. prážiti, Pl pražyć, USorb. pražyč, Status : positive evidence for WL. Literature: Fraenkel II:882, Boryś 2008:479, Schuster Šewc: 1148, Frisk 828, EWAi :778, LIV 582, IEW:996 63) S Cr. str ći strîžēm "cut", Sln. stríči strížem, OCS strišti, Rus. strič strigú, OCz. stříci, PSl. *strigti (APc), other cognates Lat. stringere "bind fast, strip off", OE strīcan "brush". PIE *streig (IEW:1028 1029, LIV:603) Although the Slavic forms are mobile, acute is retained in infinitive (see S Cr.) Latin form is taken as a contamination of two roots *string "brush" being itself a nasal infix form to *streig , and *streng h "tie" (de Vaan 2008:591 592, Dybo 2002:418) Status : positive evidence for WL. Further references: Vasmer 3:778, Bezlaj 3:329, Snoj 2003:705. 223 64) Lith . stógas "roof", other cognates Gr. stegō "cover, protect", Lat. tegō tegere tēctum "cover", Lat . toga "toga ", OIr. teg, tech "house" PIE *(s)teg (IEW 1013 1014, LIV:589, NIL:634 636). The complete noun derivates are in NIL which proposes Baltic * staga and Lith. form as vrddhi derivate. The connection with PSl. *stogъ "stack" is taken as dubious. Differently Derksen 2008:468 who takes *stogъ as APb/c which excludes WL. Derksen connects *stogъ with Lith. stãgaras "stalk", Gr. stóchos "brick pillar" from the original *stog h , thus also Frisk II: 804 805. PB form had probably two synonym roots *stag , one from *steg "cover" and another one from * steg h Matasović 1995:64,65 doubts the connection of Lithuanian stógas and Greek stegō and admits that his theory cannot explain the WL. Concerning *stogъ, he refuses WL here because of the first open syllable *stogos/stogeros. Smoczyński 2007:605 proposes that the Lithuanian form would either continue *ste h2g or *steg which would mean that acute would be reflex of the PIE long vowel from of the laryngeal influence or the BS vrddhi derivation. Status : Lithuanian form definitely underwent WL. Latin ppt/supine has length from Lachmann's law. Further references : Fraenkel II:911 Dybo 2002:399 65) Lith. stríegti "cower with hay". According to LIV:608 the original root *streig "get stuck", stríegti a iʢe present, nasal present *stri né/n g in Lith. strígti "get stuck", Pol. (za)strząc "be stuck". The homonymous root *streiʢg "stroke" in PSl. *strigti (APc), OCS strišti , OCz. stříci, S Cr. str ći strîžēm "cut", Sln. stríči strížem , cognate with Lat. stringere "bind, fasten, strip off". Status : probable evidence for WL. Further references: IEW: 1028, 1036, Fraenkel I:886, Derksen 2008:469, de Vaan 2008:591 592, Snoj 2003:705, Bezlaj 3:329. 66) Lith. stū gti "cool down", Rus. stýdnuť, stýgnuť, Cz. stydnout, Pl. stygnąć, PSl. *styɾdnNjti derivate PSl. * stu dъ (APc), OCS studъ "shame, Rus. stud "cold, Cz stud "shame", S Cr stu d "cold", Sln. stu d "aversion"; PSl *stydъ "shame", S Cr. stîd, Sln .stîd. PIE reconstruction: LIV:601 proposes *steud "become cold", ablauted variant and causative suffix *stoud eiʢe > OCS studiti, essiv * stud h1iʢé > OCS styděti sę . The root *steug "get into a violent movement" (LIV:602) would be reflected in Gr. stygéō "hate, abhor, fear". The 224 connection is accepted by Dybo 2002:416 but considered dubious by Derksen 2008:471. Winter's law would be visible in *stydъ < *stoud (Derksen 2008:471) Status : positive evidence for WL. Further references: Fraenkel II:928 929, Frisk II:812 813, Vasmer 3:789, IEW:1032 1033, 1035. 67) Lith. svýsti, svýsta "start to shine, svid÷ ti "shine", Latv. svîs t "become clear" (sta presents), the original PIE root *suʢeiʢd (IEW:1042, LIV:608). The form svindù taken as nasal infixed *suʢi né n d by LIV, svid÷ ti as a fientive form *suʢid éh 1/h 1, LIV also accepts WL. other cognates: Dybo 2002:421 connects Baltic forms with Lat. sīdus "star", this is refused by h de Vaan 2008:562 563 who considers the form *sh 2i d h1 o "binding" to *sh 2i fasten. Status : positive example of WL. Further references : Fraenkel II:952 953 68) Lith. trobà "cottage" cognate with Latv. trāba "building", Gr. teremnon "house", Lat. trabs "beam of wood", Goth. þaurp "field", OHG dorf "yard", Goth. þaúrp "field", OIr. treb "house" IE * treb /trōb (IEW 1090), *trob (BIL); The exhaustive etymologies are now at NIL 705 which postulates different ablaut grades for individual cognates: *trb "wooden beam" in Germanic, *treb "to build" in OIr. treb , *trob in Baltic. NIL accepts WL. Smoczyński 2007:690 did not accept WL and considers Baltic forms a Dehnstufe. Status : positive evidence for WL. 69) Lith. úodas "gnat", Latv. u ds, cognate with Gr. ōdís "labour pains"; everything Dehnstufe from *ed "eat" (IEW:288), *h 1ed ; the connection with Rus. óvod , Cz. ovád , SCr. o bád , Sln. obàd, PSl. *o(b)vadъ (accepted by Vasmer III: 114, doubted by Boryś 2008:404) refused by Bezlaj II:231, Fraenkel: 1164). NIL:208 derives úodas from ablauted *h 1ōd o/ah 2. No WL is mentioned here although adduced at other forms derived from this root. Status : positive evidence for WL. Literature : IEW:288, Frisk 1143 1144, Fraenkel II:1164, Vasmer III: 114, Boryś 2008:404, Bezlaj II:231 225 70) Lith. uodegà "tail", Latv. uodega , cognate with OInd ádgah "stick", OIr. odb "tail". PIE *od(e)go , od(e)g wo (IEW:773), ? *Hosg w (NIL 207). Obviously it is a complex word of dubious etymology but the non aspirate final obstruent seems to be certain. Status : WL unclear. Further references: Fraenkel II:1164 1164, Dybo 2002:401 402. 71) Lith. úoga, Latv. uôga "berry", OCS vinjaga "grape", Slov. vinjága , SCr. vìnjaga (everything composed from vino+jaga ), second part PSl *aga in PSl *agoda , OCS jagoda, Cz jahoda , Lat .ūva "grape", Goth. akran ; PIE *ōg /ƽg (IEW 778), *h 2og eh 2 (Derksen 20088:27); Balto Slavic *óȤgaȤ (Derksen 2008:27); Gercenberg 1981:137 points to length in Lat. ūva <*ōug wā and compares the length in Latin an Baltic, OCS vinjaga from *ōg which should reflect a middle state of BS development from *ōu>*ō>uo; Shintani 1985:291 does not accept, compares Lith úoga with Got. akran "fruit", TochA,B oko "fruit " (Adams 1999:109 110) Rasmussen discarded that úoga, uôga, vinjaga and ūva do not match and connects BS data with Toch. AB oko " fruit" 72) Lith. úosti , Latv. uôst "smell", OCS jadati "explore", Gr. ózein "smell", Lat. odor "smell", Arm. hotim ; PIE *od "smell" (IEW 772 773), Balto Slavic form is reconstructed as *oȤd from PIE *h 3ed (Derksen 2008:26), Holst 2003:164 reconstructs BS * sti <*óst i; Ablauted variants *h 3éd /h 3d is posited by LIV:296; 226 According to Gercenberg 1981:133 sees there the original athematic root *ōd , length can be taken from preterite, against this Shintani 1985:290 who connects Lithuanian and Latvian forms with Gr. ózā, Arm. hotim < h 1od iʢe; according to Rasmussen PIE stative *h 3odh 1iʢétor, aor. h 3odéh 1t (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528); Matasović 1995:62 postulates BS *ōd from *h 3ed yō and WL due to the closed syllable. WL not accepted by Smoczyński 2007:705 who takes the BS form as a result of the perfective *Ho Hd <*h 3e h3d . Status : the positive example of WL. Further references: Dybo 2002:401, Fraenkel II:1167 1168, Frisk II:353 355, de Vaan 2008:425 426. 73) Lith. var gas "hardship, misery" (AP2>AP4), Latv. vā rgs, va rgs "pining", OPr wargan "misery", wargs "evil", Rus. vórog "foe", Cz. vrah "murderer", Slk. vrah , Pl. wróg wroga, USorb wróh wroha , S Cr. vra g "devil", Sln. vra g, PSl *v rgъ (APc) other cognates Goth. Wrikan "persecute". PIE *uʢreg /uʢerg (IEW 1181, LIV 697), *h 1uʢorg o (Derksen 2008:527). BS form reconstruced by Derksen as *worȤgós. Both Baltic and Slavic forms are mobile but the mobility is secondary. In Baltic, the o stem was originally and end stressed neuter and underwent metatony due to the retraction from the final * à. This retraction, as shown by Derksen 1996, gave métatonie douce. Slavic form underwent Illič Svityč's law and Meillet's law and so the Proto Slavic form is mobile. Nevertheless, the original acute is from Winter's law, see also Derksen 2008:527. What we observe here is the interaction of different accentual processes. Status : positive example of WL. Further references : Fraenkel II:1125, Smoczyński 2007:721, Vasmer 1:352, Snoj 2003:832 833, Boryś 2008:710 711. 74) Lith. váržas "fishing basket" (AP1>AP3), Latv. varɵza, Rus. vérša, Cz. vrše, S Cr. vrɵša, Čak. vr ša, Sln. vŕša , PSl. *vь rša (APa), other cognate OHG werc "work" PIE *uʢerg' , *uʢreg' (IEW 1168), *uʢer k' /uʢer g' h (Snoj 2003:836 who connects the data with *uʢer "track, wind" which would correspond Lith. ver žti "bind", OCS vrěšti, see LIV:688). Status : positive example of WL. Further references: Fraenkel II:1230 1231, Dybo 2002:458 459, Derksen 2008:539 227 75) Lith. v÷ daras (AP3) "entrails", Latv. ve dars "belly", OInd. udáram "belly", Lat. uterus, , Gr. húderos "dropsy", OCS vědro "bucket", Cz. vědro, Slk. vedro, Pl. wiadro, SCr. vjèdro , Sln. védro , Rus. vedró, PSl. *vědro (APb); PIE *udero (IEW:1104 1105); de Vaan 2008:647 *Hud ér o, Balto Slavic *uʢeȤdero (Derksen 2008:518) Gercenberg 1981:136 sees original length *uʢends , zero form in Avest. udara , Gr. oderos, normal grade in Lat. venter; according to Rasmussen vrddhi derivative * uʢedérom from *uʢdéro (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528); NIL:706 constructs the basic root *uʢed "spring" and Dehnstufe *uʢēd r o > OCS vědro accepting the long root as vrddhi formation. Vrddhi also accepted by Vasmer I:283, Bezlaj 4:289, Snoj 2003:810, Boryś 2008:687. The problem obviously lies in the isolated formation (the only vrddhi from that root is seen in Germ. *wēta "wet", ON vátr, OE wǃt ) and also in the accentual pattern of Slavic the word belongs to APb. The best explanation seems the one by Derksen (2008:519) that the word remained oxytone. Long root is due to the Winter's Law, glottal stop was lost in pretonic position and stress was not retracted because the cluster dr prevented the Balto Slavic retraction from final open syllables. *uʢed ro (BIL). Status : evidence for WL. Further references : Fraenkel II:1210 1211, Winter 1978:433, Frisk II:956, Dybo 2002:408 76) Lith. vedy s (AP3) "suitor", OCS nevěsta "bride", Rus. nevésta, Cz. nevěsta, Slk. nevesta, S Cr. nèvjesta , Čak. nev sta , Sln. nevé sta; PSl *nevě sta (APa) cother cognates: OInd. vadhú "bride" HomGr. éedna "bridal presents", OE weotuma "dowry", related to Lith. vedù vèsti, OCS vedNj vesti (ESSJ9 1999:541 542); PIE *uʢed mno (IEW:1116), LIV:659 *h 2ed uʢmno "dowry"; Winter 1978:433 434 saw two competing bases in Lithuanian alternative forms ve dis, v÷dis, v÷dy s. A form *uʢed would continue to v÷d with further cognates GrHom éedna, OE weotuma "bridal presents" and OCS věno, nevěsta, while *uʢed h with the meaning "lead" woud give ved , also reflected in ve dinti "mary off" (but see *věno in the next paragraphs); Schmid 1986:362 sees old dh here and the absence of WL; Gercenberg 1981:136 also observes two different roots *uʢed h /uʢed the second one in Skt. vadh ; different roots ending with * d/d h also accepted by Rasmussen (1992/1999:528) and explained as alternation of consonantal and vocalic laryngeal Nsg *h 1uʢédƽ2s, Gsg h 1udh 2ós ; Two roots also in IEW:1115 *uʢed h , before nasals *uʢed , LIV:659 has only *uʢed h "lead", h h the root *uʢed also accepted by Snoj 2003:44, *ne + vrddhi derivate *uʢēd tah 2 ; 228 Derksen (2008:351) analyzes the Slavic form as *ne and to derivative of PIE *uʢoid "know, also Snoj 2003:444 as a possible alternative, but with vrddhi variant *ne *uʢōid tah 2. The problem causes also PSl. *vesti which is (APc) and excludes WL. Status : unclear with respect to WL. Further references: Derksen 2008:517, ESJS 8:541 543, Vasmer 3:54 55. 77) Lith. v÷ ngti, véngiu "avoid", cognate with OHG winken "wink" PIE *uʢeng "be bent" (IEW:1148 1149, LIV 682) Status : positive evindence for WL. Further references: Fraenkel II:1223, Smoczyński 2007:734 735, Dybo 2002:468 469 78) PSl. *věno "bride price", Ru. véno, Cz. věno, Slk. veno , S Cr. vijèno. Other cognates are Gr. éedna "bride price, wedding gift", édnon "dowry", OE weotuma . The accentual pattern is problematic. Derksen 2008:519 520 has APc but with a doubt. Russian has a root accent, Old Russian accentuation is unknown to me and the S Cr accentuation is secondary (Hamp 1968, 1970 quoted by Derksen). Dybo 2002:406 407 takes *věno as a proof of the WL and discusses the traditional etymology coming back to *uʢed h "lead" (IEW:115 116, LIV 659). Both Dybo and Derksen consider the original form with unaspirated obstruent primary *h 1uʢed no m. Dybo refers to EWAi 2:497, Mayrhofer here considers the aspirated obstruent in coda secondary due to the laryngeal metathesis: * Huʢed >*uʢedH . Status: Accepting the laryngeal metathesis proposal, I consider *věno as a proof for the operation of WL, although the precise PSl accentuation is still unclear. 79) PSl. *vi děti "see" (APa), OCS viděti, Rus. vídeť, Cz. vidět, S Cr v djeti, Sln vídeti , Lith. veizd÷ ti (Žem.) "look for" other cognates Gr. éidomai "appear", Lat. videō vidēre vīsum ,"see", Goth. witan "observe" PIE *uʢ(e)di /uʢ(e)idi (IEW: 1125), *uʢeid (LIV 665 667), BSl. form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:521 * weiȤd WL accepted by Bezlaj 4:312 and LIV. Status : positive evidence of WL. Further references : Fraenkel II:1212, Vasmer 1:312, Gluhak 1993:667, Snoj 2003:819, de Vaan 2008:676. 229 80) PSl. *vılga (APa), S Cr. vl ga "moisture", Sln. vlága, Rus. vológa , Cz. vláha , Slk. vlaha, USorb. włoha, Lith. volgà, OPrus. welgen "cold", other cognates OHG wolkan "cloud", OE wolcen. PIE *uʢelg "become wet" (IEW:1145, LIV:676), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:524 *wolȤgaȤ. Among other Slavic derivates belongs here also PSl *vılžiti (APa), Rus. voložíť, Cz . vlažit, cognate with Lith. válgyti "eat" and vìlgyti "moisten". Status : positive evidence for WL. Further references : Vasmer 1:337, 340, Fraenkel II:1189 1191, Snoj 2003:826, Smoczyński 2007:716 717, Dybo 2002:446, Derksen 2008:527. 81) Lith. vóžti "cover", Latv. v zt , Lat. vagīna "sheat, scabbard" PIE *uʢag (IEW 1110), *uʢeh 2g' "cover" (LIV:664). Status : Etymology is unclear but WL in Baltic is probable. Further references : Fraenkel II:1275 8.8.8.88. 888.2..2. Exceptions to Winter's law Exceptions to Winter's law are forms which contain traditionally reconstructed voiced unaspirated or preglottalized obstruents (in Kortlandt's conception) but the Winter's law is absent. Exceptions used to be takes as counterexamples to WL and as an argument against its existence. 1) OCS bogъ , Ru. bog bóga, Ukr. bih bóha, Cz. bůh boha , Pl. bóg boga, USorb. bóh boha , S Cr. b g bo ga, Čak. bôg bo ga , Sln b g bog , other cognates: Av. baga "herd", OInd. bhága "prosperity, the one who allots", bhajati "allots", Gr. fagein "essen", PIE: *bhag "allot" (IEW:107); NIL:1 * bhag ", differs between *b hágo m > OInd. bhága , Av. baga, OCS bogъ and vrddhi derivative *b hāgó in OInd. bhāgá "share"; ESJS 2, 1990:71 72 also differ nomen agentis "giver" and nomen acti "prosperity", detailed etymology in ESJS, Gluhak 1993:137 138, Bezlaj I: 1971: 29 30; Accentologically PSl. *b gъ is APc (Derksen 2008:50). Winter 1978:442 considers it an Iranian borrowing (the word is absent from Baltic) and therefore it escaped Winter's Law, also Kortlandt 1979, Birnbaum 1985; Rasmussen 1992/1999:529, Holst 2003:168, Snoj 2003:48 49, Derksen 2008:50 and already Pokorny in IEW. 230 Derivates: PSl *nebogъ < *ne + *b gъ (Derksen 2008:506), OCS nebogъ, Cz. nebohý , SCr. nèbōg , Sln neb g ; *ubogъ <*u + b gъ, Rus. ubógij, Cz. ubohý, SCr. ùbog , Sln ub g. Kortlandt (1979:60) connects *ubogъ with Skt . bhágah "fortune" and considers its borrowing from Iranian with the meanig "god" and "fortune". Schmid 1986:361 is willing to accept Iranian origin but is against Winter's claim that the word was borrrowed in 2nd cent. AD; Shintani 1985:278 accepts the Iranian borrowing but as a barytone *bhágos, therefore no lengthening, but refuses that PSl *bógъ in *(u)bogъ, *sъbogъje (č. zboží) is a loanword, considering Ir. baga a spec. cultural term, therefore PIE * bhágos > PSl *bógъ; Matasović 1995:65 sees the absence of WL due to the open syllable, refuses the borrowing from Iraian and posists PIE * bhogo ; Status: Absence of WL is definitely due to the late borrowing from Iranian. Further references : Vasmer 1:181:182, Dybo 2002:478 479 2) OCS chodъ "motion", Rus. chod chóda , Ukr. chid choda , Cz. chod, Pol. chód chodu, SCr. h d ho da , Čak. h d ho da , Sln. hòd hóda, Gr. hodós "way", PIE *sed (IEW:887), *sod o (??), derivate from this root is PSl *choditi with "ch" from RUKI rule after prefixes * pri , u (??), Winter 1978:442 sees the word problematic because it has ablaut with š lъ (being therefore unlikely to borrow), the connection of chodъ with *sed is left open, although initial "ch" can be explained as analogical spreading of regular RUKI rule after per , pri , u , while Iranian borrowing cannot be excluded; Birnbaum 1985 rejects the borrowing from Iranian and the comparison with Gr. hodos due to the different gender; Shintani reconstructs PSl *chód , chóda, Gr. hodós considers a transformation from *hódos 231 Holst 2003:167 posits BS *sodós and thus absence of WL in unstressed syllable; Matasović 1995:65 takes *chodъ < *sed, *sod ; LIV:513 posits *si sd é as reflected in OInd. sídati, Lat. sīdō sīdere "sit" and OCS choditi from causative *sod eiʢe ; de Vaan (2008:562) compares Lat. sīdō <*sisde/o with OCS sěsti, sędNj <*sind < *sizd ; Status : The counterexample to WL seems to be only apparent. Winter's law did not operate due to the blocking cluster *SȤD Further references : Vasmer 4::252 253, Frisk II:349 350, 3) Lith. pãdas (AP2) "floor", Latv. pads, ORus. podъ, Rus. pod póda "hearth stone", Cz. půda, SCr. p d po da, Čak. po d pod , Sln. pòd póda , PIE *pod (IEW 791 792), Winter 1978:439 40, referring to Fraenkel consider *podos , as actually being deverbative from * dh(E)os * + prefix * pa >*podh(H)os; so not from *ped "feet"; thus also Kortlandt 1979:60, Birnbaum 1985:45 agrees but objects to the different meaning of the etymon; Schmid 1986: 359 360 argues that padas (Fussshohle) is not derived from p÷da (Fuss) and pad÷ti (unterlegen stellen), according to him padas:p÷da is just a morphological parallel to badas (Hunger): b÷da (Not), Schmid's exception is therefore semantic; Rasmussen 1992/199:529 deals with voiced aspirate obstruent and therefore no couterexample to WL.; for Matasović 1985:65 the absence of WL is due to the open syllable existence; Holst 2003:165 points to the end stressed forms in Old Indic and Greek and proposes the same state for Balto Slavic *podós , this would explain the absence of "lengthening" in unstressed syllable (Holst's theory); Kortlandt 1988 compares pãdas, pads with similar Lithuanian words in das, prie das . Those words are of similar derivational category and lack lengthening (see Kortlandt 1988:393); NIL:526 546 just discusses different opinions on Winter's law (Holst, Dybo, Derksen, Patri). h An interesting proposal has Snoj 2003:531 who posits * po d h1o with an ablauted form h *d eh 1 "lay", see LIV 136. Derksen (2008:408 409) reconstructs PSl *podъ as uncertain (APb or APc), originally *po h and zero grade of *d eh 1 "do". Status : In my opinion this is no real counterexample to WL if the obstruent is reconstructed as aspirate (being probable the part of a compound). Further references : Fraenkel I:521, Smoczyński 2007:435. 232 4) OCS sěd lo "saddle" , Cz sedlo/sídlo "saddle, place of living", USorb. sydłlo , cognates with Goth. sitls ; the word merged with *selo, OCS selo "field", Rus. seló "village", SCr. sèlo "village", Čak. selo , Sln sélo , Lith. salà (AP4) "island", cognates with Got. sitls "bank", PGmc *setla, PIE forms: nomen *sed lo m from *sed "sit" (IEW: 884 887 NIL:592 , LIV:513) Winter 1978:440 441 considers it as a loanword from Gothic while supposing that Grimms law in Germanic did not operate suddenly; Kortlandt 1979:60 considers the word being borrowed from Gothic sitls; Gothic borrowing is rejected by Birnbaum 1985:46 due to different meaning ("seat, chair" in Gothic, "saddle" in Slavic, but also should the word be borrowed, then Goth. sitls >**s tlъ, Schmid 1986:361 quotes Pruss. saddina "stellt" with a short vowel and without lengthening but his argument does not disprove possible Germanic borrowing. Birnbaum (1999:29) accepted German borrowing (aus dem fränkischen Kulturkreis) referring to OHG satul "saddle" and sëdal "seat" which should be etymollogically closer to the Slavic etymon.; Accentologically is * sědlò APb, *selò also APb (Derksen 2008:445). Matasović 1995:62 postulates BS* se di.lo(m) and therefore no WL in the open syllable should occur; Holst 2003:166 posits BS oxytone *sedilóm and no WL under the absence of stress should happen. Rasmussen 1992/1999:529 takes also the word as a borrowing. Status : WL is unclear but it is possible that APb reflects the original Derksen's oxytone. Further references: ESJS 13:799 5) Lith. sègti "fasten", OCS prisęšti "touch", Sln. sé či "reach for" cognates with OInd. sájati "attach"; ESSJ 3 1992:141 derives PSl *sęgti from PIE *si(n)k , which is a reduced grade of *seik , also admits the connection with *seg wh /*seng wh and doubts about the connection of *seg ; IEW:887 888 derives it from *seg /seng , the former form in OCS sęgnNjti , the latter form in Latv. segt "cover" and Lith. iterative sagýti; LIV:516 *ség > OInd sájati, Lith. sègti, *sné/ g > OC S sęgnNjti; LIV:532 problematically connects OCS 3rd aor. sętъ "said", and *seng wh ; Winter 1978:440 thinks that there were root variants *seg , *sěg , *sęg and considers the word as a counterexample to the WL; Birnbaum 1985 objects to Slavic *sęg as a reflex of *se N g and considers it a counterexample to Winter's Law too; 233 Holst 2003:166 proposes to reconstruct end stressed form thus explaining the absence of "lengthening" in the initial syllable: BS *segtí. Matasović 1985:65 posits PIE *segeti with all open syllables and therefore absence of Winter's law. His proposal was challenged by Derksen 2002:10 who points that Slavic forms have nasal infix and acute *sengati > S Cr. s zati . Form S Cr. ségnuti , Cz. sáhnout are non acute forms due to the Kortlandt's blocking rule. This is explicitely expressed in Derksen 2008:449 where BS *se(n)gn > PSl. *sę gnNj ti > Rus. sjagnúť, "reach for", Cz. sáhnout, S Cr. ségnuti, and BS *se(n)Ȥg > Lith. sègti ; PSl. *sęgti > OCS prisęšti , Sln. sé či , Cz. dosíci "reach". The original idea comes back to Kortlandt 1988b:389 who already proposed the blocking cluster for that word. Status: the counterexample to WL is only apparent because its absence is due to the blocking cluster * NȤG . Further references : Fraenkel II:770, Smoczyński 2007:539 6) OCS voda , Rus. vodá, Cz. voda, SCr. vòda, Čak. vod , PSl. *vodà (APc), Lith. vanduõ (AP3), Latv . ûdens , OPrus. wundun, other cognates: Skt. udán , Hitt. wātar witenaš , Gr. húdōr, Lat. unda "wave" Got. wato; Originally r/n heteroclitic. As for Lat. unda see de Vaan (2008:641) who sees PIE *udōr, *udn and *udn > *und n; Latin unda is a stem reformed from collectivum *udnom "body of water"; Kassian 2002:55 points that plene writing in Hittite N Asg wa a tar corresponds to Gr. hýdōr and reconstructs also PIE * uʢód Schindler (1975:4 5) reconstructs *uʢódr , uʢédn static paradigm; Kloekhorst (2008 987 988) claims that the paradigm must be proterodynamic because Hitt. witenaš is phonologically /idén / being a reflection of *uʢdén , instead of vocalic "u" there is an analogical *uʢ/w, therefore original forms are *uʢódr , udén ; Winter 1978:441 carefully admits the idea of the borrowing from Gothic, because wato is an n stem, while in Slavic is an a stem, he considers voda as exception to the Law; Tremblay 1996:40 considers the BS paradigm Nsg * 'vándō , Gsg* ún'denes; Kortlandt reconstructs PSl *voda from Gsg *(v)undnes and this from Balto Slavic *vondōr, the vocalism of * vod would be due to lowering of *un before tautosyllabic stop + dissimilatory loss of *n (see also Derksen 2008:523); the nasal infix should be from suffix, similarly as in Latin unda; cluster ndn blocked Winter's Law; Lithuanian has acute vanduõ 234 (after de Saussure's law) because sequence nd did not cause the blockage; Kortlandt 1988b also points to the accentual mobility of "voda", so we should expect acute from Winter's law according to Shintani's hypothesis, but it is not so (Kortlandt 1988b:393). Birnbaum 1985:46 reminds *wēdr , vědro, vydra and the original heteroclitic r/n stem formation; also objects to Kortlandt's reconstructions and considers nasal in Lith. vanduõ and taking Lat. unda as a secodary nasal infix. According to Birnbaum, the nasal infix is secondary and is not recorded in primary IE languages (thus also Birnbaum 1999:29 30). Schmid 1986:361 adduces Lith. Vada, Vadaksta and other appelatives and connects them with vanduo and vad÷ (trockene Furche) and vada (baumfreie, feuchte Stelle im Wald); Holst 2003:166 167 posits BS *vadár, although admits that the word would be mobile because of the Russian vodá vódu, so WL should theoretically apply. He explain the absence of WL by the loss of heteroclicity in Balto Slavic. Concerning *vydra, Holst reconstructs BS *ū dra <*údra and with WL, the difference between presence and absence of WL in "otter" and "water" is explained as the loss of semantic relationship in BS. I consider the explanation purely arbitrary. Matasović 1995:62 takes *vydra as a vrddhi derivation or a form which underwent WL, similarly *vědro would have undergone WL because the syllable was closed: *ved.ro. Matasović rejects nasalisation proposed by Kortlandt, he explains Lith. vanduõ as a result of metathesis *uʢodn >*vand ; Snoj 2003:828 and Bezlaj 4:334 335 also take Lith. vanduõ as a result of secondary nasalisation from *u né d mi, *u n d énti, reflected in OInd unádmi, undánti, *vědro is considered a vrddhi derivate. NIL:706 715 reconstructs * uʢod o/en > Lith. vanduõ , accepts Petit's reconstruction 628 Nsg v dōn, Gsg ūdnés and sees "voda" as a problematic example of Winter's Law; as for PSl *vydra and Lith. údra ( AP1), NIL derives it from *udrah 2; Concerning *vydra, Bezlaj 4:313 accepts WL and posits BS * dra which is a substantive from vrddhi adjectiva *ūdras <*udrós "water"; Smoczyński 2007:719 sees *uʢodōr >*vaduo and considers 2 alomorphs in weak cases: *und > OPrus. unds < *ud n , and *ud en reflected in OLatv. u dens , but further development is unclear. Status : It seems that from many theories proposed the most optimal is the one by Kortlandt. The blocking rule *NȤDN not only effectively matches the other counterexamples caused by blocking cluster but also belongs to a broader context of the theory. 628 Petit 2004:98, 368. 235 Further references : EWAi 2:215 216, Frisk II:957 959, Gluhak 1993:668 669, 676 677, Fraenkel II:1194 1195, IEW 78 80, Dybo 2002: 413 415,468, 8.8.8.98. 999.. Proposed OT solution of Winter's law 629 8.8.8.98. 999.1..1. The nature of glottalized consonants The above mentioned data support Kortlandt's theory or preglottalised consonants. There are no other alternative theories which would explain Winter's law better. Now I try to solve the mechanism of Winter's law as a result of OT constraint interaction. As proposed by Kortlandt 1996, Dialectal IE had the opposition of three kind of obstruents: plain voiceless T, plain voiced D and glottalic voiced ȤD. The same opposition would be in Balto Slavic at the time of Winter's law operation. Kortlandt proposes that the glottalic voiced consonants were actually preglottalized. Preglottalised consonants fit into my conception of glottal stop insertion and its further loss with either the effect of glottalising or lengthening of the preceding nucleus. But what is the phonetic characteristics of preglottalised consonants? The optimal laryngeal state for occlusive is voiceless, unaspirated and unglottalised. 630 The contrast between glottalised, aspirated and plain obstruents is due to position of glottis. Glottalized consonants are characterised by [+constricted glottis] and [ spread glottis]. Aspirated ones have [ constricted glottis] and [+spread glottis] features while plain consonants possess [ constricted glottis] and [ spread glottis].631 If [voiced] feature is added, the combination of features is as follows: 632 ph bh p b ǣ pȤ spread gl + + constr gl + + voiced + + + Glottalic voiced consonants could not not have been ejectives because they are linguistically unknown. 633 On the other hand, Indo European and Balto Slavic preglottalic voiced consonants might have been implosives. Laryngeal setting here vary and implosives 629 I presented the part of idea in Sukač 2009a. 630 Kenstowicz 1994:38. 631 The phonetic characterization of laryngeal features by Halle and Stevens 1971 quoted by Kenstowicz 1994:39. 632 ibid. 633 Ladefoged & Madieson 1998:80. 236 are not simply defined as obstruents characterised by a constricted setting of the vocal folds. 634 Implosives are mainly occuring in West African languages which might be seen as an objection to the reconstruction of Indo European consonantism. The reconstruction point to the voiced obstruents but there might be doubt if the implosives could not have been voiceless. Voiceless implosives are fully glottalised, there might be laryngeal implosives, laryngealized stops or stops with glottal closure. Generally, voiceless implosives and preglottalized stops are hard to distinguish. 635 Voiced implosives phonetically lower the larynx while tthe vocal folds are vibrating. Voiceless implosives are characterised with glottal closure. The typological objection can be lessened the description of the preglottalized consonants as sychnronically unstable or underlying forms. The critics of "glottalic society" often thinks that glottalised consonants must have existed as real phenomena for a certain time. In my opinion, the could have just been underlying forms which surfacely disintegrated into a cluster composed of a glottal stop and an obstruent. There might have been no real preglottalised stops at all, just the surface combination of a voiced stop preceding with a glottal stop. 8.98.98.9.2.8.9 .2. Constraints and solution In Sukač 2009 I proposed the following solution which I repeat and modify here. Preglottalised consonants change their laryngeal specification from preglottalised to unglottalised. The faithfulness constraint requiring identity of laryngeal specification is one of the IDENT constraints. Constraints describing laryngeal specifications were dealt with Lombardi 1999. I accept her IDENT (Lar) constraint: Consonants should be faith to underlying laryngeal specification. Because a tautosyllabic combination of a vowel and a preglottalised consonant cannot occur (therefore Winter's law), I posit a new constraint *VD: (A vowel and a preglottalised consonant cannot occur tautosyllabically). The insertion of the glottal stop is required by the undominated DEP constraint (No insertion). The interaction of *VD with faithfulness IDENT constraint and DEP constraint results in glottal stop insertion (Ȥ) and the loss of glottalic feature of the preglottalised consonant (D > D): 634 ibid p. 82. 635 Clements 2002. 237 /CVD/ *VD DEP IDENT LAR CVȤD * * CVD * No change is observable if a syllable ends in an unvoiced consonant (T) because DEP prohibits the insertion of glottal stop and IDENT (Lar) bans any change of laryngeal specification: /CVT/ DEP IDENT LAR CVȤT * * CVD * CVT The same arrangement of constraints fits the syllable ending in an aspirated stop: /CVD h/ DEP IDENT LAR CVȤDh * CVD * CVD h Further development of the glottal stop leads to its reanalysis into the glottalic feature of a vowel. Consequently, glottalic feature leads to acute intonation which for Balto Slavic are practically synonyms. I would argue that the cluster *ȤD used to be stable for a certain period so there is no need to use Stratal OT for the description of the development of preglottalized obstruent to the glottalized vowel. So classical OT is still satisfactory here. 8.98.98.9.3.8.9 .3. Strategies for eliminating glottal stop The CVȤD structure is unstable because it is is voiceless and is in the vicinity of voiced elements There might be five strategies to cope with the situation. a) Loss of glottal stop: CVȤD > CVD b) Lengthening of the vowel: CVȤD > CV D c) Acute (vowel glottalization): CVȤD > CV ȤD d) Assimilation: CVȤD > CVȤT 238 e) Merging: CVȤD > CVT a) MAX constraint is responsible for the loss of glottal stop. Another constraint which accounts for the change ȤD to D is AGREE constraint proposed by Lombardi 1995 a a constraint accounting the obstruent voicing assimilation: Obstruent clusters should agree in voicing. The constraint simply states that a row of obsturent must share the same feature [voice]. IDENT LAR constraint requires that input output would not change with respect to the laryngeal specification. CVȤD AGREE MAX IDENT LAR CVȤD * * CVD * * As we see in this tableau, glottal stop is sucessfully eliminate due to the higly ranked MAX constraint and the winning candidate satisfy AGREE. b) Lengthening of the vowel is requires a special condition because it is connected with the rise of rhythmicity. As I argue that lengthening is not the Winter's law case but the case of Lachmann's law, I skip the analysis now and return to it in the next chapter. d) Assimilation of voice is another possible strategy to satisfy AGREE constraint. Also, *LAR constraint is relevant here: Don't have laryngeal features (Lombardi 1995): CVȤD AGREE *LAR IDENT LAR CVȤD * * CVȤT * e) Merging can be taken either as the total assimilation process or the interaction of *LAR and MAX constraints where the MAX deletes glottal stop but the resulting CVD structure fails to satisfy highly ranked *LAR. 239 CVȤD AGREE *LAR MAX IDENT LAR CVT * * CVD * c) The difference between unglottalized and glottalized vowel is in the markedness of the glottalized vowel. So it is more common for a language to have a vowel without a glottalic feature than to have a glottalized vowel. Therefore, I posit a constraint *V Ȥ: no glottalized vowel. I would argue that glottal stop is not deleted here but becomes the vowel feature. CVȤD MAX *V Ȥ CVD * CV ȤD * In combination with the other constraints the resulting tableaux is as follows: CVȤD AGREE IDENT *LAR MAX *V Ȥ LAR CVD !* * CV ȤD * * CVT !* * CVȤT !* As seen above, acute (glottalization) is the result of the highly ranked constraint IDENT LAR and *LAR. Unvoiced obstruents do not satisfy IDENT LAR while voiced obstruents are faithful to it. There are two possible winners, CVD and CV ȤD which both fail to satisfy *LAR. But if the *V Ȥ means that glottal stop is not deleted but simply transformed to the preceding vowel, the MAX constraint accounts for the final elimination ov CVD candidate. 240 8.8.8.98. 999.4..4. Explanation of further counterexamples Apart from the counterexamples to the Winter's law which must be explained individually (see the data below), there are two mechanisms which can be applied to the whole groups of words. The first one is Kluge's law in Germanic and the second one is the existence of certain blocking consonant clusters which prohibit the operation of Winter's law. 8.98.98.9.4.1.8.9 .4.1. Kluge's law Kroonen 2007 636 dealt with exceptions to WL by adduced by Matasović 1995 which have correspondence in Germanic: Lith. stãgaras "stick", PSl. *stogъ , ON stakkr "stack"; Lith. dubùs "deep", Goth. diups ; Russ. kogoť , "nail, claw", OE hacud "pike". In all those examples Matasović proposes the absence of lengthening due to the open first syllable. In his criticsm of Matasović's solution, Derksen (2002:10) pointed out that Matasović's counterexamples reflect etyma where the reconstruction of PIE or Balto Slavic voiced stop depend only on the Germanic evidence. Apart from the examples adduced above, the other counterexamples are: Lith. geguž÷ , "cuckoo", Latv. dzeguze , OPr. geguse, Rus.dial. žegozúlja , ON. gaukr, OE gēac, OHG gouh; OCS kob "destiny", ON happr " happines, success", OIr. cob "victory". Lith. balžíenas, Latv. bàlzie ns "cross beam", which according to Derksen showes to root ending with *g' h (because of circumflex) 637 , ON bjalki , OHG balko , OE balca "beam". Because Germanic roots often have different consonant, it might be possible to explain all the anomalies in reconstruction due to the borrowings from a substratum. Moreover, as Derksen remarks, it cannot be excluded that some Germanic forms with *D>*T are cognates with words, which in other languages point to *D h. Another possibility is that at a certain time, Balto Slavic cognate with voiced unaspirated (and unglottalised) was borrowed when already a change *D h>*D had been done, therefore no Winter's law is visible. Concerning e.g. ON stakkr, Derksen notices that it is an original n stem where the voiceless stop is actually result of phonetic change called Kluge's law: *stakk <*stog h n . Kluge's law is a sound change describing the assimilation of suffixal *n (in a stressed suffix) to a preceding consonant, thus giving Proto Germanic geminates (Kortlandt 1991). 636 Up to now I had only a handout of Kroonen's presentation. 637 The etymology was discussed by Derksen 1996:315 116 in detail. The original root would be reconstructed as *b helg' but as Derksen admits, the root would give acute in Balto Slavic due to the Winter's law, so he sticks to the IEW:125 reconstruction of * belg' h "swell" which is semanically odd. Derksen 2002:11 has already accepted Kluge's law as an explanation of that anomaly, the same is for 2008:54, where the Balto Slavic * bolźeiȤnaȤ is postulated from the original root *b holg' h . The absence of Winter's law is threfore explained by different reconstruction because Kluge's law cause the change *g' h n > * k(k) , so Germanic *k is therefore of that origin here. 241 Kluge's law was advocated by Kortlandt to explain various reflexes of Germanic geminates. In view of Kortlandt's theory, PIE voiced aspirates were deaspirated in dialectal IE but remained distinct from unaspirated voiced obstruents which were actually preglottalised. After the operation of Verner's law, the Grimm's law caused remaining voiceless obsturents to undergo lenition and voicedness was lost as a distinctive feature. Kortlandt claims that that system was preserved in Icelandic apart from the change of preglottalization to preaspiration. Now, Kluge's law applied between Verner's law and Grimm's law. According to Kroonen, Kluge's law explains the Germanic geminates as in Goth. fulls "full", Lith. pìlnas < *plh 1 nó or Goth. wulla "wool", Lat. lāna <*h 2ulh 2 néh 2 contra ON svefn "sleep", OInd. svápna <*suʢép no where the suffix is not stressed. The resulting geminates were shortened in PGmc after long vowels, diphtongs and resonants, e.g. Goth diups "deep" < * deuppa <*d heub h nó , Lith. dubùs (therefore short vowel which points to the reconstruction of *b h, not *b, as already pointed by Kortlandt 1991:3) Paradigmatically, Kluge's law lead to consonantal alomorphy in n stems, so e.g. in originally amphikinetic paradigm: Nsg.* ghnób h ōn "boy" >PGmc *knabō , Gsg. ghnob h n ós >*knappaz we observe the alternating *b/*pp. Now, as Kroonen brilliantly explains, the paradigms have been homogenized which means that there was a tendency to preserve either a feature [+voice] or [ voice]. So the original alternating paradigm splitted into two constant paradigm (my terminology): Nsg * knabō, Gsg *knabbaz and Nsg *knapō, Gsg. knappaz. The resulting forms can be visible in Germanic languages, so OHG knabo , OE cnafa <*knaban , OFri knappa, OE cnapa < *knapan , MHG knappe <*knabban. What results from Kroonen analysis is that the consonantism of OE staca, Goth. diups, ON bjalki is secondary. So e.g. OE staca, ON stakk r < PGmc Nsg. stagō , Gsg. stakkaz , PIE root *stog h (supported by Gr. stóchos "pillar"), ON bjalki < PGmc Nsg *balgō, Gsg. balkkaz, PIE root *b holg' h . It means that Kluge's law effectively eliminates some apparent counterexamples to Winter's law. 8.8.8.98. 999.4..4..4..4.2.Blockings2.Blockings clusters 8.8.8.98. 999.4.2..4.2..4.2.1.1. Kortlandt's blocking clusters Kortlandt 1979:60 70 suggested, that clusters *ngn and * ndn blocked the operation of Winter's law (nasal and liquid diphtongs) The first cluster can be found in ProtoSlavic * ogn , Lith. ugnìs (AP4), Skt. agníh , Lat. ignís , for which Kortlandt reconstructs * g wnis >BS *ungnis (labialization of labiovelar); for explanation *un>*o see Kortlandt 1979:61. The cluster ndn is to be found in ProtoSlavic * voda , Lith. vanduõ , Latv. u dens , OPruss undw, 242 wundan . Kortlandt reconstructs BS paradigm: Nsg *vondōr, Gsg *(v)undnes > ProtoSlav. *vodnes Asg * vondenim , Npl * (v)undā; *un is the zero grade of * on , initial v introduced analogically in other case forms, in my opinion due to decomposition of [+labial] feature; *vundā ~ Lat. unda , Prus. unds ; in Lith. vanduõ , Latv. u dens Kortlandt sees the preservation of vocalic alternation up to the end of East Baltic period Nsg * vandō , Gsg * vundenes , Asg *vandenin ; ProtoSlavic * voda is APc which, according to Kortlandt, reflects old consonantal mobile paradigm. The blocking rule was rejected by Birnbaum 1985:48, who sees similar environments but questionable etymologies of the word for BS words "fire" and "water". Birnbaum derives Lat. ignis < *egnis and concerns Lith. ugnìs as a form with zero grade root and he interprets nasal forms of "water" in Lith. vanduõ and Lat. unda as secondary although it is not clear how and why this parallel and independent infixation to the same etymon in separate languages could occur. 638 Therefore, Birnbaum rejects Balto Slavic nasalised protoform for "fire" *ungnis as improbable and also doubts that Czech výheň should support this reconstruction. 639 Rule rejected by Rasmussen who sees *ūngiʢo (Cz. výheň, S Cr v ganj ) as vrddhi derivative from *ugni, but ugnìs consider as an counterexample. Proposed solusolutiontion The glottalization in the *ndn position has been lost due to the neutralization but we should explain why and how it happened. I would proposes that the *ungnis and *vondōr are in fact *unȤgnis and *vondȤōr because the voiced obstruents are preglottalised or phonetically they simply form a combination of the glottal stop and an obstruent. The syllabic structure CVȤDNV is atypical with respect to sonority. Glottal stop is unvoiced and is in the neighbourhood of the voiced segments the nucleus and a voiced obstruent which can be either a part or the first syllable coda or the second syllable onset. The existence of an voiceless segment among voiced segments is anomalous and the voiceless segment must either be deleted or must undergo the assimilation of voice. As Lombardi 1995 proposed, such situation can be controled by Harms generalization (HG) constraint which requires that voiced obstruents are more sonorous. AGREE constraint does not say anything about the direction of assimilation, apart from HG. So if HG is undominated, all the obstruents in a row must be either +voiced or voiced. 638 Birnbaum takes the nasal infixation in Latin and Baltic as the general tendency (Birnbaum 1985:48). 639 Birnbaum 1999:30. 243 The interaction of HG and MAX constraints is shown in the following tableau: unȤgnis HG MAX unȤg.nis * ung.nis * The input *unȤgnis gives two candidates, both resyllabified. The first candidate does not satisfy HG because of the combination VȤg containing the glottal stop. The second candidate is the winner because the MAX constraint eliminated the voiceless glottal stop. The glottal stop cannot be assimilated with respect to voice feature, it must either be deleted or transformed into a glottalic intonation. The existence or non existence of any laryngeal feature is controled by *LAR constraint (do not have laryngeal features). Assimilation is prohibited by the IDENT LAR constraint requiring that consonants should be faithful to underlying laryngeal specification. IDENT constraint is responsible for the preservance of any feature from input to output. Assimilation of voice is required by AGREE constraint: obstruent clusters should agree in voicing. Presence or absence of the glottal stop is controled by MAX constraint. Because there is a row of obstruents in a syllable (in the reconstructed form we are not definitely sure with the precise tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic position), the constraint limiting the number of consonants in onset and coda position is controled by *COMPLEX constraint. The glottalic intonation is generally avoided and its absence is required by the *V Ȥ which I propose no glottalic feature on a vowel. As we can see, the tableau above is missing one more candidate with nucleus glottalization *u Ȥngnis . This candidate would not be faithful to *V Ȥ but would satisfy AGREE constraint. The constraint interaction can be showed on the "fire" example. I propose that input is *unȤgnis : 244 unȤgnis IDENT AGREE HG MAX *COMPLEX *V Ȥ 1.unȤg.nis * * ** 2.ung.nis * * 3.u Ȥngnis !*** * The first candidate fails to satisfy both AGREE and HG constraints and is eliminated from the output. The third candidate is eliminated due to the failure to meet gradation constrain of *COMPLEX as well as the *V Ȥ. Therefore, we do not have the *ungnis with a glottalised vowel (or acute). The second constraint is faithful to both AGREE and HG constraints and is the optimal candidate that does not contain either glottal stop and the glottalised nucleus. The form *ungnis is later simplified to *ugnis due to the highly positioned *COMPLEX cluster but the change is of no significance to our solution here. 8.8.8.98. 999.4..4..4..4.2.2.2. 2.2.2. Dybo's blocking clusters Dybo 2002:480 502 proposed other clusters which should prohibit or neutralize the effect of Winter's law. One must say that Dybo's analysis is completely independent of Kortlandt and other authors and that Dybo sticks to classical Neogrammarian approach. Dybo distinguisthes several consonantal combinations: 1. *1. * * sgsgsgsg ,, sd sdsdsd > ** zgzgzgzg ,, zd zdzdzd ,,,, e.g. Lith. mazgóti "wash" Lith. mazgóti "wash, Latv. mazga t, other cognates: OInd. májjati "sink", Lat. mergō, mergere "plunge, immerse". PIE *mesg (IEW:745 746, LIV:441) De Vaan (2008:375) reconstructs PIt. *mezge/o . KEWA 2:549 and IEW connect also Gr. mísgein "mix", Frisk I:193 reconstructs *mi msg ō and connects with Lith. mie šti "mix", OCS měšiti which requires the root *moik' , thus also Derksen 2008:313 and Chantraine :677. Further references : Fraenkel I:421, DELL: 710 711, Dybo 2002:480. It is obvious that what we deal about is the voicing asimilation. We have two possibilities that reconstruction allows us. If the original cluster is *zȤd , the factorial typology is the same as in Kotlandt's *nȤgn cluster because of the higly ranked AGREE and HG constraints. If the original cluster is *sȤg , the situation is different because the only voiced segment in the cluster is *d. So glottal stop must be lost due to the higly ranked *COMPLEX constraint which eliminates glottal stop from the coda position: 245 mesȤg AGREE *COMPLEX IDENT MAX *V Ȥ LAR 1.mes.g * * 2.me Ȥsg * * * 3.mez.g * * 4. mesȤ.g * * The first two candidates are also banned by the AGREE constraint because the obstruents in a row do not agree in voicing. The fourth candidate has a first syllable complex coda and must be eliminated by *COMPLEX constraint. 2.2.2.the2. the combination of voiced unaspirated and a clustercluster contaning a fricative, e.g. *D+s, * * Dzd,Dzd, Dsk DskDsk ,, Dst DstDst ,,,, e.g. PSl* loza "wine, PSl. *gvě zda "star", PSL . *ov s "oats", PSl. *blě skъ "brightness" 1) PSl *loza "wine" (APb), OCS. loza, Rus. lozá, Cz. loza, Slk. loza , S Cr. lòza , Sln. lóza, Lith. lazdà " stick", Latv. lágzda "hazel", OPrus. laxde other cognates Alb. laíthi, ledhi "hazel", Arm. last "boat". PIE *lēg' h (IEW:660) BS form *la(g)zda. The connection of Slavic and Baltic forms rejected by ESJS 7:439 which prefer the independent origin. The connection with PSl. *lě ska "hazel" (APb with pretonic length), Rus. ljazgá, Cz. líska, Slk. lieska, USorb lěska, S Cr . lijèska, Sln. léska, proposed by Derksen 2008:274 and Dybo 2002:486, 487, the same cluster * zgd which blocks WL aslo reconstructed by Snoj 2003:352, who reconstructs original *lƽs dh 3 áh 2 for *loza and *uʢloiʢskah 2 for *lě ska . The obvious problem in the reconstruction of *loza is the aspirate obstruent. So Dybo reconstructs ?early BS *log'zdā and *leg'kā , the later form probably underwent dissimilation. The definite etymology is not clear but if the voiced aspirate is reconstructed, there is no need to postulate WL here. Further references : Smoczyński 2007:341, Derksen 2008:286 287, Matasović 1995:65. 246 2) PSL. *ov s "oats", Rus. ovës, ovsá, Cz. oves , S Cr. òvas, Čak. ov s, Sln. óvƽs, Lit. avižà (AP3), OPrus. wyse , another cognate Lat. avēna "oats, stalk, straw" PIE *auʢig' (IEW:88) h The reconstruction is problematic. Derksen 2008:385 posits BS *āviź from *h 2euig' (s)eh 2 but does not exclude the substratum origin. Also de Vaan 2008:65 who considers * ig' h suffix strange and points to the different suffix in Slavic and Baltic. Smoczyński 2007:39 h h reconstructs Balt. *auʢiž ā < *auʢig' ā/*h 2euig' eh 2 (referring to Schrijver 1991: 46 47). He h derives Slavic form from * h2euig' so > PBS *auʢiš a with *ž s assimilation. Dybo 2002:485 486 suggests BS. *awiź so <*auʢig' so where the cluster g's shoud block WL. The situation is similar to the "hazel" reconstruction. If the voiced aspirate should be here, no WL would be required. Further references : Vasmer 3:113, Frisk I:31 32. 3) PSl. *gvě zda "star" (APb), OCS dzvězda , Rus. zvězdá , Cz. hvězda , Slk. hviezda . Pl. gwiazda , USorb hvězda , S Cr. zvijèzda , Sln. zvé zda, Lith. žvaigžd÷ (AP4), Latv. zvàigzne. PIE * g' huʢoig w (IEW 495), BS *g/zwoizdeȤ (Derksen 2008:196). The reconstruction is not quite clear. The reconstruction of IEW is based on the connection with Gr. foĩbos "shining". This etymology is accepted by Dybo 2002:488 489 who refuses Fraenkel's (Fraenkel II:1324) form *žvaig(e)s, žvaid(e)s combined with PIE root *dhē h (*d eh 1 ). The IEW approach is, however, rejected by Derksen who proposes the PIE h h h h h h reconstruction *g' uoig' d eh 1, *g' uoid d eh 1. Snoj 2003:861 accepts Fraenkel and h w h reconstructs *g' uoig zd( h1)ah 2. Smoczyński 2007:794 derives žvaigžd÷ <*švaist÷ and consider the initial fricative voicing due to the related Slavic forms and derives it from the root *k'uʢeiʢt /k'uʢit "lighten". This etymology is not probable. Gluhak 1993:702 703 proposes the original *g huʢoiʢ stā with the assimilation of voice *st>zd considering the Lithuanian "g" secondary. Similarly Schuster Šewc:368 who considers Lithuanian "g" unclear. Boryś 2008:189 starts from the same *g wh ēiʢ "clear", if connected with Gr. phaidrós, Lith. gãzdras "heavenly light" but the etymology is unclear to give Slavic forms. Further references : Vasmer 2:85 86. 4)4)4) PSl. *blě skъ "brightness" (APc), Rus. blesk, Cz. blesk "brightness, lightning", Slk. blesk, USorb. blěsk, S Cr. bl jesak "glow", Sln. bl sk "brightness, ligthning", Latv. blaiskums "spot" PIE *b hleiʢg' (IEW 156 157). BS form *bloisko reconstructed by Derksen 2008:43. 247 The same root with zero grade in OCS bl štati "shine, sparkle", Lith. blyšké ti "shine, BS *blisk'eȤ <*bligske (Derksen 2008:49) where the "g" was lost before WL. Derskens explanation seems probable as an explanation of the absence of WL. Further references : Vasmer 1:173 174, Bezlaj 1:27, Snoj 2003:46, Dybo 2002:490 492, LIV:89. 5)5)5) Lith. blõkšti "hurl, fling", cognate with ON blekkja "beat", Lat. * flāgō, flāgere, flagrum "whip" h h PIE *b ag' "beat" (IEW:154), *b leh 2g (LIV:87, Smoczyński 2007:66.) Latin form derived from the zero grade *b hlHgro (de Vaan 2008:224), also Lithuanian form h ?*b h 2g sk'é (LIV). Smoczyński reconstructs BSl *blā g stu >*blókstu but leaves Lithuanian circumflex unexplained. The glottal stop here might have been neutralised with th ecombination of laryngeal, if the reconstruction C(V)RHD is right. The neutralisation would have been similar to Lubotsky's law, so C(V)RȤȤD >C(V)RȤD. The final merger would have then be vocalised. Further references : Fraenkel I:51, Dybo 2002:491. As seen, the above mentioned group of blocking cluster does not seem to be real blocking clusters. The data can be explained either by an alternative etymology or by the early loss of voiced obstruent. I also doubt that there would have been any phonetic process which would block WL in such combination because the elimination of a glottal stop in the position VȤDC must lead to the glottalisation. But the data here do not support such situation. 3. st ststst and n nnn stststst stems Here the explanation is provided by Derksen 2008 (sta presents) who proposes the *ske/o >>* Hske/o due e to the reanalysis of presents CRH ske/o. The introduction of the glottal stop causes métatonie rude. Métatonie douce is in sta presents is limited to Lithuanian only ( in *Ci/uD) structures and spread to demominative sta present verbs. 4. clusters ** brbrbrbr ,, e.g. PSl. *dobrъ "good" . This apparent prohibiting cluster can also be explained by a different etymology: PSl. *dobrъ "good" (APb), OCS dobrъ, Rus. dóbryj, Cz dobrý , S Cr . do bar , Sln. do bƽr PIE * d hab h (Derksen 2008:110) Further references : Dybo 2002:496, ESJS:3 248 555.5. clusters ** g'ng'ng'ng'n ,, *, * * gngngngn ,, *, * * bnbnbnbn , e.g.*PSl. * dъno "bottom", PSl. *ognj *PSl. *dъno "bottom" (APb), Rus. dno, S Cr dno , Sln. dnò, Lith. dùgnas (AP4), Latv. du bs, duõbjš "deep". PIE *d hub h no (Smoczyński 2007:130, Derksen 2008:130 who both reconstruct BS *dubno . As remarked by Derksen, Lithuanian acute could be from WL but the problem is Slavic APb. Moreover, the reconstruction shows aspirate in coda. Another * gn cluster, adduced by Dybo, is the same as the one adduced by Kortlandt. 8.8.8.98. 999.4.2.3..4.2.3. RaRasmussen'ssmussen's blocking clusters Rasmussen 1992/1999:534 536 distinguishes the following blocking clusters: 1. DR DRDRDR ,, before sonorant, e.g. Lith. anglìs "coal" OCS Njgl < BS *ang lí; Lith. ugnìs "fire", OC S ogn < PIE *og nó /ní ; Lith. slãbnas "weak" < *slab nós. PSl. *Nj gl is APa and the glottal stop is positively reflected here. The word for "fire" is the one belonging to Kortlandt's clusters but Rasmussen reconstructs different etymology. Lith. slãbnas is a bit problematic. Proto Slavic *slaɾbъ is APa which is quite logical but it does not correspond Lithuanian circumflex. Derksen 2008:452 453 considers the Baltic form a borrowing. As Derksen aptly remarks, Rasmussen's counterexample even the counterexample to his own proposal that WL operates in pretonic position. But this does not explain Slavic acute. 2. RD RDRDRD ,, after a sonorant, e.g. Lith. stul bas "post, mast", ORus. stъlbъ "column", ON stolpi, Rassmussen considers the probable Slavic loanword; other Rasmussen's examples poit to the reconstructed aspirate, as he himself points e.g. Lith. gau bti "curve", ON gaupn "hollow of the hand", PIE *g houʢbh nó. Rasmussen's blocking clusters are not real blocking clusters, they are either postulated without reference to Slavic accentuation or they can be explained by an alternative etymology. 249 Conclusion In the previous pages I proposed the development of Winter's law as a loss of glottal stop before the voiced unaspirated obstruent. This is the basic idea of Kortlandt which I accept. I claim that the loss of glottal stop has been controled by the constraints responsible the laryngeal features of obstruents: AGREE, *LAR, IDENT LAR. Those constraints, developed by Lombardi as a description of the assimilation of voice and voice neutralisation, can be successfully applied to the behaviour of glottal stop. Glottalization of the vowel nucleus (acute) is caused by the lowerly ranked *V Ȥ constraint which prohibits vowel glotalization. Blocking clusters can also be explained by the above mentioned constraints with the interaction of HG constraint which is responsible for the position of sonorous segments in the neighbourhood of the vowel nucleus. 250 9. Lachmann's law "Lautgesetz" or analogy? Introduction Lachmann's Law is traditionally defined as the law in Latin where short vowel in original PIE root ending in media is lengthened before participle suffix to : RVD to > RV T to (l egō lēctus ). The law was formulated by Lachmann in his commentary to Lucretius in 1850. The verbal forms undergoing Lachmann's law are e.g. legit lēgit lēctus "read", edit ēdit ēsus "eat", agit ēgit āctus "act", frangit frēgit frāctus "break". Vowels which are regularly prolonged in passive participle (which is the the position where Lachmann's law can be mostly observable) are a, u, o > ā, ū, ō. Vowel "e" is also prolonged to "ē" ( edō ēsus , legō lēctus, regō rēctus, apart from sedeō sessus. High front vowel "i" is normally not prolonged to "ī" so findō fissus, scindō scissus but videō vīsus is taken as an counterexample. In the following pages I will deal with the history of research, review the data and I will propose my own solution of the problem. 9.1. History of research 640 9.1.1. Neogrammarian approach Osthoff 1884 tried to explain the influence of long perfects with ē vocalism to past participles as "Formübertragung" while considering the possibility that older short forms could remain paralel with Lachmann's Law results. Saussure 1895 explained the the Lachmann's Law as an analogical introduction of a voiced consonant which should trigger lengthening of the preceding vowel: * aktos >agtos >āgtos >āktos >āctus . But this is just ad hoc solution which applies only to Lachmann's Law without any general appearance. 9.19.19.1.2.9.1 .2. Rejection of Lachmann's law The existence of Lachmann's law was refused by Kent (1928). According to Kent, all cases of lenthening are explained by analogy in combination with the avoidance of homonyms of divergent meaning. 641 From the roots ending in voiced unaspirated consonant, Kent excludes all past passive participles which end in nctus, nsus ; those participles have always long root 640 The overview and criticism of various approaches also in Strunk 1976 who, however, did not propose anything new apart from the complicated analogical phonetic morphological explanations, see pp. 62 64 in his publication. 641 Kent 1928:188. 251 vowel before n cīnctus (cingō, cingere, cinxī), fūnctus (fungō, fungī), iūnctus (iungō, iungere, iūnxī), līnctus (lingō, lingere, līnxī), mānsus (mandō, mandere, mānxī), pēnsus (pendō, pendere, pependī), spōnsus (spondeō, spondēre, spospondī) etc. Excluded are also participles ending in voiceless consonant and with zero grade in the root dictus (dīcō, dīcere, dīxī), ductus (dūcō, dūcere, dūxī), ictus (īcō, īcere, īcī), ductus (dūcō, dūcere, dūxī) etc. Past passive participles and perfects could analogically adopt a long or short vowel from the present: 642 doctus (doceō, docere, docuī), frictus (frīgō, frigere, frīxī), ēnectus (ēnecō, ēnecāre, ēnecuī), sectus (secō, secāre, secuī), coctus (coquō, coquere, coxī), flexus (flectō, flectāre, flexī), nexus (nectō, nectere, nexī), pexus (pectō, pectere, pexī), plexus (plectō, plectere, plexī), fassus (fateor, fatērī) , fessus ( fiteor, fitērī), messus (metō, metere), passus (patior, patī), quassus (quatiō, quatere), raptus (rapiō, rapere, rapuī). Long vowel in past participles could be analogically transposed from long perfect 643 forms: āctus (ēgī), frāctus (frēgī), lēctus (lēgī), pāctus (pēgī), pīctus (pīnxī), rēctus (rēxī) 644 , tāctus 645 , tēctus (tēxī), cāsus 646 , ēsus (ēdī), fūsus (fūdī), vīsus (vīdī) . The problems are with short forms rictus, strictus (stringō, strīnxī), cessus (concēdō, concessī), fissus (findō, fidī), fressus (frendō), passus (pandō, pandī), scissus (scindō, scidī), sessus (sēdī). Kent solves those counterexamples simply as a result of analogy: cessus for *ce sesssu s, fressus as an alternative form to frēsus, passus as an anomaly form being replaced by pānsus and scissus as a form being distinguished from cīsus (from caedō) , so abscissus, excissus contra abscīsus, excīsus ). 647 Long participle āctus should have taken the long form from perfect which is ēgī. This contradicts the analogical development, so Kent assumes the old form *āgai which should influence the participle. The old form should be reflected in OIcl ōk , Gr. perfect ē cha , ē gmai 648 . The new form ēgī should be an analogical perfect from fēcī. It is quite clear that this evolution is purely arbitrary and it is not clear why fēcī should influence just *āga i. Moreover, Kent supposes that ēgī āctus influenced frēgī frāctus and pēgī pāctus 649 . In my opinion, we can see here the concept of analogy ad absurdum which, as deus ex machina, can be freely used to explain all possible anomalies from regular development. No wonder that Lachmann's 642 Forms completed by me. 643 Kent 1928:186. 644 The form " rēxī " is an example of "overlapping exponence" (Spencer 1991:51 52) where a single category is realized by a more than one marker. The correspondence between a form and its function is many to one. In "rēxī" , the perfective is marked by s and ē . Spencer claim that a certain morphosyntactic category for certain lexemes is signalled by root allomporphy as well as by an affix. 645 According to Kent, the length in participle is according to frāctus, pāctus. 646 Probably analogical according to other participles. 647 Kent 1928:185. 648 Kent 1928:186. 649 ibid. 252 Law is treated as a law which does not exist but there is just a combination of massive analogical processes and homonym avoidances. Taking this claim seriously, we could use analogical process as the explanation of every sound law possible as well as deviations from such laws. 650 9.1.3. Phonetic explanation Maniet's 1956 article inclined to explain mechanism of lengthening phonetically and also dealt with two possible explanations the influence of supine to past participle and the introduction of e grade into the past participle forms. Having e.g. the past participle gnātus (* gen + ē élargissement + tos > *genƽtos >* gnƽtos (zero grade) >gnātus ), that form was replaced by genitus according to the supine genitum . Similarly, the supine from cadō was *kādtum and this form replaced the old past participle * kadtos > *kādtos > cāsus. The phonetic lengthening is shown on the superlative form māximus < *mags . Comparative form is maior < *magiʢos with short "a". The long "ā" in superlative is unexpected unless we postulate a sort of analogy or a rule that lengthens that vowel. In my opinion the explanation can be either due to the influence of regressive assimilation *mags >maks > māks or due to the introduction of e grade into the root and the following lengthening. As Maniet aptly observes, this kind of lengthening is only in Latin, it is not of Proto Indo European origin because it does not occur in Celtic languages. 651 Irish superlatives nessam "the nearest" or tressam "the strongest" show short root vowel. Another interesting proof of the phonetic lengthening is the observation that "i, e, a, o" lengthen before s+voiced segment, e.g. * prismos >prīmus, *se(k)sdecem >sēdecim ; also before n+s/f, like * inferī > īferī .652 This is actually the true compensatory lengthening. 9.1.4. Rule ordering 653 A great debate started in late 1960s . Kiparsky 1965 654 posited two ordered rules in which first the vowel is lengthened before voiced obstruent and then regressive assimilation followed. Lachmann's law is seen here as a rule insertioninsertion which seems to be an essential 650 "I regret the appearance of Lachmann's law, in one or another of its forms, in virtually all the recent handbooks." (Kent 1928:188). 651 This idea, obviously omitted by other authors, was elaborated later into Kortlandt's theory. 652 Maniet 1956:234. 653 Osthoff: 1884:114. 654 In his unpublished dissertation Phonological Change (MIT 1965). I was unable to obtain the dissertation, although most authors dealing with Lachmann's law quote it. I therefoe use secondary information from the published articles dealing with the subject. Watkins 1968:56. 253 concept of Kiparski's approach. According to this rule the vowel was lengthnened before gt and dt : [ consonantal] > [+long] / ___ [+obstruent, + voiced] [+obstruent, voiced]. A modification of that rule can be: V > [+long] /____ [+obstr, asp, +voiced] 655 The underlying forms are gt and dt , so *agtos > āctus, *edtos >ēsus . The sound change here is taken as an example of rule insertion (or rule addition in the series of other rules). A rule insertion is taken as a proof of a grammatical change and an underlying form is considered as a condition to make a change operate. It seems to be a plausible explanation but it would mean that the vowel should be lengthened everytime it occurs before media. But Kiparski's rule insertion does not explain why the lengthenning does not apply in cases like lassus < *ladtos, tussis < *tudtis. Moreover, it also does not explain why the lengthening does not occur before voiced aspirates, like trahō tractus, fodiō fossus, iubeō iussus. 656 An alternative solution would be that lengthening happens in certain morphological domain 657 but still, the rule seems to be applicable only to Latin past participles only without any other typological parallels. And, as Jasanoff aptly notes, Kiparsky's sound change is just a rule, based on acoustic and articulatory facts, an ad hoc rule that completely omits the real speaker. 658 As Collinge (1975:227) remarks, although a rule ordering is a handy tool to explain changes in phonological system of language, the rule V > [+long] /___[+obstruent, +voice] [+obstruent, voice] is just unnatural. Should the rule of lengthening be purely phonetic, we should also expect lengthening in other gramatical forms, like grex gregis "herd" 659 Kiparski's ideas were heavily popularized by King (1969) within the general aim to combine historical linguistics and generative grammar. Two rules are taking into account, the regressive voicing assimilation rule (originally Indo European): [+obstruent] > [α voice] /______[+ obstruent, α voice] and the Lachmann's Law rule: V > [+long] /____ [+ obstruent, + voice] [+ obstruent, voice] 655 According to Drachmann 1980:92. 656 See also Jasanoff 2004:406 409. 657 Watkins 1968:86. 658 Jasanoff 2004:207. 659 Baldi 1991:7. 254 while the former rule is considered as an example of rule addition into the grammar of a language (here Latin) where it applied to derivation between the systematic phonemic and surface phonetic. 660 Lachmann's Law rule should apply before the assimilation rule: 661 Base form agō agtum fakiō faktum LLrule āgtum Ass.rule āktum Final form agō āktum fakiō faktum Latin spelling agō āctum faciō factum It is clear that the from those rule successions the lengthening of perfect forms are excluded or simply omitted. As noted above, it is not explained why the rules should apply only in past participles and not in perfect forms. To do so, we should need another rule insertion to make the perfect form long and another one to distinguish this lengthening from the absence of length in present forms, in short, using the concept of rule insertion, we need at least two rules to explain the quantitative difference agō and ēgī. The final algorithm becomes puzzling. Paradoxically, the boost of rule insertion concept did not last long and was rejected by King himself in 1973. Rule insertion as a process of rule addition inside the grammar were dropped off and replaced by reorderings of constrains, some cases of rule insertion were even admitted as wrong analyses. Lachmann's Law as an example of rule insertion, is however still regarded as a sort of rule addition after morphophonemic rules but before the fonetic rules, so not completely abandoned. 662 9.1.5. Kuryłowicz and Watkins' morphological explanationexplanation Kuryłowicz in his 1968 paper adduced that in PIE there was never oposition gt/kt/gd, so devoiced kt is an Indoeuropean heritage. Kuryłowicz explains Lachmann's Law in a morphological way that lengthening resulted due to the position in the system of oposition active pasive, infectum perfectum. 663 According to Kuryłowicz, we have oposition legit (present active) lēgit (perfectum active), legitur (perfectum active) l ectus (perfectum active). Lengthening of the perfective form lēctus is conditioned by perfect endings ī, istī etc. Perfective active lēgit is in correlation to passive 660 King 1969:126 127. 661 King 1969:44. 662 King 1973:576. 663 Kuryłowicz 1968:296. 255 perfective lectus and causes its lengthening > lēctus. So the verbal forms are legere lēgit lēctus, edere ēdit ēctus, videre vīdit vīsus, emere ēmit ēmptus, also regere rēxit rēctus, tegere tēxit tēctus, agere ēgit āctus, cadere cecidit cāsus. It is obvious that lengthening is limited to roots ending in d, g, m. Absence of lengthening in forms iacere iēcī iactus, facere fēcī factus is explained by identity absence of root identity between perfect active forms and the rest of forms in the system. 664 The same principle operates in findere fidī fissus, scindere scidī scissus ,where only phonetic conditions are met ( d in roots), and in relinquere relīquī relictus, vincere vīcī victus , where neither morphological nor phonetic conditions are present. On the other hand, Kuryłowicz has to operate with analogical lengthening in fundere fūdī fūsus (like ēdit ēsus ) and tundere tutudī tūsus according to fūsu s. 665 Nasal presents should block the influence of present stem with past participle form, but Kuryłowicz does not explain why the similar nasal presents actually do influence participles, because we have tangō tāctus or frangō frāctus but this is also an adhoc solution. 666 According to Kuryłowicz, lengthening appeared in Latin when intervocalic mediae aspiratae were fricativized and were in oposition with pure mediae. The proof should be the neutralisation of that oposition after nasals like umbilīcus, mingere, also lack of influence of ōdisse ōdit ōsus to fodere fōdī (pāctus is reflected by Gr. p gnumi, Gr. pēktus . Kuryłowicz thinks that length in pāctus is inherited, which is not, as shown by Lubotsky.668 It is also very dubious how the length was transformed from the original long perfect to past participle when we have reduplicated perfect with short root vowel and short vowel in reduplicant syllable pepigī, tetigī.. . Therefore, the influence of originally long pāctus to *taktos, fraktos >tāctus, frāctus must be rejected. The problem of Kuryłowicz' solution also obviously lies in the examples like fodiō fōdī fossus "dig" which have original voiced aspirate and long perfect but it is not explained why this long perfect fails to trigger lengthening in passive participle. Also examples like veniō vēnī ventus are curiously 664 It is "morphological" condition in Kuryłowicz theory. 665 Kuryłowicz 1968:297. 666 See also Jasanoff 2004:410. 667 Kuryłowiccz 1968:298 has also pāctus which shoud be pactus. 668 See Lubotsky 1981 for interpretation of p gnumi which is now called Lubotsky's law. 256 explained as a phonetic shortening of the combination ov V+n+l,r,t 669 but it does there are unexplained counterexamples like spōnsus, tōnsus, tēnsus, pēnsus where the combination of nt did not or did (?) provoke change of vowel length. 670 Anyway, Kuryłowicz' explanation of Lachmann's Law is morphological671 . From the various means of Latin perfect forms it takes only " lēgī" type which triggers the length in passive participle. 672 The rest forms are variously remorphologised but this re morphologisation completely excludes the real speaker and puts him into the position of unnecessary complicated analogical solution of just the only grammatical problem. Watkins 1968 adduces counterexamples lassus <*ladto (Goth. lats ), tussis <*tudti (tundō , OInd. tudáti ). Moreover, Watkins thinks that Lachmann's Law grade in Gr. pēktós , rēktós was indeed original but not for Latin, whence for the latter form we would expect *wrēg :wrag >Gr. r gnumi:errágēn , Lat. * dhēk : *dhak ( fēcí: faciō) >* dhēkto but we have *dhakto (factus ). He also points to the complexity of Kuryłowicz' analogical construction which cannot explain why fundere fūsus is lengthened but not findere fissus. For Watkins the situation with lengthening is more similar primary verbs with initial short root vowel lengthenend the vowel in perfectum. So emere ēmī ~ agere *āgī > later ēgī according to faciō fēcī. Watkins also hints that there is a correspondence between long vowel perfect and reduplicated perfect agere **āgī āctus ~ pangō *pepagī pāctus. So here we again see analogy but much more simple than in Kuryłowicz' conception. 673 Watkins actually tries to reduce Kurylowicz' arguments to two processes the original one legō lēgī lēctus and the analogical one agō ēgī āctus with the aim to put both two processes into one category where length in pefrect produces morphological length in past participles, As for agō ēgī the complication lies in the absence of * *āgī form so it is not clear how and why the "e" could be analogically put into the perfect form when the simple solution is just ** āgī .674 The problem with fodiō fōdī fossus, sedeō sēdī (ob)sessus is obviously with the lack of lengthening in the participle. For Watkins the perfect fōdī never existed, it is an analogical form according to ōdī ( odiō odīre ). Therefore, no lengthening is possible in fossus . As for sessus , Watkins considers the unexpected brevity in perfectum as influenced by supine form sessum .675 Watkin's solution seems to be just ad hoc prerequisite that short vowels in present 669 Kuryłowicz 1968:297 670 See also Drinka 1991:69. 671 Similarly in Kuryłowicz 1968:526 528. 672 See also Otkupščikov 1984:88. 673 Watkins1968:61 63. 674 Jasanoff points to the lengthened preterite * h2ēg being also present in lēgī, ēmī, ēdī, rēgī (Jasanoff 2004:410) 675 Watkins 1968:64 65. 257 should prolong the same /or a different vowel in perfect forms (obviously without any coda constraint). It is not explained why should such process take place and why such long forms should trigger Lachmann's law in some forms and not in others, e.g. faciō fēcī factus, vincō vīcī victus. 676 Phonetic conditions are ignored and mophological forms are the only means of causality. 677 9.1.6. Numerology Foley 1969 rejected the interpretation of Lachmann's Law as ordered rule based process (first lengthening, then voice assimilation) as being ad hoc (no relation of lengthening to other types of lengthening in Latin) and language idiosyncratic (typological lengthening). As for other types of lengthening in Latin, Foley adduces compensatory lengthening (CL) like dēns <*dents, nīdus <*nizdos. Foley concludes that the general rule for Latin CL is that a vowel is prolonged before [+consonantal [+continuant] segment. Similarly, Foley supposes that similar process happened in examples like 2sg *eds >*ēds>*ēts>*ēss>ēs . The ordered rules are as foLachmann's Lawows vowel lengthening >vocing assimilation > assibilation > cluster reduction. 678 As for participle forms like āctus , Foley also sees the lengthnening as a rule ordered process. However, the situation is a bit complicated here. In forms like sancīre sānctus which Foley adduces as an example of that kind of lengthening, a complicated rules should take place. First, "t" should cause lenghtening although it is not clear why and how. 679 If preceded by a consonant, "t" converts it to a continuant *sanctus >*sān Xtus . Then, a cluster simplification should follow but the resulted form could be **s ānus or sātus. To avoid that process Foley posits a rule that inserts a continuant between two stops. The distinctive features of that continuant are determined by features [voice] and [compact]. Voicing is determined by the second stop, compact feature depends on the first stop. Between "g" and "t" a segment " X" is therefore inserted, so * sanktus > * sank Xtus . The same process of "a continuant insertion" functions in 2sg * edt> *edst and also in agtus > *ag Xtus. Now, the problem with cluster simplification stiLachmann's Law remains because lengthening would fail in *sank Xtus because [+continuant] segment "n" is not followed by [+voiced] consonant. Therefore, Foley posits a bit clumsy ordered cluster simplifictation the more complex 676 See also Drinka 1991:55. 677 See also Collinge 1975:229. 678 Foley1969:135. As for dēns , the process is similar: *dents>dēnss>dēns (vowel lengthening>assibilation >cluster simplification. 679 Foley 1969:135. 258 clusters are simplified in descending order. 680 So *sank Xtus > *san Xtus > *sān Xtus is simplified earlier than *ag Xtus >āg Xtus >ā Xtus and *ēds >ēs . It is not quite clear how Foley gets the final form sānctus < *sān Xtus and āgtus <*ā Xtus but it is obvious that in the former example it can be reached by place assimilation. Anyway Lachmann's Law is viewed here as a part of much more general vowel lengthening in Latin under similar process. The more coherent and theoretically better founded explanation of Lachmann's Law lengthening appeared in Foley's Foundations of theoretical phonology from 1977. Foley claimed that the difficulties with Lachmann's Law are through the assumption that phonetically natural classes determine phonological processes. 681 Therefore, the interpretation like this requires assumption that the law should apply uniformly to all vowels in the same environment. But this is not so, so forms that do not obey Lachmann's Law (e.g. strictus) are simply regarded as counterexamples with various possible explanations. For Foley, Lachmann's Law is just one of the many phonological processes which suppose that consonants and vowels have different relative phonological strength. This strength is responsible for phonological processes to operate or to be absent. For example Romance vowels have the relative phonological strength: 682 i e u o a 1 2 3 4 5 while the relative strength of voiced consonants taking part in Lachmann's Law is: d g 1 2 Relative strength means the relation of the elements to one another in a phonological system and their propensity to undergo lenition. Foley claims that the relative strength of course depends on a language and tries to explain Lachmann's law as a result of the total value due to the combination of vowel and consonant elements. In this conception, Lachmann's Law lengthening is actually strengthening and according to Foley, it applies differently to the vowel with different phonological strength. 683 The preference is the combination of strong vowels with weak consonants. As fo "a", which is the strongest vowel, lengthening always applies āctus, tāctus, pāctus.. .The high front vowel "i" is the weakest, so lengthening does not apply strictus, 680 Formulation of the rule is mine. 681 Foley 19'77:138. 682 Foley 1977:129. 683 Foley does not examine the causes of lengthening, he is interested on in the input elements. 259 scissus. The vowel "e" with the strength 2 lengthens depending on the combination with a consonant. When combined with "d", which has the strength 1, lengthening does not occur sessus, fressus 684 , when combined with "g", which has the strength 2, the lengthening applies lēctus, rēctus, tēctus . Vowel "u" has the strength value 3, so when combined both with "d" and "g", it lengthens fūsus, tūsus, frūctus . So before "g", all vowels lengthen apart from "i", before "d" only strong vowels "u" and "a" lengthen. Numerically, the total strength number must not be less then 4: i+d =2 scissus i+g = 3 strictus e+g = 3 sessus e+g = 4 rēctu s u+d = 4 fūsus u+g = 5 frūctus a+d = 5 cāsus a+g = 6 āctus 685 The result of this analysis is that Foley sees Lachmann's Law as a normal development of strengthening process. In my opinon, there are three problem with this analysis. First, the numerical symbols in Foley's analysis do not explain why lengthening occurs in past passive participles ony and why the lengthening is absent in other forms, like present ones agō, legō, fregō. Second, the numerical computation of the combination vowel+consonant is purely adhoc, it has no explanatory value because it is only the numerical symbolism of the actual behavior of certain structures. To say that "i" before "d" does not explain, is the same as to say that "1" + "1" is "2". The mechanism of change is reduced to formal behavior of two successive elements. Third, although Foley successfully eliminates the number of counterexamples to Lachmann's Law (like absence of lengthening of "i"), three counterexamples still remain and are explained quite curiously. For "ēsus" , which is combination of "e+d" (numerically 3) and no lengthening is expected, Foley posits long e grade * ēd . Participle form vīsus , where the length is anomalous because of the numerical value 2 (i+d = 2) is explained as the combination of glide form " " + "i" +"d" with the background idea that the underlyin form of " " is actually "u". The total numerical value is 5 (3+1+1) and this causes lengthening. 684 The counterexample is ēsus. To explain this anomaly, Foley supposes the original length in Balto Slavic *ēdmi . This would lead to the PIE form *h 1ēdmi , which is unacceptable to me. 685 Adapted from Foley 1977:140. 260 Of course, this idea is simply bizzare and the magic of numbers is simply modified to apply to this unique syllabic structure. Moreover, " " in * id tus is obviously onset of the syllable and should not have any effect on the total syllable weight. 686 Foley does not hide that his approach is quite different from traditional ones and that he operates with the concept that phonological changes do not occur to groups of sounds but to individual elements. 687 Although this atomization successfully explains why certain elements lengthen or not, it does not explain why this happens only in a isolated structures and reduces the phonological process to a primitive pythagorean mathematics. 9.1.7. Collinge Collinge in his 1975 paper heavily criticised the Osthoff Kuryłowicz Watkins morphological hypothesis as the only condition for Lachmann's Law. The whole concept is taken as a "dazzling aray of special arguments which leave only a lively sense of cumulative dissatisfaction". 688 Collinge suggested that the solution should be phonetical. He proposed series of nine duration levels in Latin ranging from maximally short (e.g. prevocalic position like in " chaos " to maximally long syllables (e.g. long vowels in closed syllable like pāstor ). 689 Lachmann's Law should be active between grades 4 and 6. Grade 5 should reflect past participles like factus which have short vowel and tenuis in root. This ac is considered to be the extension of the vocoid articulation into the syllabic release consonant, the resulting vowel is therefore short. Grade 5 responds to āctus. The original syllable contains short vowel and media (* agto ) and the "checking" (or probably parsing) rests on the following consonantal sequence coda+onset (i.e. over the syllabic boundary). The resulting sequence is long (there may be voicing assimilation which is irrelevant for lengthening process. 690 9.1.89.1.8.. Lengthening rules independent of Lachmann's law? Perini 1978 thinks that Lachmann's Law is not a rule at all and suggests its elimination from Latin grammars. According to Perrini, the lengthening rule existed in Latin before the operation of Lachmann's Law. That rule is the the one that lengthens root vowels before active perfect endings, so legit contra lēgit : V > [+long] /____C 0 + +affix 686 Foley 1977:141. 687 ibid. 688 Collinge 1975:228. 689 Collinge 1975:237 240. 690 Collinge 1975:238 239. 261 +perfect +active This rule should be marked and apply only to verbal forms that respect it. Lengthening in passive perfect like āctus is the same process apart from that a feature [+active] is dropped. For Perini, Lachmann's Law is therefore no law but just a variant of existing rules. This very simplified solution was challenged by Klausenburger 1979 who admits that the general rule of lengthening in perfect active does not necessary mean an automatic lengthening of passive participle. The counterexamples are e.g. vincit vīcit victus "conquer", facit fēcit factus 691 "do", rumpit rūpit ruptus 692 "break", capit cēpit captus 693 "capture". Klausenburger's explanation is just simple the lengthening is morphonologically conditioned and Perini's general rule (concerning Lachmann's Law) should therefore be modified: active perfect endings, so legit contra lēgit V > [+long] /____C + +affix [+voice] +perfect active Similar remark was made by Joseph 1979 claiming that in Perini's interpretation actually any feature could be dropped so just positing that we omit feature [ active] does bring any solution and obscurs the motivation of change. 694 Stephens 1979 in his remark obviously misunderstood the mechanism of rules leading to Lachmann's Law because he asssumes inherited *lektos as changing to * legtos (leg+tos). Is is not quite clear if this is a misprint or a an interpretation of the author. Stephens notices that Lachmann's Law concerns only verbs having normal grade in the present but PIE lengthened grade in the perfect, although not every verb with lengthened grade in the perfect undergoes Lachmann's Law. Analogical transfer of long vowel from perfect active to perfect passive is purely arbitrary. Moreover, a subgroup of verbs having s from original PIE aorist also has lengthened grade ( regere rēxī rēctum ). So Stephens adds to previous rules the [+stem formative] feature which should cover the examples of lengthening in s perfects. However, all this also does not explain the mechanism of Lachmann's Law. 691 h No counterexamples becasue the root * d eh 1 adds the suffix *k (de Vaan 2008:198). 692 No LL because of the root * reuʢp (LIV:510 511) 693 No LL because of the root *ke h2p (LIV:344 345) 694 Joseph 1979:364. 262 9.1.9.1.9999.. Lachmann's law as a part ooff multiple processes Gaberell Drachman 1980 dealt with Lachmann's law from the broader point of view. Breaking the mechanism of the law into separate parts of change, Drachman tries to explain the law as a multiple conditioned process. He uses special terminology for each part. According to Drachman, among factors contributing to the operation of Lachman's law are: patient a segment undergoing a change (the lengthened vowel); agent a segment triggering a change (root final voiced stop); environment negative (inhibiting or blocking a change) or sponsoring (triggering a change); directionality of change (from left to right or right to left). 695 Patient the root vowel that lengthens, is considered in terms of strength. In the hierarchy, "i" is considered the weakest, status of "u, e" and "o" is unclear, "a" is the strongest. The similar hierarchy can be observed in the agent vowels are lengthened less before voiceless spirants, more before voiced stops and nasals and almost regularly before voiced spirants. 696 As for environment, the obvious problem with Lachmann's law is that lengthening does not occur before voiced aspirates. Therefore, Drachman accepts Foley's conception of weak and strong consonants by postulating that voiced aspirates are weaker than voiced stops, therefore no lengthening can be observable before them. In association with it, an ordering paradox pops up either vowel lengthening precedes devoicing assimilation > voiced aspirates cause lengthening, or devoicing asimilation precedes vowel lengthening > no lengthening can be observable. 697 According to Drachman, the lengthening occurs or does not occur in a domain vowel + consonant. Lengthening in the domain vowel + [+voiced, + aspirated] should have had lower "treshold" than voiceless assimilation, therefore, in the combination VD ht only assimilation happened, not lengthening. 698 Drachman thinks that what we observe in Latin past participle is the pressure of the system to restore voiced stop with subsequent lengthening. The process operates with the simultaneous vowel and consonant hierarchy: vowel strength (left to right) i e u o a; consonant strength (manner of articulation v w r voiced spirant voiced stop voiceless sonorant voiceless stop; place articulation: k t p; g d b). An interesting remark Drachman made for environment responsible for operation of Lachman's law. Left environment (which is actually the syllabe onset) is responsible for 695 Drachman 1980:80. 696 An interesting observation is that certain cluster trigger or block the lengthening, V >[+long] /__ns, nf, nkt nks, gn, ( dēns, sānctus, īgnis ). Lengthening occurs before the group n+spirant cluster. On the other hand, the cluster n+alveolar stop at the end of the worddoes not provoke the root vowel lengthening: V > [ long] / __nt #, (amant). 697 So either *agtos >*āgtos > āctus or *agtos >*aktos>āctus. 698 Drachman 1980:93. 263 lengthening if the onset contains initial [+labial] segment, so * gwresus > frēsus, but *gressus >gressus . Absence of onset (after the loss of laryngeals, obviously) also triggers the lengthening of nucleus ēsus, ōsus, āctus . Right environment (root coda) depends on relative strength of the segments. Root final "g" is considered weak and provokes lengthening. Cluster "ss" is taken as stronger and should the root nucleus be long, it must contain a weak vowel. The problem is, however, whether "u" has the same strength as "o", because we have fūsus but fossus. Summarised, Lachman's law in Drachman's interpretation is the result of various "constraints" interaction together with simultaneous morphologisation. 9.1.9.1.10101010.. Back to phonetic explanation Otkupščikov Otkupščikov made an interestin criticism of previous conceptions of Lachmann's law. 699 Otkupščikov criticises Maniet's claim that supinum influenced past participle forms by introducing e grade into the root. In Otkupščikov's opinion, supine form was too rare to influence other more common forms. Moreover, analogical forms ēsum>ēsus do not explain why the same influence failed in sessum sessus , or dictum dictus 700 , ruptum ruptus. We should suppose that supine influenced past participles in both length and brevity, which solves nothing. Otkupščikov therefore thinks that where the brevity in participles is, the regressive voiced assimilation is of PIE origin and no lengthening operated (if we take the influence of root voiced consonant into account). Correspondences in Old Indic or Greek seem to support the hypothesis Lat. pictus , OInd pictáh ; Lat. fissus, OInd. bhittáh ; Lat .sessus, OInd. sattáh ; Lat. scissus Gr. skistós .701 If length is observed, those forms are Latin neologisms. The big mistake of Kuryłowicz Watkins solution is, according to Otkupščikov, the wrong presumption that all forms of Latin past participle existed already in proto language, even if in PIE we have parallel n and t past participle suffixes. Indoiranian, Germanic and Slavic languages have both suffixes in past participles, Latin and Lithuanian use only t now. Otkupščikov envisages the substitution of adjective forms with n suffix by t suffix (both suffixes existed simultaneously in PIE, so *agnos>agtos>āctus . As for the lengthening, it can be phonetically conditioned due to the regressive voiced assimilation or, as Otkupščikov also reasons, lengthening could be triggered by compensatory lengthening thanks to syncope, *agnos >*agetos (introduction of e grade?) > āctus. The annoying question that rises here is 699 Otkupščikov 1984. 700 No LL because of the root *deiʢk' (LIV:108 109) 701 Otkupščikov 1984:84. 264 how we prove that syncope operated also in past participle form with long vowels (should there were any) or why syncope did not always produce lengthening, like dictus or ruptus. Otkupščikov aptly observes that the forms which in Latin or in other Indo European languages preserved the old n suffix underwent Lachmann's law: *agnos, n suffix Lith agnùs, men suffix Lat. agmen, past participle āctus; *pagnos , n suffix Lat. pinos, men suffix in Latin pagmentum, r suffix OInd. pajrá , past participle pāctus; *legnos , n suffix Lat. līgnum , men suffix in Lat. ablegmina, past participle in lēctus .702 Otkupščikov's solution of Lachmann's law is therefore the combination of phonetic and word formation processses. Phonetically, voiced regressive asimilation occurs with possible triggering of the root vowel. Simultaneously, this change operates in the background of the Latin tendency to unificate past participle forms with t suffix only. 9.1.119.1.11.. N. N N infixinfix transfer Bridget Drinka in her 1991 article dealt with Lachmann's law from a new and innovative approach. Drinka also noticed the obvious connection between Winter's law and Lachmann's law. This comparison is quite anomalous among scholars outside the Leiden school. For Drinka, Winter's law was not conditioned by segments outside the syllable in contrast to Lachmann's law where the condition "voiceless obstruent must followed the root" existed. 703 It is dubitable whether this is the real condition triggering Lachmann's law. We can agree that morphologically, Lachmann's law operated only in past participles with "* tos" suffix but it is questionable if the "t" itself in the suffix triggers the lengthening of a vowel in preceding syllable. Drinka also discusses the glottalic approach to the solution of Lachmann's law, i.e. the one by Kortlandt and by Baldi. It is not clear to Drinka, how "t" in Latin would cause the glottalic consonant to retain glottalistation and how the lengthening could operate. This is because her misunderstanding of the Kortland's conception of glottalic consonants. Kortlandt always speaks abou preglottalic consonants ?C. It means that in Kortlandt's interpretation there were never forms like C ?, therefore clusters C ?T did not exist. Preglottalised consonants could be dissolved into ?C (full glottal stop + consonant) with subsequent compensatory lengthening. Paradoxically, this is also the solution offered by Baldi whose approach Drinka also puts 702 Complete list of forms in Otkupščikov 1984:89. 703 Drinka 1991:56. 265 under criticism. Although dismissing both Kortlandt's and Baldi's approach, Drinka does not discuss why those explanations are unnatural. 704 Instead of it, Drinka offers an alternative solution of compensatory lengthening in Latin past participles due to the loss of nasal infix. This nasal infix had to be transferred from present stems to the participal forms and the whole process including the lengthening of the root vowel in participles operated in several stages. First stage saw root with no n infix in present stems. Those stems did not have any lengthening in past participles teneō tentus, sīdō sessus, faciō factus . The development is the same as in those roots ending with voiced aspirates fodiō fossus, iubeō iussus, vehō vectus. So the in the first stage, both roots ending in plain voiced and roots ending in voiced aspirates behaved in the same way no lengthening was observed regardless the "* tos", so "t" has no influence on the quantity of preceding syllable. In the second stage, present forms of the old roots (also those with reduplicated perfects) joined verbs containing the nasax infix scindō scissus , according to that form > tundō *tundtus, spondeō spospondī *spondsus . Similarly, "n" was introduced in past participles of present stems containing "g" in root pangō pepigī *pangtus, tangō tetigī *tangtus . Drinka thinks that the insertion of nasal from present stems to passive participles resulted in the creation of different syllable structures (apart from the further lengthening of preceding vowel). The resulting syllable structure depended on the root coda: Vnd.t > V n.s (*dt>s, assimilation and spirantisation), Vng.t > V kt (ng > assimilation of place and voice). The obvious problem here is the mechanism of compensatory lengthening which Drinka omits. She points that by the "n" introduction to past participles "overly heavy" syllables were created but it is actually "t" which contributes to the overly heavy cluster (although "t" is not tautosyllabic). 705 The mechanism of compensatory lengthening is also very dubious in the first example Vnd.t it is "d" causing lengthening, in the second example Vng.t is the lengthening caused by "n". The plain error of that analysis is that "t" cannot be tautosyllabic without breaking the sonority hierarchy, so *pangtus can be syllabified as pang.tus not pangt.us, so I am not aware how those superlong syllables can be formed. Drinka's argument that compensatory lengthening through nasal loss is well attested in other languages cannot be taken as a proof because her examples *lupons > lupūs, *pedens >pedēs contain tautosyllabic "n" whose loss causes the "real" compensatory lengthening. There are no overly long syllables. 704 Drinka 1991:58. 705 Drinka 1991.62. 266 The lack of lengthening in forms containing root "i" pingō pictus, stringō strictus, fingō fictus present also a problem for Drinka's analysis. She explains the lack of lengthening in passive participle by a simple postulate that n infix was ancient there and had not spread into the participle. According to Drinka, "n" is actually not an infix anymore but it is a part of the root. 706 If forms pingō pictus is an archaismus, then fictus and strictus, fissus, scissus, mictus, ictus are analogically short according to pictus because they have no nasal. But quīntus has got nasal, so Drinka's explanation is quite ad hoc lengthening operated under different conditions. Anyway, in Drinka's conception, the further step the influence of "ī root" forms on "u root" forms. Long forms in n infixed stems vinciō vīnxī vīnctus "bind", lingō līnxī līnctus "lick", extinguō extīnxī extīnctu s "extinguish", cingō cīnxī cīnctus "gird" 707 should influence past participles of iungō iūnxī, pungō pupugī, unguō ūnxī >iūnctus, pūnctus, ūnctus . In the next stage, length in from the above mentioned forms spread to forms without nasal presents, like legō lēctus, agō āctus . Counterexamples ale fodiō fossus and veniō ventus, while brevity in ventus can be explained by vowel shortening before nt cluster. In Drinka's analysis, perfect forms play no role, they only trigger the connection between nasal and non nasal verbs. The problematicity of this kind of Lachmann's law explanation lies in the ad hoc aid of "n" infix to cause various kinds of compensatory lengthening. Verbs are supposed to undergo changes on different chronological levels. Counterexamples to lengthening like fissus, lassus, pessum, scissus, sessus, tussis (* dt > ss ) are not explained. The n infix introduction is very complicated process and actually selects only a group of verbs where the real compensatory lengthening should operate. The different chronological levels are just incidental and otherwise unrecorded and are not described in literature. 708 9.1.129.1.12.. Lachmann's law in recent historical grammars Lachmann's Law was alco accepted by Sihler 1995 and Meiser 1998 in the new standard historical grammar of Latin language. Sihler sticks to the traditional concept of the influence of perfectum. Lengthening in past participles occurs, wherever the root ends in "g" or "d" and where both devoicing of root final stop in those participles and long vowel in perfect forms occur. Sihler combines phonetic and morphological explanation of the Lachmann's Law. 706 Drinka 1991:65. 707 Length in ppp. is not attested everywhere, moreover, the first syllable coda ends in reconstructed voiced aspirate which is irrelevant for LL. 708 See also criticism by Kortlandt 1999:246 247. 267 Counterexample stringō strīnxī strictu s is considered not as a counterexample but as a normal development because Sihler claims that the length in strīnxī is secondary. Unexpected brevity in findō fidī fissus, pandō pandī passus is thought to be due to splitting of similar forms fūdī "poured" and fidī "split" > *fudto > *fūssus > fūsus and * fidto > fissus .709 Meiser 1998 accepts Lachmann's Law neither from morphological nor from analogical "Ausgleichsphenomän" but seem to accept Kortlandt's glottalic explanation, although remarks that some forms do not obey his theory, like tussis or fissus. 710 9.1.19.1.13333.. Jasanoff blast from the past Jay Jasanoff made an in between explanation between Kiparsky's and Kuryłowicz' approach the sound law on one hand, analogy on the other hand. 711 Actually, Jasanoff claims that the sound law is created due to analogy. As a similar development to Neogrammarian approach (a la de Saussure), Jassanoff adduces examples from Slavic consonant clusters *vedti >vesti "lead" (the regressive assimilation and s insertion) and *vezti > vesti "convey" later developed to Ukr. vezty . This development should be parallel with de Saussure's conception of consonant assimilation. Jasanoff also points to the effect of Latin syncope in superlative type māximus "the biggest". The long "ā" in superlative is anomalous because both positive and comparative has short "a" magnus maior <*magiʢos. Māximus is therefore explained as syncopated *magis mos > *magsmnos and the following regressive assimilation to *maksmos and further lengthening of the root "a" > *māksimos .712 This process is similar to Lachmann's law in Neogrammarian approach. The obvious problem with other superlatives of the type pessimos is solved by postulating that long "ē" was shortened due to issimus superlative type and general littera shortening, so * pedis mos > syncopated *pedsmmos > regressive asimilation and lengthening *pētsmmos > *pēssmmos >shortening pessimus .713 Syncope, assimilation of voice and lengthening are therefore put into "rule ordering" in Jasanoff approach to Lachmann's law. First, the syncope of māximos type occured. Then, root 709 Sihler 1995:75 76. 710 Meiser 1998:79 80. 711 Jasanoff throws away Kortlandt's explanation of Lachmann's law as "unacceptable" without even discussing it or explaining what the unacceptability of glottalic approach lies in, see Jasanoff 2004:410 411, note 10. Jasanoff also does not see the obvious connection of Winter's law and Lachmann's law the similar syllable structure, the different results. The polarity Jasanoff versus Kortlandt with numerous clashes dates back to the 1980s (the polemics about final syllables in JIES) and the Baltoslavic accentology, started in Per aspera ad asteriscos. 712 Referring to Cowgill, W.: Italic and Celtic Superlatives and the dialects of Indo European., in Cardona, G. et al: Indo European and Indo Europeans., University of Chicago Press 1970, 113 153. 713 Jasanoff 2004:411 412. 268 final "g" in past participle forms before suffixes beginning with voiceless obstruent (* tos) were restored so * aktos, rektos, striktos > *agtos, regtos, strigtos. Jasanoff support this change by the similar development in Slavic consonant clusters, where e.g. Ukr. vesty > vezty "convey". The "z" in infinitive is restorated from present stem "vez ". The same restoration to past participle should apply in Latin. However, this is just arbitrary explanation because in my opinion a change like this has nothing to common with Lachmann's law. First, it is quite clear that the contrast vesty vezty is just the only one and maybe due to the need to distinguish the similar forms. Second, the restoration of voiced fricative in Ukrainian has nothing to common with lengthening of the preceding vowel the parallels are only apparent. The same reintroduction of the voiced consonant to past participle from present stems should apply in roots ending in "d", so *kassos, tussos, fissos >*kadsos, tudsos, fidsos . Again, a parallel with Ukrainian restitution of voiced element in beregti > bereči > berehči is seen. After the restoration of voiced obstruent in past participles, Lachmann's law operated. Lachmann's law here is interpreted as two step process regressive voiced assimilation and lengthening of the preceding vowel, so *agtos, regtos, kadsos, tudsos > āctus, rēctus, kāssus, tūssus. Curiously, Jasanoff compares this type of lengthening to the one in Nsg of Slavic o stems, like * bogъ>bóg (Polish) or OIr. * dant >dét "tooth". However, those are two different processess having nothing to common with Lachmann's law. Both Slavic and Old Irish forms show that a syllable segment was lost. As for lack of "i" lengthening, Jasanoff thinks that Lachmann's law did not cause the lengthening due to a crosslinguistic tendency of high vowels to remain short, so vīsus is interpreted as a neologism to vīdī. 714 9.1.149.1.14.. Glottalic theory explanation Baldi 1991 tried to explain the mechanism of Lachmann's Law from the glottalic theory. The traditional Indo European series of voiced unaspirated obstruents are replaced by a row of glottalic consonants: b=p' , d= t', g=k', so the forms sessus, essus, āctus, strīctus, rectus used to have roots *set' , et' , ak' , stri(n)k' , rek' . Lachmann's Law can be formalised as: VC' + to > V Cto . 714 Jasanoff 2004:414. 269 Baldi's glottalic system is as follows: 715 p' bh/b ph/p t' dh/d th/t w wh w wh w k' g /g k /k alophones alophones From PIE to Latin the evolution of consonants is as follows: *p h/p > Lat. p, * phet' "foot", Lat. pēs, pedis ; *t h/t > Lat. t, * threyes "three" > Lat. trēs ; *k h/k > Lat. c(h), *k h t hom "hundred", Lat. centum; *d h/d > Lat. f,d,b, *d hūmos "smoke" > Lat. fūmus. 716 Glottalic responses to Latin are as follows: *p' > Lat. b, * p'el "strong" > Lat. dēbilis; *t' >Lat. d, *t'omos "house" > Lat. w w domus; *k' > Lat. g, *k'enos "race" > Lat. genus; *k' > Lat. u/gu, *k' en "come" > Lat. veniō . Traditionally, PIE voiceless obstruents *p, t, k > Lat. p, t, k, PIE voiced obstruents > Lat. b, d, g and PIE voiced aspirates > Lat. b,d,g/f,f,h. In Baldi's glottalic system, the h h h h h h development is as follows: PIE *p /p , t /t, k /k > PLat. *p, t, k > Lat. p, t, k; PIE*b , d , g h h h >PLat. *p , t , k > * , θ, X > Lat. f, f, h; PIE *b, d, g > PLat. b, d, g > Lat. b, d, g; PIE p', t', k' > PLat. *ǣ, ǧ, ǰ > Lat. b, d, g. 717 Baldi also claims that if PIE *p', t', k' > Lat. b, d, g, we should have responses of Germ. p, t, k. According to traditional model, PIEvoiceless *p, k, k, w w w w k > PGmc *f, þ, h, h ; PIE voiced unaspirated *b, d, g, g > PGmc *p, t, k, k /k and PIE h h h w w voiced aspirates *b , d , g , g > *b, d, g, g /g. Baldis glottalic model supposes the following h h h wh w w h h h wh w development: PIE *p /p , t /t, k /k, k /k > PGmc *f, þ, h, h ; PIE *b /b , d /d , g /g, g /g > PGmc *b, d, g, g w/g and PIE glottalic *p', t', k', k' w > PGmc *p, t, k, kw which corresponds to Lat. b, d, g, gu. 718 Latin voiced unaspirated can also reflect glottalic consonant secondarily voiced between vowels: tegō < *tek'ō , but tēctus < *tek't hos. Fricatives can result from assimilation and assibilation: fūsus < *g hut't hos. Lachmann's Law in Baldi's hypothesis is due to the compensatory lengthening process CVC't hos > CVȤCtos > CV Ctos 719 in syllable final position, so only in past participles. The same process does not operate in word final position, so there is no compensatory lengthening in Latin grex. As seen here, the glottalic consonant disintegrated into the obstruent and glottal stop which later caused the compensatory lengthening. The problem rises with unexpected brevity in lassus, pessum, scissus, sessus and tussis reflecting the structure VSS < * Vt't hos. 715 Baldi 1991:10 11. 716 ibid. 717 ibid. 718 Baldi 1991:13. 719 Schema is mine. 270 Baldi claims that the surface variants VSS / V S are unpredictable and therefore we have various parallel lexical forms like lītera/littera, Iūpiter/Iuppiter etc. 720 Baldi tries to explain brevity in participles of lassus type as the realisation of a process that is sporadic and lexical and due to it the complex with geminates/or nongeminates can have three moras 721 , so: σ σ V V S V S S Baldi interprets the different development of * Vt't hos as a parasitic harmony, loss of glottalisation without lengthening due to the phonetically close segments, so * t't hos (parasitic harmony) > Vssus, *t't hos (no harmony) > V sus. In my opinion, what we observe here, is no unpredictable development, but a typical example of a closed syllable effect. I deal with it below in greater detail . The most important contributions to the puzzling problem of Lachmann's law were made by Kortlandt. Three of his articles 722 successfully used the presupposition of the preglottalic consonants existence and their influence on the preceding syllable nucleus. Kotlandt's preglottalic consonants CV ȤC give lengthening in Latin passive participles *a Ȥgtos > āgtus and acute in Balto Slavic (Winter's law) *por Ȥgos > pırgъ (APa) with reflections. in Cz. práh, SCr. pr g. 723 With the conception of Italo Celtic proto language it is interesting to observe whether Lachmann's law operated in Celtic. It did not, as Old Irish recht "law" and Latin rēctus. It means that preglottalisation still existed in Italic branch after the distintegration of Italo Celtic. 724 Kortlandt supposes that passive participles had different ablaut forms depending on the root structure. Roots with CeC structures had e grade form before Lachmann's law, like in āctus, ēsus, lēctus, ōsus, rēctus, tēctu s, also vectus whose root ends in voiced aspirate *uʢeg'htos . In essus the e grade was inserted after Lachmann's law, as Kortlandt claims, because the language system had a tendency to avoid zero forms ssus from * sdtos. The form 720 Baldi 1991:17. 721 Baldi 1991:17. 722 Lachmann's law., The new sound of Indo European: Essays in phonological reconstruction ., Mouton de Gruyter 1989, 103 105.; Lachmann's law again., Language change and typological variation: In honor of Winfred P. Lehmann on the occasion of his 83rd birthday, vol. I: Language change and phonology. Journal of Indo European studies, monograph 30, 1999, 246 248; Italo Celtic (www.kortlandt.nl 2006); all reprinted in Kortlandt, F.: Italo Celtic origins and prehistoric development of the Irish language., Rodopi 2007. 723 Beekes 1995:133 uses the same results but with different notation. Preglottalised consonats should evolve to the combination of a glottal stop and a following consonant. This is also my conception. As far as I know, Kortlandt does not speak about glottal stop, mostly about preglottalised consonants and glottalic features of the preceding vowels, although in Kortlandt 1999 he writes about glottalic feature preserved as a glottal stop which causes the lenghtening in Latin past participles. 724 Kortlandt 1989:103. 271 can be observable in Latin nīdus "nest" < *nisdos 725 . Structures CeRC had zero grade C C, Secondarily, e grade was introduced there later but before the Lachmann's law operated. The examples are *ghrdhtos >* grassos >Latin gressus "stepped" (as and example of C Dh stem, also in C D stem like *bhrg'tos >*bhragtos>frāctus. 726 Therefore, we find length in cases w. CeHC root had both grades. 727 Kortlandt also claims that the similar structures with laryngeal and preglottalised consonant show opposite effect, so zero grade CH ȤC >CȤȤC>CȤC, so the preglottalic feature was lost after a laryngeal, like *k' h2d >cassō, *lh 1dtos > lassus. The similarity with Lubotsky's law is that this process results in a short vowel. We know that the structure CHC gives CaC in Latin. 728 Therefore, the participle forms cāsus, pāctus, tāctus 729 with the forms k'h 2d to , ph 2d to , th 2d to shoud be reflected as * casus, pactus, tactus . In fact, we observe length there. Kortlandt explains the situation with the later introduction of e grade, otherwise the length is unexplainable. 730 The explanation is quite logical because the Sanskrit cognate roots of *k'h 2d are śad "to fall", of *ph 2d is paj rá "solid, firm" and of tāctus. Blockage clusters NC prohibited the operation of Lachmann's law because in Italo Celtic the obstruents were neutralised and developed into voiced counterparts in that position: Lat. pandō < * nt , pingō < * nk' , mungō <* nk 731 . However, as Kortlandt remarks, the original obstruent was often analogically restored, so findō fissus, scindō scissus, stringō strictus, where the neutralisation was extended to passive participles, but passus, pictus, where the neutralisation from present forms were not extended to those forms. Kortlandt's theory has been adopted by Schrijver 1991:134 138. Schrijver observes that all vowel might be lengthened but *a is sometimes lengthened or not, therefore the difference between āctus and lassus "tired" The latter form is considered original (* leh 1d ) because the root should be isolated in Latin (sic). Schrijver rejects Kortlandt's explanation of cāsus, pāctus and tāctus and things that the glottalic feature was restored here on the basis of present and perfect forms. The restoration of glottal stop is almost the same principle as Drinka's n infix 725 See Kortlandt 1999:247 for details. 726 Reconstructions by Kortlandt 1999:247. 727 CeH ȤC form can be observed in Lubotsky's law where the anomalous short root vowel is explained by previous assimilation of the laryngeal (glottal stop) and preglottalised consonant (or a glottal stop and an unvoiced obstruent in my interpretation). 728 e.g. Beekes 1995:142. 729 de Vaan 2008:78, 442,606. 730 Kortlandt 1989:104. Contrary to Kortlandt, de Vaan 2008:606 claims that length in tāctus is due to Lachmann's law. 731 This is the old Thurneysen's observation, see Kortlandt 1989:105. 272 the difference is only in the quality of the segment. As my explanation is different (see below), I cannot agree with Schrijver's explanation. The innovative concept of Kortlandt's theory is not only the mechanism of preglottalic consonants which cause the length (and the same clusters also cause Winter's law in Balto Slavic), but also the effective explanation of various misleads of Lachmann's law due to the different ablaut grade in passive participles. Summary Taking apart fantastic hypotheses as well as various analogy explanations (being actually no explanations) the most optimal solution of the nature of Lachmann's law are Drinka's and Kortlandt's approaches. Although I have criticised many Drinka's explanations above, some examples can be explained by a secondary n infix according to present forms. But I argue that the n infix occured after Lachmann's law (in the roots of the original CVȤD structure and the long vowel in final CV NCTu form is only because the N is not moraic. Kortlandt's application of preglottalic consonants (which disintegrated into a cluster of a glottal stop+obstruent, as I argued in the previous chapter) not only fits into the whole Kortlandt theory of accentuation but also easily explains why the same structures undergo Winter's law in Balto Slavic and Lachmann's law in Latin, the fact that did not generally come into attention of many scholars. In the following lines I will check the data if they fit into the theory and I will propose my own OT solution of Lachmann's law. 9.2. Review of data 1) agō "drive", ēgī, āctus , Gr. ágō, OInd. ájati , Av . az "to lead", PIIr * Haz (Cheung 2007:171 172), TochB āk , ON aka , PIE *ag' ō (IEW:4), * h2eg' (LIV:255), perfect form ēgī is normally considered as a replacement of the original form, for discussions see de Vaan (2008:31); NIL accepts Lachmann's Law for past participle, reconstructs h2g'tó (NIL 2008:277); Schrijver (1991:27 28, 31) dealt on the * h2g' to/h 2eg' problem. He posits change from the structure *HC > *aC /__#, i.e. vocalisation of the laryngeal before morpheme boundary. Particple form āctus was then remodelled according to agō < *h 2eg' which does not seem probable. Status : positive example of LL. Further references : DELL:27 32, Chantraine: 17 18, Frisk I:18, EWAi 1:50 51. 273 2)2)2) cadō "fall", cecidī, cāsus , OInd. śad , Arm. cacnum, OIr casar "hail" *kad t arā ), PIE *k'ad (IEW:516, LIV:318). Proto Indo Iranic form reconstructed as *śad (EWAi:607). Glottalic hypothesis supported by OInd. form śad which reflects Lubotsky's law. De Vaan posits PIE *(k'e)k'h 2d , reduplicated form gives perfect form cecidī, ablauted zero form leads to cad in cadō, cadere; this solution already suggested by Schrijver (1991:100, 136 138) who also accepts Lachmann's Law in cāsus. Status : positive example of LL. Further references : DELL: 145 147 3) edō "eat", ēdī , ēsus, Gr. édomai, OInd . ádmi, Av. aDāiti , OIr. eini, esse , Hitt. ēd , Lit. édu, ÷ sti, OCS jasti, Rus. jesť, Cz. jíst , SCr. j sti j dēm Goth. itan; PIE *ed (IEW:287 289), *h 1ed (LIV:230 231) Balto Slavic forms with acute reflect Winter's Law, those forms belong to the canonic corpus of positive examples of Winter's Law with reconstructed Balto Slavic form * eȤsti (see also Derksen 2008:154). Before the acceptance of Lachmann's and Winter's Laws the long "ē" in Latin and Balto Slavic lead to reconstruction backed on Narten present * h1ēd /h 1ed now considered unnecessary. Hittite forms would support the original long "ē" ētmi, ēzši, ēzzazi, adueni, azzašteni, adanzi 732 Kloekhorst (2008:261 263) discusses this problem and posits 733 present forms as ablauted *h 1éd ti/h 1d énti . Long "ē" in Latin ēsus is of course due to the Lachmann's Law *edt > ēss (de Vaan 2008:185), long "ē" in perfect form " ēdī " explained by Schrijver (1991:54) as the development from reduplicated * h1e h1d . As seen, the verb "eat" correspond perfectly to both laws, Latin "ē" in past participle is due to the Lachmann's Law, Balto Slavic acute forms are due to the Winter's Law and Hittite forms are reflections of normal ablaut. Both laws are also accepted by LIV (230 231) and NIL (208 220), although LIV still posits acrostatic Narten paradigm *h 1 d /h 1éd Status : positive example of LL and WL Further references : EWAi 1:61 62, Cheung 2007:148, Chantraine:312, Lehmann:1986:208, Fraenkel I:124 125 732 For complete paradigm with variants see Hoffner & Melchert 2008:188). 733 *ēd for Hittite refused by Puhvel 2 (1984:320) for graphic reasons. For history of opinions about Hittite forms and their interpretations see Tischler I (1983:117 118). 274 4) findō "split", fīdī, fissus , cognate with OInd. bhinátti "split, Gr. feidomai "spare", Goth. beitan, OE bītan "bite", Celtiber. biñetuñ " split" PIE *b heiʢd "split" (IEW:116, LIV:70 71), PIt. form *find e reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:221, reconstructed form of ppp. would be * fidt o Status : LL is expected, the short vowel is due to the closed syllable effect. Further references : DELL:418 419, Chantraine:1185, Frisk II:999 1000, Lehmann 1986 66, KEWA 2:500 501, Schrijver 1991:500. 5) fingō "shape", fīnxī, fictus, cognate with OIr. dingid "opress", Arm. dizanem , Gr. teĩchos "wall", Goth. digan "form out of clay", Lith. žie sti "form", Latv. zìest "coat with clay", PSl *z daɾti "build" PIE * dheigh (IEW:244), *d heiʢgh "spread, model" (LIV:140 141), PIt. form *fing e/o reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:221. Latin form is n infixed. Further Slavic forms are OCS z dati , S Cr. zídati zîdām "build", Sln. zídati zídam , BS form *z(e)id reconstructed by Derksen 2008:551 552, the original form would be *g hid h resulting from metathesis of *d heiʢgh (thus already Fraenkel II:1307). Status : no LL is supposed in ppp. because of the original voiced aspirate in coda. Absence of acute from WL is supported by mobility of Slavic verbs and Lithuanian circumflex. Further references : DELL:419 420, Lehmann 1986:90, Snoj 2003:853, Smoczyński 2007:783. 6) fluō, "flow, run", flūxī, flūctus, cognate with Gr . fléō "abound", flúō "boil over", Lith. bliáuti "bleet", Latv. blau t, OCS bl vati bljujNj "vomit", Rus. blvať bljujú , Cz. blít, S Cr. bljùvati, Sln. blúvati , PIE * bhleuʢH "overflow" (LIV :90) BS form * bljouȤ reconstructed by Derksen 2008:46, PSl. *bl vaɾti (is probably APa because of the ORus. form, see Zaliznjak1985:133), so acute is the common reflex of the glottal stop from laryngeal origin, the same counts for Baltic. Latin cognate conflūgēs with g is explained as analogy by LIV. Forms flūxī, flūctus require an obstruent, so Meiser 1998:194, 208 reconstructs * bhleuʢgw e > *flūuʢe > fluere (obstruent weakening), * bhlouʢgw s > flūxī. This explanation is refused by de Vaan 2008:228 who sticks to proportional analogy struō:strūxī > fluō:flūx ī. I do not accept such proposal because it is too artificial (using proportional analogy we can choose and compare any forms which are morphologicaly/phonologicaly similar) and I would point to the traditional explanation of * 275 H and *g w as regular "Erweiterungs", see IEW 158 159. In such case, there is no problem to accept LL in Latin ppp. Further references : DELL:430, Chantraine: 1212, Frisk II:1025 1026, ESJS 2:69 70, Fraenkel I: 49 50, Smozcyński 2007:65, Bezlaj 1: 28, Snoj 2003:47, Vasmer 1: 173, 7) fodiō "dig" , fōdī, fossus, cognate with OCS bodNj, bosti "poke, stab", Lith . bèsti "stick". h h PIE *bhedh (IEW:113 114), *b ed h2 (LIV:66), PIt. form * foþi reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:229. The reconstructed coda obstruent is aspirate so no LL is expected in Latin ppp. Slavic data support the claim as they are mobile, S Cr. bósti bòdēm , Sln. bósti bódem , Rus. bosť/bostí bodú, "butt", OCz. bodu bósti, PSl. *bostı (APc), BS form *bed /bod (Derksen 2008:59, de Vaan 2008:229). Further references: Vasmer 1:183, ESJS 2:74, Snoj 2003:51, DELL:433, Fraenkel II:41, Smoczyński 2007:57 8) frangō "break", frēgī, frāctus, cognate with Goth. ufbrikan "break", OHG brehhan PIE *b hreg' (IEW:165, LIV:91) variant with * g proposed by de Vaan 2008:239. Latin form from *b hr g' , PIt. forms * frang , ppp. * fragto Status : positive evidence for LL. Further references : DELL:446, Lehmann 1986:80, Schrijver 1991:478 9) frendō "grind one's teeth", frēsus, cognate with OE grindan "grind", OHG grint , ON grandi and Lith. gré sti "scrape" ,see previous chapter for discussion where de Vaan's proposal about the PIE allomorph roots has been used. Latin ppp. has long root vowel which would point to LL due to the presence of glottal stop. Further references: de Vaan 2008:241, DELL:449 450, Lehmann 1986:161. 10) fruor "enjoy", fruī, frūctus , cognate with Goth. brukjan "use", OE brūcan , OHG brūhkan PIE * bhrūg (IEW:173), *b hreuʢHg(') "enjoy" (LIV:96), PIt. form * frūg reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:244 245. Status : the reconstructed laryngeal can be phoneticaly glottal stop so in that case the LL in ppp. is attested. Further references : Lehmann 1986:81, DELL:455 456, Schrijver 1991:232 233. 276 11) fundō "pour, emit", fūdī, fūsus , cognate with Hitt. kūtt "wall", OInd. juhóti "pours, Gr. cheō "pour" Goth. giutan "pour", Toch B. ku "pour, offer a libation" PIE * g' heuʢd (IEW:448, LIV:179), Latin from from *g' hund , Greek * g' héuʢe (de Vaan 2008:249 250), Old Indic form is reduplicated. Status : positive evidence for LL in ppp. Further references : DELL:463 464, Frisk II:1090 1093, Chantraine: 1255 1256, Lehmann 1986:156 157, KEWA 1:442, Adams 1999:179 180, Kloekhorst 2009:498 499, Puhvel 4:296 298. 12)12)12) iubeō "order", iussī, iussus, OInd. yúdhati "fights", Lith. jundù , jùsti "in Bewegung geraten" PIE *iʢeudh (IEW:511), *Hiʢeuʢdh (LIV:225 226), PIt. form *jouþ eje/o reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:312. The reconstructed aspirate coda excludes LL, therefore no length in ppp. is expected. Absence of WL in Lithuanian only support the claim. Further references: Fraenkel I:195 196, Smoczyński 2007:240, KEWA 3:19 20, DELL: 580 581. 13) iungō "joint", iūnxī, iūnctus , cognate with OInd. yúj "yoke, associate", Lith. jùngti "join", yoke", Latv . jûgt. PIE *iʢeuʢg (IEW:508, LIV:316), PIt. form *jung e/o by de Vaan 2008:314, so ppp. would be *jug to. As the same root is in the noun forms Lith. jùngas which I dealt in the previous chapter and which is positive to Winter's law, LL would be expected here. In fact, ppp is long and the nasal is infixed secondarily. Further references: DELL 582 586, Schrijver 1991:406 14) legō "read", lēgī, lēctus, cognate with Gr. légō "collect, speak", Alb. mb ledh "collects" PIE *leg' (IEW:658, LIV:397), PIt. forms *leg e , ppp. *leg to reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:332. Status : positive evidence for LL. Further references : DELL:623, Chantraine: 625 626, Frisk II: 94 95, Schrijver 1991:22. 277 15) mingō "urinate", mīnxī, mictus, cognate with Lith. my žti "piss", Latv. mìzt. h PIE *meiʢgh (IEW:713), LIV:301 301 derives the forms from *h 3meiʢg' . Baltic forms are zero grade. Status: reconstructed aspirate in the root coda excludes the LL. The absence of WL is supported by the Lith. circumflex. Further references : DELL:718, Schrijver 1991:24. 16) ōdī "hated", ōsus , cognate with Gr. aor. odus(s)asthai "be angry", Arm. ateam " hate, ON. etja "hunt" PIE *od "hate" (IEW:773), *h 3ed "begin to hate" (LIV:296), pf. * h3e h3(o)d , h 3e /od io "hatred" (de Vaan 2008:425) Status : Latin ppp word is positive for LL. Further references : DELL: 813 814, Frisk II: 351, Schrijver 1991:49 50. 17) pangō "fix", pepigī, pāctus, cognate with OInd. pajrá "firm", Gr. pē gnumi "make fast" PIE *pak'/pāk' , pag' /pāg' "fix" (IEW:787), *peh 2g' (LIV:461), Latin form from * ph 2 n g' (LIV, de Vaan 2008:442 443), PIt. form reconstructed as * pang , ppp . *pagto by de Vaan (ibid). h LIV considers Old Indic paj as a "Neowurzel", IIr. * paj < *p aj < *ph 2 g' , with *p° for h *p ° according to *pináj <*ph2 né g' and *pāj < *peh 2g' . The same new root should be visible in OInd. pajrá. OInd. paj is therefore reconstructed as primary n infixed *ph2 né g' and the Greek form is taken as questionable. Anyway, the above mentioned complicated solution is much more simple although not mentioned by LIV. Both Greek and Old Indic forms belong to Lubotsky's law (Lubotsky 1981) where the loss of laryngeal before the original voiced unaspirated obstruent (which is in Ȥ fact preglottalized) caused the Indo Iranian short vowel, so *peh 2g' = *peȤ g' > paj . Because the Latin ppp. is positive for Lachmann's law and Old Indic form reflects Lubotsky's law (which would otherwise be explained by complicated analogy, as in LIV), we have another proof of the existence of glottal stop here. Further references : DELL:848 849, Frisk II: 525 526, Chantraine: 894 895, Schrijver 1991:97. 18) pungō "sting, pierce", pupugī, pūnctus , cognate with Gr. púks "with the fist", púgmē "fist" PIE *peuk' , peug' (IEW:828), *peuʢg(') LIV:480, PIt. form *pung reconstructed by de Vaan:2008:499, ppp. therefore *pug to . 278 Latin form is nasal present and the status of coda consonant is unclear. If the voiced obstruent is expected, Lachmann's law would appear and the n infix in ppp. would be secondary. Further references : DELL:965, Frisk 2:619 620. 19) regō "direct, guide", rēxī, rēctus , cognate with OInd. r jati "rules", zero grade r jati "marches forward in the line", Gr. orégō "stretch", Goth. raihts "right", Toch B conj. rāśäm "should stretch, OIr. atraig "stand up", MW re "rise" < PCelt. *rege o (Matasović 2009:308) PIE *reg' "go right, stretch" (IEW:854 857) , *h 3reg' (LIV:305 305, de Vaan 2008:517), PIt. form *reg e/o reconstructed by de Vaan (ibid.), so ppp. form can also be reconstructed aas *regto . Zero grade of the root is in Lith. réžtis (see previous chapter) which is positive to WL. Status : evidence for Winter's and Lachmann's laws. Further references : Lehmann 1986:280 181, DELL:1002 1004, Chantraine :817, Frisk II:412 413, EWAi 2:425, Schrijver 1991:24, 121, 135, 20) tangō "touch", tetigī, tāctus , Gr. tetag n "having seized" , Goth. tekan "touch", Toch.B ceśäm "touch" PIE *tag "touch" (IEW:1054), *teh 2g(') "touch", PIt. form *tange , ppt. *tagto reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:606, PIE form continuing to Latin is zero grade with nasal infix. Greek form is reduplicated. Status : positive example of LL. Further references : Frisk II:884, Chantraine:1109, DELL:1193 1194, Lehmann 1986:342 343, Schrijver 1991:98, 136 21)21)21) tegō "cover" tēxī, tēctus, cognate with Gr. stégō "keep off", OIr. tech "house", OW tig < PCelt. *tegos (Matasović 2009:376), Lith. stógas (see the previous chapter). PIE *(s)teg e/o (IEW 1013 1014, LIV:589), PIt. form * teg , ppp. * tekto reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:608. Status : positive examples of LL and WL in Balto Slavic. Further references : DELL:1197 1198, Chantraine: 1046, Frisk II:781 782, Schrijver 1991:127. 279 22) tundō "beat", tutudī, tūsus/tunsus , cognate with OIr. dotuit "crumble, fall" 23) unguō "smear", ūnxī, ūnctus, cognate with OIr. imb "butter, OInd. anákti, aňjanti "anoint", Arm. awecanem "anoint" w w PIE *ong (IEW:779), *h 2eng "anoint" (LIV:267, second edition replaced *h 2 instead of w w *h 3 ), *h 3eng (EWAi 1:54, de Vaan 2008:642), PIt. *ong e (de Vaan 2008:642) which means that the original ppp. would be reconstructed as * g w tu . Old Indic form is zero grade. Status : LL is expected but the effect of glottal stop loss is blocked by the nȤD cluster. Long ūnctus is due to the secondary lengthening when the disyllabic three moraic domain arose. Further references: DELL:1321 1322, Schrijver 1991:50, 62. 24) pandō "stretch", pandī, passus, cognate with Gr. pítnēmi "spread, open" PIE *pet "spread" (IEW:824), *peth 2 (LIV:478 479), Latin form as a zero grade *pt né/ h2, PIt. form reconstructed as *pand n < *p dn by de Vaan 2008:442. PPP form would therefore be *padto with secondarily introduced "a". The apparent absence of LL can be due to the closed syllable effect. Further references : Frisk II:521, DELL: 847 848, Schrijver:1991:332, 498 499. 25) pingō "paint", pīnxī , pictus, OInd. pi śati "paints", Gr. poĩkilos "many coloured", Lith. pie šti "paint, write" (iʢe present), OCS p sati "write" PIE *peiʢg /peiʢk' (IEW 794, LIV: 464, 466), PIt. forms reconstructed as *ping e/o, *pikto by de Vaan 2008:466. LIV proposes * peiʢg for Latin and *peiʢk' for Old Indic, Lithuanian and Slavic forms. But as de Vaan remarks, the separate need for the zero form *pig' for Latin might be superfluous because Latin form can be explained by the nasal present * pink'n . Proto Slavic *p saɾti has APc (Derksen 2008:430) Status : with the reconstruction of the original *k' in first syllable coda, no LL is expected. Slavic mobile forms support the fact that neither WL nor LL occured here. 280 Further references : DELL:899 and the previous chapter under S Cr . pj ga discussion; Schrijver 1991:499 500. 26) sedeō/sīdō "sit", sēdī, sessus , (in compouds) sessum , cognate with Lit. s÷ sti "sit down", Latv. se du (see the previous chapter for cognates). PIt. form * sed ē reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:551 552 Status: as the Baltic forms are positive for WL, Latin ppp. should have had LL. Its absence is due to the closed syllable effect. Further references : DELL 1062 1063, Schrijver 1991:376. 27) scindō "tear apart", scicidī, scissus, cognate with Lith. skíesti (see the previous chapter for further cognates. PIt. form *skinde/o reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:544. As the Lithuanian form is positive for WL, Latin ppp. should have had LL law. Kortlandt (1999) explains its absence due to the loss of glottal stop in present forms where the blocking cluster * nd would cause the glottal stop loss. Short "i" would spread into other forms. Sihler's proposal (Sihler 1995:76) that the short ppp. is due to the influence of perfect form should be taken as improbable. Status : Short scissus is due to the closed syllable effect. Further references : DELL 1062 1063. 28) stringō "tighten, strip off"", strīnxī, strictus, cognate with S Cr. str či " cut" (see the previous chapter for further cognates) PIt. form reconstructed as *string by de Vaan 2008:591 592. Status : If the Latin form is a result of contamination of two PIE roots, the result would be twofold. In case of the original *CVDTV structure, Lachmann's law should appear but the resulting short "i" in strictus would be due to the "closed syllable effect". Should the original structure be derived from *CVD H , there would not be any glottal stop and therefore no trace of LL. Further references: DELL:1159 1160. 281 29) trahō "drag", trāxī , past participle tractus , cognate with Gr. tréchō "run", Goth. dragan "carry". PIE * dherāgh (IEW:257), *d hreg(') h "carry, draw" (LIV:154), PIt. form *tra Xe/o reconstucted by de Vaan (2008:626 627), which means that ppp. would be reconstructed as *tra Xto. De Vaan connects Latin form with OIr. tethraig "ran away", tráig "ebb, beach", both probably from PCelt. *trāgi "beach, lowtide" (Matasović 2009:387). De Vaan also refuses the connection with Gothic dragan . Latin form explained by LIV as "Hauchdissimilation" * dh gh > *d gh. Status : no LL because the first syllable coda is aspirate. Further references: DELL:1233 1234, Frisk II:927 929, Chantraine 1135 1136, Schrijver 1991:188 189. 30) vehō "carry", vēxī, vectus , cognate with OInd. váhati, Lith. vèžti , OCS vesti, "carry", Goth. gawigan PIE *uʢeg' h (IEW:1118 1120, LIV:661), PIt. form *we X e/o reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:658, ppp. would have been *wekto Other Slavic forms are Rus. veztí , Cz. vézt, S Cr. vésti , Sln. vésti , PSl. *veztı (APc), BS form *veź (Derksen 2008:518). Status: no LL can be observed because the original root contains aspirate obstruent in coda. The absence of glottal stop is also supported by Slavic mobile paradigm. Further references : Fraenkel II:1236, Smoczyński 2007:746, DELL:1267, Lehmann 1986:154, KEWA 3:177 179, EWAi 2 :535 537, Snoj 2003:816, Schrijver 1991:121 31) videō "see", vīdī, vīsus , other cognates see PSl. *vi děti in the previous chapter. PIt. form reconstructed as *widē by de Vaan 2008:676, reconstructed ppp. would be * widto Status : positive evidence for both Lachmann's and Winter's laws. Further references : DELL:1296 1298, Frisk 1:451, Chantraine:316 317. 9.3. Proposed solution and the Bifurcation hypothesis Following the Kortlandt's steps that preglottalization still existed in Italic branch at the time of the existence of Lachmann's law, I would propose the OT solution of the law. As it is obvious, the mechanism of the law is similar to the one of Winter's law because the same 282 preglottalized obstruents are present both in Italic branch and Balto Slavic. The difference between Balto Slavic and Latin is in the development of the cluster glottal stop+obstruent. Because such cluster is generally unstable, glottal stop tend to be lost and affects the preceding vowel. Either the vowel obtains glottalization (in which case we can doub if the glottal stop is really lost I claim here that it is not) or the preceding vowel can be lengthened. Balto Slavic had the tendency to develop glottalized vowels which is due to the lowly ranked *V Ȥ constraint. In Latin, on the other hand, the vowel before the glottal stop was prolonged. I argue that this is because the disyllabic domain with three moraic structure has been developed. Heads of the domain (the first syllable) is bimoraic, therefore the first syllable must contain either the long nucleus (a vowel) or a short nucleus and a moraic coda: [CV C tu s], [CV C tu s]. The domain where Lachmann's law can be morphologicaly limited only in past participles. It strongly reminds the situation in Czech where the disyllabic domain is also visible only in certain morphological categories, e.g. in hypocoristics: [Ka .ťa ] versus [Ka t .ka]. Only here we can observe the domain with constrained quantity as well as the moraic consonants which are otherwise anomalous in Czech. 734 The syllabic structure which contains the sequence CVȤD(C) develops in two ways: either in favour of the Balto Slavic glottalization (BS acute) or in favour of length (Latin), e.g. Lith. ÷ sti x Latin ēsus. It looks like the common syllabic structure was bifurcated in the development. I would therefore call such change a Bifurcation hypothesis. Bifurcation occured due to the low/high ranking of *V Ȥ constraint and the presence or absence of bisyllabic three moraic domain. Concerning the mechanism of Lachmann's law itself, we start with the āctus example. The input is surely (aȤg.tos) where the form is already parsed into foot. Elimination of the glottal stop by MAX. Highly ranked *V Ȥ constraint eliminates the candidate e. The bimoraic head is satisfied by HD BIN (Heads are binary under moraic analysis). 735 Candidates c and d do not satisfy HD BIN and are eliminated. Candidates a and b satisfy HD BIN although do not meet IDENT I O V (no change in vocalic mora). Candidate a is finally eliminated by the highly ranked AGREE constraint which requires that consonant clusters should have agree in voice. Candidate b is faithful to AGREE because it underwent assimilation and finally is the optimal winner. 734 See Bethin 2003 as well as the Chapter 11 in this dissertation. 735 Bethin 2003. 283 /(aȤg.tos)/ *V Ȥ AGREE HD BIN IDENT MAX DEP I O V a. (a g.tos) !* * * * b.(a k.tos) * * * c. (a g.tos) !* * * d. (a k.tos) !* * Ȥ e. (a k.tos) !* * Lachmann's law observed in ēsus is a more complicated. It is obvious that should we start from *( eȤd.tos) apart from the Lachmann's law itself the obstruents and coda must first be spirantized, then merged and the final structure must be resyllabified so that that we should obtain ē.sus . I would claim that we do not need Stratal OT here because the spirantised variant *es.sos/us could exist in the language system. The support for it is the existing forms sessus where the Lachmann's law is not visible due to the moraic s in the first syllable. It might be argued if the forms developed from the structures with the original voiced aspirate in coda (g ressus ) also contain moraic s . As the combination ēssus does not exist, it is very probable that the disyllabic threemoraic domain exists crosswise the original structures. Another interesting thing is that only fricative can be moraic here, not the plosive. Anyway the phenomenon observed here is again the equivalent of the Czech situation described by Bethin 2003 as a closed syllable effect where the coda is moraic. Due to the closed syllable effect we might wrongly suppose that no quantitative change occured during the derivation. The constraint responsible for non moraicity of consonants is * /cons (consonants are not moraic). 736 As seen in the following tableau, the winning candidate (e s .sos) which is surfacely *essos/essus fails to satisfy * /cons but it is too low ranked so that the candidate would not win. Also low ranked are constraints *cont (no continuants) responsible for the spirantization, 737 and IDENT I O manner (no change in the manner of articulation between input and output). Lachmann's law happens here but the winning candidate has putatively no change (and this could be characterised as an counterexample to Lachmann' law). But the first syllable has still two moras due to the closed syllable effect: 736 ibid. 737 The similar constraints in Kager 1999. 284 /(eȤd.tos)/ *V Ȥ AGREE HD IDENT MAX DEP * /cons *cont IDENT BIN I O V I Omanner a.(e d.tos) * * * * b.(e t.tos) * * * c.(e d.tos) * * * d.(e t.tos) * * e.(e d.tos) * * * * Ȥ f.(e t.tos) * * g.(e t .sos) * * * h. (e s .sos) * * * The winning candidate h., which could exist in the system for a certain period of time, would serve as an input and undergo further change. The constraint CODA (a syllable must have coda) which I propose here is responsible for the existence of a syllable coda. Candidate c. fails to satisfy it but CODA is so low ranked that it prevents the candidate c. from being eliminated: /(e s .sos)/ * /cons HD BIN IDENT MAX DEP CODA I O a.(e s .sos) !* b.(e s.sos) !* * c.(e .sos) !* * * * Candidate a. is eliminated because it is not faithful to the highly ranked * /cons constraint. One must say that ēsus is just a variant of sessus. The former is the result of the further development of * essus : Structures Vdtus > Vssus > sessus/ Vssus > V sus > ēsus (alternative quantity). Conclusion In the previous pages I proposed the Bifurcation hypothesis. Accoding to this hypothesis, glottal stop developed into glottalization in Balto Slavic and lengthened the vowel nucleus in Latin. This idea has already been proposed by Kortlandt but my OT explanation tries to show how and why it works. In the same syllabic structures where the both laws can be observed, the different development is due to the differently ranked *V Ȥ constraint. Apart from it, Latin also faces closed syllable effect caused by moraic coda which apparently causes no lenghtening. But as I showed, the total weight in the bisyllabic structures remains the same and in the ēsus example the whole syllabic structure is also resyllabified. 285 Lachmann's and Winter's laws are examples of how a common syllable structure develops differently in separate languages. Moreover, both laws prove that those languages still had glottal stop. My explanation of the mechanism also support it. 286 10. Compensatory lengthening in West Slavic Introduction The end of Proto Slavic period is characterised by the transformation of accentual patterns. West Slavic lost the old accentual differences and developed new quantitative ones. From the processes which are relevant to it, the so called compensatory lengthening has been used to explain the development of zero forms (after the loss of final yers). In the following pages I will deal about it. Although I will speak about West Slavic in general, the focus will be done on Czech. Under the cover term "compensatory lengthening", various processes of the CV 1CV yer development (especially Nsg of o stems and Gpl of a stem) have been put. Classical accentology took almost every quantity in zero form as a compensatory lengthening (e.g. ČJA 5) without even postulating what compensatory lengthening is and why should it happen. The caveat which is often being ignored and avoided from discussions is how a final yer which had a half mora quantity could be lost and cause a compensatory lengthening of the preceding syllable. Such a process is taken as a fact confirmed by a tradition without even realizing that if the weight of V 1 is one mora (is short) and the V yer is half mora, after the loss of yer the V 1 cannot suddenly obtain two mora weight. Where is the missing half mora? In the following pages I will describe various theories of compensatory lengthening what CL is and how it works. Then I will deal with the approaches to the specific CL in Slavic and I will offer my solution to the problem. 738 10.1. Compensatory lengthening theory and approaches 10.1.1. Introduction Compensatory lengthening (CL) can be described as a phonological phenomenon wherein a loss of one segment is accompanied by a lengthening of another segment. The lengthened segment can be a vowel or a consonant (in that case the consonant is geminated). Four types of CL can be distinguished: 739 1. CL VC lengthened segment is V, lost segment is C 2. CL VV lengthened segment is V, lost segment is V 738 I only recently obtained a brilliant dissertation by Beltzung (2008) who in a great detail describes the various approaches as well as the recent methods of OT including Sympathy Theory and OT CC. The dissertation can be used as a very good introduction to the problem of CL but I was not able to incorporate it into my own text because of the shortage of time. But Beltzung does not the Slavic CL which gives me an open field here. 739 Morin 1994: 137). 287 3. CL CV lengthened segment is C, lost segment is V 4. CL CC lengthened segment is C, lost segment is C The CVCV >CV:C compensatory lengthening is typical for Slavic o stem which formerly end in yers: *bogъ "god" > OCz. bóh . It is also typical for the change of Middle English. As a CVCC > CV:C compensatory lengthening mechanism a situation in Tehrani Farsi can be adduced. 740 The colloquial form has CL due to the loss of glottal stop contrasted to the standard variant: r oȤb "terror" > ro:b. 741 Concerning this situation a problem of adjacency adjacency rises because the lost segment is not strictly adjacent to the lengthened vowel, so e.g. the abovementioned situation in Teheran Farsi roȤb "terror" > ro:b. and robȤ "quarter" > ro:b . As we can see, the loss of glottal stop causes CL in both examples. In both examples it must be moraic if the CL here should be described as a mora conservation process. But using moraic theory, the association lines would cross which is impossible, so the solution of adjacency problem is the separation of CV and moraic tier: 742 Another problem which rises here is the directionalitydirectionality of CL. It seems that when a segment is deleted, the direction is always right to left (thus claimed by Kavitskaya 2002:32) but in Slavic we observe precise the opposite situation: *p sati "write" >Cz. psáti, * lъžica "spoon" >Cz. lžíce. Should this be CL, it would be a model CV 1CV 2 > CV 1:C. Such situation cannot be described by a moraic theory because it would also mean that the association lines are crossed. 743 The more less general description of various CL mechanisms are Bickmore 1999 and Kavitskaya 2002. The most "primitive" account of CL is just the sequence of rules, one can describe the processes of C 1VC 2C3 as follows: first, the C 2 is deleted, second the remaining sequence is lengthened: C 1V C 3. Most often, such description is no explanation and sometimes one finds no natural account CL processes, e.g. C 1V1V2C2 > CV 1C2. It means that the sequence: delete > lengthen is impossible here, the only possible way to explain such process is: lengthening > deletion. 744 740 See Darzi 1991. 741 Kavitskaya 2002:30. 742 Original idea by Darzi, A.: Compensatory lengthening in Modern Colloquial Tehrani Farsi. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 21, 1991, 23 37, discussed by Kavitskaya 2002:31. 743 The examples are lenghtened due to the Kortlandt's lengthening rule and is connected with the rise of rhythmicity in Czech. See the next chapter. 744 This is the apt observation of Bickmore 1999:120. 288 10.1.2. Weakening hypothesis One of the first modern serious approach to the various mechanism of CL is the theory of De Chene and Anderson (1979). They concentrated themselves on the CL due to loss of consonant and proposed that CL and loss of consonants can be independent processes. Two processes can be taken into account weakening of consonant to a glide, then glide disappear and causes monophtongization. Length appears only if a length contrast is independently motivated in the a language system. CL does not take place in the absence of a previously existing or independently motivated length contrast (De Chene; Anderson 1979: 520). Glides can be developed from stops: PGmc * frignjan > frinan > frīna n "ask", from spirants: *nisdo > nīdus "nest" probably through *nihdos being parallel to Sanskrit visarga s > h . The formation of glides from sonorants should be observed e.g. in *penk we >OCS pęt (before homorganic stops, actually */ eŋk w > probably */ ew/; *ghans > probably / aw / Lith. žąsis (before homorganic spirants). Schematically the process can be writtten as CVCX > CVGX (weakening) > CV X (monophtongisation) (where G is glide, X is a consonant). The theory started to be immediately criticised mainly because the many counterexamples and better alternative explanations. For example Morin (1994:138) argued that what de Chene &Anderson propose, is actually a sequence of changes, not a true CL. prosodic weight cannot be freed after the loss of segment to which the weight was previously attached and subsequently transfered to another segment. This is the non autonomy thesis (in historical changes, prosodic weight cannot be orphaned as the result of segmental loss" 10.1.3. CV tier hypothesis CV tier as a syllable representation appeared with the rise of autosegmental phonology (Goldsmith 1976) when the phonologists realized that a phonological entity is not a simple matrice of unordered distinctive features but that these form separate tiers that can be accosciated to segments with association lines. A CV tier means that consonants form a consonant ( syllable) slot and V form a +syllable slot. C and V slots are also named skeletal slots or skeletal tier which is a lower level of a syllable tier (σ). The lowest level is represented by the segmental or melodic tier. Hereby the CV tier model of the Czech word trám "beam" is presented: 289 CV tier was also proposed as an explanation for CL. Clements (1982:6ff) argues against intermediate stage (weakening) proposed by de Chene & Anderson. He adduces various structural examples where the glide cannot be observed, e.g. VC>V (C G): Engl. 745 /kar/>/ka:/ car . Another example of glide absence is the gemination C 1C2 > C , as in e.g. OE trymman "strengthen" > 2sg trymest. Also, loss of nasal without necessary glidening leads to the compensatory lengthening: VNC> V NC (>V C); /kæ nt/ >/kæ t/ can't. On the other hand, vowels can develop into glides and become a part of syllable onset: CV 1V2>CGV 2, Proto Bantu * mu(y)anna > Luganda mwaana "child". According to Clements' conception, CL supports the hierarchical view of syllable structure. Clements proposes a modified verison of a CV tier: 746 "Jennifer", "car", "can't" As we can see, there is three tiered phonological syllable representations. Elements on each tier are independent (autosegmental). Therefore, phonological processes can operate on 745 Modified examples form Clements 1982. 746 Clements 1982:18 290 the separate tiers. The mechanism of CL as illustrated by application of CV tier allows to take the deletion of C on the lowest tier. Then the segment spreads to the lef position leaving the original position empty. CL can be connected and explained by means of the hierarchical syllable representation. Hock 1986:450 451 criticises Clements' explanation as unhappy to explain all the examples of CL possible and being successful only for the loss of segment inside a syllable. Concerning e.g. CL of PSl * bobъ > Slk. bo b , Clements formulation would lead to the crossing of association lines: As seen, the schema does not explain the intonation change (neoacute) which would accompany CL. To avoid it, Hock proposes that a mora tier should be posited on a separate tier containing moras whouch would also explain the new intonation as a tonal spread development: Although apparently successfully explained, Hock's interpretation of CL is actually a multiplication of levels because apart from CV tier he puts also the separate moraic tier. This leads to doubling of representation because V slot is always moraic. It is not clear how would Hock solve the moraic consonant. 747 747 Hock rightly pointed out that CL due to the vowel loss cannot explain the different behavior of * bogъ and *bobъ giving S Cr. bo g, bo b and that CL (esp. in Slavic) is connected with tonal compensation. (p. 435, 438). Morin (1994:139) criticised Hock's solution to CVCVyer CL in Proto Slavic. Morin proposes that the change could not have been sudden but gradual and compares the situation in Proto Slavic to the one in Old French. The stressed vowel here was lengthened before the complete loss of posttonic schwa (which was shortened): craie /'kreiʢƽ/ > /'kre:iʢƽɹ/ >/'kre:iʢ/. I found such comparison unsatisfactory. Morin supposes that stress must be on the first syllable without explaining why CL is found in former oxytona (or at least could have happened there). Morin supposes that the root vowel is lengthened due to the transfer of timing unit (similarly to Hock's discrete 291 Various solutions of CL mainly from CV tier and autosegmental phonology have been collected in Wetzels & Sezer 1986. Alas, no article is devoted to Slavic. Also Bickmore 1999 provides a good introduction to both CV and moraic frameworks concerning CL. 10.1.4. CL as a metrical phenomenon Ingria (1980) assumed that CL can be described as an interaction of changes on the segmental level with those on the syllabic level. He used metrical phonology approach combined with the syllabic trees. The important result of Ingria's interpretation is the Empty node convention (ENC). As seen below, there are weak and strong nodes in the syllabic tree. Empty weak nodes are part of the syllabic coda but are associated with the terminal element dominated by the immediately preceding syllabic nucleus: 748 Due to the ENC, the loss of segment leads to the compensatory lengthening. The only condition is that the segments must be in the weak syllable position. The lines are associated to the left. Using the ENC concept, Ingria tries to explain CL as the preservation of integrity of a complex syllable nucleus keeps heavy syllables heavy but as Hock 1986:446 remarks, this approach can account only examples of CL resulting from the loss of final segment. Various approaches to CL have been collected by Wetzels & Sezer (1986), mainly from the CV tier and autosegmental phonology. Alas, no article deals with CL in Slavic. 10.1.510.1.5.. Moraic theory Moraic theory replaces the skeletal tier with moras ( ). The difference between the moraic theory and CV tier is that in moraic theory only certain segments are associated with the timing units). The obvious caveat is that the transfer of timing unit is influenced by the quality of intervening consonant. Morin objects to the opinion that CL must include the prosodic invariance which limits CL to a language system where length contrast is already distinctively established. Emerging prosodic patterns can either survive on barren ground, or may enrich a poor prosodic system. They may also be different from earlier prosodic patterns or may destroy earlier prosodic distinction. So there cannot be any invariancy. 748 Ingria 1980:471. 292 timing units (moras). The mora is connected with syllable weight. Heavy syllables have two moras, light syllables have only one mora. So the Czech example trám can be represented in moraic theory as follows: Moraic theory was applied to CL by Hayes (1989). For our purpose of the CL in Slavic, the most important concept is the Parasitic delinking (syllable structure is deleted when the syllable contains no overt nuclear segment). 749 The following example of CL in Middle English is adduced by Hayes: The input * talƽ "tale" first undergoes final schwa drop. Because this leads to the loss of second syllable nucleus, the second syllable is deletd. Empty mora (which cannot be lost) is filled from the left. Finally, the stranded final "l" is resyllabified giving the output ta:l. It is clear that the Middle English situation corresponds to the Slavic one of * bogъ type. Mora count is conserved in a syllable change, this is an important result of moraic theory. Another result of Hayes' analysis it the WBP (weight by position) 750 which means that certain coda consonants are give an mora when adjoined to the syllable. We will also use that concept in the description of Slavic CL. 751 The modification of moraic theory called Segmental moraic theory was proposed by Schmidt 1992. Schmidt doubles the representations by replacing the CV-tier by X -slot tier and inserting moraic tier before the syllable tier and X-slot tier. The solution is not too successful because on the one hand, X slots do not distinguish between C and V (-syll and + 749 Hayes 1989:268. 750 Hayes 1989:258. 751 The detailed discussion of CL in moraic theory in Bickmore 1999. 293 syll slots), on the other hand Schmidt distinguishes moraic and non-moraic X slots. So the result is basically the same. 752 10.1.6. QQ tiertiertiertier The previous conceptions of CL tried to explain that phenomenon using the various syllable hierarchy structure. CV tier used by Clements (mora can be any element on the CV tier dominated by the nucleus node) or weight tier (Hyman (1985:13 18) where each segment is associated with a weight unit (x). Onset does not contribute to the syllable weight and it's weight is therefore deleted by the Onset creation rule which attaches (x) node to the following vowel: 753 Moraic theory of Hayes (1989), as seen, uses moraic node attached to the syllable one. Fox (1998:51) adds another an alternative tier to explain the prosodic feature of quantity. His Q tier is basically analogous to the moraic tier. The existence of Q tier is advocated by the claim that length is stratified and therefore relevant at different levels. The stratification of length is similar to the stratification of stress in metrical phonology.. The example from Middle English is therefore interpreted: 754 Q tier represents the unit of quantity and is posited on a separate tier dominated by foot node. If the mora is retained as the intrasyllabic characteristics, the structure will be as follows: 755 752 See also Rialland 1993. 753 Hyman 1985:15 17 (modified). 754 Fox 1998:51 (modified). 755 Forx 1998:52. 294 Fox tries to defend his solution against being accused of superfluous redundancy and claims that the quantity features at the foot leves and weight features at the syllable level help to distinquish various quantitative levels. Instead of one moraic level, the quantity is suplemented by another Q level, thus separating mora as a measure of syllable weight and Q as a property of a foot which is the largest unit of timing in speech. 10.1.7. OT solutiosolutionn of CL Hermans (1999) tried to solve CL using Slovak examples and Optimality Theory. However, as a source of Slovak data he uses Rubach 1993. Rubach (1993:144 149) claims that in Gpl a stems a yer is at underlying level and never reaches a surface and therefore causes lengthening of preceding vowel like c hata chát0. As Hermans (1999:72) rightly remarks, according to this model we shoul also observe CL in Nsg o stems like chlap, syn, med > **chláp, sýn, mied. Surprisingly, Hermans solves those counterexamples to Rubach's hypothesis by postulating that Nsg simply does not contain yer. The absence of yer means that there is no CL because nothing is to delete. It is obvious that this absurd claim is easily refuted by examples like chlieb, mráz, kôň, kôš, pýr, prút, úl etc. with long root vowel. Also, Rubach's postulate that in Gpl there is underlying yer causing CL when deleted is infirmed by comparing Gpl with Czech where the same underlying yer shoud be present and should cause CL. But in Czech we have numerous examples with brevity in Gpl like krav, stran, bran, vod, zim etc. Also, Herman's absence of underlying yer in Nsg in contrast with length in Czech dým, prám, kůl, lék and tens of other examples. It is clear that both Rubach's and Hermans' presumtions are just ad hoc hypotheses not supported by data. Moreover, Hermann does not distinguish between the lexical material from different levels of historical development, so he uses examples like Nsg Gsg liter litra "litre" and bobor bobra "beaver" as an ilustration of Opacity problem where lengthening does not take place if the putative yer is located in the root domain. Hermans expects that if the an iflectional ending 295 of Gsg is added, the yer is retained in the form of a long vowel, so **lítra, bôbra. (Hermans 1999:77). But this is not what we observe. To solve this, Hermans uses ROOT LIN constraint stating that "the linear order of two underlying segments that are both located in the root morpheme is preserved, whereas the linear order of two underlying segments, on of which is located in an affix, can be changed" (Hermans 1999:77). This constraint is then incorporated into the ranking of other constraints. Again, this solutions misses the point. Although I agree that consonant clusters are broken by a vowel and are avoided in a certain occasion. But comparing liter and bobor is just a put everything into one bag and compare method. Bobor is is a Proto Slavic word with problematic etymology * bobrъ/bebrъ/b brъ while liter is a borrowing from French litre via German Liter recorded from about 17th century. Slovak liter could be borowed as unchanged from German. It is therefore absurd to compare those two words of different origin, suppose that both consonant clusters behaved in the same way. Hermans proposes that CL has nothing to do with mora preservation but it is basically a segmental faithfulness from the point of OT. An OT solution to CL was also proposed by Sumner (1999). She analysed CL in Colloquial Tehrani Farsi where the loss of glottal stop in various syllable positions causes CL of the syllable nucleus. The basic structures are: CVȤ > CV: CVȤC > CV:C CVCȤ > CV:C CVC 1C2> CVC 1 As seen, the positon of glottal stop does not influence the presence/absence of compensatory lengthening. Neither the presence or absence of consonant cluster is not important for the CL. The only requirement is that glottal stop should be in coda position then it is deleted. Sumner posits a constraint *GLOTTAL: No glottal consonants should be present in the output. 756 For CL mechanism, she also postis BIPOSITION constraint stating that an output segment representing two input segments must be linked to two prosodic positions. Should we have the input C 1V2C3Ȥ4 where segments are subscripted, the BIPOSITON constraint requires that the candidate C 1V2,4 C3 should be bimoraic. As seen, CL represented here is actually coalescence of two segments. Therefore, deleting of glottal stop is prevented by MAX constraint. Candidate C 1V2,4 C3 with no lengthening does not meet BIPOSITION constraint. 756 Sumner 1999:537. 296 C1V2( )C 3Ȥ4 BIPOSITON MAX seg C1V2,4 ( )C 3 C1V2( )C 3 !* C1V2,4 ( )C 3 !* 10.1.7.1.10.1.7.1.TheThe opacity problem Langston 2003:1976 pointed out to the opacity problem with the description of South Slavic lengthening but the problem applies also to West Slavic CL. Opacity involves generalizations that are not surface apparent or or not surface true. 757 Concerning CL, the opacity problem involves e.g. lengthening of a vowel before voiced consonant. The conditions of the *bogъ > OCz bóh lengthening are not apparent on the surface. From the underlying form (1) yer must be deleted (2). Then, resyllabification must happen so that the original second syllable onset would become a first (and only) syllable coda and the coda must become moraic by WBP (3) and subsequently the mora must be reassociated to the nucleus (4): The conditions of lengthening are opaque because WBP (coda consonants are moraic) is hidden on the intermediate level. Phonological opacity can also be observed when the surface phonological pattern in some forms is contradicted by other forms. As we will see in the next chapter, the obvious problem represent Gpl of a stems. Phonological opacity can be easily solved by a rule ordering but it represents a problem for the classical OT which is surface oriented. Therefore, alternative variants of OT must be proposed, as seen below. 757 McCarthy 1999:332. 297 10.1.7.2. Chain shift Shaw (2007) proposed that CL could be described as a parallel derivation in chains which are formed by gradual improvement of a previous optimal output. Each link of a chain must have an output more optimal than the preceding one and this improvement must be done by a single constraint only. The basic idea of OT CC (Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains) 758 is that each candidate is not formed by a single form but as a chain of forms. The first member of a chain must be fully faithful to the input and the following forms must gradually accumulate differences. Chain forms are locally optimal. The difference between classic OT and OT CC is that the former one provides only two levels of representation: input and and surface output. In OT CC, the serial chain links are gradually improving their output. Structure which is not in the input is build up as the links continue. A chain in OT CC begins with the fully faithful candidate a candidate that does not violate any faithfulness constraint. 759 Each link gradually gets one faithfulness violation or a local unfaithful mapping (LUM). Precedence constraint (PREC) evaluates the ordering of LUMs. Shaw analysed CL in Komi Ižma language (Uralic) where the CL is ov CVC type. As the tableaux are complex, I refrain from adducing them here. The important point is that OT CC approach can solve the opacity problem. 10.1.7.3. DOT and Stratal OT Apart from Standard Theory, CL was also solved by the modified OT which combine cyclicity. Two basically the same methods have been used, DOT 760 analysis and Stratal OT. Phonology and morphology are stratified as in Lexical phonology. Strata/levels (stem, word, postlexical) are formed by a system of parallel constraints. Output of each morphological operation is submitted to the phonological constraints on its stratum stem must be faithful to the phonology of stems, words to the phonology of word and phrases to the phonology of phrases. 761 Constraints interact paralelly and the output is transparent. Strata, on the other hand, are derived serially. Moreover, phonology and morphology are mutually 758 McCarthy 2007:60. 759 Steps described in McCarthy 2007:61. 760 DOT (Derivational Optimality Theory) has been developed by Rubach (1997, 2000, 2003). The basic idea is that withing OT paradigm there are derivation levels. The number of those levels is minimal, they are minimally different ranking. The output of the lower level serves as the input to the higher level. The numbor of rerankings is minimal and the number of constraints is also minimal. Rubach posited three derivational to describe the glide insertion in Czech and Slovak. 761 Kiparsky Redup. 298 influenced. For example, if a suffix is attached to a base, the base must have a certain phonological property which need not be faithful with the underlying form. Opalińska (2004) applied DOT analysis to the CL in Old English. She sticked to moraic theory and dealt with Gsg * feoxes > fēos "money", which is a CL from contraction, and Gsg *feorxes > fēores "life" being a CL from consonant. So e.g. for the former example Opalińska proposes that at the level 1 a mora is assigned to the sonorant consonant when Max C dominates *Ons x762 : 763 Level 1: WBP > Max C > *Ons x , Dep WBP Max C *Ons x Dep f(eo) r .xe s * * f(eo) r.xe s *! * f(eo) r.e s *! fe o .re s *! * The most harmonic candidate feor.xes with moraic "r" serves as the input to level 2 where constraints are reranked. Constraint *Ons x now dominates Max C so that the optimal candidate fēores is prefered: Level 2: *Ons x >Max >WBP >Max C *Ons x Max WBP Max C fe o r.xe s * fe o r.xe s *! * * f(eo) r.e s * * f(eo) r .xe s * Stratal OT developed by Kiparsky seems pretty the same as DOT with the respects of levels/strata. The method has been applied by Kiparsky 2009 to the CL in Finnish. The important observation is that CL depends on resyllabification. This is the fact which is often forgotten, especially in Slavic situation. As I apply Stratal OT in my own analysis, I refrain from adducing Kiparsky's examplex. 762 No fricative in onset. 763 Opalińska 2004:246 247. I modified the tableaux for the sake of simplicity. 299 10.2. CL in Slavic CL in Slavic is the CVCV type. The process depends on: 1. the nature of vowel only mid vowels e, o are lengthened; 2. the nature of the consonant; 3. the original accentual paradigm. From the typological point of view, the CVCV CL is more often diachronically (Kavitskaya 2002). The situation similar to Slavic can be observe e.g. in Middle English, Hungarian, Estonian, Korean, also in Nilotic language Dinka or Voltaic language Baasaar (see Kavitskaya 2002:104 for literature). 1. Only mid vowels *e, *o undergo lengthening in most Slavic languages, although in peripheral areas (Kashubian) also high vowels can be lengthened. I agree with Kavitskaya (2002:130) that Late Proto Slavic mid vowels are reflects of original short vowels while the peripheral (high and low) vowels reflected long ones or diphtongs. Therefore, *e and *o can only be lengthened. 2. Compensatory lengthening generally occurs before the voiced obstruent, so CV 1DV yer > CV 1D, although various other observations have been proposed. 3. Even if alternative suggestions have been done, it seems that CL generally occurs in former APc although APb is also taken as a paradigm where CL can be observed. 10.2.1. TypologicaTypologicall parallels to the CL in Slavic 764 Comparatively similar to Slavic situation is CL in Friulian. In CV 1CV 2 structures the unstressed V 2 vowels (except "a") were lost giving rise to the CL of preceding stressed V 1. The Friulian vowel system develops from Vulgar Latin. Vulgar Latin lost all the length differences. The new phonological contrast in Friulian can be seen in masculines and feminines: 765 masc. fem. ló:f lóve "wolf rú:t rúde "pure" fré:t fréde "cold" beá:t beáde "blessed" After the loss of final vowel in masculine forms leads to the lengthening of preceding vowel with subsequent resyllabification and devoicing of the final consonant. Hualde (1990:37) adduces the classical explanation of the CL development: 1. the voicing and fricativization of Latin intervocalic stops: lupum > lobu > lovu "wolf" 764 Hualde 1990; Prieto 1992, Repetti:1992. Kavitskaya 2002:108 117. 765 Hualde 1990:32. Length is marked by a colon, acute means stress. 300 2. the lengthening of the vowel that precedes the voiced obstruent: lobu > lo:vu 3. the loss of unstressed final vowels other than a: lo:vu > lo:v 4. the devoicing of word final obstruents: lo:v > lo:f Hualde suggests an alternative explanation in which the deletion of final vowel prededed the lengthening of the stressed vowel: 1.Voicing of stops: lúpu > lóbu > lóvu "he wolf"; lúpa > lóba >lóva "she wolf" 2. Loss of nonlow unstressed final vowels: lóvu >lóv; lóva > (rule does not apply) 3. Lengthening of stressed vowels followed by a word final obstruent: lóv >ló:v; lóva > (rule does not apply) 766 The lengthening also occurs before sonorants: palu > pá:l "stick", pilu > pé:l "hair" but not if the original sonorant was geminated: mille > míl "thousand", valle > vál "valley". 767 Hualde interprets the CL in Friulian as the combination of initial stress and a following voiced consonant supported by the tendency for vowels to be phonetically longer before a voiced consonant. Interestingly, Hualde posits a three moraic constraint on rime complexity the number of morae within a syllable cannot exceed three morae. 768 So if the vowel was followed by a geminate (which was moraic), the nucleus in the new syllable cannot be long because it could exceed the total amount of morae within the word. This interesting result has, as we will see, the important implication for the description of Czech quantitative system. The compensatory lengthening in Friulian, as interpreted by Hualde, can be seen as a mora insertion and simultaneous conservation of the total mora count in the segmental matrix. 769 /rud/ /rude/ The lenghtening process is due to the devoicing of final obstruents and successive mora reassociation: 766 Hualde 2002:37 38. 767 Hualde 2002:39. However, Prieto (1992:227) admits that the contrast between geminates and non geminates in final position would be unstable and tended to be rapidly neutralised. 768 Hualde 2002:40. 769 Hualde 1990:43 44. 301 An alternative explanation to Friulian CL was suggested by Prieto (1992), mainly backed on Hayes (1989) parasitic delinking concept: 770 The process from Classical Latin: mele "honey" to Late Latin mjéle and further Friul. míl is described by vowel loss. First, Late Latin form undergoes vowel deletion and parasitic delinking: Then, CL and vowel change results in the output form míl: Basically, the non low final vowel deletion is triggered by restructuration of the weight units. Then, vowel lengthening due to the parasitic delinking occurs. A similar explanation for Friulian CL was provided by Repetti (1992) who rightly counts with the resyllabification of the final consonant. So after the CL, when the form *m l occurs, the final consonant is resyllabified (the process which is unclear because "l" remains in the same syllable but according to Repetti ist just share the nucleus mora, so becomes moraic). 771 This is a problem because Repetti thinks that the final coda which is neutralised in voice (la:t) is underlyingly moraic because of the feminine láde where the consonant is simply vocalised due to to voice environment. 772 I agree with Repetti that the long vowel must be (or to be precise, must have been) followed by the voiced consonant before CL but after it the +voice feature was lost in final position. The situation in Friulian was also dealt with Kavitskaya (2002:108 117). However, she does not seem to bring anything new to the explanation. She just copies the well known 770 Prieto 1992:234. 771 Repetti 1992:166. 772 Repetti 1992:171. 302 typological finding that long vowels are phonetically longer before voiced consonants and interprets the CL in her theory of phonologizaton of the inherent vowel duration after the change in syllable structure (see below). Having showed that here are two factors that trigger the CL the inherently long root vowel before D being supported by stress: C V1 : DV 2, she 773 explains the CL due to the phonologization of the inherent length in V1 after the loss of V 2. Two other typological parallels to Slavic CL can be mentioned. Andersen 1990 described the quantity in two Western Nilotic languages, Päri and Dinka. T While Päri has binary length contrast short:long, Dinka developed a ternary length contrast: short V, medium VV and long VVV. The difference in length between two languages is due to the CL: CVC V: Päri: pàl´à "knife x CVVC: Dinka : páal ; CVVC V: Päri : tièn ò "evening", CVVVC: Dinka: te o en .774 Hungarian situation is also similar to the Slavic one because short high vowels are deleted: *wizi > vīz "water", *ludu > lūd "goose". 775 The important difference between CVCV CL type and other types is the change from open syllable structure to closed syllable. 10.2.2. Conditions of CL in Slavic Compensatory lengthening in Slavic is a phenomenon reflecting the original CVCV yer structure visible in masculine o stems. Traditionally, the processes of lengthening, as in Cz. bůh, stůl. are interpreted as compensatory lengthening but the conditions are much more complex. It is clear that the motivation for CL is connected with the loss of final weak yer but the situation is complicated by the irregular geographical distribution, the complicated lengthening under neoacute and former circumflex as well as the influence of final coda in the newly formed monosyllable CVC. Generally, several conditons of CL in Slavic can be postulated (repeating): geographical distribution: CL is not observed in the periphery of Slavic territory: Polabian, Kashubian, Macedonian, Russian. restriction of vowel: only mid vowels e/o are lengthened CL is limited to former APb and APC forms (I postpone the discussion if under APb there is a true CL 773 Kavitskaya 2002:113. 774 Andersen 1990:17. 775 Kálmán p:64 in Benkö & Imre 1972. 303 the nature of intervening consonants CL can be influenced by voiced obstruents, this condition is geographically limited retraction of stress in APb, retraction of stress and rise of neoacute are sometimes connected with lengthening intonation CL does not happen in former APa paradigms and if we observe lengthening there, it is not CL but the origin of length is different 10.2.3. Areal distribution of CL Timberlake (1983a,b) thinks that Slavic CL underwent also in APa, APb and APc, so in all zero forms of the originan three accentual paradigms. According to the conditions and results of CL, he divides Slavic territory into seveal zones: West Slavic Southern subzone Slovak, Czech, Upper Sorbian Northern subzone Polish, Kashubian, Slovincian, Polabian (no traces of CL) Lower Sorbian obscure traces of CL South Slavic Southeastern subzone Bulgarian, Macedonian Northwestern subzone Slovenian, Štokavian, Čakavian East Slavic Southwestern subzone Ukrainian, Southern Byelorussian Northeastern subzone Central and Northern Byelorussian, Russian (no CL) CL divides Slavic into two areas: in Slovenian, Štokavian, Čakavian the CL occurs more in APc, in Ukrainian and souther Byelorussian more examples of CL can be observed in APb. The mechanism of CL should generally be as follows: the change of quantity to quality lead to the situation that there was no phonemic opposition in quantity. There were only allophonic quantitative differences, partially due to the accent (distinction of accent but no phonemic distinction of quantity). Tense vowels were shortened n final syllables and in polysyllabic forms. That change lead to the rise of phonemic quantity lax vowels contra long, long vowels due to the contraction and CL. Neoacute here means the retraction from stressed yer. In Slovenian, Štokavian, Čakavian the acute on tense vowels was allophonically shortened. Neoacute on lax vowels (identified with short acute) or tense vowels (pretonically) acquired phionemic quantity and the opposition short acute+short neoacute x long neoacute occured. Circumflex on tense vowels was interpreted as long intonation, circumflex on lax vowels was interpreted as short intonation. Those changes resulted in the rise of quantity. 304 Ukrainian, Southern Byelorussian merged acute and circumflex and neoacute did not cause the rise of phonemic quantity. Russian Leka dialects have two "o": the tense from acute (kor va) or neoacute k n. It means that until fall of yers there was still accent distinction, acute merged with neoacute. In West Slavic territory there are three areas of different development Polish, Kashubian, and Slovincian merged acute and circumflex on tense vowels with subsequent shortening. Czech shortened circumflex on tense vowels while acute on tense vowels remained long. Neoacute was on both lax and tense vowels. Such situation lead to the reorganization of the accent system and the rise of phonemic quantity. In Upper Sorbian, neoacute did not lead to the rise of phonemic quantity but there was still accentual contrast at the time of neoacute rise. Summary of Timberlake's approach: rise of allophonic length development of neoacute rise of phonemic quantity+redevelopment of accentual system: Polish, Kashubian, Slovincian, Slovak, ?Czech, USorbian, Ukrainian, Southern Byelorussian merging of acute and circumflex; Slovenian, Štokavian, Čakavian, Central and Northern Byelorussian, Russian merging of neoacute and acuteowels a vowel acquired length in proportion to the phonetic reduction of the yer in the following syllable, length of the strong vowel adjusted dialectally for the immediately following consonant according to the sonority hierarchy (p. 314). consonant effect during CL only West Slavic and Ukrainian, Southern Byelorussian dialectal isoglosses CL not under neoacute from Slovak (none), Czech (restricted by consonants), Upper Sorbian (unrestricted), North Čakavian (only before sonorants) South Čakavian (before sonorants and voiced obstruents) Problems: it is not clear why the intonation should be phonemic but length allophonic the rise of phonemic length due to the loss of years does not seem to be in connection with intonation why only e, o were lengthened under CL it suggests hierarchy of o, e >>other vowels but it is not clear what this hierachry reflects (p. 317). Ukrainian, Southern Byelorussian + Upper Sorbian restriction due to the phonological system at the fall of the years they had phonemic opposition of quantity on tense for those mid vowels, at the fall of yers the phonetically lengthened mid vowels > long. Slovak CL only under neoacute because e, o and yers were only short vowels occuring under neoacute. Czech has also this hiearchy, 305 although it is not clear why they are lengthened when experimental studies show that high vowels are more liable to lengthening. Let's look more at the CL and related quantity development in West Slavic 776 : Slovak 777 APb long, no influence of intervening consonant k l kola, st l stola, v l vola, k š koša, n ž noža, k ň koňa, b b b bu, kn t, p st APc short (exception b l, b r ), med, bok, stroj, most, stoh, lov, also originally long bes, hrad, vlas, kvet APa short dym, kraj, hnev, ded, mak Czech 778 APb long, according to Timberlake CL without limit because Old Czech reflects lentgh, so standard stůl, kůň, nůž, dvůr but bob, koš, sko , OCz kóš, skót APc long before sonorants and voiced fricatives bůh, důl, hnůj, dům, vůz; short before voiced stops and voiceless obstruents rod, med, led, brod, most, nos, rok, bok APa long, mráz, mák The situation in Czech is notoriously difficult. I partially discuss Czech data below and in a great detail in the next chapter which is devoted to Czech length. Upper Sorbian 779 APb long, no influence of intervening consonant kóń, měd, kłós APc long, no influence of intervening consonant hłós, hród CL also on strong yers Here the situation is also more complex. Long ó, ě are in stressed syllables (fixed initial stress) but also in unstressed position (irrelevant of accentuation we jstwě "in the room", njewě "does not know". 780 After a depalatalised spirants and "c" there is a change "ě>y" syno "hay", cydžić "strain" (<* cěditi ) According to Rytarowska (1927:81) there is no influence an intervening consonant on CL. Rytarowska thinks that CL was previously unconditioned with regard to the consonant. While Polish developed brevity before the unvoiced consonants and secondarily devoiced 776 modified according to Timberlake. 777 Timberlake 1983: 211. 778 Timberlake 1983:212. 779 Timberlake 1983:213. 780 Schaarschmidt 1997:82. 306 consonants (after the loss of yers) due to the analogical transfer of brevity from the oblique cases, Upper Sorbian preserved the original state. The proofs for that claim can be seen in the alternation of length in examples like nóž noža/nóža and in brevity of the nouns like doł, dom, drob, łow, row. The short vowel here is thought to be secondary after oblique cases where the CL did not operate. Rytarowska's approach was criticised by Dybo (1963) but his only serious criticism is on Rytarowska's claim that Upper Sorbian "ó" and "ě" are neutralised before labials and velars. This might be a problem for interpreting data but it is not important for our analysis. The important results by Dybo are those that he adduces examples from Upper Sorbian dialects and old grammars which can show different quantitative situation. Special development show the examplex of o stems with strong yer vocalisation (Dybo 1968:64 68). Strong yers show different reflexes depending on the original accentual paradigm. If the noun belonged to the original APb paradigm, strong years are prolonged. Also, weak yers in oblique cases are sometimes vocalised and the thus the paradigmatic forms show alternation of length. *b z b zà > bóz boza; *m ch m chà > móch moha; *s nъ s nà >són sona; *š v š và > šów šowa; p sъ p sà > pós psa; *r tъ r tà > rót rta/rota. Circumflexed forms, on the other hand, have short reflex of strong yers: *l nъ l na >len lenu. 781 Derksen (2008a:126 127) considers the short vowel in oblique cases secondary and tries to explain the long vowel in Nsg also as a secondary development due to the nós nosa pattern. This does not seem probable to me. Moreover, Derksen claims that the long reflex of rising yers are not connected with CL, but with the Kortlandt's lengthening rule of short rising vowels. This forces him to admit that the conditions of that lengthening rule were different in Czech and in Upper Sorbian territory because in Czech we do not have any long reflexes of strong yers in Nsg masculines. Examples like dvéře or méně are of not reflexes of lengths in yers. The former examples is emphatic and dialectal, the latter one is morphologised adverbial form. It has nothing to do with Upper Sorbian length in Nsg masculine o stems. The problem with Timberlake's claim is also his simplification of data. APb o stems might be long or short: chróst, drěn, thór thórja, wósk, dwór, kóń, nóž but blen, dešč , APc might 781 Other examples adduced by Dybo are from i stems, e.g. *v š v ši >woš wšě; *r ž r ži > rož ržě. 307 be also long with short doublets: hłod, hłos/hłós ,hród, kłos prćh, smród włos/włós, žłob. The situation is by no means so straightforward. East West development of CL according to Timberlake: CL in APb not APc (Slovak) >>Morava??>>CL in APb (without limits), CL in APc (restricted) >> CL in APb and APc Unsolved problems are the Moravian shortening (of APa, e.g. mak, hlina ) and SW Czech overlengthening (also in former APa, e.g. slína, kráj ) Polish 782 oppositon ó o, ą ę; intervening consonant constraint length before voiced obstruent/sonorant, no length before a voiceless consonant: krój kroju, wódz wodza, łów łowu, dąb dębu sok, bok, pot, nos Dialects bžyk bžegu, chlyp chleba, grot, got (had), kroj Old Polish (reflects the state before neutralisation ó,o_N, standard dom but OPol dóm/dom, kóń/koń (Gonschior 1973). Compensatory lengthening in Polish has been traditionally observed before voiced obstruents. Ābele (1925 1926:437 438) thought that the length could become due to a sort of diphtongization: before voiceless obstruent the vowel was short and before the loss of final yer the final consonant could create a diphtong. After the loss of yers the, the second part of a diphtong (the consonant, as Ābele thinks) was lengthened. Later, long consonants could be shortened length of the syllable variously levelled. Before a voiced obstruent, the vowel could have been longer and was therefore prolonged. This is the explanation of bóg x bok examples in Polish. However, Ābele was not able to explain Old Polish lengths as czaas , laas, prooch and is willing to accept lengthening before voiceless obstruents. On the other hand, she points out on the similarity of Gpl a stem both are zero forms. Koneczna 1934 (quoted by Długosz Kurczabowa 2006) considered the lengthening before voiced obstruents as an inherent process. Lengthening before unvoiced obstruent should have also be active but the vowel was not inherently longer in that position. So e.g. *nosъ would develop into *noo s with a phonetic half long vowel (the half mora would be transfered from the weak yer) but the length was not satisfactory enough to become 782 Timberlake 1983:213 214. 308 phonological. The puzzle which arises here is again the silently supposed half mora yer whose deprived vocalic quality caused it to be lost but whose moraicity was still strong enough to be transfered. The mechanism of lengthening before voiced obstruents would probably be as follows: CV 1DV yer sequence developed an inherent lengtening of V 1 before voiced D. After the loss of yer, its moraic torzo was transfered to V 1 and contributed to its "uncompleted two moras" so that the length of V 1 became strong enough to become phonologized. Then, D was devoiced and the original condition of lengthening was lost. While such scenario seems logical, it has several disadvantages. First, it is unclear why such process would happen only before certain voiced obstruents. Forms with velars are lengthened both in Polish, Upper Sorbian and in Czech, e.g. * bogъ (APc) > Cz bůh boha, Pl. bóg boga , USorb bóh boha but Slovak boh boha .. Lengthening before voiced alveolars is dialectally conditioned, e.g. *plodъ (APc) > Cz plod plodu , Slk. plod plodu , Pl. płód płodu , USorb. płód płodu . The USorb. lengthening before unvoiced alveolar (płót płota), apart from Cz. plot plotu, Slk. plot plota and Pl. płot płotu, might be explained as analogy or as an internal Upper Sorbian process but in my opinion, this is just the rough and ready solution. It is unclear to me why the same inherent and add the half mora lengthening which should have happened everywhere in West Slavic would phonologize only certain structures. Concerning nasals, as Długosz Kurczabova (2006:101 104) notes, the lengthening is still preserved in Old Polish, so * domъ (APc) > *doom > d m > NPol dom; *konь (APb) > *kooń > k ń > NPol. koń. In Polish tradition (e.g. Topolińska 1964), CL is a phenomenon resulting from the yer weakening. The original distribution (long vowel in a closed, syllable, short in an open syllable) has been erased by the morphological processes (which is often a synonyme for analogy). Kashubian also lengthening of high vowels, apart from middle ones: bř÷g břegu, m d m odu, dNjb dąba, sïn sƽna, gřïb gřƽba, noga n g, baba bωb, 10.2.3.1. Criticism of Timberlake: Czech situation Timberlake (1983:212) claims that CL in Czech is notoriously complex and there are counterexamples for every possible generalisation. According to him, former APc show CL before sonorants and voiced fricatives ( bůh, důl, hnůj, dům ) and not before voiced stops and voiceless obstruents ( rod, med, brod, most, nos, rok, bok ). There are counterexamples like 309 Silesian ruh, zvun, rud, luj (which may be of Polish influence, although Central and Southern Czech also reflect luj ), but also Western Czech area (Roudnice, Rakovník) růh, Old Czech rój , large areas of Czech and Moravian territory have short loj . Former APb o stems should be prolonged no matter what consonant was before the final yer stůl, kůň, nůž, dvůr but bok, koš, roj. However, Old Czech records kóš , South Western Czech dialects kůš, růj . Contrary to Timberlake, I do not see those differences as a proof that CL developed under in APb across any consonant and in APc only before sonorants and voiced fricatives. It does not explain why we have doublets in Old Czech:APc blesk/blésk, kyj/kýj, rov/róv, roh/róh, věk/viek . In my opinion, we must also take into account quantity difference in APa, where no CL could not operate standard Czech and Czech dialects mák, mráz, hrách, pláč , but mak, hrach, plač (Morava) and jíh, plouh, kráj (South Western Czech dialects). I do not agree with the deus ex machina explanation of analogical development which solves nothing. The situation becomes complicated when we start to observe how o stems behave in paradigms. Then, we cannot understand the difference Nsg Gsg stůl stolu but kůl kůlu , although both words with almost the same syllabic structure belonged to APb and underwent CL in Nsg. Again, the explanation due to analogy is purely ad hoc because it is not comprehensible why the same analogy could not operate in dvůr, nůž, kůň > Gsg** dvůru, **nůže, **kůně . The similar "differently generalised" situation is in Slovak, where we have stôl stola, kôl kola but bôb bôbu but in Czech bob bobu . The same principle can be observed in Upper Sorbian where the situation is complicated by the fact that APb masculines containing root yers also undergo CL and merge with other words of similar type, e.g. són sona "dream", móch mocha "moss" like nós nosa "nose". 10.2.4. Slavic CL in Rule ordering Kenstowicz (1994:74 78) took CL in Slavic as one of the rule in the sequences of other rules. Polish examples like Nsg nos "nose", koš "basket" Npl nosi, koše do not show any change in structure. But Nsg vus "cart", nuš "knife" and Npl vozi, nože are examples of final coda devoicing. Final obstruent alternates between voiced and unvoiced alophones. It is clear that the underlying consonant is voiced, so the rules describing vus vozi devoicing situation can be stated as follows: [ sonor] > [ voiced] /__# [ sonor] > [+voiced] / V__V 310 This is the change z >s or ž >š. But there is also change o>u in Nsg so Kenstovicz postulates raising rule: [ cons, +back, low] > [+ high] /__ [+cons, +voiced. nasal] # Kenstowicz thinks that this rule must apply before devoicing rule because raising depends on the voicing contrast. So the rule sequences are as follows: /#voz#/ UR vuz raising vus devoicing No matter how elegant the rule sequences can explain the situation, the problem remains why the rising operates also before voiced consonants without any devoicing, like Gpl of pole "field" which is pul. So Kenstowicz is forced to admit that the situation that he describes is not a natural phonological category and the alternation that he describes is synchronically incomprehensible and must have the origin in the history of Polish. 10.2.5. Bethin's solution of CL For Bethin 1998, compensatory lengthening in Late Proto Slavic is a phonological change occuring in bisyllabic domain. The mechanism of CL is basically the mora preserving structure, being reasociation ofn the moraic tier in a bisyllable domain: 783 Bethin (1998:96 104) backed heavily on the Timberlake's data and interpretation but she takes CL as a process in the rise of the bisyllabic domain in Late PSl dialects. Bethin interprets CL as a dissociation and reassociation on the moraic tier in a bisyllabic domain. North West Slavic (Polish and Kashubian) which have the voiced consonant effect should interpret bimoraic syllables as a syllable weight contrast σ : σ . So what was important was not the length of a vowel or a liquid but the total weight of a syllable. Bethin interprets neoacute differentely according to dialectal conditions. As said earlier, Bethin interprets Late Proto Slavic oxytona as forms with H tone on the final syllable. South 783 Bethin 1998:99. 311 Slavic retraction should be as the dissociation of H tone and its reassociation to the preceding mora. 784 The result is a long rising neoacute if the target syllable is long, e.g. Čakavian Gpl vlás or a short rising intonation if the target syllable is short, e.g. Slovene kònj. For Bethin, this is the proof that South Slavic maintain the length opposition after the retraction. Northern Slavic had the stress retaction because shorthening of acute and identification of circumflex intonation as stressed lead to the prominence as an interpretation of stress. 785 Concerning CL in West Slavic, Bethin interprets it as a lengthening before a stressed short vowel (pretonic lengthening) which occured as a support to use quantity for a trochaic metrical foot, so 786 CV 'CV yer > 'CV Cyer . The subsequent retraction of stress should support the trochaic pattern. 787 10.2.5.1. Criticism of Bethin This conception presupposes two stages of development. First, the pretonic lengthening. Second, the retraction of stress. This could basically happen but it does not explain counterexamples like Czech bob, Slovak b b. Bethin heavily backs her analysis on Timberlake (1983) and Feldstein 1978. Although she claims that the so called neoacute lengthening was different from the real CL under circumflex, her only distiction from the two authors is that Bethin does not count with the tone distinction in North East Slavic. I cannot accept her outcome of acute shortening because it is a mistake which is preserved only by a tradition. On the other hand, I fully accept Bethin's conception of the bisyllabic domain. Although Bethin's opinions on PSl intonations seems outdated to me, her explanation (1993:231) of neoacute as a pretonic lengthening before a stressed short vowel in order to mainatin a metrical foot sounds very positive. 10.2.6. CL due to the listenerlistener orientedoriented view Kavitskaya (2002) developed a phonologization model of CL using listener oriented view. She claims that the loss of a segment causes the phonetic lengthening of a neighbouring segment and the speaker interprets it so. As for CVCV CL, which concerns us most, the mechanism is as follows: 788 the first open syllable is is parsed a long and the second one interpreted as phonologically short. When the final fowel is deleted, the "lengthened" vowel 784 Bethin 2008:131. 785 The shortening of acute in West Slavic is one of Bethin's shortcomings. 786 Bethin 2008:147. 787 The earlier version in Bethin 1993. 788 Kavitskaya 2002:9. 312 in the new closed syllable is anomalous because it is longer than expected. So the listener parses the longer vowel as intended by the speaker and reinterprets the vowel as phonologically long. The conditions for CL were lost and the phonetic property is therefore hypercorrectly misinterpreted and phonologized both by the listener and a speaker. The result is a long root vowel. For Kavitskaya, the CL does not mean the transfer of length or weight but is reinterpreted as phonologically relevant due to the change of syllable structure (from open to closed) and then lexicalised. 789 Such process is explained in CV 1CV 2 CL in Slavic. Kaviskaya claims that the extra phonetic length is inherently present in V 1 because the vowel in open syllable is considered longer than vowels in closed syllables. When the yer (V 2) is lost, the inherent phonetic length is "misinterpreted" as phonologically long during the above mentioned relationship listener speaker. 10.2.6.1. Criticism of Kavitskaya's methodology Slavic situation presents a considerable problem for Kavitskaya. The first shortcoming is the the source of data. Kavitskaya's main source of information is Timberlake (1983) without any reference to alternative approaches. This prevents her to take account the relevant data from dialects and to consider CL in zero grade forms in a broader paradigmatic perspective (see below). To explain the different results of CL in Slavic territory, Kavitskaya again uses her model of inherent long vowels before voiced stops. To prove it, she uses experimental model of phonetic realization of vowels in the different consonantal neighbourhood being persuaded that the situation in Russian is closed enough to vowel length in Slavic dialects which undervent CL (sic!) 790 Of course, there is no proof for such claim. Moreover, Kavitskaya uses the Contemporary Standard Russian variant speakers and although her phonetic experiments support the prerequisite that vowels are phonetically longer before voiced and shorter before voiceless consonants, it does not at all mean that the situation in Russian is similar to the situation of Proto Slavic. Also, although having such phonetic contrast, Russian did not develop CL and quantity contrast similar to West and South Slavic territory. Kavitskaya also does not take into account the fact that not only she uses the standard (codified) variant of Russian but also that it there is more than a millenium between Late Proto Slavic and her Russian speakers. Another peculiarity omitted by Kavitskaya is the fact 789 Kavitskaya 2002:11. 790 Kavitskaya 2002:126 129. 313 that CL in Late Proto Slavic depends on the original accentual paradigms which are, of course, absent from modern Russian as well as the synchronic vowel system (as Kavitskaya itself admits). But the fatal methodological error is the number of respondents (only 3!), speaking standard Russian. It is striking that Kavitskaya projects the results of three idiolects to the situation being on the whole Slavic territory almost one thousand years ago. Now, why just mid vowel should be longer before voiced consonant in CVDV were interpreted as longer. Kavitskaya argues that the lengthening is connected with the fall of yers connected with the newly closed syllables containing inherited mid vowels and new mid vowels from the even numbered yers. If I understand Kavitskaya well, she expects that the old mid vowels would be quantitatively treated differently than new mid vowels originating from strong yers. But first the situation is simpler, the strong yers could be lowered later than the lengthening of original mid vowels. Also, the situation in Upper Sorbian contradicts Kavitskaya's premise because CL also occurs in structures with strong yers. Concerning the dependance of CL on the original accentual paradigms, Kavitskaya argues that vowels under the falling accent were phonetically longer than vowels under the rising accent. 791 The accentual system of Kavitskaya is based on a modification of the Bethin's system (Bethin 1998). Kavitskaya hypothesizes that the rising accents were realised over two moras. The short rising accent is centered over a monomoraic vowel, second mora of high tone is realised on the preceding syllable. Pretonic syllable was necessary for the contour because it contained the upward slope to the peak. Using that modification, Kavitskaya explains the absence of short rising initial accent. 792 Acute: short rising long rising 791 Kavitskaya 2002:134. 792 Kavitskaya 2002:136 137. 314 Circumflex: short falling long falling The accentual system presented by Kavitskaya still remains on the position of neo classical accentology: acute is considered as a pitch accent realised on the second mora (instead of being a glottalised feature), she introduces superfluous L tone (* kırva "cow" LHL >Rus. koróva), * g rdъ HLL "city" > Rus. górod .793 She interprets CL as lengthening under neoacute (HH) in former APb paradigms (* ženъ > Slovak žien). CL in West Slavic should therefore be influenced by the intervening consonants under the falling and rising accents and the lengthening should apply under the neoacute.794 If the short rising tone required a pitch rise over two vowels (in two syllables), the reduction of V 2 (yer) lead to the prominence of the rising slope of the V 1. But rising accents should be over two moras, so the monomoraic V 1 would be lengthened so as to meet the condition of rising tone existence. Such situation is to be observed in West Slavic. To sum up, the conditions of CL in West Slavic as presented by Kavitskaya should be presented as follows: 1. in CV 1DV 2 structures, the V 1 are the mid vowels whose source is the original short IE vowels 2. this mid vowel is phoneticaly longer before D 3. if the structure CV 1DV 2 is in APb, the rising tone is realised over V 1 and V 2 being thus two moraic 4. after the loss of V 2 (yer), the rising slope over V1 must be interpreted as bimoraic so as to meet the condition of rising tone. The obvious caveat of this analysis is the fate of weak yers. If the oxytona should have final rising intonation over two syllables, it is troublesome to explain why the yers (which must have been monomoraic originaly) should suddenly reduce to some ultrashort vowels. This is the cliché notoriously repeated in literature without even explaing how the speakers could distinguish short and ultrashort vowel in the pronunciation. The second objection 793 Kavitskaya 2002:138, 139 794 Kavitskaya 2002:144. Neoacute here is considered as a retraction from lost yer to the preceding vowel. 315 against this approach is that Kavitskaya does not discuss the situation of lengthening in APc, e.g. Cz. bůh, dům contra rod, med (discussed by Timberlake 1983) which obviously contradict Kavitskaya's explanation because on the one hand there should be inherent vowel lengthening V 1 before D, on the second hand the intonation structure should be HL and it is not clear why suddenly the HL > HH. Also, the explanation why some consonants with [+voiced] feature (voiced fricatives) influence CL while others (voiced obstruents) did not. Kavitskaya (p. 162 163) explains the length difference between Czech dům and rod as the underlying quantitative difference of stem final vowels. This is nonsense, of course, because first those vowels are root vowels (the stem final vowel is underlying o suffix from o stems), second, it would mean that the vowels have different phonetic quantity before two types of voiced obstruents. To solve such unspoken complications, Kavitskaya proposes that the CL in Czech (as well as in Hungarian) is phonologically conditioned for a certain type of stems which are lexically marked and with later, saving deus ex machina paradigmatic leveling. 795 The heavy reliance on Timberlake's article only prevents Kavitskaya to see the lengthening in Gpl a stem: Cz. hlín , OCz zím , Slovak kráv etc. 10.2.7. Feldstein's Slavic dialectal isoglosses concerningconcerning CL and accompanyingaccompanying proprosodysody changes The important progress in the knowledge of historical development of CL in Slavic was done by Feldstein (1975, 1978, 2007). Feldsteins ideas basically come from those of Jakobson (1963). CL and neoacute is here interpreted as a leftward stress shift 796 because the loss of stressability was the key factor in the definition of weak yers (especially West and South Slavic languages). Destressing also led /or was simultaneously accompanied by their loss. Feldstein, following the ideas of Jakobson, claims that the place of maximal distinction for PSl prosody was on word initial long syllables. Tonal opposition could have been only in the initial syllable, stressed auslaut in APb was redundantly rising. This explanation is quite logical, because Slavic circumflex is defined as a falling intonation only in absolute anlaut of a mobile paradigm. When we have stress in oxytone forms of APb and APc that intonation must have been at least redundantly rising There could have been three prosodic possibilities in the Nsg Gsg of o stems 797 795 Kavitskaya 2002:164. In cotrast, Friulian strems undergoing CL should be determinable phonologically because lengthening occurs only before voiced consonants. According to Kavitskaya (p.161), there is no need in the lexical specification. I consider this explanation arbitrary. 796 Feldstein 1975:65. 316 APa * dy mъ *dy ma acute on the root syllabe APb *stolъ , stola > sto lъ stola , because there was no stress shift from final non yer vowels APc * bôgъ *bôga. alternation with recessive circumflex and oxytones. Forms with recessive circumflex also underwent lengthening. Due to the shortening of final long syllables the distinctive intonation, stress and quantity was eliminated from final consonants. Now there is a question. Old acute in APa was prosodically different from the intonation of APb, so * dy mъ and * sto lъ differed. Stressed vowel in sto lъ had redundant rising intonation. Nevertheles, situation like that stimulated change in prosodic system, because after the stress retraction from final yers in APb and APc the oppositons in word initial syllables started to overflow APa * dy mъ (long, stressed, rising), * sto lъ (stressed, rising) bôgъ (stressed, falling). Solution of the state, according to Feldstein 798 Serbian Croatian, Slovene shortening of acute, rising feature remained, neoacute is long and rising, circumflex long non rising. The system differs intonation: 799 Sln: Nsg pràg Gsg prága "dust" (former APa), stòl stóla (former APb), pr h pr ha (formr APc); S Cr. pr g pr ga, st stòla, pr h pr ha. East Slavic neiher quantity nor intonation is dependent on ictus which is the only distinctive prosodic feature: Rus. poróg porogá , stol stolá, póroch pórocha.Yers in East Slavic were the last to disappear and so there is neither distictive intonation nor quantity there. According to Feldstein, the system with absence of quantity or intonation does not allow the effective culmination of prosodic information on initial syllable. The prosodic changes were closely connected with the chronology of weak yer loss. West Slavic Before the loss of intonation, the word initial long syllables could bear acute, neoacute and circumflex. The systems started to reinterpret quantitative paterns of the three paradigms. In Czech acute and neoacute syllables remained an were reinterpreted as long, circumflex syllables as short. So APa and APb merged and opposed to APc (APa+APb x APc. Slovak and Polish intepreted acute and circumflex syllables as short, neoacute syllables as long, so APa+APc x APb. 800 The only distinctive prosodic feature which survives from 797 I use the standard notation of accentuation. 798 Feldstein 1975:70 74. 799 Data illustrated are mine. 800 Feldstein 1978:365. 317 Proto Slavic to West Slavic is vowel quantity: 801 Cz práh prahu, stůl stolu , prach prachu Slk. prah prahu, sto l stola, prach prachu. Feldstein also supposes that at the time of neoacute there was still a tonal opposition and forms like * sto lъ "table" (APb) and * po lъ "half" (APc) could be interpreted as long, because posttonic yer added another mora to the tonal conture. Should those systems lose final yer or tone, the tonal contour would be lost and distinction of the similar forms of APb and APc would be obliterated. So if either tonal opposition or disyllabicity is lost, the forms merge, because what remains are short vowels in both *sto lъ and *po lъ or the system uses quantity to differ the new monosyllables so as to prevent merging. The language system could prolong short root in APb or in APc to maintain the opposition in Nsg: Cz. půl, stůl but Slk. sto l x pol. According to Feldstein, that is actually the state we observe in Slavic languages and quantitative differences are dialectically conditioned. Nsg APb merged with APc here the system did not use quantitative opposition and vowel lengthening is not automatic in a paradigm but it is conditioned by the quality of final consonant: Pol. kot x wóz . Nsg APb is distinguished from APc. This is the state in Serbian Croatian and Slovene short neoacute remained short, acute was shortened too. So all the rising intonations were reinterpreted as short. Short circumflex was prolonged, long circumflex remained long, so all falling intonation were reinterpreted as long: Sln pràg stòl x pr h; S Cr. pr g, st , 802 pr h In Slovak, neoacute was interpreted as long, circumflex as short 803 : Slk. sto l x prach , From what has been said before, it is doubtful whether we should speak about CL in Nsg o stems. In both paradigms in Nsg final yers were lost but as we can see, the lengthening of a root vowel is conditioned paradigmatically and dialectally. Concerning Short vowel oxytona 804 , Jakobson 1963 saw difference between short vowel stolъ , (APb) and po lъ (APc) is due to phonetic contrast presence or absence of a tonic mark because retraction of stress results in the same ictus. Feldstein agrees with Jakobson that neoacute means the change of ictus but there is also tonal opposition. 805 Should there be a distictive tone at the time of neoacute, forms * stól , *po l shoud be taken as long, because yer would add another mora. 806 Merger of those two forms would be threatened by loss of yer > 801 Feldstein 1975:70. I do not agree with Scheer's categorical claim that there is no connection between Proto Slavic quantity and Czech quantity. I deal with the criticism of Scheer's hypothesis below. 802 Neoštokavian form, Čak. stõ. 803 Feldstein 1978:362 363 804 Feldstein 1978, 359 364. 805 Feldstein 1978:360 361. 806 Feldstein 1978: 361. 318 monosyllabicity, or tonal loss > loss of tonal contour (Feldstein 1978:361). However, it is not quite clear how the final yer that was still present as a phonological entity could add another mora to a preceeding syllable. Also, shoud oposition APb and APc continue, 2 assuptions must be taken into account: there must be tonal oposition and disyllabicity. If any of those assuptions misses, the two paradigms either merge because they both have short root syllables or they remain opposed but another distinctive feature must have been phonologised quantity or free stress (Jakobson 1925? ) In long vowel nouns 807 Czech and Upper Sorbian rising pitch interpreted as length, non rising as brevity. According to Feldstein, in those areas must have still been tone, because APa is different from APc. 808 The difference can be seen in quantity of klín, práh (former APa) and prach (former APc). Polish and Slovak interpreted pretonic APb and APc interpreted as long, acute and circumflex were shortened. (At the time of quantitative redistribution tone was no longer operating (APa and APc merged quantitatively) 809 , klin, prah. In East Slavic 810 the quantitative opposition is lost, but rests of it can be observable in original *e and *o . Reflexes of length (in form of a dynamic stress) can be seen in original TORT groups, moróz x góroch . 10.2.7.1. West Slavic quantitative differences Anyway, the prosodic information on the first syllable of the words contiunes to be transmitted and transformed by means of West Slavic quantitative differences. 811 . Czech and Slovak should retain the pitch opposition in contrast to Polish (length in TORT groups, contrast between prach and hrách), Polish and East Slavic share common short reflexes of TORT groups (proch, póroch, groch, goróch) which means that pitch did not exist at the time of metathesis). 812 Czech and Slovak territories are the result of separate isoglosses: one for the neoacute retraction in long vowel nouns, another for the retraction in the short vowel type. 813 In Czech and Upper Sorbian, the retraction and quantitative redistribution happened before tonal loss in long root nouns but after the tonal loss in short root nouns: 807 Feldstein 1978:365. 808 Feldstein 1978:366. 809 Feldstein 1978: 367. 810 Feldstein 1978:368 373. 811 Also Feldstein 1975:72. 812 Feldstein 1975:74. 813 Feldstein 1978:378. 319 Czech, Upper Sorbian: 1. neoacute retraction to long vowels, shortening of vowels with non rising intonation, 2. change of tone to dynamic stress, 3. neoacute retraction to short vowels; Central Slovak: 1. Neoacute retraction to short vowels, lengthening of vowels with short rising intonation, 2. change of tone to dynamic stress, 3. neoacute retraction to long vowels, shortening of old acute, shortening of circumflex barytonic long vowels 814 Slovak CL: Atlas slovenského jazyka (1968) shows that West Slovak has CL before resonants and voiced fricatives: vúl, bob, núž, vúz, the same development as in Czech. East Slovak merged APb and APc and has CL before voiced consonants : vul, nuž, bub, vuz. The same development can be observed in Polish. Central Slovak, on the other hand, distuinguished APb and APc: vo l, no ž, bo b x voz and the CL operates in APb without any influence of an intervening consonant. Feldstein (1978:381) assigns East Slovak to Lekhitic zone and West Slovak to Czech zone (concerning prosody development). Feldstein also claims that Czech (Czech dialects, to be precise) and Central Slovak are two poles of prosodic evolution. Between them are instances of dialect gradation. 815 10.2.7.2. Isoglosses of CL and prosodic redistribution 816 There had to be separate isoglosses of neoacute retraction and length distribution. The neoacute retraction isogloss to a long vowel goes from west to east reaching to Czech Moravian border 817 , retraction of stress to a short vowel from east to west to Central Slovak West Slovak border. The tone in north of Slovak had been already eliminated. Loss of pitch isogloss goes from the north Slavic area (withouth reaching Serbian and Slovene). Central Moravian and West Slovak would be untouched by any CL at the time of the changing of tone to dynamic stress. Therefore, both territories would have the similar quantitative pattern to Lekhitic: shortening of long APa and APc + merging of short APb and APc. 818 The quantitative development of Moravian dialects share common patterns with Slovak and Polish, at least for long vowel nouns (Feldstein 1978:380). This can be observed especially for APa paradigm which is reflected as brevity both in Moravian and in Slovak and Polish. Concerning the short vowel nouns, Czech and Moravian do not distinguish APb and APc ( bob x pot ) while Central Slovak does ( bo b x pot ). 814 Modified after Feldstein 1978:379. 815 Feldstein 1978:394. 816 Feldstein 1978:382. 817 Feldstein uses the "Hanák" term which is actualy Central Moravian. 818 Feldstein 1978:382. 320 I do not agree with Feldstein's complicated stress retraction. Feldstein must postulate two different retractions, the first one on the short vowel (when the intonations were still distinguishable), the second one on the long vowel (when the intonation contrast had already been lost). Both retractions should operate on the opposite east west and west east direction. 819 However, I agree with him that West Slavic territory still differed accentual paradigms at the time of CL. This is precisely the state we observe, accentual paradigm are transformed into quantitative paradigms. The original accentual paradigm either merge quantitatively or are differed by the new lengthening. As this the next step is the theory of quantitative paradigm, I will leave it to the following chapter. 819 See also Bethin (1993:229 ) for criticism of Feldstein's approach. 321 10.3. Proposed solution of CL 820 Introduction My solution of the problem comes out from two historical approaches and a Stratal OT solution. As Kortlandt 1975, 1994, 2008a and 2009 showed, there were several important changes in the phonological development of Proto-Slavic which lead to the rise of new lengths: rise of the new timbre distinction pretonic quantity rephonemicized: all pretonic vowels were shortened: APc * rNjka > Cz ruka retraction of the stress from final yers (Gpl a stems *gorъ > OCz.hór, Nsg o stems APb *konj >*kón lengthening of short falling vowels in monosyllablemonosyllabless *b gъ > Cz. bůh Kortlandt's lengthening rule: short rising vowels in open first syllables of disyllabic words were lengthenend in Czech and Upper Sorbian *kraɾva >Cz. kráva , USorb. kruwa x Cz. kravami kráva krav < kraɾvъ the rule was posterior to the retraction Dybo's law rightwards protraction of stress and rise of distinctive pretonic length *tra va (APb) >*trāva > Cz. tráva APb x strana APc Bethin 1993, 1998 showed that the phonological changes in Proto Slavic lead to the development of bisyllabic domain: Rising tone acute (long vowels) *kırva , short vowels (at the end of the word) *stolъ , stola Atona default circumflex, only initial syllable *b gъ, g rNj Retention of pretonic length *trāva + shortening of final vowels * ženā > *žena = final syllable is metrically weak > rise of trochaic metricalmetrical foot = the distdistributionribution ofof length within a twotwotwo two syllablesyllable sequence (bisyllabic domain) Mechanisms that can govern (s w) model in West Slavic: stress + length: default initial (APc) stress+length (APa) pretonic length (APb) final stress (APb and APc) Results (Czech examples) APa acute (s w) *kırva >Cz. kráva , * mırzъ > Cz. mráz APc (s w) *storna > Cz. strana , *b gъ > OCz. bóh (CL?) 820 I presented the idea in Sukač 2010a. 322 APb (s w)* trāva > Cz. tráva but * stolъ (w s) > lengthening of pretonic short vowel > stress retraction > loss of odd yer > Cz. stůl (this is "neoacute lengthening") Although Kortlandt's and Bethin's theories are only partially compatible, it is clear that zero forms (here Nsg o stems) of all three accentual paradigms have different quantitative development. I do not accept Kortland's explanation of APb * konj >*kón as too artificial but I am willing to admit Bethin's explanation as the pretonic lengthening because it eliminates Kortlandt's retraction rule and then the unfounded lengthening of the monosyllable. On the other hand, if stress in APb remained unretracted, the disyllabic form would create a domain with pretonic lengthening. After the loss of final yer, stress would be on the first and only syllable by default. As for APc *b gъ, I suppose that the same domain arose here and here is what we would call CL. This CL is conditioned by the character of the obstruent lengthening mostly happen before voiced consonant. But, if we have the original structure CV 1.DV yer , how could the V 1 be lengthened? The first syllable is open and there is phonetically no reason for V 1 to be lengthened before D which is the onset of the second syllable. Supposing that V yer is a reduced vowel, it's loss is not satisfactory to produce a long V 1 because the half a mora is still missing. One could of course suppose that yer's half a mora would be added to the voiced obstruent which would also might have half a mora and then V 1 could have obtained the full mora but I consider such theory rather fantastic. Moreover, after the loss of yert, the whole structure must be resyllabified so that D would become the first and only syllable coda but it means that in the final position D would immediately be neutralized to T. My idea is therefore different. The final yer is lost due to the resyllabification. Then, D obtains a mora and the CL is actually transfer of a mora to V 1. This explains why lengthening occurs before voiced obstruent because the obstruent is moraic. And from the previous chapters we know that obstruents might be moraic in certain morphological structures. In the following lines I propose the Stratal OT analysis of the both APb and APc lengthenings, I only repeat that Stratal OT: assumes multiple stratified constraint system constraints may have different rankings at each level optimal candidate from lower level forms an input to higher level 323 10.3.1. Constraints used HEAD: prosodic word must must dominate Ft no Prw which has not feet in its structure FT BIN: feet are binary in moraic structure PARSE: syllables are parsed ALIGN : Feet are aligned to the syllable/morpheme boundary RIGHTMOST/LEFTMOST: stress+high tone (H) are aligned with the edge of prosodic word HD BIN: Heads are binary under a moraic analysis, weight prominence within a disyllabic foot HD BIM: Head is bimoraic (I propose this constraint for the lengthening or the head in one and only syllable) DEP:no insertion MAX: no deletion CODA: syllables must have coda *ъ/ь: no syllable must contain yer 821 WBP: Weight by position coda consonants are moraic * /C: coda consonants must not be moraic 10.3.210.3.2.. Lengthening in former Nsg APb Cycle 1: Parsing /stolъ / Head Ft Bin Parse ALIGN a.[stolъ ] *! ** b.[(sto.lъ )] c. [sto(lъ )] *! * * d. [(sto)lъ ] *! * * Oxytone must first be parsed so that the metrical structure would be created. Candidate a. is eliminated because it is not parsed at all, candidates c. and d. are parsed only partially. Cycle 2: Rise of bisyllabic three moraic domain /[(sto.lъ )]/ Hd DEP Ft Head Parse ALIGN Bin Bin a.[(sto:.lъ )] * * b. [(sto.lъ )] * The winner b. from the first cycle enters as an input to the cycle 2 where the bisyllabic three moraic domain is created. Although the candidate b. is parsed, it is not faithful to highly 821 Proposed by Rochoń 2000 in her analysis of the yer loss in Polish. 324 ranked Hd Bin because the first syllable is short. Therefore no three moraic domain is created and the candidate is lost. Cycle 3: Stress+High tone retraction /[(sto:.lъ )]/ Leftmost Rightmost Hd DEP Ft Head Bin Bin a.[(sto:.lъ )] * * * b.[(sto :.lъ)] * * * The winning candidate from the cycle 2 enters to cycle 3 where stress retraction occurs. Stress is retracted because in West Slavic the stress normally falls to the first syllable. Candidate a. fails to satisfy the Leftmost constraint and is lost. Cycle 4: Resyllabification /[(sto :.lъ)]/ Coda ALIGN HD Ft Bin Parse Hd Head BIM Bin a.(sto :.lъ) * * b(sto :l)ъ * * c.sto :(lъ) * * * * * * d.(sto :).(lъ) ** * * * Resyllabification in the cycle 4 is influenced by the highly ranked CODA constraint requiring that every syllable would have coda. The candidates a., c., d. fail to satisfy it. Candidate b. does not satisfy ALIGN because the only foot is not aligned with the word boundary. Also, the final yer is unparsed. But b. satisfies highly ranked CODA so must win. Cycle 5: Yer loss (sto :l)ъ *ъ/ь MAX Coda ALIGN HD Ft Bin Parse Hd BIM Bin a(sto :l)ъ * * * b(sto :l) * * * Final yer is lost because the language system does not allow yers therefore, they are generally lost. The loss is because the final yers are unparsed. Therefore highly ranked *ъ/ь eliminates the candidate a. 325 10.3.3. Lengthening in former Nsg APc Cycle 1: Parsing The tableau is the same as in the cycle 1 of APb. The winning candidate is the parsed one and enters as an input to the cycle 2. Cycle 2: Resyllabification /(bo .gъ)/ Coda ALIGN Parse Ft Bin HD BIN a.(bo .gъ) * * b.(bo g)ъ * * * c.bo (gъ) * * * * d.(bo )(gъ) ** ** The rise of the domain is not active here because stress is not at the final syllable. Therefore, resyllabification occurs due to the highly ranked CODA constraint which eliminates candidates a., c, and d. with open syllables. Cycle 3: Yer loss /(bo g)ъ/ *ъ/ь MAX Coda ALIGN Parse Ft Bin HD BIM a.(bo g)ъ * * * * * b.(bo g) * * * Highly ranked *ъ/ь eliminates unparsed yers. Cycle 4: Moraic coda /(bo g)/ WBP * /C DEP HD BIM a.(bo g ) * * * b.(bo g) * * The winner from the cycle 3 now enters as an input to the cycle 4. The interaction of highly ranked WBP and * C is responsible for the moraicity of coda. The candidate b. satisfies * /C but is eliminate by the highly ranked WBP. Cycle 4: Mora transfer /(bo g )/ HD BIM * /C WBP DEP MAX a.(bo g ) * b.(bo g) * * * c.(bo g) * * * 326 The CL is actually mora transfer from the moraic coda to the nucleus. The higly ranked HD BIM requires bimoraicity of the head (in the only syllable). Candidate c. does not satisfy this constraint. Although candidates a. and b. satisfy HD BIM, the former is eliminated by * /C which prohibits moraic consonants. 10.3.4. Former APa Here, of course no "CL" occured. Acute forms, e.g. * klinъ underwent Kortlandt's lengthening rule which corresponds to the Cycle 2 of APb: Rise of bisyllabic threemoraic domain (with initial stress), so ( *klí.nъ). After the resyllabification, yer was lost, both processes in separate cycles. Conclusion In this chapter discussed various approaches to the phenomenon called Compensatory Lengthening in Late Proto Slavic Nsg o stems. The only relevant theories seem to be those which take into account the influence of an obstruent as well as the original accentual paradigm. My analysis shows that what is generally called Compensatory Lengthening is in fact a bulk of separate processes. I argue that the former APa nouns underwent Kortlandt's lengthening rule and after the resyllabification the unparsed yer was lost. Former APb nouns did not correspond to the rise of trochaic system in West Slavic (as shown by Bethin) and they underwent pretonic lengthening. I accept the idea by Bethin (not by Kortlandt) because I do not see any motivation for Kortlandt's claim that stress was retracted from final yer. In my approach, former APb nouns had to undergo pretonic lengthening, stress retraction and resyllabification. I use the method of Stratal OT to describe the process. Former APc nouns also underwent resyllabification but their coda became moraic. After the mora transfer, the nucleus became long. This is why we find lengthening before voiced obstruents. So Compensatory Lengthening process is actually a bulk of separate changes. In the next chapter I will come back to those results and show that this is not the whole story and that the nouns are immediately spread among quantitative paradigms which explains various counterexamples and territorial differences. 327 11. The mystery of Czech length Introduction Modern accentology turned their eyes to West Slavic prosodic systems as well as Czech and Slovak length. The explanations of the origin of Czech and Slovak quantitative patterns is by no means easy. The main caveat in the accentological literature is the use of standard variants of both languages which leads to the misinterpretation and misunderstanding of the quantity of both languages. The development of Czech length in the Czech linguistic literature (limited here to certain categories) has been synchronically dealt either as irregularity without any specification to the noun type (PMČ:256 257) or diachronically within the frame of classical accentology. Classical accentology approach (concepts of metatonies, de Saussure's law, various shortenings and analogical levellings) still dominates in Czech linguistic literature, e.g. HVČ, HMČ, Lamprecht 1987, ČJA 5 and must be considered obsolete and out of date as for anything concerning Proto Slavic accentology and prosody. As I dealt with the situation elsewhere (Sukač 2003) and because the classical pre Stang accentology has not been used for almost half a century anymore, it would be a waste of time to deal with the topic. I only come back to Czech situation in my criticism of Scheer (see below) because Scheer's own criticism of the absence of accentological knowledge among Czech linguists leads him astray and makes him believe that all Czech quantity is secondary. I argue that Czech quantity can basically be distinguished in a derivative and paradigmatic quantiy. Derivative quantity can be a broad term for all quantitative changes occuring during the derivative processes. When I speak about a paradigmatic quantity, I mean the quantitative patterns which we observe in declination of nouns or conjugation of verbs. My discussion below deal with nouns only. 822 822 The chapter develops my ideas from Sukač 2007, 2009b, 2009c, 2010a, 2010b. 328 11.1.The case of "fisherman" Czech rybář "fisherman" is a derivate having one of the allomorph ář . Another alomorph, which is short, can be seen in lékař "doctor". It might be argued that there is a prohibition of two successive long vowel in those derivates. Such phenomenon can be called rhythmicity or rhythmic law and I argue that such situation can be observed not only in certain Czech derivates but also in Slovak and that the Slovak Rhythmic Law and Czech rhythmicity are in principle the same phenomena. Some authors have recently observed rhythmicity in Czech derivational morphology (Bethin 1998, 1998a, Bethin 2003, 2003a, Scheer 2001, 2003, 2004). It was shown that Modern Czech shows regular distribution of quantity in disyllabic domain 823 in certain morphological categories (agentive nouns, hypocoristics, deverbal nouns). Old Czech supports those results. I show that the disyllabic domain also operates in some Old Czech derivates (e.g. nouns with anie/ánie, ař/ ář suffixes). I call that phenomenon "rhythmic law" because it reminds the rhythmic law observed in Slovak. 11.1.1. HistoriHistoricalcal explanation: The second principle of paradigmatparadigmaticic accent The principle of the accentual distribuition in Proto Slavic derivates was described by Dybo (1968) and especially in Dybo (1981) in a great detail. Concerning the * arj denominatives 824 , the accentuation is quite clear in Serbian Croatian and Slovene. If the original noun belongs to accentual paradigm ( a), the Serbian Croatian derivate has also the same paradigm: ml n > ml nār , kr va > kr vār, knj ga > knjižār . Derivates from the nouns originally belonging to APb and APc are accentuated at the ending (from the Gsg): sèdlo > sedlār sedlára, žèna > žènār ženára, m d > mèdār medára, p vo > pìvār pivára. Slovene reflects the similar system as Serbian Croatian but concerning derivates from APa there is a long falling intonation kráva > kr var, césta > c star, slíva > sl var . As for the derivates from APb, the long roots have also the long falling intonation: mléko > ml kar while short roots nouns have the long rising intonation at the ar suffix: kònj > konár, gròb > grobár, kòš > košár . The original forms would therefore be * ko rva > *ko rvārj (APa > A 825 ), * melkò > mélkārj (APb > D), *volъ > volárj (APb > G), *męɵso > *męsárj . As the type G is not distinguished from the type B in Slovene ( volár ~ mesár ), Dybo supposes the retraction of 823 Bethin 1998, 1998a. 824 Dybo 1968:197 200; Dybo 1981:176 178. 825 Dybo's symbols for accentuation of derivates: A acute on the root/stem, D neoacuted on the vowel preceding a suffix with yer, G long rising intonation on the suffix (neoacute type), B stress on the ending. 329 stress to the long root in *męsárj męsārjà (it is mobile) > *męsárj *męsárja and merging with * volárj *volárja . According to Dybo, such situation is confirmed by Czech: D should always have root length: mléko > mlékař, lék > lékař, mýto > mýtař . The problem that Dybo is not able to cope with is the obvious anomaly with A. Derivates from APa should have regular reflects in Czech which is actually missing: kráva > kravař, hlína > hlinař, ryba > rybář, mýdlo > mydlář, mlýn > mlynář. This unexplaining anomaly for the derivates of APa (which is the most stabile paradigm) is hardly understandable. 11.1.2. Kortlandt's explanation Kortlandt (2009:8) claims that the quantitative difference between Cz. pekař which is a derivate from former APc and rybář , which is former APa , is due to the different quantity development of pretonic and posttonic long vowels. Kortlandt thinks that postonic long vowels were preserved as in rybář < *ry bārj . This cannot be true. First, rybář is a perfect anomaly in all derivates from the original APa which all have short suffix , at least from the original a stems: kravař, hlinař, žabař, klikař but rybář . We do not find **rybař in dialects but no one can exclude the possibility that Old Czech had that form because the preserved rybarz which might be interpreted either as rybář or rybař . So one cannot speak about any preservation of posttonic length here. Kortlandt also claims that S Cr. preserved the quantitative distiction between different vowels in suffixes but actually there are no alternations in ār suffix which is always long. Concerning Czech, I am much more inclined to see the quantitative distribution of ař/ář derrivates as more recent due to the rise of rhythmicity. 11.1.3. The criticism of two recent approaches to CzechCzech lenlengthgth:gth : Scheer and Kapović The two extremes of the approach to Czech quantity will be adduced and criticised here Scheer's refusal of any historical continuity of Czech length and Kapović "classical" approach full of analogical developments and rules without any references to modern phonology. 11.1.3.1.11.1.3.1.TemplaticTemplatic conspiracy 11.1.3.1.1. Rhythmicity Rhythmicity in Czech was also studied by Scheer in several articles (Scheer 2001, 2003, 2005). Scheer 2001 tries to show that length of vowel final prefixes depends on the kind of 330 suffix. When a word has a nominal suffix it has a length in prefix and short root. on the other hand, words with verbal suffix have short prefix. Scheer sees the prohibiton of two long syllables in a row (prefix and root) but he does not observe any prohibiton in ání nouns. For him the Czech rhythmic law is paralel to Rhythmic law in Slovak without noticing differences that Slovak RL is both paradigmatic and derivative. Scheer unifies Czech and Slovak rhythmicity that sequence of long vowels are prohibited if one of them occurs in the root (Scheer 2001:37). In his 2001 article Scheer discusses vocalic alternation. He distinquishes vocalised and unvocalised prefixes. Consonant prefixes show zero alternation at the right margin ode brat, bez0 bradý, roze drat roz drobit . Vocalised prefixes shows C0CV root initial cluster, unvocalised prefix CCV root initial cluster. However, this observation is however strictly synchronic, so Scheer does not distinguish between root clusters " br " in brát and in brada . Nevertheless, his synchronic observation shows that there are roots provoking vocalisation of prefix odebrat/odbírat (two variants of the same root) and roots provoking non vocalisation of prefixes bezbradý (Scheer 2001: 38).Vowel final prefixes occur with long/short variant projezdit průjezd. Scheer mixes old forms whose quantity continues from Proto Slavic (zábava zabavit ) with new forms without distinguishing them. It seems corrects that when concerning za /zá prefix, in nouns it is always long ( zábava, zálesák ) but the length in prefix can be of different origin. The results of Scheer's analysis are as follows prefixed deverbative nouns have long prefix ( záliba, základ, záchod ), prefixed verbs are short ( zalíbit, zakládat, zacházet ). Scheer thinks that zábava is denominal because of nominal case ending a (sic!). However, zábava is deverbative and can be traced to Proto Slavic...On the contrast, he adduces zabavení as an example of deverbal noun because of passive participle suffix en 826 , although it is well known that derivivaton of those type of deverbatives need not necesarily go via passive participle. According to Scheer "the entire item za bavení is nominal only because of the second suffix". 827 This is not true because the original suffix * ьje has due to its productivity been fused with preceding n to *nьje > ní. I cannot agree with Scheer that those derivatives must be derived from past participle with en /an suffix and are therefore "deverbal" in his terminology. The verb spáti does not have past participle but verbal substantive is spaní (OCz spánie ) derived with suffix nie >ní, prefixed derivate is zaspání . 826 Scheer 2001:43 827 Scheer 2001:41 331 Scheer adduces 816 nouns having za/zá prefix, 760 of them behaving regularly when deverbal > short prefix, denominals > long prefix. Among nouns that disobey the regularity are, according to Scheer, mixed bag of words like zahrádka, zakázka, zákonitost, zavděk, zásobení, zaoceánský. According to Scheer nouns whose first suffix is ek have long prefix if their root is short and vice versa. So he adduces e.g. zahrádkář contra zástěrkář but those words have different motivation. Scheer mixes ek suffix, originally ьkъ with ka < ъka. It can be true that ka in zásilka, zacházka can trigger long/short prefix but it cannot count for zahrádkář where ář should the suffix triggering the prefix quantity, because we have e.g. záchranář . Because some nouns do not follow the regularity of quantity distribution (according to Scheer words like zásobení , závodění .." where certain roots do not accept short prefix za and some do not accept long prefix zá , like zahrada, zahradní, zahradník , Scheer is forced to consider those roots as quantitatively locked (Scheer 2001:44). An algoritm for a prefixed noun (adapted from Scheer 2001:44) is as follows: Check its last suffix > verbal > short prefix >non verbal >check the first suffix >verbal > short prefix > non verbal > long root vowel > short prefix > short root > long prefix >short root (locked) > short prefix Comparing Czech and Slovak rhythmicity, Scheer comes to a conclusion that the overall weight of the morphological item (affix and root) is constant 3 morae, although for Slovak he also accepts the maximal 3 moraic length (Scheer 2001:46). However, Scheer again adduces mixed bag of rhythmic law examples reflexes of old acute kráva kravou ...with derivates like dělání, vázání , the abnormal behavior of Slovak ár suffix, all of which is unclear to Scheer (also p. 48) and considered to be understood in diachronic term. However, Scheer sees the common ancestor of Czech and Slovak rhythmicity but is inclined to see only rests of the ancient activity. 11.1.3.1.2. Distorted Semitic glasses focus on the Czech templatestemplates Scheer 2003 and 2004 developed a different approach to Czech derivative length. He rejected the term Rhythmic law. The main problem for him is the directionality why Slovak Rhythmic Law causes the second syllable in a row to be shortened, Czech shortens the first one. But should Scheer consulted other Czech data, the examples like cín cínař, mísa mísař, štít štítař are perfect examples or Rhythmic Law. Scheer also does not take into account the 332 fact that the Slovak data are codified so and the Rhythmic Law has actually been a sort of national inspection and modification. Instead of Rhythmic Law it introduced a templatic solution of Czech quantity principles. Even if templates are usually served to Semitic languages, Scheer tries to use "Semitic glasses" to Czech structures. Scheer criticises accentology for not recognising templatic structure in Czech. 828 Although discussing Balto Slavic accentology, Scheer misunderstood it. He mixes classical accentology with post Stang evolution and wrongly attributes metatonical explanation of neoacute to current trends. The reason that Czech historical grammars did not follow development in accentology and remained on metatony like approach from 1920s does not mean that historical explanation and origin of Czech (and West Slavic) quantity must be totally rejected, as Scheer does. Scheer thinks that only Šaur 1995 doubted the traditional metatony approach and since him the intonational rule over Czech length has been questioned. 829 The everything is diachronic and prosodic attitude 830 produced poor results while explaining Czech quantity and Scheers simply throws the baby out with the water and supposes that Proto Slavic prosody is unrelated to the Czech vowel length. However, this is very simplifed rejection of a century work of prominent scholars and ignoring obvious prosodical paralels between individual Balto Slavic languages. 831 Scheer thinks that Czech remained a mystery because alternation of quantity has been explained with a unified rule (which is the historical approach). 832 I agree with Scheer that we have different systems of quantity in Czech, the first one is paradigmatic and the second one is derivative. However, it is not true that those systems were not dealt with. Numerous works by Dybo (e.g. Dybo 1981) dealt with derivative prosody only, paradigmatic approaches were 828 "the ever unquestioned diachronic perspective which relates length to prosodic properties of Comon Slavic is the source of all evil: Czech waters remain muddy unless the diachronic and prosodic prism is obliterated" (Scheer 2003:101). No further comments can be added here. 829 Scheer 2003:104. However, Šaur himself did not follow current trends and was not an accentologist. He just reacted to the state reflected by Czech historical grammar. Metatony was rejected by Stang 1957 and further post Stang development (which has dominated accentology since then) split to Moscow and Dutch accentological schools. The shame that Czech scholars did not follow the trends and remained on classsical explanations does not mean that the problem of Czech quantity remained unexplatined (Dybo 1981, Kortlandt 1975, Verweij 1994, Feldstein 1975, 1978). The fact that metatony has been used, misused and aabusedbused in Czech historical linguistics even up to now is the internal problem of Czech linguistic community and has nothing to do with the general postpost warwar trends in accentology. 830 Term by Scheer:2003:108. 831 Scheer's hasty rejection is of course done without any detailed discussion. For him the "traditional approach" is connected with reflection of Czech quanity with PSL intonations. Scheer puts all the "historical approach authors" into one bag, although some of them have nothing to do with pre Stang approach (e.g. Carlton 1991) or their theory is misunderstood by Scheer (e.g. Halle 2001 whose metatony has nothing to do with classical metatony conception). The so called CVC yer roots which according to Scheer failed to be explained successfully, have largely been dealt with prominent accentologist like Kortlandt, Dybo, Feldstein, Garde and others in numerous works. 832 Scheer 2004:227. 333 solved by Feldstein (1975, 1978). It is true that derivative quantity has been heavily dealt by Bethin, as Scheer hints, but alas, all this is done with Bethin conception of historical development of Slavic prosody (Bethin 1998, 1998a, 2002). Scheer 2003 and 2004 completely rejected his 2001 paper, taking preference to templatic explanation. Having said that his paper was erroneous, he takes the prohibiton of two long vowels in a row as misleading. Scheer analysed corpus of Czech iteratives (minout míjet, ležet léhat etc.) and posits 3 mora constraint because he sees Czech derivates "through Semitic glasses". Templates, which he observes in Czech, put a fixed amount of weight to a morphological or semantical category (Scheer 2003:97).. It means if you want to be a Czech iterative, the total weight of of the syllables is precisely 3 moras. Scheer's synchronic analysis seems to be correct, although he does not distinguisth words of different historical level. No matter how provoking Scheers analysis can be, it does not seem to be widely accepted. The first thing is that templates are typologicaly limited to Semitic languages and it is extremely improbable that any Indoeuropeanist or Slavist would apply it to Indoeuropean syllable structure. Moreover, while Czech iteratives seem to obey 3 mora constraint, other derivates break it, e.g. ař/ář nouns which simply do not follow precise weight as Scheer would posit. Words like metař, pekař, dosař, četař have 2 moras, while rybář, kolář, sáňkař, koulař have 3 moras and, polysyllabics like zahrádkář, náborář, kolotočář, kolovrátkář have even more than 3 moras. Also, while Scheer does not see any quantitative distribution in ání derivates ( dělání, dávání which also break the strict 3 mora constraint), Old Czech and some dialect prove that the distribution of quantity used to be perfectly regular. Even Scheer's non derivate examples are real counterexamples: in žena declension he thinks that the scope of template is root+case marker and again, the templatic weight is 3 moras. Although examples like blána blanách blanami could support this claim, it is perfectly normal to say blána blánách blánami and it remains a mystery why the three mora constraint is broken in those forms. Scheer (2003:109) claims that long endings, Isg ou, Dpl ám, Lpl ách cause shortening of the root vowel ( blána, čára, kráva, díra, hlína ) and that it is well known. Actually, all those examples are former APa forms and underwent Kortlandt's lengthening rule. So in blanou, blanám, blanách there could not be any lenghtening because the suffix was long, therefore, there is no shortening buth the mechanism is quite opposite root does not lengthen because the following syllable is long, so the root vowel was never long in those cases. Moreover, Scheer completely omits examples with long root vowels kroupou, kroupám, loukou, loukám which were always long. 334 Having put the Semitic glasses, Scheer claims that the Czech quantity cannot be predicted historically, that the only attitude to Czech quantity has been "everything is diachronic and prosodic" and produced poor results (quoting only Czech historical grammars which stick to classical pre Stang accentology). This naive approach leads him to omiting the important results of Balto Slavic accentology research during last sixty years, the results that he is obviously not acquainted with. This prevents him to interpret the data correctly and causes him to see them distorted. Alas, some news travel very slowly 833 and bridges between historical linguistics and modern theories are still being too long end even being prolonged. 11.1.3.2. "Modern" classical approach Kapović 2005a, 2005b attempted to solve the development of Proto Slavic quantity into separate languages. His approach characterised by Croatian centrism (although he denies it) and a priori attacks on Kortlandt's theory without even considering them relevant to explain the data. He also neglects results of a lot of scholars (although claiming that "to the best knowledge of the author the problem of Slavic quantity has rarely been discussed in great detail..). 834 His interpretation of Czech data is obsolete. Kapović's ideas were on the one hand adopted by Holzer 2005, on the other hand criticised by Kortlandt 2005. I myself criticised Kapović's approach to Czech data at IWoBA 3 in Leiden (2007) but I did not published my criticism because I did not have a more complex that time. I limit my criticism only to some Czech material because the Croatian data has been discussed by Kortlandt 2005. Kapović still adheres to the classical interpretation of acute as a length and its conservation in Czech, so *kr va > kráva (2005a:76). Kapović completely ignores the fact that he uses data from Standard Czech which is based on the Central Bohemian dialect. The whole Moravian territory has mostly brevity in former disyllabic a stems and o stems, e.g. lipa, mak . The standard Czech situation is simply not representative and distorts the data. Apart from Upper Sorbian reflexes ( kruwa ) the Standard Czech is the only Slavic language which has length in former disyllabic acute a stems so it would natural to consider the length secondary. Kapović thinks that the preservation of the old acute length is limited by the number of syllables (2005a:77), so vrána vranou <*vo rnojNj although the motivation for this process is quite unclear. On the other hand, it should be preserved in trisyllabic forms with a weak yer in 833 I borrowed that slogan from Kortlandt (2004). 834 Kapović 2005a:74. His only "longer presentations of the problem" is Stang 1957 and Carlton 1991. Kapović is unfamiliar with Bethin 1998 and all her papers concerning Czech quantity, he does not quote any paper by Feldstein , Timberlake, Topolińska etc.. In his references (2005a), from the 40 items, the 24 ones are references to Serbian Croatian. Kapović does not quote any work concerning Czech, Slovak, Upper Sorbian, any Polish authors who dealt heavily with West Slavic length. His reply to Kortlandt (Kapović 2005b) is no better. 335 the first syllable, e.g. *lъži ca >lžíce, *p saɾti >psáti (ibid p.77). To solve this caveat, Kapović simply postulates that yer in this position was dropped very early. This is an ad hoc and complicated solution, of course. There is no reason not to believe in Kortlandt's lengthening rule according to which the former acute disyllabic forms are lengthened in the first open syllable provided that the second one is short. This explains the length in vrána but not in Ipl vranami. Also the brevity in Isg vranou is clear because contraction must have been later that the rise of phonemic length. As for lžíce and psáti , the easiest explanation is again the one by Kortlandt (also in 2005) that the yer was simply dropped and the forms became disyllabic and underwendt the Kortlandt's lengthening. Should Kapović be familiar with Bethin (1998, 2003) he would be struck by the similarity of Kortlandt's lengthening rule and her interpretation of West Slavic rhythmicity. Kapović, in accordance with the classical accentology thinks that in Czech the circumflex is shortened (2005a:78), e.g. hlas, hrad but he completely omits length in bůh, dům, hnůj, vůz as a possible example of compensatory lengthening. His interpretation of length in APb feminine of chvála type is that Czech length is actually neoacute (2005a:82, Note 28) which is nonsense because the length is pretonic and appeared as a result of Dybo's law. Kapović's explanation of preservation or elimination of length is only descriptive. 835 He thinks that pretonic length of APc was preserved in Croatian only (2005a:87), e.g. * rNj ka > Croat. rúka, Cz. ruka etc. Kapović is therefore forced to assume massive analogical shortening in West Slavic for which he has absolutely no motivation. This explanation was criticised by Kortlandt (2005:15) because in his conception the pretonic long vowels were shortened with the rise of new timbre distinction. New pretonic lengths arose with the Dybo's law. I think that this is correct. Kapović's reaction to Kortlandt's objection is curious, for him the West Slavic developed the short root vowel as a salient mark of APc and in opposition to it, APb generalized length as its salient mark (2005b:36). But it is unclear why, at least for Kapović. As Kortlandt remarks, it is also unclear why APb and APc must be kept separate when they merged phonetically in the majority of case forms (2005:15). Sure, kráva, tráva and strana merged quantitatively in all forms apart from Nsg. But Kapović in his Croatian solves everything approach completely ignores the fact that Czech "salient length" in APb is 835 "the old acute and circumflex were either both shortened in Slavic languages or, depending on language, only one of them yielded length. This length (acute in Czech, circumflex in Slovene and Croatian) is preserved in some position only depending on the number of syllables (the length is shortened in polysyllabic words as a general rule" (2005a:82). This is the only information we have, nothing new since the prehistory of accentology. Kapović's solution is "surprising", all pretonic long syllables got shortened in front of two moras in post Common Slavic period. Be that as it may, but this formulation is only a more scientific formulation of what we have already known. But being marked a law Kapović's Zweimorigen Gesetz (Holzer 2005) it obtained a hallmark of explanation. 336 visible only in the former pretonic length, as in touha, mouka but not in pretonic short, e.g. kosa, koza, duha etc., that there are different quantitative doublets and variants of former APc in Old Czech, e.g. zíma, strána, vóda etc. and that former APa has also brevity in standard language pěna, pleva, slina . It is mysterious how Kapović would explain such data if not by various analogical processes whose motivation is unknown. Some other Kapović's explanation only support his free and ad hoc handling of the data, he considers the length in Czech jeřáb "partridge" as analogical because it is former APc and according to Kapović's theory the posttonic length was shortened in West Slavic. 836 But the problem is that there is length in jeřáb , so Kapović's solution is that the length is analogical according to jeřábek or jestřáb (which is another analogical adventure) or that it was lengthened before voiced plosive (Kapović thinks that the script really reflects phonetic value as in Croatian) comparing the lengthening with the one in bůh or sníh (2005a:104 105, 2005b:41). Of course we could suppose that jeřáb would be lengthened in a sort of CL process but it would mean that the original form *j rę bъ should first had lose yer. The form should have been resyllabified with b being the final coda. Now the posttonic length should have been shortened and again lengthened before still voiced b which would finally become voiceless (as it is in Czech Nsg). This scenario is improbable. 837 A final word about the ař/ ář derivatives. Kortlandt thinks that pretonic long vowels were shortened while posttonic long vowels were preserved in Proto Slavic (2005:17). This should be supported by Czech pekař versus rybář . Kapović (2005b:42) does not take pekař archaic because one would not expect mobile accentuation it the * arь derivatives. Kapović's background is Dybo 1981:176 178 (already in Dybo 1968:197 200) who, however, did his analysis for Serbian Croatian and Slovene only. Nevertheless, while peka ř would agree with the theory (we have masař, vodař ), the situation with former APa is different because rybář is 836 Again, Kapović's rule is quite simple: "the last syllable of the word is shortened, if long, in West Slavic in a.p.c." (2005a:105). But why? Kapović's analogical processes come from word to word. Let's see how it works in APb trisyllabics (2005a:98 99): length in Czech národ should analogically spread other cases, length in soused is analogical after národ because one expects brevity here, kouko l probably has the original length but život is short due to the analogial infuence of oblique cases, útroba must be secondary because Croatian ùtroba has brevity and must be primary (2005a:96). I doubt if it would work. 837 Some Kapović's phonological interpretation are dubious, he interprets yer as a half mora vowel. It is true that at the end of Proto Slavic yer started to be weakened, or at least it is said so. The problem is that should yers be weakened, we cannot explain why just weak yer diminished (Havlík's rule operates precisely only in Czech territory) and why the strong yers were lowered and developed into the full vowel. The solution must lie elsewhere, probably in the development of rhythmicity due to the change of syllable structures. I am not competent to give any serious explanation of that process. Kapović, of course, does not bother with it and postulates year as half mora vowel (is it still phonological?) to explain the preservation of length in národ type, because the length *nāro dъ is, according to him, preserved before 1,5 mora. (2005a:98). This primitive phonetics cannot work, no one would posit a metrical foot with half moraic parts.The národ has length due to the Dybo's law, of course. 337 absolutely anomalous with its long suffix because ryba is short in Czech (but according to Kapović's theory of acute length preservation it should be long), we have kravař, hlinař but also sítař (where neuter is long síto ) and mydlář (where mýdlo is also long). I therefore neither agree with Kapović nor with Kortlandt and my interpretation of the length in those derivates is different. 838 11.1.4. Disyllabic maximally 3 domain Having dealt with extensive prosodic analysis of the whole Slavic territory (Bethin 1998), Bethin also described specific examples of Czech length. Bethin (2003a) dealt with certain examples of quantity alternation in Czech derivative morpholonology ( ař/ář substantives, prefixed deverbal nouns and hypocoristics. The analysis is purely synchronic but in my opinion it can be projected further to the past in internal development of Czech language. As for ař/ář suffix, Bethin adduces facts known from other publications (TSČ 2, Šmilauer 1971, Hauser 1981, MČ 1 ). After a long stem the affix is short lékař, houbař. When the stem is short, there is a variant ař, ář. Polysyllables have only one quantitative variant ář. It is obvious that the quantitative distribution is restricted to disyllabic forms because the two syllables are connected with metrical foot, apart from the mono and polysyllables (Bethin 2003:11). Prefixed deverbal nouns ending in ek, k, ka and prefixed with na , při , u , vy , za show also length alternation. We can observe lengthening of the prefix in masculines připlatit příplatek, ulomit úlomek. , vyčesat výčesek. Length alternation can also be seen feminines ending with ka suffix nalévat nálevka , nalepit nálepka but not in nadílet nadílka, nadávat nadávka, ukázat ukázka The general principle of length distribution is as follows:long root remains > short prefix, long prefix > short root but one cannot account for where the distribution occurs. Prefix is also prolonged in deverbal feminine nouns ending in a formant 839 nahodit náhoda , uklonit úklona , vyplatit výplata . The same principle occurs in prefixed maculines with zero suffix 840 : nacvičit nácvik , naskočit náskok , vyklonit výklon , vyjevit výjev, 838 Be that as it may Kapović is at home in Croatian and its dialects. The criticism is a normal way of scientific progress. But Kapović's reaction is opposite, instead of accepting criticism by Kortlandt (2005), he accuses Kortlandt of failing to explain the material in the satisfactory manner and that it had to be modified or simply abandoned (2005b:43). Well, no better alternative has been proposed to us that Morengesetze and analogical hip hops, the processes that had been used by the pre Stang generations... 839 TSČ 2: 619 622, Bethin 2003:21 840 TSČ 2: 602 606. 338 zasypat zásyp , zastřihnout zástřih . Prefix is not prolonged from deverbal nouns (á)ní, (e)ní type vychovat vychování (but výchova ), napadat napadání (but nápad ).841 In prefixes with ending in coda we observe closedclosed syllable effect: 842 Closed syllables can be interpreted as long. There is no lenghtening of nucleus in prefixes that contain coda: nad , ob , pod , před , roz . While no lengthening in those prefixes is observable, there can be a long root vowel in combination with those prefixes nadsázka, odhláška , or there can be a short root vowel odřezek, rozbuška. The closed syllable effect was already formally described by Hayes (1989:258 260) as a Weight by position rule. Such rule renders closed syllables heavy and allows coda consonants to be moraic. The result of WBP rule is the bimoraic syllable or, to be precise, a syllable with maximum of two moras. Therefore, the syllable nucleus must be short to meet such constraint. We observe that situation in the above mentioned prefixes as in nadsázka, odhláška as well as in other groups of derivates like hypocoristics (see below). WBP can be applied as a constraint in Optimality Theory system: Weight by position (WBP): coda consonants are moraic. If the WBP is undominated, the final syllable codas are moraic and the whole syllable is bimoraic. Should the codas be prohibited from bearing mora, the constraint * /cons prohibits any consonant to be moraic: * /cons: consonants do not have a mora The application of both constraints can be illustrated in the following tableau: I suppose that it is more natural for languages not to have moraic coda, so the input starts with non moraic coda consonant /CV C/ WBP * /cons DEP CV C * * CV C * If the language does not permit the moraic coda, the * /cons is undominated: /CV C/ * /cons WBP DEP CV C * * CV C * 841 Bethin 2003: 21 842 Bethin 2003: 12 339 Nevertheless, closed syllables in Czech are not always interpreted as heavy, so Bethin argues that what is important for syllable prosody is not its weight but its duration (Bethin 2003:17). This is because Czech has initial stress and the stress attraction of heavy syllables as in quantity sensitive languages cannot be applied here. As for dephrasal nouns being created from prepositional phrases, prefix is lengthened here: náhubek, přístřešek, úskalí. When prefix lengthens, the root vowel shortens úskalí, nátrubek prefix lengthens when syllable is open, does not lengthen when syllable is closed podmáslí, nadhavník, nadvláda. Although closed syllables normally behave as long, they do not do it in Czech derivation morphology. Nevertheless, the heaviness of those syllables is lexicalised because it functions only with certain derivational processes and I argue that the moraic codas can be observed only in certain derivates. Bethin observes that in prefixed deverbal nouns, older deverbatives from prefixed verbs reflect old length as well as qualitative alternation. By the derivation process the mid vowels e, o are lengthened and in later unconditioned changes raised dovodit důvod, pohnat půhon , přetrhat přítrž, převézt přívoz . Alternation cannot be seen in ek, ka substantives, otáčet otočka, procházet procházka , přestřelit přestřelka but contrary to Bethin's claim we have prosekat průsek . The distribution of length in mid vowels is not productive now, so the forms with alternation reflect old length that accompanied derivation. Unsufixed deverbatives from prefixed verbs distribution of quantity in adjacent syllables nalézat nález , přikázat příkaz . Another example of vowel alternation in derivation can already be observed in Old Czech neuters with dlo suffix: brúsiti brusidlo , krúžit kružidlo but čúhati čúhadlo , dívati sě divadlo .843 Czech hypocoristics were extensively analysed by Bethin 2003. According to Bethin, Czech derivates Czech maximises the contrast in two syllables that emerge after truncation and suffixation. Hypocoristics ending in a suffixation show root vowel lengthening: Jiří Jíra, Vladimír Vláďa, Kateřina Káťa, František Fráňa, Miloslav Míla, Božena Bóža, Blažena Bláža. No lengthening of root vowel is seen in Dorota Dora, Helena Hela (mid vowels), otherwise mid vowels are prolonged and raised: Prokop Průša, Tomáš Tůma, Řehoř Říha No lengthening of root vowel is also in František Franta, Jindřich Jindra, Ludvík Ludva, Vojtěch Vojta but the brevity is due to the closed syllable effect. 843 NED:64. 340 Hypocoristics with da suffixation: Stanislav Standa, Benedikt Benda, Jaroslav Jarda have also short root vowel due to closed syllable effect. The same principle functions with ča suffixation: Anna Anča, Barbora Barča, Irena Irča, with ka suffixation Božena Božka, Jarmila Jarka, Zuzana Zuzka. As we can see, Czech has moraic consonants here and that phenomenon is limited to certain derivative categories only. Bethin uses OT to solve the quantitative patterns in derivation morphology of hypocoristics. The constraints responsible are: COINCIDE (Ft=PrWd): The right/left edge of a metrical foot coincides with the respective right/left edge of a prosodic word; Ft BIN (σ): Feet are binary under a syllabic analysis (these constraint are responsible for metrical foot). FAITH V : The number of moras associated with a vowel in the input/output correspond to the number of moras associated to he corresponding vowel in the output/input. (Do no insert or delete moras on vowels; no vowel shortening or lengthening.); Those constraints are responsible for the quantitative pattern in disyllabic forms. MORPH REAL IO: The segments of a morpheme in the input correspond to the segments of the morpheme in the output. This constraint is responsible for the fact that suffix is always present in hypocoristics.; * /cons: Consonants do not have a mora.; Hd BIN ( ): Heads are binary under a moraic analysis. These constraints adds coda to syllable weight and also contributes to lengthening of root vowel in disyllabic foot; BT FAITH V output forms are as similar as possible ( it is O O faithfulnes). Should two forms of hypocoristics be analysed 844 , we will have the following results. From the Base form Kateřina we have truncated form Kat . Adding a suffix, we have four candidates káťá, kaťá, kaťa, káťa . Candidate káťá does not match BT FAITH V constraint (the root vowel is lengthened) and IO Faith V (suffix vowel is lengthened). BT FAITH V is also violated in káťa form and kaťá does not match IO Faith V. No root lengthening in kaťa violates Hd Bin. Because káťa is the optimal candidate, the only lengthening must be observed in root and so the ranking of constraints must be IO Faith V >>Hd BIN>> BT FAITH V. Of course, * /cons is dominated by other constraints and is satisfied by all candidates because there is no coda consonant in truncated form. 844 Modified by me after Bethin 2003. 341 Ka te ři na IO Faith V Hd BIN BT FAITH V * /cons Input:/Trunc+a / (ka ,ť+a ) !* * (ka .ť+a ) !* (ka .ť+a ) * (ka .ť+a ) * Adding suffix ka to the base form, we obtain four candidates: kátká, katka, kátka and katka with moraic "t". BT FAITH V is not satisfied in kátká and kátka, long suffixed form kátká also does not match IO Faith V. The optimal winning candidate is katka with moraic "t", thus satisfying Hd BIN even if breaking * /cons constraint. Ka te ři na IO Faith V Hd BIN BT FAITH V * /cons Input:/Trunc+ka / (ka t.ka ) !* * (ka t.ka ) * (ka t.ka ) !* (ka t .ka ) * The quantitative patterns that we observe can be explained by disyllabic metrical foot, which is a domain of prosodic constraints in certain derivaties. 845 Disyllabic metrical foot can 846 be (σ σ ), (σ σ ) but as Bethin observes, innovation in Czech does not favour (σ σ ) . The distribution of quantity in disyllabic group is assymetrical (Bethin 2003:19), althought a preference for strong weak metrical foot is required. Length is preferred in first syllables. But as we will see, such preference counts for certain derivates only and in some derivates, as in ař/ář ones, it can be predicted only in certain probability. In those derivates, the length does not need to coincide with initial stress. 845 Bethin: 2003: 14, 17 and 19 846 Bethin: 2003: 17 342 SSSummarySummary I claim that the quantity of Czech derivates can be with a sort certainty be called a derivative length. The the length here is distributed in two syllable domain a disyllabic domaindomain. The domain can exist either in disyllabic word forms (so the grammatical word merges with the domain) or the domain can can be inside a polysyllabic word and can change its direction. Here the existence of the domain can be triggered by a suffix that itself does not contribute to the quantitative distribution inside the domain. I argue that the former example can be supported by the nie deverbatives in Old Czech, while the latter one counts for the ař/ář Old Czech deverbatives and denominatives. While Standard Czech lost the domain in nie > ní deverbatives (there is no domain observable in dávání, dělání )847 , the domain is still visible in ař/ář substantives. 11.1.5.Towards the rise of Rhythmic lllawlaw in Czech As I said above and recapitulate here, the rhythmicity in Czech is observed in derivates, e.g.: nomina agentis ař/ář (mléko mlékař, mlýn mlynář) , prefixed deverbal nouns ( připlatit příplatek, nadílet nadílka x nahodit náhoda ) and hypocoristics ( Kateřina Káťa Katka ).848 As hinted by Bethin, the constraint on quantity in disyllabic metrical foot is that it must be 849 maximally threemoraic (σ σ ) or (σ σ ). My analysis of OCz material seems to support it. 11.1.5.1. Old CzechCzech ař/ař/ ářář nouns Three and polysyllabic nouns have always ář suffix and show no alternation of quantiy in the ář/ař suffix . The same principle is observable in in Modern Czech. This means that disyllabic domain is still alive. 850 Below I adduce Old Czech data. The sources of the data are standard OCz dictionaries and I consider the the quantity there as being reconreconstructed.recon structed. The only reliable positive presence or absence of quantity in the data are those adduced by Nedvědová. 847 This is the fact that contributes to the Scheer's misunderstanding of the quantity distribution in Czech. 848 See Bethin 2003 and 2003a for details. The root brevity in Katka in contrast to length in Káťa is due to the "closed syllable effect" when the coda consonant in a root contributes to the syllable weight and the whole syllable is considered long. 849 Old Czech manuscripts and printings normally do not mark length. If so, it is done with doubling the vowels (Gpl nooh) or diacritic marks, e.g. bóh. The detailed analysis of data from OCz materials showing length was done by Nedvědová in her unpublished and undated study (see references). Because of the irregularity and scarcity of length marking, the OCz length must be reconstructed. The methodology of reconstruction was also described by Nedvědová (p.11 12). Therefore, the quantity of lemmas in OCz dictionaries must be considered as reconstructed, mainly, including modernised script. 850 Classical approach with lots of data ilustrated is TSČ 78 83,128 140; modern phonology analysis in Bethin 2003a. 343 Disyllabic nouns CVC.C + ář (σ σ ), no closed syllable effect Desubstantives bečvář GbSlov,, bednář GbSlov,, budnář GbSlov,, cěstář GbSlov,,,, cihlář GbSlov,, hvězdář GbSlov,, hymnář GbSlov,, jehlář GbSlov,, kamnář GbSlov,,,, koltrář GbSlov,, konvář GbSlov,, kosnář GbSlov,, kostkář GbSlov,, krčmář GbSlov,, křižmář GbSlov (vessel),, křivdář GbSlov,, metlář GbSlov,, mezdář GbSlov,, modlář GbSlov,, mošnář GbSlov,,,, mydlář GbSlov,, neckář GbSlov, nunvář GbSlov,, pecnář StčS,, plotnář StčS (var.plotař), plstnář StčS, pošvář StčS, prknář StčS, puškář HestStčS (SoudOsvětim.1468) , rybář/ař ESSČ, rykmář ESSČ, sektář ESSČ, sedlář ESSČ, sudnář/sudnář/ ařař ESSČ, studnář/studnář/ ařařařař ESSČ, šidlář MSS, škrydlář HestStčS (ŽídSpráv.), sudnář /ař ESSČ, taškář/taškař HestStčS (ŽídSpráv.), trepkář HestStčS (KorMan), valchář HestStčS (HusČkáz), věščkář, věščbář (var) MSS. uzdář MSS Vodnář Hvězd. Exceptions : putnař HestStčS, ArchPr 992, f149v 1433,, puklař MSS (výrobce okrouhlých štítů) TrojOJ, puškař HestStčS, ArchPra 1387, Účty Karlšt. 1428; I consider here the starting preference for short suffix. nář deadjectives chlebnář GbSlov,, lodnář GbSlov,, mocnář GbSlov,, mluvnář GbSlov,, mezdnář GbSlov, mostnář GbSlov, Rybnář MSS,, pernář StčS sennář ESSČ, srpnář ESSČ, stklenář ESSČ, Exception solnař ESSČ; Deverbatives: řěčnář ESSČ, sběřnář ESSČ; Diysllabic nouns (σ σ ) ář farář GbSlov,, kolář GbSlov,, kovář GbSlov,, kramář GbSlov,, mlynář GbSlov,, rybář/rybař ESSČ,, šafář MSS,, želář MSS, vikář MSS ; konieř GbSlov, NED, košieř GbSlov,, kožieř GbSlov ( C´á > C´ie); Disyllabic nouns (σ σ ) ař Desubstantives: blanař GbSlov,, bulař GbSlov,, čbanař GbSlov,, hlinař GbSlov,, husař GbSlov,, chmelař GbSlov, kajdař GbSlov,, kbelař GbSlov,, klukař GbSlov,, knihař GbSlov,, křekař GbSlov,, 344 kravař GbSlov,, kurař GbSlov,, lukař GbSlov,, masař GbSlov,, medař GbSlov,, měnař GbSlov,, mukař (Peiniger) GbSlov,, perlař StčS,, pilař StčS,, plotař StčS,, pluhař StčS,, Rakař Hvězd, sěnař HesStčS (ArchPr 1391), skotař ESSČ, solař ESSČ,,,, smolař ESSČ, smradař ESSČ, stolař MSS, strunař ESSČ, sudnař /ařař ESSČ, ščepař/ščepéř?? HestStč, (MusIV D68), veslař HestStčS (Kruml.výkl.), Třeb.B./veslář/veslář Mam V9d. vinař HestStč (BřezSvět), vrškař HestStčS (ŽídSpráv), zvonař HestStčS (PrávoSasM), zrnař HestStč (SlovKlem); Deverbatives běhař GbSlov, bujař GbSlov,, hledař GbSlov, klamař GbSlov, klepař GbSlov, kuchař GbSlov, ludař GbSlov, metař GbSlov, pekař StčS, shledař ESSČ, struhař ESSČ, tesař MSS,,,, těžař MSS, těhař MSS, těkař MSS, vsědař MSS; Deadjective slanař ESSČ; Disyllabic nouns, (σ σ ) ař Denominatives básnař GbSlov,, cínař GbSlov,, cúdař GbSlov,, húžvař GbSlov,, krósnař GbSlov, mísař GbSlov,, pásař MSS,, pórkař StčS, rýmař ESSČ, sítsítsítař sít ař ESSČ, slúpnař HestStč (Silvius Kronika), ščítař MSS, Šípař HesStčS (Účty Karlšt., Žíd.Správ), škříňař ESSČ,vládařvládař MSS; Deverbatives hvízdař GbSlov, písař MSS, túlař MSS; Quantity of ař/ ář suffix in borrowings 851 from OHG āri, āre > OCz ář ( ryryrychtářry chtář < OHG rihtāri, cf. OSlk richtár,, bednář < OHG budiāri, cf. Slk. dial.bednár, hotař (Wächter)<<<< OHG huotare/ huotāre, cf. Slk.dial. hotár); from MHG OCz farář < MHG pharrer,, cf. Slk farár, fragnář (Höker) < MHG phragener, šafář < MHG schaff re, cf. OSlk šafár; from ENHG OCz ludař (Betrüger) < ENHG luder, OCz štumfař/ář (Gerber) < ENHG ?stumper; 851 Data from Newerkla 2004. 345 11.1.5.2. Modern Standard Czech ař/ář ař/ář derivates As for disyllabics, Modern Czech shows rhythmic asymetricity the generalisation of ař in disyllabics regardless of the stem length: výška výškař , Microsoft DOS dosař . The original conditions "long root syllable + short suffix ař " or "short root syllable + long suffix ář " changed to the structure "short suffix + long/short root syllable", so ař is preferred now. However, the disyllabic domain still remains but the syllabic structure (σ σ ) is not prefered DOS > **dosář.852 The data confirm it. 853 Derivates with ař/ář suffixes whose stems end in final consonant cluster may have long suffix ář : deverbativa: packat packář ; denominativa: kotel kotlář , bedna bednář , also short suffix as in hudlat hudlař , filtrovat filtrař ; stavba stavbař , brzda brzdař , pumpa pumpař , spolek spolkař , vzorek vzorkař or can even have long root vowel if the original form was also long: účet účtař , vrátek vrátkař . Stems ending in single consonant have both variants ař/ář : lyžař, pivař, sklepař, stokař, vlasař ;frézař , pískař , párař, sýrař ; čtenář, sračkář, rybář Neologisms prefer short suffix ař : autař, béčkař, boulař, datař, daňař, drogař, džípař, kinař, krosař, lebkař, raftař, síťař, skejtař, sprejař, surfař, tempař, trekař, véčkař, zprávař .854 The most complete corpus or disyllabic ař/ář derivates in TSČ reflects the following distribution of quantity: Deverbatives (some derivates can paralelly be derived from nouns): (σ(σ(σ σσσ ) ař ař. Here the first syllable is open and short (monomoraic). The suffix is monomoraic too, thereforhe the total weight of the bisyllabic domain is two moras: pekař, metař, pletař, vladař, těžař, čihař, kuchař, tesař,sušař, šidař, suďař, činař, čihař, hudlař, kuchař, latař/látař, čuchař, snovař, těkař, škrabař, sedař, lepař, cvikař, štěpař (< štěp, štěpovat ), fušař, blokař, snovař, sušař, klamař (< klam, klamat ), smykař (< smyk, smykat ), bludař (< blud, bloudit ), lisař (< lis, lisovat ), lyžař (< lyže, lyžovat), nuzař (< nouze, nuzovat se ), presař (< pres, presovat ), stepař (< step, stepovat ), stopař (< stopa, stopovat ), štěpař (< štěp, štěpit/štěpovat ), First syllable coda + ař ař ((σσσσ σσσ ), no closed syllable effecteffect.. The first syllable is closed by a consonant but even if the nucleus vowel is short, the coda does not bear mora. Should it bear mora, the data like " správkař " would mean that the total weight of the first syllable would be 852 Bethin 2003. 853 Data from TSČ 80 81, 128 138. 854 Data from Martincová (1998). 346 three moras which is unacceptable in Czech : tiskař ( First syllable coda + ář ář ((σσσσ σσσ ), no closed syllable effect packář, řezbář, lichvář, počtář, zmatkář, vochlář, miškář (< míšek, miškovat), klackář, pletkář, počtář (< počty, počítat), lelkář (< lelky, lelkovat), valchář (< valcha, valchovat), vtipkář (< vtípek, vtipkovat), vochlář (< vochle, vochlovat), značkář (< značka, značkovat), sklenář (< sklenit, sklení) (σ(σ(σ σσσ ) ář ářářář.. The first syllabe is open and short, the derivative suffix ář is long: kovář, čtenář, sklenář (σ(σ(σ σσσ ) ař ař. The first syllable is open and long, the derivative suffix ař is short: párař, slévař, soukař/sukař, písař, drátař ( First syllable coda + ář ář ((σσσσ σσσ ), no closed syllable effect správkař ( Deverbatives which are also derived also from substantives, like: tiskař < tisk, tisknout, tiskat, klamař < klam, klamat, but I do not consider the motivation important for the quantitative distribution. Denominatives First syllable coda + ář ář ((σσσσ σσσ ), no closed syllable effect bednář, caltář,cestář, cihlář, cukrář, čižbář, čižmář, hvězdář, lichvář, kotlář, mydlář, octář, pecnář, řezbář, voskář, barvář, cvočkář, jirchář, brašnář, kufrář, taškář, šperkář/šperkař, konvář, bečvář, neckář, metlář, sedlář, uzdář, vochlář, jalkář, vidlář, hračkář, truhlář, jehlář, kamnář, plotnář, snopkář, doškář, šachtář, uhlář/uhlař, pažbář, kartář, koptář, štočkář, bajkář, fraškář, jirchář, perlář, měďnář, hadrář, harfář, loutnář/loutnař, drožkář, člunkář, mezkář/mezkař, kytkář, octář, pecnář, vodnář, metlář, štětkář, kožkář, sklenkář/sklenkař, biřtlář, krajkář, čipkář, voskář, lampář, šatnář, rychtář, templář, stromkář, kočkář, ovčář, 347 oslář/oslař, služkář, kurvář, kartář, maxlář, kostkář, vtipkář, šaškář, lelkář, hračkář, modlář, kapsář, farmář, budkář, drožkář, loďkář, bryčkář, jachtář/jachtař, valchář, vinklář, nunvář, fantář, peckář, ceckář, sračkář, štandář, zmatkář First syllable coda + ař ař ((σσσσ σσσ ), no closed sysyllablellable effect. stavbař, bruslař, hradlař, spolkař, stavbař, vzorkař, pumpař, puškař, veslař, vzorkař, zbytkař, studnař, šperkař, roksař, vdolkař, sukňař, spodkař, formař, mostař, borkař, dehtař, štěrkař, maltař, puškař, trubkař, leptař, freskař, filmař, textař, smaltař, perkař, pstruhař, vydrař, lisař, očkař, smečkař, muškař, šavlař, diskař, tyčkař, hrazdař, veslař, padlař/pádlař, puklař, sirkař, kychtař, vlečkař/vlečkář, světlař, chodbař, konkař/konkář, skalkař, mezkař/mezkář, holkař/holkář, děvkař, kšeftař, truňkař, buchtař, bulkař/bulkář, filkař, spolkař, biblař/biblář, pytlař, putnař/putnář, vilkař, trojkař/trojkář, troškař, čtyřkař, pětkař/pětkář, trouchař, mocnář, sektář, sosnář, haldář/haldař, stavbař, šichtař, kavkař, šavlař, bradlař, stovkař, sjezdař, (σ(σ(σ σσσ ) ař ař. Here the first syllable is open and short (monomoraic). The suffix is monomoraic too, thereforhe the total weight of the bisyllabic domain is two moras: vachař, vědař, četař, hrobař, knihař, lyžař, sadař, spojař, strojař, vorař, spojař, strojař, hrobař, sladař, medař, solař, vatař, klihař, škrobař, stanař, sakař, holař, cvokař, nožař, španař, košař, kosař, pluhař, sudař, cepař, vahař/váhař, stolař, tyčař, strojař, loďař, svahař, pecař, schodař, kopař, dřevař, šlamař, smolař, ledař, vodař, hranař, vrubař, zbrojař, lukař, strunař, zvonař, basař, sochař, kožař, vatař, střevař, hnojař, skalař, štětař, gumař, plechař, rumař, štikař, žabař, rakař, hřibař, travař, brusař, okař, prachař, prakař, tyčař, vozař, vlakař, člunař, vorař, skifař, skulař, čajař, lenař, senař, krupař, ledař, husař, koňař, chmelař, masař, vlasař, šprotař, niťař, losař, pilař, měchař, štrekař, stokař, polař, stromař, vinař, včelař, sviňař, kravař, volař, sobař, kozař, husař, ženař, chlebař, pivař, kafař, čajař, kašař, tukař, škrobař, lesař, ušař, zubař, nosař, kožař, flekař, kasař, bytař, chatař, frakař, copař, domař, chatař, budař, lomař, skladař, trochař, svalař, vachař, mechař, dokař, sklepař, stopař, stavař, srabař, svrabař, šumař, kruhař, First syllable coda + ář ář ((σσσσ σσσ ), no closed syllable effect sázkař, plášťař, blůzař, páskař, svíčkař, houžvař, jádrař, pouzdrař, ústař, šídlař, šroubař, cívkař, kroužkař, pískař, drážkař, houslař, snímkař, písmař, sádrař, broučkař, hříbkař, šípkař, koulař, háčkař, proutkař, houslař, verglař, mandlař, máslař, střívkař, kůžkař, vrátkař, 348 sádkař, lávkař, známkař, fráčkař, stánkař, lávkař, rejdař, boudař, růžkař, trouchař, pátkař, řádkař, hloubkař, dálkař, výškař, půlkař, drajvař, kraulař, (σ(σ(σ σσσ ) ař ař. The first syllable is open and long, the derivative suffix ař is short: síťař, sýrař, sítař, rourař, mřížař, hlínař/hlinař, štítař, šípař, toulař, rýmař, kýčař, cínař, dýhař, broukař, houbař, frézař, drátař, píkař, prámař, šífař, fíkař, moukař, kmínař, mlékař, sýrař, mýtař, dýnař, módař, plícař, fůrař, půdař, pouťař, jámař, mílař, znakař, smečař, (σ(σ(σ σσσ ) ář ářářář.. The first syllabe is open and short, the derivative suffix ář is long: mlynář, rybář, farář The quantitative differences of ař/ář suffix in the same words can sometimes accompany a difference in meaning: domkář "village house owner" x domkař "town house owner"; kolář "wheel maker" x kolař "wheel thief"; plachtář "canvas maker" x plachtař "sailplane pilot"; The counterexamples from the disyllabic maximally threemoraic domain are denominatives článkář, prýmkář, svíčkář (newly codified to článkař, prýmkař, svíčkař ) and loutkář , deverbatives stávkář (also stávkař ), hůlkář , váčkář , křížkář , kárkář/kárkař, bárkář, sklínkář/sklínkař , šátkář/šátkař, táčkář, šístkář/šístkař . The broad distribution of length in derivates has already been hinted in TSČ (128). Derivates with long root and coda in the first syllable, the suffix is short. If the first syllable is short and with coda, the suffix is usually long. If the first syllable is open and long, the suffix is short, after the short syllable the suffix is either long on short but the distribution depends on the age of the derivate and productivity of derivation. The obvious caveat is the codification of some forms in Pravidla: článkář, prýmkář but codified článkař, prýmkař. Nevertheless, the situation in Standard and colloquial Czech is not so misleading as in Slovak (see below) because the codification more or less reflects the usus. Anyway, what we observe here is the regular distribution of quantity in the disyllabic domain. Apart from the unimportant number of examples, the most of derivates have maximally three moras within the o syllables. We observe the tendency to keep the root syllable constant: bedna > bednář, housle > houslař, sázka > sázkař. .and also the partial loss of the domain in článkář, prýmkář, svíčkář. I consider it quite a normal process because the whole distribution of length in ař/ář derivates shows the tendency to assymetry. Therefore, it is quite natural if the maximally three moraic domain would be broken. As I will show later, the same situation is observed in Slovak. 349 11.1.5.3. OT solution From OT point of view, we are faced with a following problem. The ař/ář substantives are derivates so they must be derived from an original word by truncation and addition of a suffix. Taking ryba as and example, the truncated form is ryb and now we are not sure if the form ař or ář should be in the input The constraints which are active here are the same as used in the previous chapters, only BT IDENT V requires that there is no deletion nor addition of mora to the nucleus between base and truncation forms. Using the Bethin's (2003) analysis of the rhythmicity in hypocoristics (which operates on the same principle as ař/ář derivates, we will obtain the following results: 1) /ryb+a ř/ I O V HD BIN BT IDENT V a.(ry b a ř) *! * b.(ry b a ř) !* c.(ry b a ř) * d.(ry b a ř) *! * 2) /ryb+a ř/ HD BIN I O V BT IDENT V a.(ry b a ř) *! * b.(ry b a ř) *! c.(ry b a ř) * d.(ry b a ř) *! * 3) /ryb+a ř/ BT IDENT V I O V HD BIN a.(ry b a ř) *! * b.(ry b a ř) * c.(ry b a ř) * d.(ry b a ř) *! * 350 4) /ryb+a ř/ BT IDENT V HD BIN I O V a.(ry b a ř) * * b.(ry b a ř) * c.(ry b a ř) * d.(ry b a ř) *! * If the input is /ryb +a ř/, from the possible rankings the tableaux 1), 2), 3) and 4) produce the wrong winner rybař or rýbař. We should therefore suppose that the input suffix must be always long / a ř/: 5) /ryb+a ř/ I O V HD BIN BT IDENT V a.(ry b a ř) !* b.(ry b a ř) *! * c.(ry b a ř) *! * d.(ry b a ř) * 6) /ryb+a ř/ HD BIN I O V BT IDENT V a.(ry b a ř) * b.(ry b a ř) *! * c.(ry b a ř) *! * d.(ry b a ř) *! 7) /ryb+a ř/ BT IDENT V I O V HD BIN a.(ry b a ř) * b.(ry b a ř) *! * c.(ry b a ř) * * d.(ry b a ř) !* 351 8) /ryb+a ř/ BT IDENT V HD BIN I O V a.(ry b a ř) !* b.(ry b a ř) !* * c.(ry b a ř) !* * d.(ry b a ř) * Rankings in tableaux 5) and 6) produce wrong winners but the rankings in 7) and 8) give the winner rybář . The ranking in both tableaux is the same because HD BIN and I O V are unranked with respect of each other, so BT IDENT V >> HD BIN, I O V . The ranking for hlinař which is a derivate from hlína is as follows: /hli n+a ř/ BT IDENT V HD BIN I OV a.(hli n+a ř) * b.(hli n+a ř) * * * c.(hli n+a ř) d.(hli n+a ř) * * As we can see, the candidate b. which would win fails because candidate c wins. However, as it has 4 moras in the syllable, another constraint must be in the interaction. It is moraic quantitative sensitive trochee LLL 855 because Czech is a trochee system (as shown by Bethin 1998). So the final tableau will be: /hli n+a ř/ LL L BT IDENT HD BIN I OV V a.(hli n+a ř) * * b.(hli n+a ř) * * * c.(hli n+a ř) * d.(hli n+a ř) * * * 855 Kager 1998:147. "L" means light syllable, bold LLL is the light stressed syllable. 352 One would wonder why there are derivates like mísař < mísa. Another trochee constraint plays the role: HHHLH and eliminates all the unfaithful candidates: /mi s+a ř/ HHHL H LL L BT HD BIN I OV IDENT V a.(mi s+a ř) * * b.(mii s+a ř) * * * * c.(mi s+a ř) * * d.(mi s+a ř) * * * * Should be postulate that rybář has a metrical structure LLLH,L we now see that we can easily explain why there are different quantitative patterns of derivates because of the different ranking of metrical structures (different trochees): mísař : HHHLH >>LLLLL, LLLHL rybář : LLLHL >>LLLLL, HHHLH hlinař : LLL >>HHHHL, LLLH.L 11.1.5.4. Further evidence of rhythmicity iinn such derivatesderivates The rests of the disyllabic maximally threemoraic domain can be traced to Old Polish: lekarz, piekarz, lichviarz , where we are also faced with its loss. v lékárze, piekárze. 856 Upper Sorbian kruwaŕ proofs that the rhythmic law or at least the tendency to rhythmicity should be broadened not only to Slovak but also to the rest of West Slavic territory. It would be absurd if only Slovak should have the Rhythmic Law no matter how strongly it is advocated in the literature. Moreover, Šekli's analysis of Slovene derivates shows that the same rhythmicity in disyllabic domain is present in South Slavic, e.g. kráva > [kr var ], jáma > [ j mar ], brázda > [br zdar ], ko nj kónja >[konjár ], sédlo sédla >[sedlár ], p č peč > [ pečár ], Serbian Croatian [kr vār ], [ kònjār ], [ pèčār ]. 857 Just to remember that Slovene still accentually distinguishes the derivates from original accentual paradigms: kr var x konjár, vodár while Czech shows the more irregular distribution: kravař but rybář , koňař, vodař , sedlář but pecař. 856 DUNAJ, B. Wzdłuzenie zastępcze v języku polskim. Kraków 1966, str.22. 857 ŠEKLI 2004. 353 11.1.5.5. Further support of the domain: Old Czech ( (((nnnn))))ieie deverbatives Old Czech shows an interesting quantitative alterantion in nie deverbatives. The length alternates between the root vowel and the subsequent a stem vowel: dávanie x dělánie . Such alternation would also point to Old Czech rhythmicity. The difference is partially historical. As for dávanie , the original verb is dávati < * dāvàti with pretonic length due to the Dybo's law. The length is preserved in Czech. As for dělánie , the original accentuation is APa * dě lati , therefore the derivate keeps the acute intonation with the long stem a dělánie. Now it is seems that if the original root is short, the derivate ends in ánie and if the root reflects pretonic length, the thematic vowel shortens resulting in anie. There is no quantitative difference between the verbs of the original APa dělánie , original APc kovánie < *kovàti . The only difference is in the pretonic long root APb dávanie . As for verbal nouns with nie/nie suffix, Modern Czech data show variants in derivates from long monosyllabic infinitives brát> braní, psát psaní (1st verbal class), hřát hřání (3rd verbal class), tkát (5th verbal class)> tkaní . When prefixed, those deverbatives have always á , nabrání, sebrání, protkání. Three and polysyllabic deverbatives have always á : hrabat hrabání, dělat dělání, dávat dávání, kupovat kupování .858 We do not observe that disyllabic domain would operate. The OCz situation, however, shows different situation. Below I adduce the data from standard OCz dictionaries and NED. Remember that the dictionary data show the reconstructed quantity. Disyllabic deverbatives root syllable is always long: báti sě GbSlov bánie GbSlov, NED, bráti GbSlov bránie GbSlov, NED, ckáti GbSlov ckánie GbSlov, cpáti GbSlov cpánie GbSlov, NED, čkáti GbSlov čkánie GbSlov, dáti GbSlov dánie GbSlov, NED, dráti GbSlov dránie GbSlov, NED, hnáti GbSlov hnánie GbSlov, NED, hráti GbSlov hránie GbSlov, káti sě GbSlov kánie GbSlov, NED, kláti MSS klánie, GbSlov, NED, láti GbSlov lánie GbSlov, NED, lháti GbSlov lhánie GbSlov, NED/lhanielhanie GbSlov, lkáti GbSlov lkánielkánie GbSlov, NED, lzáti GbSlov lzánie GbSlov, rváti sě MSS, ESSČ rvánie ESSČ, řváti řv řvánieánie ESSČ, NED, psáti MSS psánie NEDscáti ESSČ scánie ESSČ, skáti ESSČ skánie ESSČ, spáti MSS spánie MSS, NED/spanie/spanie MSS, sráti ESSČ sránie ESSČ, ssáti MSS ssánie MSS, ESSČ, státi MSS stánie MSS, NED, stláti MSS stlánie ESSČ, ščváti MSS ščščščvániešč vánie MSS, tbáti MSS tbánie MSS, tkáti MSS tkánie 858 TSČ 584 585. 354 MSS, váti MSS vánie MSS, vstáti MSS vstánie MSS, zváti MSS zvánie MSS, NED, žráti MSS žránie NED, žváti MSS žvánie MSS; Exception ptanie MSS ptáti sě MSS; Since 16 th century we observe the tendency to use short a as in ModCz – hnaní , lhaní , psaní , rvaní , spaní , tkaní , žvaní (NED). Three and polysyllabic deverbatives ati and ovati verbs (frequentatives). Here we observe the disyllabic maximally threemoraic domain alive. When the origoriginalinal verb has short root syllable or shortshort stem sylsyllable,lable, the deverbative has ánie ánie suffix (σ σσσ )(nie) : běhánie GbSlov běhati GbSlov, bekánie GbSlov bekati GbSlov, blahánie GbSlov blahati GbSlov, blektánie GbSlov blektati GbSlov, blvánie GbSlov blvati GbSlov, bublánie GbSlov bublati, bubnovánie GbSlov bubnovati GbSlov, cektovánie GbSlov cektovati GbSlov, cělovánie GbSlov cělovati GbSlov, čakánie GbSlov čakati GbSlov, NED, čarovánie GbSlov čarovati GbSlov, dokonánie GbSlov dokonati GbSlov, doličovánie GbSlov doličovati GbSlov, dostánie GbSlov dostati GbSlov, doufánie GbSlov doufati GbSlov, harcovánie GbSlov harcovati GbSlov, hemzánie GbSlov hemzati GbSlov, hltánie GbSlov hltati GbSlov, hněvánie GbSlov hněvati GbSlov, hodovánie GbSlov hodovati GbSlov, holdovánie GbSlov holdovati GbSlov, huhlánie GbSlov huhlati GbSlov, chovati GbSlov chovati GbSlov, NED, chechtánie GbSlov chechtati sě GbSlov, chrkánie GbSlov chrkati GbSlov, jadánie GbSlov jadati GbSlov, jajajasovánie ja sovánie GbSlov jasovati GbSlov, jmenovánie GbSlov jmenovati GbSlov, kalcinovánie GbSlov kalcinovati GbSlov, kamenovánie GbSlov kamenovati GbSlov, kašlánie GbSlov kašlati GbSlov, klamánie GbSlov klamati GbSlov, klekánie GbSlov klekati GbSlov, klevetánie GbSlov klevetati GbSlov, klinkánie GbSlov klinkati GbSlov, kochánie GbSlov, NED kochati GbSlov, konánie GbSlov konati GbSlov, kovánie GbSlov kovati GbSlov, MSS; kralovánie GbSlov kralovati GbSlov, krkánie GbSlov krkati GbSlov, křkřkřižovániekř ižovánie GbSlov křižovati GbSlov, kukánie GbSlov kukati GbSlov, kvapánie GbSlov kvapati GbSlov, kyjovánie GbSlov kyjovati GbSlov, ladovánie GbSlov ladovati GbSlov, lekánie GbSlov lekati GbSlov, lekovánie GbSlov lekovati GbSlov, lektánie GbSlov lektati GbSlov, leptánie GbSlov leptati GbSlov, mazánie GbSlov, NED mazati GbSlov, malovánie GbSlov malovati GbSlov, metánie GbSlov metati GbSlov, meškánie GbSlov meškati GbSlov, milovánie GbSlov milovati GbSlov, mistrovánie GbSlov mistrovati GbSlov, mordovánie 355 GbSlov mordovati GbSlov, mrdánie GbSlov mrdati GbSlov, mřěžovánie GbSlov mřěžovati GbSlov, mrkánie GbSlov mrkati GbSlov, mrskánie GbSlov, NED mrskánie GbSlov, mykánie GbSlov mykati GbSlov, nutkánie StčS nutkati StčS, nnnynkánie nynkánie StčS nynkati StčS, obcovánie StčS obcovati StčS, oránie StčS orati StčS, pamatovánie StčS pamatovati StčS, panovánie StčS panovati StčS, pečovánie StčS, pěstovánie StčS pěstovati StčS, pilovánie StčS pilovati StčS, plaňkovánie StčS plaňkovati StčS, plavánie StčS plavati StčS, plesánie StčS plesati StčS, pľvánie StčS pľvati StčS, pracovánie StčS pracovati StčS, prchánie StčS prchati StčS, prskánie StčS prskati StčS, rovnánie MSS, NED rovnati MSS, sěkánie ESSČ, NED sěkati MSS, volánie MSS, NED volati MSS; Prefixes have no influence on the domain: nabránie StčS nabrati StčS, nadánie StčS nadati StčS,nadělánienadělánie GbSlov, StčS nadělati GbSlov, StčS, nahnánie StčS nahnati StčS, nahrabánie StčS nahrabati StčS, nahnahnahrazovánienah razovánie StčS nahrazovati StčS, nachovánie GbSlov, StčS nachovati GbSlov, StčS, nakloňovánie StčS nakloňovati StčS, nalezovánie GbSlov, StčS nalezovati GbSlov, StčS, napadánie StčS napadati StčS, naplňovánie StčS naplňovati StčS, napojovánie StčS napojovati StčS,, napravovánie StčS napravovati StčS,napsánienapsánie GbSlov, StčS napsati GbSlov, StčS ,narovnánienarovnánie StčS narovnati StčS, nařězánie StčS nařězati StčS,nasazovánienasazovánie GbSlov, StčS nasazovati GbSlov,StčS , následovánie GbSlov, StčS následovati GbSlov, StčS , nastánie GbSlov, StčS nastati GbSlov, StčS , nastavovánie StčS nastavovati StčS, natahovánie GbSlov, StčS natahovati GbSlov, StčS, navščevovánie navščevovánie StčS navščevovati StčS, navracovánie GbSlov navracovati GbSlov, navažovánavažovánienienienie StčS navažovati StčS, navozovánie GbSlov navozovati GbSlov, nazvánie StčS nazvati StčS, obdarovánie StčS obdarovati StčS, obkládanie StčS obkládati StčS, obklamánie StčS klamati, oblehčovánie StčS oblehčovati StčS, oblévanie StčS oblévati StčS, oblomovánie StčS oblomovati sě StčS, oblovánie StčS oblovati StčS, obluzovánie StčS obluzovati StčS, obmazánie StčS obmazati StčS, obmazovánie StčS obmazovati StčS, obměkčovánie StčS obměkčovati StčS, obmeškánie StčS obmeškati sě StčS, obmyšlovánie StčS obmyšlovati StčS, obnovovánie StčS obnovovati StčS, obradovánie StčS obradovati sě StčS, obražovánie StčS obražovati StčS, obrtánie StčS obrtati StčS, obřězánie StčS obřězati StčS, obřězovánie StčS obřězovati StčS, obobobtěžovánieob těžovánie StčS obtěžovati StčS, obvěnovánie StčS obvěnovati StčS, obvlažovánie StčS obvlažovati StčS, obvolánie StčS obvolati StčS, obykánie StčS obykati StčS, obykovánie StčS obykovati StčS, obývanie StčS obývati 356 StčS, obžalovánie StčS obžalovati StčS, obžerovánie StčS (analogically?) obžierati sě StčS , očekávanie StčS očekávati StčS, očiščovánie StčS očiščovati StčS, ohledovánie StčS ohledovati StčS, ohrazovánie StčS ohrazovati StčS, okazovánie StčS okazovati StčS, oklamánie StčS oklamati StčS, oklamávanie StčS oklamávati StčS, okovánie StčS okovati StčS, okrašovánie StčS okrašovati sě StčS, okušovánie StčS okušovati StčS, olysovánie StčS olysovati StčS, omakánie StčS omakati StčS, omeškánie StčS omeškati StčS, opakovánie StčS opakovati StčS, opatrovánie StčS opatrovati StčS, oplacovánie StčS oplacovati StčS, oplakánie StčS oplakati StčS, oplzánie StčS oplzati sě StčS, opránie StčS oprati StčS, opravovánie StčS opravovati StčS, optánie StčS optati StčS, orudovánie StčS orudovati StčS, ortelovánie StčS ortelovati StčS, osazovánie StčS osazovati StčS, osedlánie StčS osedlati StčS, osěkánie StčS osěkati StčS, osěkávanie StčS osěkávati StčS, osidlánie StčS osidlati StčS, oslavovánie StčS oslavovati StčS, osnovánie StčS osnovati StčS, osočovánie StčS osočovati StčS, ospánie StčS ospati StčS, ostánie StčS ostati StčS, ostaránie StčS ostarati StčS, ostrahovánie StčS ostrahovati StčS, ostražovánie StčS ostražovati StčS, osušovosušovánie ánie StčS osušovati StčS, osvěcovánie StčS osvěcovati StčS, osvědčovánie StčS osvědčovati StčS, osypánie StčS osypati StčS, otazovánie StčS otazovati StčS, otbojovánie StčS otbojovati StčS, otcuzovánie StčS otcuzovati StčS, otdalovánie StčS otdalovati StčS, otdánie StčS otdati sě StčS, otdychánie StčS otdychati/otdýchati StčS, otehnánie StčS otehnánie StčS, otepsánie StčS otepsati StčS, oteslánie StčS oteslati StčS, otevzdánie StčS otevzdati StčS, otchovánie StčS otchovati StčS, otkazovánie StčS otkazovati StčS, otkysánie StčS otkysati StčS, otmilovánie StčS otmilovati StčS, otpisovánie StčS otpisovati StčS, otprošovánie StčS otprošovati StčS, otpuščovánie StčS otpuščovati StčS, otrucovánie StčS otrucovati StčS, otototřězánie ot řězánie StčS otřězati StčS, otřězovánie StčS otřězovati StčS, otsazovánie StčS otsazovati StčS, otstěhovánie StčS otstěhovati StčS, otsuzovánie StčS otsuzovati StčS, otstupovánie StčS otstupovati StčS, ottahovánie StčS ottahovati StčS, otvazootvazovánie vánie StčS otvazovati StčS, otvlačovánie StčS otvlačovati StčS, otvolánie StčS otvolati StčS, otvozovánie StčS otvozovati StčS, oznamovánie StčS oznamovati StčS, , pobránie StčS pobrati StčS, počesánie StčS počesati StčS, podánie StčS podati StčS, poddánie StčS poddati (sě) StčS, poděkovánie StčS poděkovati StčS, podělovánie StčS podělovati StčS, podkopánie StčS podkopati StčS, pohnánie StčS pohnati StčS, pohrdánie StčS pohrdati StčS, pochlebovánie StčS pochlebovati StčS, pocpocpochodovánie poc hodovánie StčS pochoditi StčS, pochybovánie StčS pochybovati StčS, pojhránie StčS pojhrati StčS, pokánie StčS pokáti sě StčS, poklamánie StčS poklamati StčS, pokochánie StčS pokochati sě StčS, pokojovánie StčS pokojiti StčS, 357 pokopánie StčS pokopati StčS, pokonánie StčS pokonati StčS, pokřikovánie StčS pokřiknúti StčS, pokuřovánie StčS pokúřiti StčS, pomazánie StčS pomazati StčS, ponižovánie StčS ponižovati sě StčS, popravovánie StčS popravovati StčS, posuzovánie StčS posuzovati StčS, pořěkovánie StčS pořéci StčS, pozdravovánie StčS posdravovati StčS, posilňovánie StčS posilňovati StčS, posilovánie StčS posilovati StčS, poslánie StčS poslati StčS, posluhovánie posluhovati StčS, pošpilovánie StčS pospilovati StčS, pppostlániepostlánie StčS postlati StčS, posuzovánie StčS posuzovati StčS, posvěcovánie StčS posvěcovati StčS , posypánie StčS posypati, potkánie StčS potkati StčS, potřěbovánie StčS potřěbovati StčS, potupovánie StčS potupovati StčS, potvořovánie StčS potvořiti sě StčS, potvrzovánie StčS potvrzovati StčS, povolánie StčS povolati StčS, povstánie StčS povstati StčS, povyšovánie StčS povyšovati sě StčS, poznánie StčS poznati StčS, pozorovánie StčS pozorovati StčS, pozvánie StčS pozvati StčS, požehnánie StčS požehnati StčS, požehrovánie StčS požehrati StčS, požehovánie StčS požéci StčS, prodánie StčS prodati StčS, proměňovánie StčS proměňovati StčS, protahovánie StčS protahovati StčS, provolánie StčS provolati StčS, provrtánie StčS provrtati StčS, prozpěvovánie StčS prozpěvovati StčS, , přěbitovánie StčS bitovati StčS, přěbránie StčS přěbrati sě StčS, přěbývanie StčS přěbývati StčS, přědánie StčS přědati StčS, přěklopotánie StčS přěklopotati StčS, přěkupovánie StčS přěkupovati StčS, přěluzovánie StčS přěluzovati StčS , přěmyšlovánie StčS přěmyšlovati StčS, přěnalezovánie přěnalezovánie StčS nalezovánie StčS, přěptánie StčS přěptati sě StčS; When the original verb has long root syllable or long stem syllable, the deverdeverbativebative has anie anie suffix (σ σσσ )(nie): blýskanie GbSlov blýskanie GbSlov, čúhanie GbSlov čúhati GbSlov, dávanie GbSlov dávati GbSlov, dávenie GbSlov dáviti GbSlov, dívanie GbSlov dívati sě GbSlov, dřiemanie GbSlov dřiemati GbSlov, dýchanie/dychdýchanie/dychánie ánie GbSlov dýchati/dychati GbSlov, fúkanie GbSlov fúkati GbSlov, dýmanie GbSlov dýmati GbSlov, hádanie GbSlov hádati GbSlov, hlédanie/hledánie GbSlov hlédati/hledati GbSlov, hřímanie GbSlov hřímati GbSlov, húkanie GbSlov húkati GbSlov, hýbanhýbanieieieie GbSlov hýbati GbSlov, hýkanie GbSlov hýkati GbSlov, chrápanie GbSlov chrápati GbSlov, chúkanie GbSlov chúkati GbSlov, jásanie GbSlov jásati GbSlov, káranie GbSlov kárati GbSlov, kázanie GbSlov kázati GbSlov, kolébanie GbSlov kolébati GbSlov, kvíkanie GbSlov kvíkati GbSlov, kýchanie GbSlov kýchati GbSlov, kývanie GbSlov kývati GbSlov, lákanie GbSlov lákati GbSlov, 358 lámanie GbSlov lámati GbSlov, léhanie GbSlov léhati GbSlov, lísanie GbSlov lísati GbSlov, mhúranie GbSlov mhúrati GbSlov, míhanie GbSlov míhati GbSlov, pálanie StčS pálati StčS, plápolanie StčS plápolati, plýtvanie StčS plýtvati StčS; Again, prefixes show no influence on the domain: dobývanie GbSlov dobývati GbSlov, dokázanie GbSlov dokázati GbSlov, dododokládanie do kládanie GbSlov dokládati sě GbSlov, dokonánie GbSlov dokonati GbSlov, doličovánie GbSlov doličovati GbSlov, domnievanie GbSlov domnievati sě GbSlov, dotýkanie dotýkanie GbSlov dotýkati GbSlov, Exception: dozránie GbSlov dozráti GbSlov; nadávanie StčS nadávati StčS, nabádanie StčS nabádati StčS, nadánie StčS nadati StčS, nadávanie StčS nadávati StčS, nadievanie StčS nadievati StčS, najímanie StčS najímati, nalézanie StčS nalézati StčS, nakázanie StčS nakázati StčS, nakládanie StčS nakládati StčS, nalévanie StčS nalévati StčS, namlúvanie StčS namlúvati, napínanie StčS napínati StčS, napomínanie StčS napomínati StčS, nařiekanie StčS nařiekati StčS, objiedanie StčS objiedati sě StčS, objímanie StčS objímati StčS, obkládaobkládanienienienie StčS obkládati StčS, oblévanie StčS oblévati StčS, obmývanie StčS obmývati StčS, obúvanie StčS obúvati StčS, obvázanie StčS obvázati StčS, obývanie StčS obývati StčS, obžieranie StčS obžierati sě StčS, odievanie StčS odievati StčS, odýmodýmanie anie StčS odýmati StčS, ohlédanie StčS ohlédati StčS, ohledávanie StčS ohledávati StčS, ohýbanie StčS ohýbati sě StčS, okázanie StčS okázati sě StčS, okládanie StčS okládati StčS, oklamávanie StčS oklamávati StčS, okopávanie StčS okopávati StčS, okříkanie StčS okříkati StčS, omdlévanie StčS omdlévati StčS, omývanie StčS omývati StčS, opálanie StčS opálati StčS, opásanie StčS opásati StčS, opíchanie StčS opíchati StčS, oplývanie StčS oplývati StčS, opomietanie StčS opomietati StčS, opoviedanie StčS opoviedati StčS, ostrúhanie StčS ostrúhati StčS, ostřiehanie StčS ostřiehati StčS, otázanie StčS otázati StčS, otbieranie StčS otbierati StčS, otbývanie StčS otbývati StčS, otdávanie StčS otdávati StčS, otdýchanie/otdotdýchanie/otdychánie ychánie StčS otdýchati/otdychati StčS, otevzdávanie StčS otevzdávati StčS, otevzkázanie StčS otevzkázati StčS, othádanie StčS othádati StčS, otjímanie StčS otjímati StčS, otkázanie StčS otkázati StSč, otkládanie StčS otkládati StčS, otmlúvaniotmlúvanie eee StčS otmlúvanie StčS, otpásanie StčS otpásati sě StčS, otpoviedanie StčS otpoviedanie StčS, otpřisáhanie StčS otpřisáhati sě StčS, otřásanie StčS otřásati StčS, otřiekanie StčS otřiekati StčS, ottáhanie StčS ottáhati sě StčS, ottŕhanie StčS ottŕhati StčS, otvázanie StčS otvázati StčS, otvolávanie StčS otvolávati StčS, ožídanie StčS ožídati StčS, ožieranie StčS ožierati StčS, pobádanie StčS pobádati StčS, pobiehanie StčS pobiehati StčS, počítanie StčS počítati StčS, podávanie StčS podávati StčS, podkládanie StčS podkládati StčS, pohádanie StčS 359 pohádati sě StčS, pojhrávanie StčS pojhrávati StčS, pokládanie StčS pokládati StčS, poklínanie StčS poklínati StčS, pokývanie StčS pokývati StčS, polévanie StčS polévati StčS, ponúkanie StčS ponúkati StčS, porúhanie StčS porúhati sě StčS, poslúchanie StčS poslúchati StčS, posmievanie StčS posmievati sě StčS, postŕkanie StčS postŕkati StčS, postúpanie StčS postúpati StčS, postříhanie StčS postříhati StčS, pošívpošívanieanie StčS pošívati StčS, potázanie StčS potázati sě StčS, potýkanie StčS potýkati sě StčS, povolávanie StčS povolávati StčS, požádanie StčS požádati StčS, požehnávanie StčS požehnávati StčS, požívanie StčS požívati StčS, prodávanie StčS prodávati StčS, prodlévanie StčS prodlévati StčS, prokázanie StčS prokázati StčS, proklínanie StčS proklínati StčS, promlúvanie StčS promlúvati StčS, pronajímanie StčS pronajímati StčS, prospievanie StčS prospievati StčS, prostánie StčS prostáti sě StčS, prošívanie StčS prošívati StčS, přěkládanie StčS překládati StčS, přěklamávanie StčS přěklamávati StčS, přěmáhanie StčS přěmáhati StčS, přěmlúvanie StčS přěmlúvati StčS, přěpásanie StčS přěpásati StčS; 11.1.5.5.1. OT solution The solution of the rhythmicity in the above mentioned derivates is similar to the one in ař/ář derivates. In dělati > dělánie form, the suffix (n)ie triggers the rise of domain but itself remains unparsed, has any influence on the quantitative patterns inside the domain. The quantity of the parsed foot (da va ) is the result of trochee variants, here the highly ranked HHHLH overrides candidates b., c., d.: /da va +nie / HHHL H LL L LLLH L BT HD PARSE I OV IDENT BIN V a.(da va )nie * * * b.(da va )nie * * * * * c.(da va )nie * * * * * d.(da va )nie * * * * * 360 In the derivate dělati dělánie , the LLLH L eliminates candidates a c and makes the d. candidate winner: /dě la +nie / LLLH L HHHL H LL L BT HD PARSE I OV IDENT BIN V a.(dě la )nie * * * * b.(dě la )nie * * * * * c.(dě la )nie * * * ** * d.(dě va )nie * * * * * Summary All derivates fall into that pattern. I argue that the domain exists independently and what can only be changed is its position, not "the inside". The position of the domain can be changed by prefixation or suffixation. This explains why the prefixes do not influence the quantity of the domain because it is independent already. So in dávanie the domain is [dáva]nie and after the prefixation nothing happens: pro[dáva]nie. In OT we would say that prefixation would operate on another level but I would refrain from the analysis here. Shift of the domain happens due to the suffixation. In rybář the domain is created by the intreaction of trochee variants, as we saw, therefore the domain is created [rybář]. If another suffix is added, the domain simply shifts to the right: ry[bařík]. The fact that the domain existed in Old Czech and still exists in some derivates now is supported by the observation that the domain is being lost: all the (n)ie deverbatives show no observation of quantitative rhythmicity: dávání and dělání , and in rybařík type we observe doublets which are proofs that the language system is being losing the domain: kovář kovařík/kovářík. Further research is to be done her to describe why and how such pattern moves and is being lost. 11.1.5.6. Further evidence of rhythmicity in such derivates According to Nedvědová, Old Czech excludes three long syllables in a row, which means that we cannot observe structures as in Modern Czech dávání. However, this rule does not explain why final nie in polysyllabic nouns does not shorten. I would suggest that nie does not shorten because it is excluded from the domain, although it triggers it. So in disyllabic verbal nouns we observe always always ánie , (σ ) 361 nouns either <σ>(σ σ ) 362 11.1.6. Excursus: Rhythmic law in Slovak One of the long known quantitative phenomenon in West Slavic is Rhythmic Law in Slovak. 859 Rhythmic law was first defined by Ľudovít Štúr in Nauka reči slovenskej. 860 Štúr saw RL as a phenomenon without exceptions because he codified standard language on the basis of Central Slovak dialects. Further authors observed that regularity of RL is broken by various exceptions. Czambel in his Rukoväť 861 stated that RL is valid only for Central Slovak and does not operate in West Slovak dialects. When the standard Slovak was codified in Pravidla in 1931, the Pravidla text contained lot of exceptions but nowhere was explained why those exceptions are. Since 1940s the Slovak scholars have been tried to explain not only the origin of RL but mainly the process of codification of that phenomenon. 11.1.6.1. RL as the rise of mora syssystemtemtemtem Thus e.g. Peciar 1946 criticised Pravidla for not reflecting the language of real people. The exceptions from RL are due to infusing of material from non Central Slovak territory. Peciar thought that RL appeared in Central Slovak after contraction and before Central Slovak diphtongisations. According to Peciar, the syllabic system of Slovak was transformed to mora system with maximally three mora limitation in successive syllables. The system syllable with more intensity + syllable with normal intensity was trensformed to mora system this is RL. However, the system reversed back to syllabe intensity interpretation and that is why the RL is not regular now. Peciar also argues that the codification in Pravidla 1931 is wrong, because the codification goes against the actual usage. This can be seen in ár derivates, the codified form was bájkár but actual usage is bajkár/bájkar, so the RL is regular there. In ár derivates the suffix is long, therefore the preceding syllable must shorten drôt drotár, stôl stolár but krúžok krúžkar, párky párkar, lúka lúkar . As for the form mliekár and sviečkár where RL is apparently broken, Peciar argues that it is because diphtongs are not marked in the system. 862 859 For the historical development to Slovak Rhythmic Law see Pauliny 1963:98 99, Krajčovič 1988:80 81, Feldstein 1990; for general principles and problem of codification see Dvonč 1955, for modern phonology approach see Rubach 1993:165 ff. and Bethin 1998:151. 860 Dvonč 1956. 861 Quoted from Dvonč 1956. 862 p. 218. 363 11.1.6.2. Rhythmic Law contra quantitative changes in derivationderivation Ladislav Dvonč has been dealing with the RL since 1950s. Dvonč observes that examples like bieda bedár, hviezda hvezdár support the fact that diphtongs are long. However, Dvonč sees RL only in succession long syllable short syllable (lúka lúkar) where suffix is shortened after long root. Forms like bieda bedár are not examples of RL but according to Dvonč these are quantitative changes connected with derivation.863 But this explanation does not solve the problem of RL especially when Dvonč agrees that RL is a threemoraic constraint in successive syllables. It seems to me quite irrelevant whether this constraint is fulfilled in lúkar or bedár in both examples the total syllable weight in two syllables does not exceed three moras. Dvonč returned to RL in his book Rytmický zákon v spisovnej slovenčine. 864 This lengthy book is on one side a criticism of Pravidla 1953 that codified wrong interpretation (for Dvonč) of Peciar's claim that RL must be preserved, like párkar . Dvonč claims that it is important to know if the ár substantive is deverbative or denominative because it would explain the original shortening of the root syllable blud > bludár ? or blúdit > bludár ? Dvonč's intepretation of RL is a bit problematic. First, he claims that if the root syllable shortens in ár derivates, other derivates follow the RL. So víno vinár does not seem to be RL for Dvonč because root syllable shortens. According to Dvonč this would be the quantitative change accompanyig the derivation. Should it be RL, we would have obtained *vínar. However, the derivate vinárnik perfectly obeys RL because ník suffix shortens after long ár . Second problem which can be seen is that Dvonč explains data according to formulation of RL in Pravidla 1953 i.e. that what is written in Pravidla is taken as a fact for interpretation. 865 Analysing printed documents in 19th century Dvonč observes that RL was active but that it starts not to be obeyed. Excerpted data show that written materials from the 2nd half of the 19th century still reflect RL strúhar, vládarov,. ..RL disintegrates when root contained ie diphtong mliekár, poviedkár. But all analysis is done with the background of Pravidla formulation, Dvonč tries to explain neither the origin nor the breaking of the RL. For example the only explanation is that root syllable does not shorten in productive forms like béčko béčkár (but Cz béčkař ), fréza frézár (but Cz frézař ). Dvonč rightly notes that Pravidla codified ár as a standart even if that codification is still broken frézar, hláskar, výškar, 863 Dvonč 1954:239. 864 Dvonč 1956. 865 see Dvonč 1956:13 14. 364 hríbar . 866 Also, he does not notice the obvious RL mechanism in examplex like ryba rybár rybársky rybník rybnikár etc. To sum up Dvonč's analysis of RL we should say that according to him the shortening of root vowel before ár is unproductive, RL is regular predomimantly in the old layer of vocabulary, on the other hand, Dvonč sees the productivity of shortening in ík derivates: perník pernikár . Dvonč also tried to find the distribution of ár/ iar at deverbatives when a 3pl verbal form ends in ia > deverbative ends in iar , so vozia, farbiar . Deverbatives from verbs ending in 3pl in ú have ár suffix pisár, tesár 867 , even if iar does not obey RL (múčiar, vtáčiar, sietiari ). 868 11.1.6.311.1.6.3....MakingMaking of a puzzle Peciar 1968 observed similar tendencies as Dvonč, that RL used to be regular before ár but contemporary Slovak breaks the regularity and follows the tendency not to change the root quantity in the process of derivation. Peciar divided derivates with shortened root syllable before ár . First there are forms belonging to older vocabulary layer bedár, hvezdár, lekár. Second, root syllable is shortened in forms with morphological alternation of quantity in paradigms kôň koniar, nôž nožiar. Third there are deverbatives from short root syllable verbs pekár .869 Suffix ík also shortens before ár cukrikár, gombikár, košikár, medovnikár, pernikár, pilnikár, praclikár, rybnikár, slovnikár, šuflikár, špendlikár, taxikár, úvodnikár, verklikár, veršikár, žlčnikár, chlebičkár, osołničkár, punktičkár, slovičkár, cirkevničkár, dáždnikár, fúzikár, chýrnikár, múčnikár, prámikár, básničkár, črievičkár, kávičkár, pátričkár, súdničkár, lyžičkár, mamičkár, mastičkár, pesničkár, sedmičkár. 870 According to Peciar, what we observe here is a derivative model ikár which obeys RL and is analogically extended as a model of derivation. However, even if this Peciar's model could function, it does not explain that we observe RL in other forms, e.g. in adjectives ending in sky rybnikársky. 11.1.6.4. Unexplained quantity neutralisation Sabol 1977 considered Rhythmic law as a neutralisation of quantity. An "older" syllable ("časovo staršia dlhá slabikotvorná hláska") influences the following syllable which is shortened. Although Sabol takes the phenomenon of Rhythmic law as systemic, it is not quite 866 Dvonč 1955: 18 29. 867 Dvonč 1954. 868 Dvonč 1955:35 36. 869 Peciar 1968:299 300. 870 Peciar 1968:301, also SSJ 1959 1965. 365 clear what the real motivation of the law is. The puzzling observation is that in the flective derivative border ("rozhranie tvarotvorného a slovotvorného procesu") the Rhythmic Law is not regular. Sabol also cannot explain why the "neutralisation of quantity" is regular in the formation of deminutives " hlas hlások, hviezda hvezdár " and he mixes paradigmatic forms like Nsg Gpl of a stem feminines hlava hláv, žena žien . Sabols explanation that "v spisovnej slovenčine je súhra v zámere kvantity signalizovať morfologický proces a slovotnovrný proces" did not contribute anything new to the knowledge of principles of Rhythmic Law. 871 11.1.6.5. Rhythmic law a national pride The great discussion about problematicity of RL in standard Slovak started to appear in 1990s. The new Pravidla in 1991 were published and that provoked reactions from Slovak linguists. Alas all those discussions were aimed at the problem of codification of RL, nnotot at the explanation of it. Slovak linguists have not bothered about the origin and mechanism of Rhythmic Law. The current trends are not aimed to explain it but to discuss the codification of RL. Paradoxically, the RL is not being explained from its natural base but from how it is codified in Pravidla. E.g. Pravidla 1931 (48 49) stated that in derivates the suffix is long iff the root is short (chlapík, koník, košík ) but after a long root the long suffix must be shortened ( básnik, hriešnik) . Also the ar/ár derivates behave so (although ár never shortens) mlynár, rybár, tesár, včelár, knihár and also sviečkár . The rhythmicity operates in košikár, pilnikár, pernikár , špendlikár and slovnikár. The same principle was advocated in Pravidla 1940 (p.65), suffix ár had to be never shortened so bedár, debnár, bludár, drevár but also mliekár and ko rkár . Such situation remained more or less the same till the revolution 1989. A new debate on RL arised in 1990s with the connection of new Pravidla 1991. The 1st edition of Pravidla 1991 codified RL (in order to support using it). As for ar/ ár derivates, Pravidla stated that also those derivates undergo RL and so long ár shortens after the preceding long syllable ( bábkar, dráhar ). Anyway, Horecký 1993 pointed that iar suffix does not shorten but is involved in RL kupliar kupliarsky. Dvonč 1997 discussed the new codification system of Pravidla 1991 and Krátky slovník slovenského jazyka which both codified rhythmicity of ár after long syllable so bábkar, frézar, sánkar but in KSSJ also mlekár instead of mliekar. Dvonč still claims that examples like rúbať rubár are not RL but alternation of long/short vowels in derivation. 871 Sabol 1977:196. 366 However, it is quite unclear what the difference between derivations are even if in rubár we observe the changing of length and in frézar the shortening of suffix. Probably this quantitative alternation means that it concerns only derivative suffix. 872 But it does not explain why in further derivation the new derivates show rhythmicity, e.g. when we derive from ík nouns cukrík cukrikár, gombík gombikár, košík košikár, medovník medovnikár, perník pernikár, praclík praclikár, pytlík pytlikár, rybník rybnikár, slovník slovnikár, šiflík šiflikár, špendlík špendlikár, šuflík šuflikár, taxík taxikár, úvodník úvodnikár, verglík verglikár, veršík veršikár, žlčník žlčniká r. 873 Similar rhythmicity can be observed in derivates from ón betón betonár, kesón kesonár, krupón kruponár, milión milionár, paplón paplonár, vagón vagonár .874 The general tendency of Pravidla but especially of KSSJ seems to firm and codify RLRL, even after diphtong, so mliekar, sviečkar, ďialkar, škôlkar, cievkar etc. with the claim that the actual pronunciation is unstable (Považaj 1997:233 234). Second edition of Pravidla (1997) codified RL for ar/ár derivates also if the preceding vowel contained diphtong, so mlieko mliekar, laho dkar, ško lkar. Third edition from 2000 continued in that codification. So when one wants toto obtain Slovak lexical data, hhee is puzzpuzzledled about the relevancy, because e.g. SSJ adduces bábkár, bájkár, bárkár, mliekár but KSSJ only bábkar, bájkar, mliekar. The discussion about RL in late 1990s was marked by Dvonč Kačala polemics, which did not bring anything new to the explanation of how and why RL operates but turned into personal attacks and demeaning of each other scientific competency. 875 The main point of polemics was the clash about codification of RL in KSSJ contra Pravidla 1991 but the whole discussion turned into a farcical quarrel. 876 The "nationalistic" character of Slovak linguistics concerning Rhythmic Law was reflected at the conference Kvantita v spisovnej slovenčine a v slovenských nárečiach .877 There were 23 Slovak linguists and only one foreign scholar (S.Habijanec). The aim of the conference was to discuss the problem of quantity and RL with the reflection of codification. The papers did not bring anything new to the explanation of RL and still deal with RL as an only Slovak 872 Považaj 1997:231. 873 Považaj 1997:232, also SSJ 874 ibid. 875 Especially Kačala's papers carry the tone of ridiculing his oponent.. 876 Dvonč 1997, Kačala 1998, Dvonč 1998, Dvonč 1999, Kačala 1999, Dvonč 2000, 2000a; Kačala's antagonising approach to other linguistst had to be cut off by editors of Slovenská reč (see Slovenská reč 66/6, 2001:85) 877 2n 3rd April 2001 in Budmerice., papers published in Kvantita v spisovnej slovenčine a slovenských nárečiach . (ed. Považaj, M.)., Bratislava:Veda 2005. 367 phenomenon. Synchronic papers deal with codification (Dvonč, Kačala, Ondrejovič 878 ...) or try to explain it in hardly understandable way (Sabol 879 ). Historical commentary is done without any references to accentological literature (Králik 880 ). The interesting paper is the one by Ferenčíková 881 who described irregularity of RL in Central Slovak dialects. As for ár nouns, there are two types of rhythmical structures described: the first one σ ár (in Orava area), second type σ ar in souther part of Central slovak. Structures σ ár are recorded from Ipeľ area (marginal part of RZ territory). It is quite clear that RL has two different forms and it is quite absurd to talk about RL only in cases where suffix is shortened after long root syllable. 11.1.6.6. Historical explanation of RL 11.1.6.6.1. Pretonic length influences the quantity of the followingfollowing syllable While most of the Slovak authors have dealt with RL from synchronical and codification point of view, not many of them tried to explain it historically. One of the author who tried to explained the origin of RL was Eugen Pauliny. Pauliny thought that RL originated after the loss of yers and due to specifical Central Slovak conditions. 882 Pauliny thinks that pretonic lengths were preserved, circumflex length were shortened both in Czech and in Slovak. On the other hand, acute length were shortened in Slovak and Moravia, but preserved in Czech dialects. So old circumflex and acute lengths were shortened in Slovak area. After fixing the stress on the first syllable all stressed syllables become short. Stress stopped to be phonologically relevant. Because stress was fixed on the first syllable and first syllables were long if formerly pretonic, it was thought that after long syllable a short syllable must follow (because of the structure former pretonic length+stressed short syllable). 883 According to Pauliny, that model of shortening was operating in the dialects where first yers were lost, then stress was fixed and contraction followed. 884 Loss of yers causes fixing the stress, as Pauliny thinks. So after shortening of all lengths there were only pretonic lengths left and and after those pretonic lengths only short syllables could follow. New contraction lengths were shortened due to the model, e.g. * mNjdrъj > *mǍdr > *mǍdry > múdry, but *pęknъj 878 Dvonč, L.: Dynamika kvantity v súčasnej spisovnej slovenčine., p.33 44.; Kačala, J.: Regulácia kvantity v rámci slova a tvaru, p. 45 51., Ondrejovič, S.: Sociolingvistické poznámky k rytmickému kráteniu., p. 107 115. 879 Sabol, J.: Historicko synchronické morfologické a derivačné signály kvantity v slovenčine., p. 9 32. 880 Králik, Ľ.: Historicko etymologické poznámky k dištinktivnej funkcii kvantity v súčasnej spisovnej slovenčine., p. 63 68. 881 Ferenčíková, A.: Výskumy kvantity v slovenských nárečiach., 130 144. 882 Pauliny 1957; Pauliny 1963:98 99. 883 Pauliny 1957: 319. 884 ibid. 368 >*pękn > pekný. 885 Should contraction operate before fixing the stress and loss of yers, it would result into scheme in which long syllables need not be only formerly pretonic but also posttonic. So no Rhythmic Law is to be observed, like in West Slovak dialects and Czech language. 886 Krajčovič (1988) also noticed that some other Slavic languages have similar phenomenon as RL, e.g. Polabian, Kašubian or Serbocroatinan dialects in Donau area. Krajčovič criticised Pauliny's conception of RL origin and tried to explain RL as a phenomenon that was created after loss of yers and after fixing the stress. Stress was fixed on the first syllable and the following syllable was shortened. Actually, RL was created due to the cumulation of distinctive prosodic features on the first syllable (stress+quantity). 887 So while the Slovak historical linguists observed the rhythmicity elsewhere in West Slavic, the synchronic linguistis ignored the fact and tried to posit RL only as a separate Slovak phenomenon. 11.1.6.6. 2. Rhythmic Law as an accompaniment to the stress retractionretraction Diachronic conditions of Slovak RL were also explained by Feldstein 1990a. Feldstein's conception o RL is a part of his general theory about the origin of neoacute and different areal developments of quantity opositon. 888 Feldstein backs heavily on Jakobsonian approach to the development of PSl accentuation. When contraction operated, length and stress had culminative role. If stress and quantity are culminative, the rhytmicity prevents the emergence of the potential ictus syllable (Feldstein 1990a:4) It means that stress itself was not independent from quantity otherwise there would be no reason to shorten the following syllable. Now there is a clear connection between the origin of neoacute and contraction. The question is why neoacute happened. Feldsteins answer, who sticks to Jakobson's ideas is that yers were not able to bear phonological stress in word final position (Jakobson 1963). According to Feldstein, neoacute is a stress retraction. Prosodically, PSl APa and APc o stems merged and all stressed root vowels (acute or circumflex) were shortened in Slovak area > dym (APa) and syn (APc). So Slovak merged APa + APc (which resulted in shortening) in contrast to APb štít where rising 885 Adapted from Pauliny 1963:140 143. 886 For the chronology of changes also with incorporation of denasalisation see Pauliny 1963:98 101, also 140 143. Pauliny's theory was recently commented by Habijanec 2008. Habijanec criticises Pauliny that in his conception the RL is isolated Central Slovak Phenomenon because it presuposes different chronology of contraction and loss of yers without specification why such changes should be different just for Central Slovak. However, the article by Habijanec does not bring anything new apart from a cohesive report and commentary to Pauliny's conception of RL. 887 Krajčovič 1988:80 81. 888 See Feldstein 1975, 1978 and 2005. 369 pitch was lengthened. In Feldstein's conception, Slovak lost pitch distinction before quantitative redistribution, otherwise APa and APc would not have merged in contrast to Czech where merged APa + APb and retained length (dým, štít ) as opposed to short APc (syn ). Feldstein refers to an old article by Jakobson who posited a theory that distinctive stress and distinctive quantity are unstable. Quantitative opposition means the difference x while distinctive feature means stressabiliy of a mora. But if in the language system has both free stress and long vowels, it also means that the system must have a tonal opposition (Feldstein 1990:7). However, such combination is rare, so stress is going to be fixed. So only one feature is distinctive stress or quantity. West Slavic has opted for quantitative distinction and therefore has fixed stress, which means the elimination of word final stress (esp. in Gpl). Therefore, Feldstein sees West Slavic neoacute as a retraction of stress not only from final yers but from any final vowel. This would lead to loss of mobility. Another way is to fix stress with a long syllable, as in Slovene, but it also limits one long syllable in a word. Feldstein 1990a:8 sees the early West Slavic development similar to the one observed in Slovene, as a first solution to the Jakobsonian distinctive stress distinctive quantity clash. The distinctive quantity had the redundant word stress , so Nsg ščītъ >šč tъ, Gsg ščītá > šč ta (Feldstein 1990a:8) also supported by shortening of final syllables. The previous situation one long vowel per word remained until contraction. Contraction produced long vowels which meant that in one word two long vowels could appeared. Central Slovak had long quantity in pretonic syllable which attracted final stress (šč tъ šč ta), these two processes are common to the whole of West Slavic (Feldstein 1990a:9), but Central Slovak had also instances of Compensatory Lengthening in originally short vowel before final stressed yer), i.e. types bobъ , kolъ , stolъ , koń , koš , nož > bôb, kôl, stôl, kôň, kôš, nôž. This CL is the regular development, because in WS we observe CL conditioned by a quality of consonants. According to Feldstein, Central Slovak still differed between bobъ (stressed word, bound to length because after retraction the newly stressed vowel was lengthened; so there was a distinctive quantity and culminative stress both concentrated on one syllable (Feldstein 1990:10) and dómъ (stressless and recessive word). After that retraction the culminative stress and length was eliminated in whole West Slavic and we only observe the result of it long vowel. This explain the difference between štít and bôb štít resulted from retraction to preceding long vowel > stress+length in WS, bôb resulted from retraction of stress to preceding short vowel > stress+length in Central Slovak, stress + brevity in the rest of West Slavic. However, Polish bób is interpreted by Feldstein due to yer fall, so probably the true CL (Feldstein 1990a:11). Feldstein also separates retraction from a stressed yer bob >bób 370 (resulting in lengthening under stress) and the retraction from other final vowels bobá > bóba which resulted in brevity. As seen, the system of retractions is quite complicated since Feldstein's origina ideas in 1975 and 1978. It is quite improbable that speakers should be careful about the two different retractions to short and long vowels. Feldstein's interpretation of RL is that Central Slovak eliminated the second long vowel which came to origin after contraction. The reason for it was to exclude the second ictus syllable. Feldstein claims that in other Slovak dialects and the rest of West Slavic the stress and length were not mutually depended, because former APc substantives with default initial stress served as a model for independent stress and quantity pattern the stress was automatically assigned on the initial syllable, quantity could be distinctive and present in any syllable. When contraction operated, the length was distinctive and culminative in Central Slovak but only distinctive in the rest of West Slavic (Feldstein 1990a:12). Feldstein does not agree with Paulinys conception of relative chronology of changes leading to the RL. Pauliny thought that differences in intonation were transformed to differences of quantity after the fall of yers. Feldstein agrees with Jakobson 1963 that the reevaluation of intonation to quantity differences was triggered by loss of final yers, not loss of all yers. 11.1.6.7. GeneGenerativerative phonology and RL 11.1.6.7.1. Rule insertion Rhythmic Law as an example of rule insertion was also solved in the heyday of this approach. Kenstowicz (1972) tried to explain the mechanism of Rhythmic Law as a rule that is inserted into the sequence of other rules. Interestingly, Kenstowicz observed the mutual influence of the length of Gpl in a stem feminines and o stems neuters (vláda vlád, blato blát), diphtongization of long vowels in zero forms (mies, hoviad) and Rhythmic Law proper. As seen, genitive plural is a zero case form where the loss of yer (?cause) lengthening of the root vowel. The rule describing the process is: 889 [+syll.] > [+long] /__C 1# (restriction: in fem. and neut. pl. only) Rhythmic law can formally be written as a rulerule:::: 890 [+syll.] > [ long] /___[+syll., +long] C 0___ Both rules seem to be ordered in the feeding succession vowel lengthening rule precedes Rhythmic Law rule and feeds it: 889 Kenstowicz 1972:555. 890 Kenstowicz 1972:557. 371 /#písmen#/ Length. písmén RL písmen but actually it does not matter what order they are in. Both rules are opaque 891 but only in forms with long root vowel. When put into the ordering of other rules, they are stable, e.g. Nsg vojna "war", Gpl vojen #vojn#/ vowel insertion rule vojen vowel lengthening rule vojén Rhythmic Law diphtongization vojien j shortening 892 vojen 893 As seen, the vowel insertion rule epenthesizes a mid vowel into a consonantic cluster: 0 > e / C__[ syllabic, +sonorant] 894 However, the following vowel lengthening rule is not clear because the motivation for lengthening is due to the loss of yer which is not present synchronically. 895 Why a vowel lenghtnening should be present when there is no motivation for it to lengthen? Although j shortening rule exist in Slovak ( zmija zmijí zmijam )896 , here both that rule as well as preceding diphtongisation rule are superfluous. The speaker does not neet to compute vojen > vojén > vojien to get back to vojen , although Kenstowicz claims that each rule appears before subsequent order so all of them are in the feeding order.897 11.1.6.7.2. Lexical phonology explanation Kenstowicz came to the problem or Slovak Rhythmic Law from the point of Lexical phonology. Lexical phonology (in Kenstowicz Rubach's conception) considers the phonological part of the grammar to be organised into the lexical system and postlexical system. 898 Lexical system places the phonological rules inside the lexicon where they interact 891 Kenstowicz 1972:558. 892 Shortening of a non high vowel after "j" 893 Kenstowicz 1972:562. 894 Kenstowicz 1972:563. 895 The vowel zero alternation can be solved by Government/Lateral phonology, see Scheer 2004. 896 First described by Isačenko 1966. 897 Although Kenstowicz admits that he fails to establish if Rhythmic Law precedes j shortening (Kenstowicz 1972:563). The problem lies with 3pl verbs with long root vowel which break Rhythmic Law kúpia, hlásia, as well as present participle form derived from such verbs kúpiaci, hlásiaci. The standart explanation in Slovak linguistics is that diphtong "ia" is not influenced by Rhythmic Law but it is not quite clear why. 898 Lexical pohonology operates with "derived environment" which is the one where the structural description is met with material that comes from individual morphemes or where part of the material has resulted from the application of previous rules. Derived environment is actually property of cyclic rules, although some rules (especially those that build prosodic structures) may apply cyclically in non derived context. 372 with the word formation component. Postlexical system operates on the surface syntax level. Lexical rules are therefore cyclic while postlexical rules are do not bother with morphological and lexical structure. Rhythmic Law is the lexical rule. So for example krídlo krídel, krídelce krídeliec would be composed into three cycles: 899 First cycle krídlu yer loss krídel yer vocalization krídél yer lengthening krídel Rhythmic Law [krídel]ec Second cycle krídélec yer vocalization krídelec yer lengthening Rhythmic Law Third cycle krídelecu yer vocalization krídelécu yer lengthening Rhythmic Law krídeliecu diphtongization However, as both authors observe, there are several affixes that fail to undergo derived context. One of them is ár suffix which break the application of Rhythmic Law hríbár , not hríbar. No explanation is given to that anomaly. 1111.1.6.7.3.11.1.6.7.3. Rubach's canon Rubach 1993 dealt with RL from the point of Lexical Phonology. 900 However, in hist conception there are just rules, not explanations. Rubach distinguishes several lengthenings concenrning RL. Morpholological lengthening is e.g. the lengthening before ík (in successive ordered rules): V > V /_ík vlak+ík 899 Modified after Kenstowicz & Rubach 1987:495. Almost the same principle is applied in Rubach & Booij (1992:704). 900 Theoretical considerations of Rubach's Lexical phonology modification are in Booij & Rubach 1987. Lexical pohonology theory (Kiparsky 1982) operates with cyclic rules (which interplay with morphological rules on lexicon leve), and postlexical rules (which operate in the phonological component after syntactic level. Rubach modified the original idea by broadening lexical rules into two types cyclic rules interacting with morphology rules and postcyclic rules applying after morphological rules. The difference between word phonology and sentence phonology is therefore transformed into lexical and postlexical phonological rules which operate on different levels (or cycles). RRRhythmicRhythmic law in Rubach's conception is a part of cyccycliclic rules. 373 vlak´+ík 1st palatalisation vlač+ík affrication vláč+ík ík lengthening vláč+ik RL 901 As for Rubach's morphonological lengthening, an example of prefix lengthening in open syllables can be illustrated: V > V / [ (nouns). Prefix lengthening in open syllable should function in deverbatives like zabavit zábava, vyplatit výplata . Prefix lengthening precedes RL zabránit zábrana .902 Phonological lengthening happens, according to Rubach, in Gpl former feminine a stems and neuter o stems. Lengthening is triggered by inflectional suffixes so ryba rýb, blato blát. The same lengthening before yer should be observable in Nsg of former masculine o stems mráz mrazu, nôž noža, stôl stola, kôň koňa ,903 although it is not clear why the lengthening should not operate in dym, hrad, hrach etc. Structures with yer are also responsible for lengthening in deminutives hlas hlások, sud súdok, hlava hlávka : V > 904 V /Cyer . However, the lengthening in deminutives is not universal and Rubach himself admits that there are examples where suffix ъk does not cause lengthening ryba rybka. 905 Another type of lengthening is the one in closed syllable V > V /_C) σ. This lengthening can be observed in class 1 verbs nesený niesť, premožený môcť. On the other hand, morphological shortening can be observed before ák, ár suffixes víno vinár, múr murár , although it is dubious to say what the morphological shortening is and what function it has. To put RL into the Lexical phonology frame, Rubach introduces skeletal tier as an representation of a syllable structure. Skeletal tier was formed by Halle and Vergnaud 1980 who proposed that phonological representations are on separate tiers.: syllabic tier (syllables) 906 skeletal tier melodic tier (segments) Posing phonological representation in that way means that tiers are independent and need not correspond to linear sequences at other tiers. That kind of phonology is therefore non linear. 901 Rubach 1993:165. 902 Rubach 1993:166 167. 903 Rubach 1993:167 168. 904 Rubach 1993:167 169. 905 Rubach 1993:169. 906 modified according to Rubach 1993:21. 374 When Rubach expresses RL at skeletal tier, he can explain RL as an phenomenon occuring only at the interface of the skeletal and syllabic tiers 907 Melody level is not important. On the other hand, Rubach is able to explain why vocalised yers block RL, like vápno vápenný, písmo písomný in contrast to stádo stádny, múka múčny . According to Rubach, unvocalised yers have no X slot, therefore are invisible to RL. 908 It means that RL is cyclic because it applies in the presence of unvocalised yers. Lengthening or shortening means addition or deletion of a satelite slot. Rhythmic Law is incorporated into system of ordered rules that operate one after another in cycles: Yer vocalisation Vowel lenghtening Prefix lengthening Rhythmic Law 909 [[[V ]1V] 2V ]3 1st cycle long vowel 2nd cycle shortened vowel because long vowel from 1st cycle precedes 3rd cycle no shortening because short vowel from 2nd cycle precedes So RL in Rubach's conception is a phenomenon independent on lexical information and does not have any derivative limitation. 11.1.6.8. BisyllabBisyllabicic maximally threemoraic domain Rhythmic Law in the conception of Bethin 1998 is a trochaic structure. Bethin does not see RL as quantity based but intensity based. However, the intensity is reached by syllable weigth: 907 Rubach 1993:182 183. 908 Rubach 1993:180. 909 Rubach 1993:203. I omit other rules after RL. 375 strong weak Bethi n thinks that should quantity be basis for metrical rhythm in Slovak, we would expect iambic rhythm. Because it is not, it confirms Bethin's theory that North Central Slavic developed trochaic metrical foot. 910 11.1.6.9. Data analysis Comparing the Slovak ař/ář derivates with those ones in Czech, the situation seems to be much more simplified. Data from SSJS show that most of disyllabic derivates have long ár suffix, especially if the original substantive has a short root vowel: bitkár < bitka, blanár < blana, bludár < blud, cepár < cep, cestár < cesta, čachrár < čachre, čatár < čata, drevár < drevo, duchár < duch, hrobár < hrob, kotlár < kotol, kusár < kus, lampár < lampa, mlynár < mlyn, mostár < most, mydlár < mydlo etc. It is obvious that the underlying form of suffix is ár and the total weight of the disyllabic domain is three moras. Much more interensting are examples with original long root syllable which is preserved in the derivate: bábkár < bábka, bájkár < bájka, bárkár < bárka, párkár < párok, písmár < písmo, krúžkár < krúžok, čiapkár < čiapka, cievkár < cievka , mliekár < mlieko, šk lkár < šk lka , sánkár < sánky, frézár < fréza. Those data are from SSJS and show the tendency to preserve the root quantity at the expense of the maximally threemoraic domain preservation. Although SSJS might reflect the current state, the new Pravidla (1990, 1993) and KSSJ codified the shortening of ár and artificially corrected the irregularity of domain in that form. Thus, as adduced above, the "standard" data now are bábkar, bájkar, párkar, mliekar 911 , frézar, sánkar, diaľkar, šk lkar.. . This artifical purism does not explain the derivates bedár < bieda, drotár < dr t, koniar < k ń, košiar < k š, nožiar < n ž, lekár < liek, cinár < cín, , brankár < bránka where the derivate has a shortened root obviously due to the fact that the long suffix ár follows. Recall that this process is against the conception of Slovak RL because RL is considered a shortening after a long derivative base. No wonder that the such process would be explained as a 910 Bethin 1998:151. 911 Dialects show only mliekar or mľekár (SSN II). While the first form would be Rhytmic Law, the second should be taken as the shortening accompanying derivation (in the sense of Dvonč). It is obvious that such classification is nonsense. 376 derivative shortening (as Dvonč), although there is no difference between fréza > frézar , drevo > drevár , and cín > cinár because at all examples a disyllabic maximally threemoraic domain appears and is living. Rhythmic Law has been intensively studied for half a century but it is quite clear that what we observe here is again disyllabic, maximally threemoraic domain. As for ar/ár disyllabics, we the principle of rhythmicity is the same as in Old Czech drôt drotár, stôl stolár but krúžok krúžkar, párky párkar, lúka lúkar . Concerning deverbatives in anie , suffix nie is interpreted as long and contributes to the rhythmicity in the whole word: čítať čítanie, konať konanie. Slovak also shows the shift of the domain to the right when adding another suffix cukrík cukrikár, gombík gombikár, košík košikár, perník pernikár or rybár rybárik, kolár kolárik, kuchár kuchárik . The difference between Old Czech and Slovak Rhythmic Laws is that the former is derivative and paradigmatic (rhythmicity can be observable in flexion), while the latter is only derivative. OT solution is pretty the same as in Czech. As the Slovak stress is on the first syllable, the trochee types undergo different ranking. 377 11.2. The case of "fish" paradigmatic length Introduction Several papers have recently more or less dealt with Czech quantity as a reflection of older accentual state (Verweij 1994, Kapović 2005a, 2005b, Kortlandt 2005, 2009, Feldstein 2007 . I want to show the Czech quantity in a broader context of Czech and Moravian dialects and Old Czech. Scholars dealing with the Czech data often take standard modern Czech as a representative of quantitative patterns in words and Old Czech as an evidence of older state. However, very few data are being used from Moravian and Silesian dialects. The problem is that the aim of the dialectal study has not been targeted especially on quantity as a reflection of older accentuation. The Český jazykový atlas as a modern representative dialectal work records only a handful of data in their quantitative distribution as a reflection of original accentual pattern and they are explained in the view of classical accentology and in case of anomaly it posits either the unmotivated metatonical processes or a series of highly improbable analogical processes. I consider useless to comment the data interpretation of CJA because the authors work with pre Stang modus operandi. Anyway, the primary aim of the atlas was to provide a guidance to dialectal material in our republic and a databasis for future work, not to deal with accentual problems only. I limit my analysis only to disyllabic a stems and ja stems feminina and former disyllabic o stems and jo stems masculina. I will try show how the words of Proto Slavic accentual paradigms a,b,c are reflected quantitatively in Standard modern Czech and the difference in dialects and Old Czech, if there is any. 11.2.11.2.1111.. Feminine aa stems/jastems/jastems/ja stemsstems 11.2.111.2.1.1..1..1..1. Data of APa baɾba, bri tva, be rza, bılna, bu rja, cě sta, čaɾša, dě va, dırga, dyɾnja, gli na, gli va, gni da, gri va, gNj ba, grNj da/gru da, jaɾma, j skra, j va, ě zva, kaɾša, kılda, kırsta, klju ka, kırva, kyɾla, kyɾta, laɾpa, laɾska, li pa, lu ža, mě ra, mę ta, mu cha, ni va, paɾra, pě na, pe lva, raɾna, ryɾba, rě pa, si la, skaɾla, slaɾva, sli na, sli va, slNj ka, sılma, sırka, stru na, strě cha, stNj pa, stru na, ščaɾva, šču ka, vě ra, vılga, vırna, vyɾdra, v lna "wool", žaɾba, žę tva, ži la, ž lna Standard Czech reflexes baba, břitva, bříza, blána, bouře, cesta, číše, děva, dráha, dýně, hlína, hlíva, hnida, hříva, houba, hrouda/hruda, jáma, jiskra, jíva, jizva, kaše, kláda, chrásta, klika, kráva, kýla, kýta, tlapa, láska, lípa, louže, míra, máta, moucha, niva, pára, pěna, pleva, rána, ryba, řepa, síla, 378 skála, sláva, slina, slíva, sluka, sláma, straka, struna, střecha, stoupa, struna, šťáva, štika, víra, vláha, vrána, vydra, vlna, žába, žatva, žíla, žluna Acute is reflected as a root length due to the Kortlandt's lenghtening rule, but some words are short:: pěna, pleva, slina, hnida, jiskra, jikra. The expected length is preserved in SW Czech dialects pína, plíva, slína, hňída, jískra, jíkra, sáze, káše, rejba, houba, douha (Voráč 1955); also in transitional territory of Cz Moravian dialects pína, plíva, slína, kúpa (Utěš) and in East Czech dialects kníha, slína (Bachmann 2001) and also pina/pjyna in the north of Hlučín and Frýdek Místek territory (ČJA 5:196) As for řepa , most Czech dialect have řípa (ČJA 5:195). Moravian brevity reflexes In contrast with Czech territory (western part of the republic), Moravian dialects mostly show brevity as reflection of old acute: baba (Mistř., Urč., Dol., Valaš., Nechv., SlavBuč.) baňa (Mistř., Urč., Valaš.), błana (Keleč., Dol., Valaš.), březa (Mistř., Karl., Dol., Valaš., Utěš., StřOp), diňa (Dol., SlavBuč.) / dyňa (Spál.), draha (Valaš., Nechv.), hliva (Keleč., Valaš.), hlina (Dol., Nechv.) / hle na (Urč.), hruda (Mistř., Karl., Dol., Valaš., Utěš.) / hro da (Urč.), jama (Karl., Nechv., Utěš.), hřyva (Keleč.) / hře va (Urč.) huba (Keleč.), klada (Karl., Dol., Nechv., Utěš.) / kłada (Valaš.), ke ta (Urč.) / kyta (Valaš.), koža (Dol.), krava (Utěš.), le pa (Urč.), lipa (Karl., Dol.), mama (Mistř.), misa (Dol), para (Mistř., Dol., Valaš.), rana (Urč., Karl., Dol., Valaš., SlavBuč., Utěš.), siuʢa (Mistř.) / syła (Keleč.) /sila (Karl., Dol., Valaš., SlavBuč., Utěš.), sliva (Bart.Slov.383) / slivy (Valaš) / sle va (Urč.), smola (Karl., Dol., Utěš.), vrana (Mistř., Urč., Karl., Dol., Valaš., Nechv., SlavBuč., Utěš.), žaba (Keleč., Mistř., Karl., Dol., Valaš., Nechv., SlavBuč., Utěš.), žila (Dol., Utěš.) / žiuʢa (Mistř), žyła (Keleč) /že la (Urč.), žlaza (Karl.) Old Czech: If we compare the data with Old Czech, we see dublets in the following examples: cěsta /ciesta (NED:39), pěna/ piena (NED:40) , pleva/pléva (NED:40) , ryba/rýba (NED:39), slina/slína (NED:40), kníha, múka, viežka, níva, ščíka ( Klaret) 1111.11.1.1.2.12.12.12.1.2..2..2..2. Data from APb 1. bědà, borzdà, bornà, bl chà, čerdà, č rtà, dNjgà, chvalà, korà, kosà "scythe", kozà, kunà, osà, pilà, rudà, sovà, stopà, ženà, želzà, 2. kòzja, vòlja, vònja, 3. cě và, dě rà, dě žà, glīstà, gvě zdà, jūchà, krāsà, krūpà, lNj kà, lě chà, lě skà, mě zgà, mNj kà, rě kà, tNj gà, trāvà, ūzdà, 379 Standard Czech reflexes: 1. bída, brázda, brána, blecha, třída, črta, duha, chvála, kůra, kosa, koza, kuna. vosa, pila, ruda, sova stopa, žena, žláza 2. kůže, vůle, vůně 3. céva, díra, díže, hlísta, hvězda, jícha, krása, kroupa, louka, lícha, líska, míza, mouka, řeka, touha, tráva, uzda Data included in (2) reflect the length due to the van Wijk's law (the simplification of a consonant cluster lenghthens the following vowel *woljaȤ "will" > *wòľā. 912 Dybo's law moved stress from the rising vowel to the following syllable which received a falling tone *woľa . The stress was subsequently retracted due to the Stang's law, stress was then retracted from long falling vowels in final syllables, so *woľ' > *wòľā. The newly stressed vowel received a rising tone but the posttonic long vowel was shortened (apart from Old Polish wolå ). Later, the short rising vowel in the first syllable was lengthened by the Kortlandt's lengthening rule (see below for definition) *wòľā > vōlja > Cz. vůle .913 Data included in (3) reflect pretonic length preserved due to the Dybo's law. This length is generally preserved in Czech. Brevity is observed in blecha, duha, hvězda, kosa, plena, řeka, rota, sestra, sova, srna, vina, vosa, žena. As for řeka ČJA 5: 195 196 records říka, řika (East Moravian and Silesian dialects), OCz data shows the form řěka (Card database of the Institute of the Czech language) the form řieka in Lamprecht Šlosar Bauer 1986:80 cannot be taken as a strong evidence fo OCz root length, even NED:40 considers it doubtful, because it is hapax legomen.Quantity depended on root vocalism *e, *o and jers resulted in short vowel in all paradigm ( kosa ), other words developed pattern with long vowel in whole paradigm (krása) , see Verweij 1994:502. As for kosa, vosa, vina SWCz dialects have kůsa, vúsa, vína , also in East Bohemian kúsa (Bachmannová 1998) which can be considered secondary but on the other hand these dialects are peripheral and preserve original state of quantity. Anomalous brevity is in hvězda (Slovak hviezda ), the length is expected in duha (Slovak dúha ). OCz shows dublets in duha/dúha (NED:39), kura/kúra (NED:39), plena /pléna (NED:40), smola/smóla (NED:40), sova/sóva (NED:40). 912 Kortlandt 1975:30. 913 See Kortlandt 1983 for detailed chronology of those changes. 380 1111.11.1.1.2.2.2.2.1111.2..2. Data from APc bordà, cěnà, edlà, dušà, golvà, gorà, grędà, grozà, j krà, kosà "hair" (Only OCz), norà, nogà, pętà, rosà, rNjkà , serdà, smolà, sochà, snъchà, stornà, vagà, vodà, v lnà "wave", zimà, Standard Czech reflexes brada, cena, jedle, duše, hlava, hora, hřada, hrůza, jikra, kosa, nora, noha, pata, rosa, ruka středa, smůla, socha, snacha, strana, voda, váha, vlna, zima The most examples show the brevity which is caused by the rise of new timbre distinction where the quantitative opposition in pretonic syllables were interpreted as timbre differences (Kortlandt 1983). All pretonic vowels are reflected as short vowels here. The situation in dialects and Old Czech sometimes shows different reflection. In SW Cz dialects have strána, hora/hůra (Holub 2004) , zíma (Voráč 1955), transitional Cz Moravian territory zejma (Utěš.), East Bohemian rúsa (Bachmannová 1998) OCZ show dublets: strana/strána (NED:40), stěna/stiena (NED:40), vina/vína (NED:40), zima/zíma (NED:40), žena/žéna (NED:40), hora/hóra (NED:40), kopa/kópa/kópě (NED:40); voda/vóda (NED:40). As for zima : ČJA 5:202 203 shows the long variant zíma with the further development zejma (North East Bohemia), also in transitional territory of Cz Moravian dialects (Utěš.), zéma (Central Moravia:Zábřeh territory). 11.2.11.2.2222.. Quantitative paradigms Because Slavic languages generally show brevity in root, some scholars suppose that Czech length can be secondary. According to Kortlandt (1975:19) " a short rising vowel in an open first syllable of disyllabic words is lengthened unless the second syllable contains a long vowel" . Actually, it was Stang (1952/1965 2:25, 35) who first thought about the secondary lengthening of a rising vowel 914 but since it is fully applied and used by Kortlandt, I call this lengthening Kortlandt's lengthening rule. Stang's observations (although known long before him) that in Czech disyllabic words acute is reflected as long ( kráva) , circumlex as short ( strana ), and there is a quantitative contrast between Nsg a Gpl ( kráva krav) must lead to the explanation that Czech developed quantity paradigms (Verweij 1994; the term " quantitative paradigm " should be connected with Feldstein 2007). The fact that Standard Czech does not always show the contrast ( strana stran ) is explained by analogical levelling after the full quantitative contrast stopped to be phonologically rellevant. The rests of original contrast should be found in Old Czech ( strana 914 "In Czecho Slovak, in the first syllable of an old disyllabic word, acute appears as long and circumflex as short. But it is possible that this may be due to a secondary lengthening of a rising vowel". 381 strán) and in peripheral Czech dialects, although what dialects often show is the supposed original quantity (plouh) . The Kortlandt's lengthening rule is accepted by Verweij (1994) who distinguishes Czech material according to their declination paradigms, he is able to see how the quantity alternates in all cases among disyllabic and trisyllabic forms. The "Czech lengthening" sound law, and further analogical levelling leads Verweij to operate with quantitative patterns of modern Standard Czech. However, Verweij considers it impossible to predict why some words generalised long or short vowels and behave out of the rules. The many exceptions is explained due to the various ad hoc rules, e.g. the brevity of uzda due to the frequent usage of that word with preposition na and za and the subsequent spreading of the short u to the rest of the paradigmatic cases. On the other hand, the long root vowel in kůra, sůva is interpreted as being taken from derivates with ьka suffix: kůrka, sůvka , although Verweij accepts other explanations too. 915 11.2.311.2.3.. Masculine oo stems/jostems/jostems/jo stemsstems 11.2.11.2.3333.1..1. Data from APa bi č , bu kъ, čaɾsъ, dě dъ, dyɾmъ, chlě bъ, chılpъ, gaɾdъ, gně vъ, gırchъ, ju gъ, kli nъ, kraɾj , ku rъ, maɾkъ, mırzъ, ırkъ, plaɾč , plu gъ, pırgъ, pırmъ, pyɾrъ, ryɾsъ, syɾrъ, stryɾj , še lmъ, ti sъ, tyɾlъ, tyɾnъ, vě trъ, Standard Czech reflexes bič, buk, čas, děd, dým, chléb, chlap, had, hněv, hrách, jih, klín, kraj, kur, mák, mráz, rak, pláč, pluh, práh, prám, pýr, rys, sýr, strýc, šlem, tis, týl, týn, vítr From those, SW Czech dialects record the original length : kráj, plouh, čás, hád, rák (Voráč 1955). Moravian dialects show expected brevity reflexes hrach (Urč., Dol.,Valaš., , Utěš.), kle n (Urč.), mak (Urč., Kar., Dol., Utěš.), plač (Urč., Karl., Dol., Utěš.)/ płač (Keleč.)/ puʢač (Mistř.) prah (Urč., Karl., Dol.), sir (Nechv.), vjetr (Urč., Karl., Mistř.) Some representative data are also shown in ČJA 5. On one hand, they show isoglosal division of long acute reflexes in SW Czech dialects pěna pína;, čas čás, slina slína, kniha kníha, koš kůš, pluh pluh , kraj kráj (ČJA 5, 2005:190 208). Also, concerning the quantitative reflexes of acute, the data clearly show the contrast between length in Czech and brevity in Moravian and Silesian dialects, or west east division: mák mak, hrách hrach, pláč plač skála skala, 915 Verweij1994:506 507. 382 žába žaba, jáma jama, kláda klada, vrána vrana, sláma slama (brevity only in Silesian dialects), kráva krava (brevity in SW Moravia and Silesian dialects), vítr větr, sníh snih, bříza březa, síla sila, lípa lipa, hříva hřiva, hrouda hruda (ČJA 5, 2005: 218 245) Kortlandt's lengthening rule can be observable in Gsg, Dsg, Lsg, Isg, Npl, Apl but as Verweij himself admits, the quantitative pattern of those case forms are not attested.Verweij sees the lengthening in other cases as a complicated process (Verweij 1994:526). Anyway, it seems impossible for Verweij to determine "why a word acquired a particular quantity pattern" and he tries to explain it on the frequency of certain case forms and derivation where his "Czech lengthening" rule did not operate (Verweij 1994:527). I consider the root vowel lengthening due to the "frequent cases" only an ad hoc explanation. As for derivative processes, they do have influence on the quantity of the root vowel, but Czech and especially Old Czech show tendency to rhytmicity not just generalised lengthening/shortening (Sukač 2008 tpb.) 11.2.311.2.3.2..2..2..2. Data from APb 1. bobъ , boj , dvorъ , glogъ , konj , kolъ , koš , krovъ , nož , postъ , roj , skotъ , snopъ , stogъ , stolъ 2. bykъ , dělъ , dernъ , gaj , glistъ , grěchъ , chlěvъ , chvorstъ , chъlmъ , ključ , korlj, kNjtъ , lěkъ , luč , lugъ , l nъ , měč , moltъ , mъchъ , Njsъ , plastъ , plašč, prNjdъ , směchъ , sNjd, stъlpъ , svarъ , sъnъ , ščitъ , šipъ , udъ , umъ , Standard Czech reflexes 1. bob, boj, dvůr, hloh, kůň, kůl, koš, krov, nůž, půst, roj, skot, snop, stoh, stůl 2. býk, díl, dřín, háj, hlíst, hřích, chlév, chrást, chlum, klíč, král, kout, lék, louč (f), louh, len, meč, mlat, mech, vous, plást, plášť, proud, smích, soud, sloup, svár, sen, štít, šíp, úd, um Quantitative doublets are recorded from Old Czech manuscripts by Nedvědová (p.17) skot/skót, 11.2.4.3. Data from APc 1. be rgъ, be rstъ, bě sъ, blNj dъ, bo rvъ, če rpъ, či nъ, da rъ, dro zdъ, dru gъ, du chъ, dъ lgъ, ě dъ, go ldъ, go lsъ, go rdъ, gnu sъ, cho ldъ, ka lъ, ko lsъ, kNj sъ, kri kъ, krNj gъ, kva sъ, kvě tъ, le dъ, lě pъ, lě sъ, li stъ, lNj gъ, lNj kъ, me dъ, mě chъ, mi gъ, mi rъ, mo ltъ, mo rkъ, o lsъ, po rchъ, po lzъ, rę dъ, rNj bъ, sa dъ, slu chъ, smo rdъ, sně gъ, so kъ "juice", so lpъ, sNj kъ, spě chъ, sta nъ, stru pъ, stu dъ, svo rbъ, svě tъ, stru pъ, tru pъ, tu kъ, tu rъ, va rъ, vi dъ, vo rgъ, vo lsъ, vo lkъ, zo rkъ, zNj bъ, zna kъ, ža rъ, že lbъ 383 2. bo gъ, bo kъ, do mъ, gno j, lo j, do lъ, no sъ, bo lъ, bo rъ, bro dъ, go j, gro mъ, gro bъ, cho dъ, ko sъ, lo vъ, mo stъ, no sъ, po tъ, ro dъ, ro gъ, to kъ, tvo rъ, po tъ, vo skъ, vo zъ, zo bъ, zvo nъ Standard Czech reflexes 1. břeh, břest, běs, bloud, brav střep, čin, dar, drozd, druh, duch, dluh, jěd, hlad, hlas, hrad, hnus, chlad, kal, klas, kus, křik, kruh, kvas, květ, led, lep, les, list, luh, luk, med, měch, mih, mír, mlat, mrak, los, prach, plaz, rub, řád, sad, sluch, smrad, sníh, sok, sloup, suk, spěch, stan, strup, stud, svrab, svět, strup, trup, tuk, tur, var, vid, vrah, vlas, vlak, zrak, zub, znak, žár, žlab 2. bůh, bok, dům, hnůj, lůj, důl, nos, bol, bor, brod, hoj, hrom, hrob, chod, kos, lov, most, nos, pot, rod, roh, tok, tvor, pot, vosk, zob, zvon Quantitative doublets are recorded from Old Czech manuscripts by Nedvědová (p.17) běh/bieh, běs/bies, blesk/blésk, dar/dár, hlas/hlás, kyj/kýj , muž/múž, roh/róh, tuk/túk. East Bohemian dialects have probably secondary length múž múže (Bachmann 2001). In APc we also observe lengthening before sonorants and voiced fricatives bůh, důl, hnůj, dům, vůz , but not before voiced plosives and voiceless obstruents (Timberlake 1983) : drob, brod, hod, plod, plot, rod, med, led, brod, most, nos, rok, bok, sok, tok, vosk , exceptions are : kov , lov, boj, bor,hrom, mor, roh, strom, zvon, but OCz records róh and Silesian dialects. ruh, zvun (StřOp: ruh, zvun, rud ;VLaš: zu mb, glu d ). SlavBuč.: buh Kortlandt's lengthening rule is considered to apper former APa forms but the puzzling development does not operate in some cases, like Gsg. Thus Verweij 916 tries to explain the alternation mráz mrazu from some intermediate stage *mraz mrázu and posits a complicated analogy operation that should completely reform the quantitative paradigm. The caveat is, of course, the constant quantity in dým, klín and also anomalous Old Czech development of hrách hráchu . Verweij also thinks that the short vowel in um is due to the high vowel sensitivity to shortening in monosyllables but does not explain the long vowel in úd . He also cannot explain the lack of lengthening rule in Ipl stoly and again, posits complicated analogy development to explain stůl stolu, kůl kůlu but bob bobu , skot skotu where " o" and " ó" should behave in a complete unpredictable way to reach the result (p. 527). He also thinks that bůh and vůz reflects original oxytonesis to explain their length although it is clear that both of them belong to APc: S Cr. bo g, vo z bo ga, vo za , Sln. bo g, vo z boga , voza , and he he also explains the quantity pattern of sníh sněhu as a contamination of two accentual patterns of the 916 Verweij 1994:526. 384 same words: * sně gъ sně ga (APc) and sně gъ sněgá (p. 528). I consider such explanations quite improbable and unnecesarily complicated. Kortlandt (2009) proposed a comprehensive account of West Slavic accentuation. Now the situation with Czech length seems to be quite clear. 917 The APa disyllabic form of kráva type have their root length due to the Kortlandt's lengthening rule which operated both in Czech and in Upper Sorbian. In both languages we have the length or length reflection kráva, kruwa. The lenghtening was blocked by a long vowel in the following syllable, therefore we have Lpl kravách . The same lengthening operates in APb forms like kůže , blockage in kožích. The brevity in ruka (APc) is due to the pre Dybo pretonic long vowel shortening, Asg ruku is the post Stang's law shortening of long falling vowels (Asg had root circumflex), while long root vowel in tráva (APb) originated due to the Dybo's law which restored distinctive vowel length in pretonic syllables. Monosyllables of the bůh and kůň type originated after the loss of final yers. Kortlandt does not admit that lenghtening in kůň, stůl is due to the phonetic conditioning and adopts the explanation of analogical generalisation of long "o" from the case forms where the accent had been retracted due to the Stang's law, e.g. Lsg. * k ni , Isg. * k ni , Gpl. * kōň thus giving the alternation of stressed * and unstressed "o" in a paradigm, thus kůň, koně. When the stress was retracted from e.g. Gsg kóňa and other case forms, the short root vowel was generalized in the paradigm and this can be observed in OCz skót , Modern Czech skot (already levelled). 918 I cannot accept this explanation because it does not seem to be too much persuasive. As I showed in my previous chapter, I distinguish lengthening in APb and APc forms. Long vowels in Nsg should spread to other paradigms, therefore we have mráz, sníh and dům , where no other motivation for lengthening occurs. I think that this Kortlandt's claim can support my idea of QPs (see below). As adduced above, Verweij divides all substantives to quantitative paradigms. 919 Standard Czech quantity patterns are distributed as follows: A: a short root vowel in all case forms ( dub ) B: a long root vowel in all case forms ( žák ) C: a long root vowel in the N(A)sg, a short root vowel in the remaining case forms ( dům ) D: a short root vowel in the Gpl, a long root vowel in the remaining case forms ( chvála ) 917 Also Kortlandt 1975, 1983. 918 Kortlandt 2009:10. 919 Verweij 1994:494. 385 E: a short root vowel in the Gpl, Dpl, Lpl, Ipl, a long root vowel in the remaining case forms (kráva ) F: a short root vowel in the Isg, Gpl, Dpl, Lpl, a long root vowel in the remainig case forms (rána ) Moreover, there he distinguishes words that vaccilate between paradigms: mísa B/D, kůže B/F, skála D/E and lípa D/F. It is obvious that such distribution is very complicated and it is almost impossible to posit a general tendency for the quantitative behaviour of substantives. One is either pressed to explain the quantity of individual paradigmatic cases or to posit deus ex machina analogical processes which actually explain nothing. 920 11.2.11.2.4444.. Back to Feldstein I am inclined to stick to Feldstein's conception of quantitative paradigms which I modified and tried to explain the quantitative patterns of substantives in an OT way. Concerning the paradigmatic length, Feldstein (1975, 1978) developed the original Jakobson's hypothesis that the distribution of quantity in West Slavic is conditioned by the alternation of vowel/zero forms in paradigms (after loss of yers). Zero forms (Nsg, Asg of o stems and Gpl of a stems) are often considered as forms undergoing compensatory lengthening. Having e.g. the forms of APa *dy mъ – *dy ma, APb *stolъ – stola and APc *bôgъ – *bôga, the APb zero forms underwent leftward stress shift *sto lъ, stola . This leftward stress shift lead to the cummulation of distinctive features. Such situation was untenable because the first syllable overflowed with distinctive prosodic features and all of them could not be simultaneously phonological. So the prosodic system had to change. For example in Czech, the APa and APb o stems were interpreted as long, e.g. klín, býk but APc o stems as short, e.g. bok or were prolonged before certain consonants, e.g. vůz . Quantitatively, APa and APb merged and were in opposition to short APc . In Slovak, APa merged quantitatively with APc (both interpreted as short), e.g. klin, bok and contrasted with former APb which was interpreted as long, e.g. býk . Having criticised Halle's article on West Slavic accentuation (Halle 2001), Feldstein (2007) refuted Halle's claim that the length in brázda (former APb ) is due to pretonic length of post stressing root while brevity in strana 920 The problem with the reflection of Slovak ko ň koňa was also hinted by Babik (2006/2007) who, apart from Kapović, made an attack on Kortlandt and the whole Dutch accentological school (The same article, partial response by Kortlandt 2010) as well as wrote a devastating review on Greenberg 2000 probably because Greenberg partially accepted Kortlandt's results (Babik 2005). It is curious that Babik did not participate at any IWoBA (even being personally invited to my IWoBA 5) to meet and confront both protagonists personally, claiming that he has nothing important to say from the accentological point of view... 386 (former APc ) is due to the unaccented root. Feldstein thinks that it is just arbitrary explanation and quite irrelevant because of the above mentioned retraction. When the first syllable starts to overflow with distinctive features, it is problematic to postulate poststressing and unaccented characteristics. Moreover, Halle does not consider the fact that words from the same accentual paradigms show different quantitative distribution. Feldstein proposes the conception of quantitative paradigms (QP) where the key cases are Nsg – Gpl for disyllabic a stems and Nsg – Gsg for formerly disyllabic o stems. Those cases are important for every inherited or non – inherited noun to be categorized into a quantitative paradigm. Cases like Lpl or Ipl ( kravách/krávách, kravami/krávami ) are irrelevant for the paradigmatic distribution. There are two basic Feldstein's quantitative paradigms the alternating one and the constant one. The alternating paradigm has two variants: length can alternate between zero and vowel forms ( kráva – krav , mráz – mrazu ). The constant paradigms are either constant long or constant short ( brázda – brázd , strana – stran ). Reminding the Verweij's quantitative paradigm, we now see the radical simplification of his proposal. The paradigms dub, žák, dům, chvála, kráva, rána, mísa, kůže, skála and lípa can be described using two key cases. Dub dubu is a constant paradigm with short root vowel, žák žáka is also a constant paradigm with the long root vowel, dům domu is an alternating paradigm with long vowel in zero form (Nsg). As for chvála, kráva, rána, skála and lípa, it is obvious that for any disyllabic a stem feminine to be put into a QP the vowel zero forms are important Nsg and Gpl. So, chvála, kráva, rána, skála and lípa are the representatives of not three but actually only one QP the alternating QP with short zero form, because there is chvála chval, kráva krav, rána ran, skála skal, lípa lip . All other cases are not quantitatively not important. It is not important if we have chvála chválou or kráva krávou/kravou but whether we have chvála chval, kráva krav, rána ran, skála skal and lípa lip or hlína hlín and slina slin . The contrast between Gpl and other cases in Old Czech was already described by Gebauer (Historická mluvnice III I: 179): strana strán, hlava hláv, noha nóh, voda vód, ruka rúk, ryba rýb. Gebauer is much more reliable source of data because he quotes their sources, apart from Trávníček) 11.2.511.2.5.. QPs modified I hereby propose the modification of Feldstein's paradigms and try to show the quantitative distribution of Czech and Slovak (j)a stems in a more coherent way. 387 I argue that Czech has the following quantitative paradigms. QPA1 zero short is an alternating quantitative paradigm with zero short form. Nominative singular has a long root syllable, genitive singular as a zero form is short: jáma – jam, bába – bab . QPC1 zero long is a constant quantitative paradigm where nominative singular and genitive plural are long: bříza – bříz, hlína – hlín. QPC2 zero short is a constant quantitative paradigm where both nominative singular and genitive plural are short: cesta – cest, hnida – hnid. Distributionally unimportant are constant subtypes QPC1 no zero ( bouře – bouří, báně – bání ) and QPC2 disyllabic zero (břitva – břitev, jiskra – jisker ) containing former ja stems and various substantives secondarily transformed to a stem declination. Long Gpl in bouří is secondarily taken from i stems, the zero form in břitev is due the development of yer sequences. Both those final Gpl syllables have no effect on the root quantity. Concerning the quantitative distribution of Czech a stems from former APa paradigm, the situation is as follows: according to Kortlandt's rule the length develops in the root open syllable so the primary QP is QPA1 zero short (kráva – krav) type. Nouns belonging to this paradigm are: 921 jáma – jam, bába – bab, blána – blan, houba – hub, hrouda – hrud, kráva – krav, lípa – lip, míra – měr, moucha – much, pára – par, víra – věr, vrána – vran, rána – ran, síla – sil, skála – skal, sláma – slam, žába – žab, žíla žil. There are two secondary QPs where the quantity is paradigmaticaly levelled: QPC1 zero long : bříza – bříz, hlína – hlín, hlíva – hlív, hříva – hřív, jíva – jív, kláda – klád, chrásta – chrást, sláva – sláv, slíva – slív, vláha – vláh, kýta – kýt, škvára – škvár, šťáva – šťáv ; and QPC2 zero short : cesta – cest, hnida – hnid, klika – klik, tlapa – tlap, niva – niv, pleva – plev, pěna – pěn, piha – pih, slina – slin, straka – strak, sluka – sluk, vlna – vln, řepa – řep, ryba – ryb, střecha – střech, štika – štik, žluna – žlun. Subtypes QPC1 no zero :bouře – bouří, louže – louží, báně – bání, číše – číší, dýně – dýní and QPC2 disyllabic zero : břitva – břitev, jiskra – jisker, jizva – jizev, vydra – vyder, žatva – žatev contain just a few substantives from the total amount. As seen, most substantives are distributed in constant paradigms but the alternating paradigm contains a considerable amount of data. As for former APb , substantives are distributed as follows: the alternating paradigm QPA1 zeroshort contains bída – běd, díra – děr, kroupa – krup, louka – luk, tráva – trav, brána – bran . Most nouns are originally long in root so the length is pretonic. Those forms quantitatively merged with former APa substantives of kráva – krav type and belong to the same alternating paradigm now. Constant paradigms QPC1 zero long contain both former APb 921 Only Proto Slavic inherited nouns are adduced. 388 forms with pretonic length brázda – brád, krása – krás, céva – cév, mouka – mouk as well as other forms secondarily transformed into that paradigm: hlísta – hlíst, jícha – jích, kůr – kůr, sůva – sův, touha – touh, žláza – žláz. QPC2 zero short is typical for blecha – blech, hvězda – hvězd, koza – koz, řeka – řek, vosa – vos, sova – sov, uzda – uzd (pretonic long) , žena – žen, pila – pil, řasa – řas, vina – vin, duha – duh, ruda – rud. Numerically unimportant are constant paradigms QPC1 no zero kůže – kůží, vůle – vůlí, vůně – vůní , QPC1disyllabic zero líska – lísek and QPC2disyllabic zero sestra – sester. I consider the constant paradigms QPC1 zero long and QPC2 zero short as primary for the above – mentioned group of substantives. Alternating QPA1 zero short is secondary due to the merging with former APa substantives of kráva – krav type. Substantives from former APc are quite homogeneously distributed in the constant paradigm QPC2 zero short: brada – brad, cena – cen, hlava – hlav, hřada – hřad, nora – nor, noha – noh(ou), pata – pat, rosa – ros, středa – střed, socha – soch, strana – stran, voda – vod, vlna – vln, zima – zim, kuna – kun, střela – střel, kosa – kos. There are no examples of QPC1 zero long and of QPA1 zero short apart from smůla – smůl/smol. Constant quantitative paradigm QPC2 zero shor) is the primary QP because former APc quantitatively opposed to APa and APb . Although there is a tendency for quantitative merging of former APa and APb contra APc , the real distribution of substantives is hardly straightforward. Considering e.g. QPA1 zero short from former APa as a primary quantitative paradigm, we are puzzled why the quantitative distribution is different in kráva – krav, hlína – hlín, slina – slin. So even if we posit quantitative paradigms, the trigger causing the quantitative differences seems to be unclear. Comparing the situation with Slovak, we obtain the following results: former APa are distributed mainly in QPA2zero long which is a paradigm containing short Nsg and long Gsg forms: baba – báb, breza – briez, blana – blán, čaša – čiaš, cesta – ciest, dyňa – dýň, hruda – hrúd, iva – ív, kľuka – kľúk, klada – klád, chrasta – chrást, krava – kráv, lipa – líp, mucha – múch, niva – nív, para – pár, pleva – pliev, rana – rán, repa – riep, pena – pien, peha – pieh, ryba – rýb, sila – síl, skala – skál, škvara – škvár, sliva – slív, sluka – slúk, slama – slám, straka – strák, strecha – striech, šťava – šťáv, viera – vier, vlaha – vláh, vrana – vrán, vlna – vĺn, žaba – žiab, žila – žíl. Quite unimportant are constant QPC1 zero long búra – búr, dráha – dráh, miera – mier, sláva – sláv . A handful of substantives are distributed in QPC1disyllabic zero , QPC2disyllabic zero and QPC2no zero : láska – lások; britva – britiev, jazva – jaziev, iskra – iskier, vydra – vydier, žatva – žatiev ; baňa – baní, čaša – čaší, kaša – kaší, mreža – mreží . 389 Former APb are distributed mainly in constant paradigms: QPC1zero long : bieda – bied, brázda – brázd, cieva – ciev, diera – dier, hlísta – hlíst, hviezda – hviezd, k ra – k r, krása – krás, krúpa – krúp, lúka – lúk, múka – múk, rieka – riek, túha – túh, tráva – tráv, v ľa – v ľ, píla – píl, riasa – rias, dúha – dúh. QPA2zero long contains a few words: blcha – bľch, črta – čŕt, kosa – k s, koza – k z, osa – s, vina – vín, žena – žien, žlaza – žliaz. Unimportant are constant no zero, zero short and disyllabic zero paradigms: v ňa – v ní, koža – koží, sova – sov, sestra – sestier . Former APc substantives are dispersed in QPA2zero long brada – brád, cena – cien, hora – h r, hrada – hrád, kuna – kún, noha – n h , päta – piat, rosa – r s, ruka – rúk, ruda – rúd, socha – s ch, strana – strán, strela – striel, voda – v d, zima – zím. There are no constant paradigms APa rt from ikra – ikier, duša – duší and jedľa – jedlí which belong to disyllabic zero and no zero subtypes. As seen from the data, former APa merged with APc and opposed to long pretonic APb which is fully in accord with Feldstein's claim. Former APa and APc are therefore mainly distributed in the common paradigm QPA2zero long while most former APb substantives are now mainly distributed in constant paradigms. It is quite clear that nouns can change their quantitative paradigms geographically and in the course of time. For example, Czech ryba – ryb is supposed to be in the original alternating paradigm QPA1 zero short * rýba – ryb (which we probably find in South – Western Czech dialects having Nsg rejba – ? ryb ) but the word belongs to constant quantitative paradigm. The same tendency to develop constant paradigms have also Moravian dialects where we observe brevity in former APa substantives – krava – krav, hruda – hrud etc. 11.2.611.2.6.. QPs in OT I think that the mechanism of quantitative paradigms can be described by OT. Should we adduce the commonly used constraints Parse – parse all syllables by feet; NonFinality – leave the final syllable unfooted; GrWd=PrWd – every word contains a foot, Ft – Bin – feet are binary under moraic or syllable analysis; I – O V – no change of mora from input to output; we can explain quantitative differences of Nsg between kráva and ryba , both belonging to former APa :922 922 The input is short because the nouns are former APa forms undergoing Kortlandt's lengthening rule. 390 /krava/ GrWd=PrWd Non – Fin Ft – Bin Parse I – O V (kra).va !* * (krá).va * * (krá.va) * * (kra.va) * kra.va * ** GrWd, Non – Fin >> Ft – Bin>>Parse>>I – O V /ryba/ GrWd=PrWd Non – Fin I – O V Ft – Bin Parse (ry).ba !* * (rý).ba * * (rý.ba) * * (ry.ba) * ry.ba !* * ** GrWd, Non – Fin >>I – O V >>Ft – Bin>>Parse As for QPs, I think that the distribution of words in them can be also described using OT. Three sources of solution are used here. First, Alderete's (2001a, 2001b) concept of antifaithfulness where a constraint is satisfied by an output which violates a corresponding faithfulness constraint, only in O O relation, e.g. DEP – do not insert an segment, ¬DEP – insert an segment. Second, McCarthy's optimal paradigms (OP) trying to explain similarities among members of an inflectional paradigm. Candidates consist of entire inflectional paradigm where an inflectional paradigm contains all and only words based on a single lexeme. The input consists of a stem or shared lexeme plus an affix combination (McCarthy 2005). Third source is Frazier (2006) who developed the conception of anti – optimal paradigmatic model (¬OP) to explain otherwise explainable alternations between members of an inflectional paradigm. I propose that members of Optimal Paradimgs are those members belonging to constant quantitative paradigms. OP zeroshort and OP zero long . The corresponding anti optimal paradigms are ¬OP zeroshort and ¬OP zero long having short and long zero forms but being anti – optimal because the other forms (here Nsg) have opposite quantity. I also argue that the input forms are short because according to the above mentioned arguments I take Czech quantity as a new and secondary development although in inherited lexicon it often reflects Proto Slavic accentual state. Quantitative paradigm QPA1 (zero short) which is the Czech type kráva – krav can be described as an interaction of the above mentioned constraits: 391 /krava krav/ ¬OP zeroshort ¬OP zerolong OP zeroshort OP zerolong Ft – I – O Parse Non – Bin V Fin a.(kra).va !* * * ** * * (krav) b. (krá).va !* * * ** * * (kráv) c.(krá).va * * * * * * * (krav) d. (kra).va !* * * * * * * (kráv) Candidates a, b and d are eliminated by undominated ¬OP zeroshort constraint as a and b have the same quantity in a paradigm forms and d has long Gpl. The ranking for kráva – krav QPA1 (zero short) paradigm is therefore: ¬OP zeroshort >> ¬OP zerolong , OP zeroshort , OP zerolong >> Ft Bin >> I – O V >>Parse, Non Fin. The constant paradigm QPC1 (zero long) of hlína – hlín type is produced by undominated OP zero long constraint which swipes all alternating paradigms as well as the constant short one. /hlina hlin/ OP zerolong OP zeroshort ¬OP zerolong ¬OP zeroshort Ft – I – O Parse Non Bin V – Fin a.(hli).na !* * * ** * * (hlin) b(hlí).na * * * ** * * (hlín) c.(hlí).na !* * * * * * * (hlin) d.(hli).na !* * * * * * * (hlín) Ranking for hlína – hlín QPC1 zero long paradigm: OP zerolong >>OP zeroshort , ¬OP zerolong , ¬OP zeroshort >> Ft – Bin >> I – O V >> Parse, Non Fin The constant paradigm QPC2zero short of ryba – ryb type is produced by undominated OP zero short constraint which eliminates all alternating paradigms as well as the constant long one. 392 /ryba ryb/ OP zeroshort ¬OP zeroshort ¬OP zerolong OP zerolong I – O Ft – Parse Non V Bin Fin a.(ry).ba * * * ** * * (ryb) b.(rý).ba !* * * * ** * * (rýb) c.(rý).ba !* * * * * * (ryb) d.(ry).ba !* * * * * * * (rýb) Ranking for ryba – ryb QPC2zero short paradigm: OP zeroshort >> ¬OP zeroshort ,¬OP zerolong ,OP zerolong >> I – O V >> Ft – Bin >>Parse, Non Fin Czech does not posses the alternating QPA2(zero long) paradigm of krava – kráv type. This paradigm can be found in Slovak and is the result of ¬OP zerolong undominated constraint: /krava – ¬OP zerolong ¬OP zerosshort OP zeroshort OP zerolong I – O Ft – Parse Non krav/ V Bin Fin a.(kra).va * * * ** * * (krav) b.(krá).va * * * ** * * (kráv) c.(krá).va * * * * * * * (krav) d.(kra).va * * * * * * * (kráv) Ranking for this paradigm is: ¬OP zerolong >> ¬OP zeroshort ,OP zeroshort , OP zerolong >> I – O V >> Ft – Bin 11.2.11.2.7777.. Back to "CL" In the previous chapter I tried to solve the problem of "CL". The term CL is considered dubious after the analysis in Chapter 10. Nouns from the former APa, APb and APc develop quantitatively differently even if their quantitative pattern later merge. Now, we must answer one more question. Proponents of analogical development could argue that quantitaive patterns would be influenced by analogy which is often a cover term for the process by which we choose a pattern and suppose that such pattern should influence other forms. 393 Irregular developments of Nsg o stems are often explained by analogy. South Western Czech kráj might be influenced by ráj , short doublet of lůj/loj might be according to voj etc. Of course, this is not any explanation. The matter becomes clear if we look at the Nsg o stems in the context of quantitative paradigms. Advocates of analogy can hardly explain why there is kůl kůlu not kůl kola 923 should it be analogicaly influenced by stůl stolu and vice versa. Just to note that both words not have not only the same syllabic structure but they also belonged to the same original paradigm APb. So they should behave in the same way but did not. My explanation is simple. After the Cycle 5 in former APb, Cycle 4 in APc, Kortlandt's lengthening rule in APa and subsequent yer loss, the nouns are dispersed into quantitative paradigms. Four quantitative paradigms with key paradigmatic zero vowel forms (in o stems they are Nsg Gsg) limit the quantitative pattern of nouns. So kůl kůlu is my constant paradigm with long zero form in OT solution it corresponds to the Optimal paradigm zero long: 924 /kól OP zerolong OP zeroshort ¬OP zerolong ¬OP zeroshort HD DEP MAX Ft I – Parse ALIGN kola/ BIM – O Bin V (kol) !* * * ** * ** * * (ko).la (kól) * * * * * * * (kó).la (kól) !* * * * * * * * (ko).la Why there is stůl stolu , not stůl stůlu ? Because the noun is in an alternating quantitative paradigm: in OT it is the anti optimal paradigm zero long. /stól ¬OP zerolong ¬OP zerosshort OP zeroshort OP zerolong HD DEP MAX I – Ft Parse ALIGN stola/ BIM O – V Bin (stol) * * * ** * ** * * (sto).la (stól) * * * * ** * * (stó).la (stól) * * * * * * * * (sto).la 923 ó>uo>ů Old Czech development, Gsg u secondary. 924 The forms are in Old Czech. The further changes do not have any influence on the original QP. 394 11.2.11.2.8888.. A note on Moravian QPs 925 Concerning the Moravian QPs, the so called Moravian brevity means short Nsg of a–stems and o–stems of former APa ( hlina, lipa, sila, hrach ‛pea’ , mak ‛poppy’ prah ‛treshold’ , jama ‛pit’ , klada, para ‛vapour’ , rana ‛stroke’ , skała ‛rock’ , ščava ‛juice’ , misa ‛dish’ , sila ). There are no strict isoglosses for all examples: • Nsg: hrách–hrach Šumperk–Boskovice–Brno–Mikulov (North–South); QPC1(zero long) ; hrách–hráchu (Western part of Czech territory), QPC1 (zero long) / QPA1 (zero long) hrách– hráchu/hrachu (Louny–Roudnice–Plzeň) , QPC2 (zero short) hrach–hrachu Morava (ČJA 5:219); • Nsg: kráva Czech dialects, Moravian dialects; krava – Southwestern Moravia–Southwestern Czech dialects, Silesia krava , Czech–Polish dialects krova ); • QPC1 (zero long) kráva–kráv Boskovice area (Haná), Moravian–Slovak area (Bartoš), otherwise QPA1 (zero short) kráva–krav or QPC2 (zero short) krava–krav – slama Czech, Moravian, Silesian territory. General characteristics of Moravian QPs: 1. there is and old layer of substantives – the same QPs as in Czech dialects: nůž–noža, re ba– re b 2. secondary QP: – rising+shortening: dyšč–dyšča (Přerov), chlib–chliba (Blansko) – neoalternation – dům–duma (Blansko), kůň–kuňě (Tišnov) – neoconstant QPs – nůž–nůža (Drahany) 3. fluctuation of words between paradigms on the dialect area, e.g. Haná: Ivančice kůň–koňa , Tišnov kůň–kuně, Blansko kuň–kuně , Slavkov–Bučovice kuň–koňa. Transitional Czech–Moravian dialects which has the Western Border – Hlinsko–H.Brod– Pelhřimov–J. Hradec show isogloses of Kortlandt's lengthening rule: bříza–březa síla–sila, lípa–lipa, hříva–hřiva, vrána–vrana hlína–hlina... There are different isogloses for TORT forms and i–forms: – kláda–klada, vrána–vrana – along old Czech–Moravian provincial boundary – kráva–krava – only in SW part of Moravia + SE part of Czech – hlína–hlina type – broader isogloses in the Czech–Moravian border Long Gpl of a–stems (QPC1 (zero long) ) can be observed in kroup, houb, louk , boud, dír , brán in Central Czech–Moravian Highland and southern borderline part of SE Cz dialects. 925 I presented the idea at IWoBA 5 in Opava 2009. 395 1. Kortlandt's rules trigger quantitative changes in paradigms and derivatives; rise of QPs already in Old Czech – slina/slína–slín, strana/strána–strán, kniha/kníha–knih ‛book but Moravian quantity developed partially separately separately: Proofs: a). Strict Czech – Moravian isogloses of lengthening; b) Probably separate development of the whole South Western Czech area: – Maximal concentration of lengths in SW Czech dialects e.g. růj, kůš, růh, slína, plouh – Maximal concentration of long Gpl a–stems in SE Czech dialects ČJA 4) c) Large amount of quantitative variations; d) No obvious influence from the East (i.e.Slovak), e.g. no QPA1 (zero long) ; paradigm for a–stems ( krava–kráv ), lack of paradigmatic rhythmicity for derivates (as in Slovak); 396 11.2.911.2.9.. Czech and Slovak quantitative paradigms Standard Czech From PSL APa Nsg ***dyɾ*dyɾdyɾdyɾmъmъmъmъ GsgGsgGsg****dyɾdyɾdyɾdyɾmama to: 1.. QPA2 zero long:long:chléb chleba, mráz mrazu, hrách hrachu, práh prahu 2. QPC2 zerzeroo short:short:čas času, děd děda, had hada, jih jihu, kraj kraje, bič biče, rak raka, pluh pluhu, roj roje, buk buku, hněv hněvu, rys rysa, tis tisu 3. QPC1 zero long: dým dýmu, mák máku, pýr pýru, sýr sýra, týl týlu, klín klínu, mlýn mlýna, pláč pláče, týl týlu, prám prámu From PSL APb Nsg *dvorъ*dvorъ Gsg*dvoraGsg*dvoraGsg*dvora GplGpl to: 1. QPA2 zero long: dvůr dvora, kůň koně, nůž nože, stůl stolu 2. QPC2 zero short:short:boj boje, hloh hlohu, hřib hřiba, chvost chvostu, koš koše, krov krovu, len lnu, luk luku, meč meče, mech mechu, mlat mlatu, prst prstu, roj roje, skot skotu, snop snopu, stoh stohu, um umu 3. QPC1 zero long:blong:býk býka, cár cáru, číž číže, díl dílu, dřín dřínu, díl dílu, háj háje, hlíst hlísta, hřích hříchu, chroust chrousta, klíč klíče, kloub kloubu, král krále, kříž kříže, kůl kůlu, kout koutu, lék léku, louč louče(f), plást plástu, plášť pláště, proud proudu, smích smíchu, soud soudu, štít štítu, svár sváru, šíp šípu, troud troudu, úd údu, úl úlu,žár žáru From PSL APc Nsg *vo*vo z z z zъъъъ GsgGsg *vo*vo za za za za GplGpl *vozъ to: 1. QPA2 zero longlong:sníh sněhu, vůz vozu, bůh boha, dům domu, hnůj hnoje, lůj loje, nůž nože 2. QPC2 zero short:short:břeh břehu, jas jasu, běs běsa, jed jedu, blesk blesku, klas klasu, blud bludu, kruh kruhu, bok boku, kvas kvasu, bol bolu, kyj kyje, bor boru, lep lepu, brod brodu, list listu, cep cepu, luk luku, čin činu, mlat mlatu, dar daru, mor moru, dub dubu, nos nosu, drozd drozda, plaz plaza, druh druha, plen plenu, duch ducha, pruh pruhu, dluh dluhu, prut prutu, hlad hladu, puch puchu, hlas hlasu, pysk pysku, hrad hradu, rod rodu, hrob hrobu, roh rohuh, hrom hromu, rov rovu, chlad chladu, rub rubu, chod chodu, ruch ruchu 397 Former APa Nsg long, therefore alternating and constant QP paradigms with long zero form. Where we have short zero form, dialects usually show length. Former APb Nsg long, the same quantity with Nsg of former APa, therefore the same QPs as in former APa, where we have constant QP, dialects can show length Former APc "o" long before sonorants and voiced fricatives bůh, důl, hnůj, dům, vůz; anomalously lov, boj, bor, strom, zvon but length in Old Czech and dialects short before voiced stops and voiceless obstruents rod, med, led, brod, most, nos, rok, bok;CL not recorded for "e", QP is therefore mostly constant with short zero form Slovak (Standard) Former APa QPA2 zero long: chlieb chleba,mráz mrazu,vietor vetra QPC1 zero longlong: pýr pýru QPC2 zero short: bič biča,buk buka, čas času, ded deda, dym dymu, had hada, hnev hnevu, hrach hrachu, juh juhu, klin klina, kraj kraja, mak maku, mlyn mlyna, plač plaču, pluh pluhu, raj raja, rak raka,rys rysa, prah prahu, syr syra Former APb QPA2 zero long: hlôh hlohu, kôl kola, kôň koňa, kôš koša, nôž noža, stôl stola QPC1 zero long: býk býka, drieň drieňa, diel dielu, číž číža, háj hája, hriech hriechu, hríb hríba, chliev chlieva, kĺb kĺba, kríž kríža, liek lieku, kút kúta, lúč lúča, plást plástu, plášť plášťa, prút prúta, smiech smechu, súd súdu, svár sváru, šíp šípu, štít štítu, trúd trúda, úd údu, úl úla, vír víru, žiar žiaru QPC2 zero short:short:dvor dvora, hloh hlohu, boj boja, krov krovu, ľan ľanu, luk luku, meč meču, mlat mlatu, mach machu, prst prsta, roj roja, stoh stohu Former APb QPC1 zero long: bôl bôlu, mier mieru 398 QPC2 zero short: breh brehu, bes besa, blud bludu, bok boka, bor boru, brod brodu, cep cepa, čin činu, črep črepa, dar daru, dom domu, dub duba, drozd drozda, druh druha, dlh dlhu, hlad hladu, hlas hlasu, hnoj hnoja, hnus hnusu, hrad hradu, hrom hromu, hlas hlasu, chod chodu, jas jasu, jed jedu, kal kalu, krik kriku, kruh kruhu, kus kusa, kvas kvasu, kvet kvetu, kyj kyja, ľad ľadu, les lesa, loj loja, lep lepu, lesk lesku, ľud ľudu, luh luhu, med medu, mach machu, mlat mlatu, mrak mraku, most mosta, muž muža, plaz plaza, plen plenu, ples plesu, pot potu, prach prachu, puch puchu, rod rodu, roh rohu, rast rastu, rub rubu, sad sadu, slez slezu, sled sledu, sneh snehu, spech spechu, stav stavu, stred stredu, stud studu, struk struku, stud studu, suk suka, stan stanu, svet sveta, svit svitu, svrab svrabu, syn syna, šum šumu, ťah ťahu, tok toku, tresk tresku, trup trupu, trus trusu, tuk tuku, tur tura, tvar tvaru, var varu, vek veku, vid vidu, vlak vlaku, vosk vosku, voz voza, vrah vraha, vred vredu, znak znaku, zob zobu, zub zuba, zvon zvona, žľab žľabu Former APa mainly QPC2 short zero as usual with former acute stems, moreover, APa+Apc x APb Former APb QPC1 long zero (opposition to former APa, APc), QPA2 long zero (CL) Former APc QPC2 short zero, same as for former APa Conclusion In the previous pages I dealt with the phenomenon of Czech length and proposed that Czech length might be classified as a paradigmatic length and derivative length. Paradigmatic length means the quantitative pattern of substantives in paradigms. Following the ideas of Feldstein, I showed that the disyllabic feminine a stems and former disyllabic masculine o stems are distributed in the quantitative paradigms which developed from the Proto Slavic accentual paradigms. The distribution of the nouns in quantitative paradigms is controled by vowel zero forms (or key cases): Nsg Gpl in a stems and Nsg Gsg in o stems. The transfer from accentual paradigms to quantitative paradigms was done due to the Kortlandt's lengthening rule, stress retraction from Gpl and processes which I described in Chapter 10 as compensatory lenghtening. Nouns were then distributed among quantitative paradigms which partially reflect the original accentual paradigm. Doublets (as in Old Czech) and territorial differences are explained as travelling of nouns among quantitative paradigms. Quantitative paradigms are argued to exist not only in Czech, but in Slovak and also in the rest of West Slavic (where the quantity is reflected as the change of timbre. OT solution 399 shows that quantitative paradigms can easily be described as optimal and antioptimal paradigms. Derivative length is connected with the rise of rhythmicity in Late Proto Slavic. Following the basic results of Bethin I proposed that the rhythmicity of rhythmic law was active in certain derivates in Old Czech ( ař/ář denominatives and deverbatives and also in (a)nie deverbatives), the former is also still visible in Standard Czech. Bethin's observation that Czech derivates have bisyllabic and maximally threemoraic domain can thus be traced back to Czech. As I showed in the larger Excursus, it also counts for Slovak (although the data must be handled carefully due to the purism). Data also show that the domain might be active in Slovene and probably was in Old Polish. Derivative length is also a system of old reflexes as well as innovative processes due to the existing frames. The proposed OT solution tries to explain the quantitative distribution in the domain as an interaction of various trochee systems, thus explaining the "deviant" length in rybář , mísař, hlinař . A suggestion has also been done that in the repeated derivation the domain is not destroyed but shifts to the end of the word, thus rybář rybařík, Slovak rybár rybárik. 400 12. Final conclusion and direction of future research 12.1. I Introductionntroduction In this final chapter I will first present a summary of the conclusions which I have reached in the previous chapter. Subsequently, I will propose the themes for further research which should follow from my results. 12.12.12. 2. Summary of the cconclusionsonclusions 12.2.1. Accent and ablaut the original ablaut grade is e grade, o grade is its allophone. The original and simplest distribution can be observed in acrostatic paradigms where the occurence of o grade in strong cases is controled by the ranking of the constraint ROOT STRONG o. Dehnstufe in acrostatics is secondary, it is connected with the rise of metrical foot and undominated FT BIN. The reconstructed forms Nsg:Gsg *nók wt s: *nék wts, *uʢ k w s: *uʢók w s*, iʢ k w : *iʢék w s with different ablaut grades might thus not belong to the same synchronic level. 12.2.2. Hirt's law Hirt's law in Balto Slavic is caused by the stress retraction to the root containing a laryngeal in the syllable coda. The retraction is caused by the highly ranked *ƽroot and ALIGN-LEFT constraint. The different ranking of ALIGN constraints is responsible for the Old Indic i- and u-stems oxytona which are derived from roots ending in a laryngeal. Non-strict-oxytonesis hypothesis presupposes that some nouns entering the Hirt's law did not have to undergo oxytonesis but could keep their original accentual pattern. 12.2.3. Winter's law - loss of glottal stop in Balto Slavics is controled by constraints describing laryngeal features of obstruents: AGREE, *LAR, IDENT LAR. Glottalization of the vowel nucleus (acute) is caused by the lowerly ranked *V Ȥ constraint which prohibits vowel glotalization. Blocking clusters preventing Winter's law are also described by interaction of the above mentioned constraints as well as the HG constraint which is responsible for the position of sonorous segments in the neighbourhood of the vowel nucleus. 401 12.2.12.2.4444.. Lachmann's law Lachmann's law in Latin which has its origin in the same structures as Winter's law can means lenghtening due to the highly ranked *V Ȥ constraint which prohibits vowel glotalization. Further development of forms leads to the parsing and the lowerly or highly ranked * /cons in some forms which leads either to sessus or ēsus forms with the same syllable weight. 12.2.512.2.5.... CL iinn West Slavic compensatory lengthening is only a cover term for different processes. Former APb forms of *stolъ type undergo pretonic lengthening, resyllabification and yer loss in several cycles. Former APc forms *b gъ type are resyllabified, may obtain moraic coda and after the loss of yer and the transfer of mora they become lenghtnened. Former APa of the * kli nъ type undergo Kortlandt's lengthening rule, are resyllabified and the yer is lost. All processes are connected with the rise of rhythmicity and bisyllabic maximally bimoraic domain. 12.2.612.2.6.... Czech length Czech quantity is distributed in paradigms (paradigmatic quantity) or in derivates (derivative quantity). Quantitative paradigms developed from accentual paradigms and are characterised by the quantity distribution in vowel zero case forms. Derivative quantity can be observed in certain derivation categories only and its distribution is controled by the bisyllabic maximally threemoraic domain. The distribution of both quantities can be described by OT. 12.3. Directions of future research 12.3.1. PIE, BaltoBalto SlavicSlavic and ProtoProto SlavicSlavic prosodic patterns we need the comprehensive and handy oveview of the accentology subject. Recent knowledge is reflected only selectively in the compendia, accentology is generally considered a difficult and enclosed country for a non specialist 12.3.212.3.2.. Accent and ablaut Concerning internal derivation, can we apply the same principle of the dominant and recessive morphemes as has been done by Dybo for Balto Slavic? What are the common principles of stress stabilization and substantive thematization? 402 12.3.312.3.3.. Accent and paradigms What is the relationship of paradigmatic levelling and prosodic curve? Is there any co evolution of declination and accetuation? 926 Van Coetsem 1999 (referring to Lehmann) proposed a typological relationship between stress systems and umlaut and pitch accent systems and vowel harmony. Moreover, stress system languages have often a reduction of unstressed syllables, the fact which has long been known. Here is another area for OT research and solution of Indo European languages. Salmons (1992) pointed out to the tone to stress shift movement. The change from tonal or pitch accent languages to stressed ones is not fully understood. The questions matter both synchronic contact language areas as well as diachronic developments. 12.3.412.3.4.... Phonological domains, distribution of quantity The existence of Derksens oxytona influenced by the absence of stress retraction due to the blocking clusters. Their further quantitative development suggests rhythmicity. Further study of the quantitative patterns of derivates in West Slavic is needed. Why is the bisyllabic threemoraic domain being lost? 12.3.512.3.5.. NonNon OTOT description of accentual and quantitativquantitativee paradigmsparadigms although OT is a mainstream now, paradigmatic systems and their development might be described alternatively: Minimalist morphology (Wunderlich & Fabri1996), Distributed morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, Halle 1994, Halle 1997) and others, see Bachrach & Nevins 2008 for the collection of various approaches. 926 Hinted to me by Pohl 1985 who distinguishes phonological and morphological principles to describe the functional change of PIE declination to the Proto Slavic one. The complete one way description of declination and accentual paradigms from PIE to Baltic and Slavic is still far from being complete . 403 References ARUMAA, P. (1964) Urslavische Grammatik I. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Verlag, 1964. A BELE, A. 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