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Spondylus in South American Prehistory

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The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Spondylus in Prehistory New data and approaches Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies

Edited by Fotis Ifantidis Marianna Nikolaidou

BAR International Series 2216 2011 2011 Spondylus in Prehistory New data and approaches Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies

Edited by Fotis Ifantidis Marianna Nikolaidou

BAR International Series 2216 2011 Published by

Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England [email protected] www.archaeopress.com

BAR S2216

Spondylus in Prehistory: New data and approaches. Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies

© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011

ISBN 978 1 4073 0774 9

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Table of Contents

Lis of Contributors...... ix-x List of Figures...... xii-xii List of Tables...... xiv

Introduction

A Volume on Spondylus Marianna Nikolaidou & Fotis Ifantidis 3-8

I – Spanning Space and Time in Spondylus Studies: Artifacts, Symbols, Identities

CHAPTER 1 Spondylus Shells at Prehistoric Sites in the Iberian Peninsula...... 13-18 Esteban Álvarez-Fernández

CHAPTER 2 Spondylus sp. at Lezetxiki Cave (Basque Country, Spain): First Evidence of its Use in Symbolic Behavior during the Aurignacian in Europe...... 19-24 Álvaro Arrizabalaga, Esteban Álvarez-Fernández & María-José Iriarte

CHAPTER 3 Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites...... 25-37 Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli

CHAPTER 4 Status of Spondylus Artifacts within the LBK Grave Goods...... 39-45 Jan John

CHAPTER 5 Reconsideration of Spondylus Usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin...... 47-62 Zsuzsanna Siklósi & Piroska Csengeri

CHAPTER 6 Spondylus in South American Prehistory...... 63-89 Benjamin P. Carter

II – Views from the “Threshold”: Spondylus Technologies in the Aegean

CHAPTER 7 Spondylus gaederopus in Aegean Prehistory: Deciphering Shapes from Northern Greece...... 93-104 Tatiana Theodoropoulou

CHAPTER 8 The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece: Evidence from the Spondylus gaederopus Artifacts...... 105-121 Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou

CHAPTER 9 Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece...... 123-137 Fotis Ifantidis

CHAPTER 10 Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings: An Example from Late Neolithic, Greece...... 139-160 John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skafida & Stella Souvatzi

CHAPTER 11 Spondylus Objects from Theopetra Cave, Greece: Imported of Local Production?...... 161-167 Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika III – Reconstructing Lives: Archaeometric and Experimental Analyses

CHAPTER 12 The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells...... 171-180 Katerina Douka

CHAPTER 13 Paleobiological Study of Spondylus Jewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves at the Locality Vedrovice (Moravia, Czech Republic)...... 181-189 Šárka Hladilová

CHAPTER 14 Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st Millennium BCE...... 191-208 Rena Veropoulidou

CHAPTER 15 Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula, Mexico...... 209-219 Adrián Velázquez Castro, Belem Zúñiga Arellano & Norma Valentín Maldonado

Concluding Commentary

Lives and Journeys, of Spondylus and People: A Story to Conclude Marianna Nikolaidou 223-237 List of Contributors

Esteban Álvarez-Fernández Departamento de Prehistoria, Historia Antigua y Arqueología, Universidad de Salamanca C. Cerrada de Serranos S/N, E-37002 Salamanca, Spain E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Álvaro Arrizabalaga Departament of Geography, Prehistory & Archaeology, University of Basque Country C/ Francisco Tomás y Valiente s/n. 01006, Vitoria, Spain E-mail: [email protected]

Maria Angelica Borello Département de Géographie, Faculté des Sciences Economiques et Sociales, Université de Genève Uni Mail, 40 Bd du Pont-d’Arve, CH-1211 Genève 4, Switzerland E-mail: [email protected]

Benjamin P. Carter Department of Sociology & Anthropology, Muhlenberg College 2400, Chew St. Allentown, PA 18104-5586, Pennsylvania, USA E-mail: [email protected]

John C. Chapman Department of Archaeology, Durham University DH1 3LE, Durham, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected]

Piroska Csengeri Herman Ottó Museum Görgey Artúr u. 28, H-3529, Miskolc, Hungary E-mail: [email protected]

Katerina Douka Research Laboratory for Archaeology & the History of Art, University of Oxford Dyson Perrins Building, South Parks Road, OX1 3QY, Oxford, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected]

Bisserka I. Gaydarska Department of Archaeology, Durham University DH1 3LE, Durham, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected]

Šárka Hladilová Institute of Geological Sciences, Faculty of Science, Masaryk University Kotlářská 2, 611 37, Brno, Czech Republic Department of Biology, Faculty of Education, Palacky University Purkrabska 2, 77140, Olomouc, Czech Republic E-mail: [email protected]

Fotis Ifantidis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki; 16th Ephoreia of Prehistoric & Classical Antiquities – Thessaloniki Metro 94, Theagenous Charisi str., 54453, Thessaloniki, Greece E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

María-José Iriarte Departament of Geography, Prehistory & Archaeology, University of Basque Country C/ Francisco Tomás y Valiente s/n. 01006 Vitoria, Spain E-mail: [email protected]

Jan John Department of Archaeology, University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Sedláčkova 15, 30614, Plzeň, Czech Republic E-mail: [email protected] ix Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika Ephoreia of Palaeoanthropology & Speleology of Southern Greece 34b, Ardittou str., 11636, Athens, Greece E-mail: [email protected]

Roberto Micheli Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Friuli Venezia Giulia 9, Viale Miramare, I-34135, Trieste, Italy E-mail: [email protected]

Marianna Nikolaidou Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles 1748, Orangewood Ln, Arcadia, CA 91006, California, USA E-mail: [email protected]

Maria Pappa 16th Ephoreia of Prehistoric & Classical Antiquities Megalou Alexandrou (opposite to Poseidonion) str., 54646, Thessaloniki, Greece E-mail: [email protected]

Zsuzsanna Siklósi Eötvös Loránd University, Institute of Archaeological Sciences Múzeum krt. 4/B, H-1088, Budapest, Hungary E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Evangelia Skafida Archaeological Museum of Volos 1, Athanassaki str., 38001, Volos, Greece E-mail: [email protected]

Stella Souvatzi Hellenic Open University 2, N. Plastira str., 13561, Athens, Greece E-mail: [email protected]

Tatiana Theodoropoulou The Wiener Laboratory, The American School of Classical Studies at Athens 54, Souidias str., 10676, Athens, Greece Equipe de Protohistoire Egéenne UMR7041 (Archéologie et Sciences de l’Antiquité) Maison R. Ginouvès, 21, allée de l’Université, 92023, Nanterre, France E-mail: [email protected]

Norma Valentín Maldonado Subdirección de Laboratorios y Apoyo Académico del INAH Moneda 16, colonia Centro, México D.F. 06060, Mexico E-mail: [email protected]

Adrián Velázquez Castro Museo del Templo Mayor Seminario 8, colonia Centro, México D.F. 06060, Mexico E-mail: [email protected]

Rena Veropoulidou Aristotle University of Thessaloniki; Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki 25, Solonos str., 54644, Thessaloniki, Greece E-mail: [email protected]

Belem Zúñiga Arellano Proyecto Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico, Museo del Templo Mayor Seminario 8, colonia Centro, México D.F. 06060, Mexico E-mail: [email protected]

x F. Ifantidis & M. Nikolaidou (eds.), Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Chapter 6 Spondylus in South American Prehistory

Benjamin P. Carter

The mollusk Spondylus was one of the most widely exchanged marine resources in Prehispanic Andean South America, yet we know relatively little about the living shellfish or its role within the cultures of this area. Since the original works of Paulsen (1974) and Marcos (1977; see also 1995, 2002) only one review of the prehistoric use of Spondylus (Blower 1995) has been presented despite the collection of significant data over the past three decades. While early works are invaluable and still heavily cited, new data contradict many of the assumptions and conclusions within these works. This chapter makes several arguments based upon recent ecological and archaeological data to reconstruct Prehispanic Spondylus use. First, it has often been stated that Spondylus is present only to southern Ecuador; it is now clear that waters of modern-day Peru also harbor Spondylus. Second, while it has been oft-cited that Spondylus is present only in deep waters, recent publications indicate that it resides in shallower waters as well. Third, it now appears that Spondy- lus arrived in the Central Andes (possibly as early as 2500 BC) before it arrived in the Ecuadorian highlands (at ca. 1400 BC) rather than the reverse as was originally proposed. Fourth, it has been assumed that Spondylus consumption increased throughout prehistory reaching a maximum during the Inka Empire, but, now there is evidence of a decline in Spondylus usage late in prehistory (after ca. AD 1300). Fifth, I also present a complete and current cultural chronology of Spondylus in South America because, while the original chronologies were very broadly accurate, recent finds illustrate a much more complex history. This work highlights the incorporation of ecological and archeological data to produce a rich and interesting cultural history of the famous shellfish,Spondylus .

Introduction in the prehistoric past) along the coast of extreme northwest Peru, as far south as Cabo Blanco (Carter 2008: 107-120; Marine bivalves of the Spondylus genus have been used by Olsson 1961). Contrary to the accepted story, archaeologi- South American peoples for a wide variety of purposes begin- cal Spondylus recovered in Peru does not necessarily indicate ning five thousand years ago. The exterior shell and margin of trade with Ecuador. Spondylus recovered to the south and east this shellfish is thick and durable, can be shaped into a variety of extreme northwestern Peru is a likely marker of long dis- of forms, and presents a variety of colors, including purple, tance exchange, however. red, orange, pink and white. As such, this shellfish was used as a semiprecious material and incorporated into the political, Secondly, the shellfish inhabits coastal waters that are much economic and religious realms of many cultures in the Andes shallower than previously believed. This is significant be- and along the Pacific Coast of South America. This has been cause it is often explicitly stated that, because of the depths recognized since before John Murra’s plea (1975, 1982) to at which Spondylus lives, divers must have been specialists or study the shellfish. In response to that appeal, broad-ranging that acquiring Spondylus was particularly “expensive”; both chronologies of Spondylus were presented by Paulsen (1974) of which make Spondylus even more attractive to the elite. It and later by Marcos (1977). The latter also provided an initial appears, however, that Spondylus may not have lived at such theoretical grounding for Spondylus exchange in South and depth, but were available in shallow waters (intertidally or be- Central America. Since these original works, vast quantities low 3 meters for Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps, of archaeological information have been recovered through- respectively). Diving for these shellfish, especially the deeper out Andean South America. Spondylus research, however, has water resident Spondylus princeps, was likely not easy; strong been limited to studies of single geographic areas (Glowacki currents, turbid waters, natural camouflage, and strong attach- 2005; Hocquenghem & Peña Ruiz 1994) or specific topics, ment to substrate may have made these shellfish difficult to especially iconography (Cordy-Collins 1990, 1999, 2001; harvest even at shallower depths than originally thought. Davidson 1980, 1981; Pillsbury 1996, 1999). Though valu- able and insightful, many of these works are based uncritically The third update is that the dating of the initial signs of Spon- on early works. Recent archaeological and ecological data is dylus exchange (i.e. appearance in archaeological sites be- scattered through a wide variety of published and “gray” lit- yond its natural range- into the highlands and south of Cabo erature. This is an attempt to bring this material together to Blanco, Peru) needs to be modified. It was originally thought provide a broader perspective of the use of Spondylus in An- that exchange was initiated with the peoples of the Ecuadorian dean and Pacific South America. highlands first (by ca. 2500 BC; Marcos 1977: 108) and later (ca. 1100 BC; Paulsen 1974) with those who lived in mod- Five major updates, two ecological and three archaeological, ern-day Peru. It is now clear, however, that these dates need are provided in this work that contradict the accepted story of to be reversed. Spondylus arrived in coastal Peru first, some- Spondylus. First, it is often stated that Spondylus recovered time between 2600 and 2000 BC (Shady Solís 2005, 2006; from an archaeological site in Peru is an indicator of ancient Shady Solís, Haas & Creamer 2001), and did not arrive in the exchange with peoples from the region known today as Ecua- Ecuadorian highlands until later, at approximately 1400 BC dor. In fact, Spondylus is present (and presumably was present (Bruhns 1989). Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

The fourth update is the recognition that, although it was characteristic used to identify Spondylus in iconography (e.g. originally proposed that Spondylus consumption increased Cordy-Collins 1990, 1999; Pillsbury 1996). While there is through time peaking with the Inka empire (e.g. Marcos 1977; a high degree of overlap between species, Spondylus calci- Murra 1975, 1982; Paulsen 1974), current evidence suggests fer tends to have a larger (up to 249mm; Skoglund & Mul- that Spondylus use peaked on the north coast of Peru among liner 1996: 102) and thicker shell with fewer, shorter spines the Moche and Sicán (a.k.a. Lambayeque) cultures and de- than Spondylus princeps, which tends to have a smaller (up creased during the Inka Empire. This is quite understandable to 145mm; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99) and thinner shell since the Moche and Sicán were located on the North coast of with longer, more pointed spines. This generalization is com- Peru relatively close to the Spondylus beds of extreme north- plicated by the recognition that juveniles of both species may ern Peru and Ecuador. have long spines and gerontic specimens may lack them com- pletely (Abbot 1974; Keen 1971; Lamprell 1986, 2006; Ols- The fifth, and perhaps most important, update is to highlight son 1961; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996). In general, while there the great variability of Spondylus consumption by Prehispanic is overlap, the two species are different in size and “thorny- South Americans through time and space. ness”.

Morphology and Ecology of Spondylus Spondylid spines provide camouflage, not defense as was originally believed (Feifarek 1987; Jones 2003; cf. Pillsbury In order to understand the cultural history and use of Spondylus, 1996: 318). The spines provide a framework to which plants we must first rectify current conceptions about its morphology and animals attach themselves, thereby camouflaging the and ecology. In the eastern Pacific, the term Spondylus refers shellfish. The creatures growing on the exterior of Spondy- to bivalves of the genus Spondylus, which, in this region, con- lus, known as epibionts, differ between species; Spondylus tains three species: Spondylus princeps Broderip 1833; Spon- princeps tends to be covered with mainly sponges and coral- dylus calcifer Carpenter 18571; and Spondylus leucacanthus line algae (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99, fig. 27) as well as Broderip 1833 (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; see also Abbot marine worms, mollusks and more (de León González, Leija 1974; Keen 1971; Lamprell 1986, 2006; Morris 1966; Olsson Tristán & Salazar-Vallejo 1993; see also Lamprell 2006: 36; 1961). Spondylus leucacanthus is currently present at depths Norton 1986: 133). Spondylus calcifer tends to have more in- much greater than the other two (ca. 18-90 meters below sea vasive epibionts such as small boring clams, boring sponges, surface Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 96, Table 1) and has little and worms (Keen 1971: 96; Lamprell 2006: 36; Olsson 1961: of the red/purple/orange shell so often used to make artifacts. 153; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: fig. 28-29). This means that Since it is less likely that Pre-Columbian people used this spe- archaeologically recovered Spondylus calcifer shells are more cies with any regularity, only Spondylus princeps and Spon- heavily marred by boring and encrusted with calcareous epi- dylus calcifer are discussed below (see Fig. 1-3). Informa- bionts, while prehistoric Spondylus princeps tend to be rela- tion on Spondylids of the eastern Pacific is mainly limited to tively free of epibionts because many of them lacked mineral descriptions in shell compendiums (Abbot 1974; Keen 1958, exoskeletons. 1971; Olsson 1961; Morris 1966; see also Lamprell 1986, 2006) with a few important exceptions (de León González, While spines clearly served a function, the bright coloration Leija Tristán & Salazar-Vallejo 1993; Mata et al. 1990; Sk- of Spondylus shells does not appear to have a role in ecol- oglund & Mulliner 1996; Villalejo-Fuerte & García-Domín- ogy. Spondylus shells have bright coloration on the interior guez 1998; Villalejo-Fuerte et al. 2002). The taxonomic work margin and much or all of the exterior of the shell. Although by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996; see also Lamprell 2006) is coloration can vary between individuals and even within a particularly helpful because they use both museum specimens single specimen, a Spondylus calcifer shell tends to be purple as well as detailed research at a single locale, Izla Danzante in and orange, while Spondylus princeps tends to be orange and the Gulf of California, to study the taxonomy and ecology of red (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; Lamprell 2006: 36, 80). Al- Spondylids. Although the distance between the Gulf of Cali- though significant overlap makes it difficult to identify Spon- fornia and the coasts of Ecuador and Peru makes the direct dylus artifacts or fragments to species, it is most probable that projection of information from this study to South America a red object is made from Spondylus princeps and a purple difficult, much of the information presented by Skoglund and object to be made from Spondylus calcifer; orange or pink ob- Mulliner (1996) is supported by evidence from coastal South jects may be from either species. America. Direct research on Ecuadorian and Peruvian Spon- dylids is still needed. Though mobile as a juvenile, adult Spondylids are most often cemented directly to bedrock or other hard substrate via its Shellfish in the genusSpondylus , known as the spiny or thorny right (lower) shell. Spondylus calcifer tends to inhabit rocky oyster, are marine bivalves more similar to scallops than oys- areas and, therefore, is often attached by a large portion of ters. They are moderately large and are “strongly sculptured its right shell. On the other hand, Spondylus princeps is more with spinose radial ribs” (Keen 1971: 96), which gives each often found in sandy areas and, therefore, the attachment area species differing degrees of “thornyness” (see Fig. 1-3). It is may be smaller or even absent due to its attachment to a small these thorns or spines that are the principal, though not sole, object (e.g. a stone or other shellfish) or not at all (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 102; Lamprell 2006: 36). 1 Lamprell (2006: 36) has proposed that Spondylus limbatus Sowerby, 1847 is the appropriate nomenclature for Spondylus calcifer. 64 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory

Figure 1. Immature Spondylus princeps from Salango [photo by the author]

Figure 2. Immature Spondylus calcifer from Puerto Peñasco, Gulf of California. 7.8cm across [photo courtesy of Chris Brown]

Vertical and Horizontal Distribution of Spondylus been needed (e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990: 306; Marcos 2002: 28; princeps and Spondylus calcifer Paulsen 1974: 597). Marcos (1995, 2002) has made such spe- cialization one of the keys to the rise of the “Huancavilca” (i.e. The depth at which Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer Manteño) state of the Ecuadorian Integration Period (ca. AD reside is particularly important because this information has 500–1500). been used to suggest that harvesting Spondylus, especially the red/orange Spondylus princeps, from deep water would have Originally, it was thought that Pacific Spondylids resided be- been “expensive” and/or that specialized divers would have tween 20 to 60 feet (ca. 6 to 18 meters; Paulsen 1974: 597) 65 Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 3. Gerontic Spondylus calcifer from just below low tide, Puerto Peñasco, Gulf of California. 15cm across [photo courtesy of Chris Brown] or 80-200 feet (25 to 60 meters; Marcos 1977). Skoglund and Although it is unclear under what conditions specialist divers Mulliner’s (1996; see also Lamprell 2006: 36, 80; Villalejo- are needed, it now appears that both species may have been Fuerte et al. 2002: 105) recent review, however, indicates available at depths accessible by divers with limited ability. that, in the Gulf of California, Spondylus calcifer is available Therefore acquisition of Spondylus may not have been “ex- at fairly shallow depths (intertidal to 18m), while Spondylus pensive” or required a specialist. One must note, however, princeps resides in slightly deeper waters (3 to 28m). These that other factors suggest that knowledge may have been more depths are supported by the admittedly sparse information important than the ability to dive deeply. Experienced divers, available from Peru and Ecuador. Presley Norton indicated Norton (1986) and Béarez (cited in Hocquenghem 1999: 59- that Spondylus calcifer was present as shallow as 3 meters, 60), have suggested that the ability for Spondylids to be dis- but maintained, based upon his own diving experience near guised by epibionts, the degree to which Spondylids (especial- Salango, Ecuador, that Spondylus princeps was present only ly Spondylus calcifer) are cemented to the substrate as well as beyond 15 meters (Marcos & Norton 1981: 148, 1984: 14). other factors may have presented problems for divers. These Anne Marie Hocquenghem (1999: 59), citing Philippe Béarez did not necessarily increase the cost in physical effort, but who also dove in waters around Salango, indicates that Spon- may have required specialized knowledge, such as the ability dylus calcifer was probably available in the intertidal zone but to identify Spondylus through the epibiotic camouflage and/or is no longer due to recent overharvesting. More recently, Dan specific techniques to separateSpondylus from its substrate. Bauer, a cultural anthropologist sudying marine resource utili- zation in Salango, indicated that both Spondylus princeps and Archaeologically there is very little evidence for specialized Spondylus calcifer are currently available on reefs and rocky Spondylus harvesting, but such evidence would be particularly outcrops between 4 and 20 meters (Bauer 2007; see also Faba- difficult to identify. Even the “diving weights” regularly found ra 2003: 25, 2008). While research on the modern Spondylids in the waters of Salango, indicate diving, not specialized div- of the coast of South America and critical application of mod- ing for Spondylus as has been argued. It is possible that the im- ern data to the past are still needed, it appears that both species ages of Spondylus harvesting in Sicán and Chimú iconography may have been available in waters that were relatively easy to (e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990; Pillsbury 1996; see below) suggest access, especially for coastal peoples who were experienced specialization, but it may be that Spondylus acquisition was in utilizing a wide variety of marine resources. Spondylus cal- the only pursuit performed by divers that the Sicán and Chimú cifer was likely available intertidally and Spondylus princeps regarded as important enough to enter into their iconography. probably began to appear somewhere between 3 and 5 meters below the surface of the ocean. This may have changed in cer- Although specialized diving cannot be eliminated as one of the tain areas as the shellfish may have been overexploited locally possible ways in which Spondylus was harvested, it also can- (Hocquenghem 1999: 59, citing Béarez 1996). not be demonstrated that it was necessary. Spondylus divers may have been maritime generalists whose submarine prey in-

66 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory cluded more than just Spondylus, which may have been fished Hocquenghem & Peña Ruiz 1994; Hocquenghem et al. 1993) on a part-time, as-needed basis. The collection of Spondylus probably because the shellfish was locally available. One can should be seen, not as a necessarily expensive and specialized now say that Spondylus lives in the waters of northern Peru pursuit, but as one of many strategies used by coastal peoples and should be considered a Peruvian, as well as Ecuadorian, to obtain marine resources. Was the knowledge needed to resource and, therefore, can no longer be seen as a necessary harvest Spondylus (and other prey) shared by all or restricted indicator of ancient trade between the Prehispanic peoples liv- to certain individuals? With current evidence we cannot de- ing in modern-day Ecuador and Peru. termine this. If divers were generalists, costs would not be great as long as Spondylids were present in relatively shallow It has been suggested that the shift southward of warm water waters. Costs would have increased if Spondylus beds were during an El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) event may al- overharvested, but demonstrating prehistoric overfishing, like low Spondylids to temporarily survive hundreds of miles far- demonstrating specialized divers, is a difficult task. ther south than their natural range (Lumbreras 1987; Ravines et al. 1982: 219; Sandweiss 1992: 152; Sandweiss & Rodrí- Our knowledge of the geographical distribution of Spondy- guez 1991: note 9; Sandweiss, Rollins & Richardson 1983: lus is based upon very general, and now outdated, shell com- 283). Recent investigation of the movement of mollusks due pendia. Some early archaeological discussions of Spondylus to ENSOs between 1972 and 2003 have yielded evidence for (Marcos 1977: 101, 1986a: 199; Norton 1986: 133) recognized the movement of twenty-five species of mollusks outside of that at least one of the species of Spondylus was present in their normal range, but no Spondylids were among them (Car- waters off extreme northwest Peru (i.e. between the Ecuador/ los Paredes et al. 1998; Carlos Paredes, Cardoso & Tarazona Peru border and Cabo Blanco; see Fig. 4). And yet, Paulsen 2004; see also Díaz & Ortlieb 1993). Cabo Blanco appears to (1974: 597) and later authors (Anawalt 1997: 52, 1998: 247; be the southern limit of Spondylids, even during the ENSO Cordy-Collins 1990: 306, 2001, 35; Hocquenghem 1993: 702, events. 1994: 211; Marcos 1995: 101, 2002: 26; Pillsbury 1996: 313, 317, 1999: 151) contend that the southern extent of the natural An increase in demand for Spondylus from cultures in mod- range of Spondylids is the tropical waters of Ecuador or the ern-day Peru through time has been used to suggest that the Gulf of Guayaquil (although see Glowacki 2005: 258; Shady Spondylus beds of Ecuador were overfished. This reduction Solís 2005: 112). Indeed, this idea has lead Peruvian officials in supply drove Ecuadorians to sail farther and farther north to use Spondylus as the symbol of the renewal of an ancient in search of the Spondylus beds. This has been used as the relationship between the two nations after the 1998 Peace Ac- driving force that caused Ecuadorians and West Mexicans to cords ended a decades long border dispute (Sandweiss 1999). interact (Anawalt 1997, 1998; Marcos 1977, 1986a, 1986b, Interestingly, even some of the earliest shell compendia placed 1995, 2002). However, there is no evidence for the overfishing Spondylids in the waters of extreme northwest Peru (e.g. Keen of Ecuadorian (or Peruvian) Spondylus beds. Support for this 1971: 96; Olsson 1961: 152-153; although Keen 1958, the edi- hypothesis might include a decline in the size of Spondylids tion cited by Paulsen [1974], indicated that Ecuador was the along the Ecuadorian coast through time, but such evidence southernmost extent of their range). does not exist. Marcos has indicated that Spondylus beds are fairly limited along the Pacific Coast of Central and South Recently, multiple authors have indicated that Spondylus is America. While it is true that Spondylids prefer certain envi- present in Peru. In a regional study for the Nature Conser- ronments, Marcos has not indicated how he created his maps vancy, Terán et al. (2004: 147, 190) indicate that both Spondy- of the distribution of Spondylus or why they have changed lus calcifer and Spondylus princeps are present in the Caleto (compare Marcos 1977: Map 1, 1995: Map 1). The natural Mero/Caleto Sal area (Punta Sal, see Fig. 4), the same locality distribution, the quantity of Spondylus in a “natural” environ- as some of the specimens of Spondylus calcifer studied by Sk- ment and the potential for overfishing needs to be researched. oglund and Mulliner (1996: 102). Olsson (1961: 152-153) also Until then, we cannot assume overfishing because consump- gives Zorritos and Caleto Sal as localities from which Spon- tion increased. dylus princeps were recovered. At Punta Sal, the population density of Spondylus calcifer is high enough (3-4 specimens The horizontal and vertical distribution of Spondylids along per m2 at 10-12 meters below the surface) that Robles and the coasts of Ecuador and Peru is much clearer now than in Méndez (1989: 69) encourage commercial exploitation. At El the 1970s. We have convincing evidence that both Spondylus Ñuro Spondylus calcifer is present, but density is significantly calcifer and Spondylus princeps are present at significantly lower (Robles & Méndez 1989: 69). Spondylus does not ap- shallower depths (intertidally to 18 meters and 3 to 28 meters, pear to reside in the Paita Buffer Zone (Olsson 1961; see also respectively) than originally thought. Although these data are Díaz & Ortlieb 1993) which lies between the warmer waters based upon recent records and extending this information into of the Panama Current to the north and the cooler waters of the past is not without risks, recent patterns in oceanic cur- the Peruvian (Humboldt) Current. Both species of Spondylus rents and, therefore climate, appear to date to have begun ap- appear to prefer waters with an average annual temperature proximately 5000 years ago (Sandweiss et al. 1996; see also greater than 20˚ C (see Fig. 4). Díaz & Ortlieb 1993). This suggests that this data is at least approximately representative; more in-depth study of Spondy- Archaeologically, it appears that a great deal of Spondylus lus habitat, modern and ancient, is needed. The relative ease was worked in the Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993, 1999; with which the shellfish could have been acquired calls into

67 Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 4. Map of Ecuador and Northern Peru showing average annual sea surface temperature from 2000-3 [based upon Terán et al. 2004: fig. 2.3]

68 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory question whether or not the harvesters of these shellfish were nearly 1000 years after it was acquired by people living on the specialized. It is unlikely that specialized divers were needed Peruvian Coast to the south of the natural range of Spondylus solely due to the depth at which Spondylus lives, but it remains (i.e. south of Cabo Blanco). possible that specialized knowledge was needed for reasons other than depth, including degree of fastness of the attach- Early Spondylus use has been recorded among the Valdivia ment to the substrate, camouflage by epibionts and other local peoples of coastal Ecuador: by Valdivia III (ca. 2900–2600 variables, such as turbidity and current. Either way, identify- BC; Zeidler 2003) people were using the shellfish in dedica- ing specialized divers in the archaeological record is difficult. tory offerings at the site of Real Alto (site locations are shown Similarly, there is no archaeological evidence of purported in Fig. 5) and this is supported by the presence of Spondylus overfishing of Spondylids driving merchant sailors outwards at the eponymous Valdivia site (Lathrap, Collier & Chandra from Ecuador in search of Spondylus beds. 1975; Marcos 1977, 1988; Zeidler 1991; see also Blower 1995; Carter 2008; Meggers & Evans 1965). It has been ar- Prehistoric Utilization of Spondylus gued that the absence of the colorful lip on some Spondylus valves is evidence of external exchange, but, because little The cultural history presented below provides a new archaeo- data has been published, it is unclear if this is evidence for logical view of Spondylus in South America that contradicts long-distance trade or deposition away from the site (e.g. in some of the simplified, all-encompassing interpretations of agricultural ceremonies in the fields). Spondylus. The story is not simple, but intricate, multifaceted and intertwining. I have retained Paulsen’s (see also Blower Small fragments of Spondylus have been reported from Pre- 1995) chronological framework, her Periods A and B (before ceramic sites in Peru (e.g. Aspero and La Paloma) (Blower 1100 BC and 1100–100 BC, respectively have remained in- 1995: 95-96; Carter 2008; Moseley 1992: 104; Quilter 1989: tact), but I have been able to subdivide her Period C into four 24; Zeidler 1991: 258) but these are often tiny fragments with parts (C1-C4). During Period A, Spondylus use began among limited contextual information. The recent discovery of Spon- cultures where the shellfish was locally available (i.e. coast dylus at the site of Caral (ca. 2900–2000 BC; Shady Solís, north of Cabo Blanco), but quickly spread to Coastal Peru Haas & Creamer 2001; Shady Solís 2005, 2006) is the best (south of Cabo Blanco, around 2500 BC) and later into the dated and clearest early evidence for exchange of Spondylus. Ecuadorian highlands (ca. 1400 BC). In Period B, as Paulsen A Spondylus workshop has been reported at the site (Shady indicated, Spondylus use and imagery is dominated by the Solís 2005: 110), but details have not yet been published. Chavín and Cupisnique traditions. During Period C1 the most Elsewhere in Peru, early dated Spondylus is found at La Gal- significant use of Spondylus is as tiny shell beads, known as gada (ca. 2000 BC; Greider et al. 1988) and Los Gavilanes chaquira, among the Moche as well as in the Ecuadorian high- (ca. 1750 BC; Bonavia 1982) as well as Initial Period sites lands. Period C2 shows a marked increase in production of such as Garagay (ca. 1500–600 BC; Burger 1992; Ravines et chaquira and other Spondylus artifacts, as well as the mass al. 1982), Ancon (ca. 1200 BC; Matos Mendieta 1968), Monte accumulation of the whole shell, especially by the Sicán. Dur- Grande (ca. 1500–1000 BC; Elera 1993; Tellenbach 1987) and ing Period C3 Spondylus is being used primarily as inlay in a Punkurí (Burger 1992: 89-90). It must be noted that Spondylus variety of materials, especially wood, among the Chimú. And does not appear at highland sites in Peru during this period, lastly, During C4, the Inka appear to restrict the use of Spon- only at coastal sites and at a few located between the coast and dylus to the production of small figurines, some of which were the highlands such as La Galgada and Monte Grande. used in the ceremonies on the high peaks of the Andes. Also at this time, whole Spondylus valves were deposited in burials The reassessment of dates from Cerro Narrío in the Ecuador- on the coast, especially the Central Coast. Lastly, I highlight ian highlands indicates that the site dates to approximately some of the mistakes that have been made in the interpretation 1400 BC rather than the original proposed date of 2500 BC, of ethnohistoric documents that have made Spondylus appear (Bruhns 1989, 2003; see also Carter 2008). The material from more prevalent at “Contact”, when the Spanish arrived, than Cerro Narrio, however is quite significant and includes, “com- it truly was. Specifically, the conflation of the termsmullu and plete Spondylus shells without spines, square and round cuen- Spondylus has caused archaeologists and ethnohistorians to tas, chaquiras, pendants, collars [i.e. necklaces], ear spools think that the shellfish was more prevalent than archaeological and highly polished rim fragments” (Blower 1995: 89; see evidence demonstrates. Spondylus is only one of many types Uhle 1922: 236-238). Other Spondylus remains found at near- of mullu (Blower 1995, 2000). by sites (Chaullabamba, Monjashuaycu, Putushio, and others) may also date to a similar time period (Bruhns 2003). The pur- Period A (Before 1100 BC): Initial Exchange ported early dates of Spondylus in the Ecuadorian Amazon at Cueva de los Tayos (ca. 2000–1500 BC; Marcos 1977: 114; Paulsen proposed that before 1100 BC Spondylus was used Porras G. 1978) are also highly problematic (Bruhns 2003: mainly by people living within the natural distribution of 158). Spondylus and was also transported into the Ecuadorian highlands. Not until after 1100 BC did Spondylus exchange Spondylus consumption during Period A (prior to 1100 BC) expand into modern-day Peru. However, it now appears that was at first centered at coastal Ecuadorian sites (and possibly this chronology was inverted. Spondylus did not appear in the at sites on the extreme northern coast of Peru). Spondylus ap- Ecuadorian highlands until much later, at around 1400 BC, pears at archaeological sites outside its natural range at Caral

69 Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 5. Archaeological sites mentioned in the text from Period A and B [based upon Moseley 1992: 34]

70 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory and La Galgada before 2000 BC, but was not consumed in dence of Spondylus consumption includes beads from the Cu- the Ecuadorian highlands until near the end of this period (ca. pisnique Clásico (ca. 1000–500 BC) site of Puémape (Elera 1400 BC). There does not yet seem to be a pattern behind the 1993: 246), iconography of an eagle holding a Spondylus on types of Spondylus artifacts and ecofacts being used, although a Cupisnique Clásico stone vessel (Elera 1993: 249, fig. 10; similar types of artifacts were found at Monte Grande, La Gal- Lapiner 1978: fig. 118), layers of ground Spondylus around a gada and Valdivia sites (Zeidler 1991). large stone (altar?) at Moro de Eten (Elera 1993: 252) and un- provenanced Cupisnique style stirrup-spout bottles that look Period B (ca. 1100–100 BC): Chavín and Cupinique remarkably like Spondylus shells (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni 1999: 105; Paulsen 1974: 601). During Period B (ca. 1100–100 BC; Paulsen 1974), Spondy- lus continued to be used on the coast and in the highlands of Beyond Chavín and Cupisnique sites only a few occurrenc- Ecuador, while consumption by the Chavín and Cupisnique es have been recorded during Period B. Spondylus has been cultures of northern Peru reaches new heights. recovered from Cerro Ñañañique (ca. 900–400 BC; Guffroy 1989) and some individuals in the famous Paracas burial bun- In Ecuador, this time period has not been well studied. Lun- dles wore Spondylus as necklaces (Blower 1995: 218; Paul niss (2001) has reported on Spondylus from Salango (for site 1990: 39; J. C. Tello 1959; J. C. Tello & Mejía Xesspe 1979). locations, see Fig. 5) during the Engoroy Period (ca. 600–100 BC). Spondylus artifacts and whole valves are buried as offer- In summary, during Period B (1100-100 BC) Spondylus con- ings in pits and post holes and with human burials (Lunniss sumption increased, but is mainly associated with the Chavín 2001; see also Carter 2008: 131-132). Three Spondylus shells and Cupisnique cultures. The occurrence of Spondylus at other were also buried beneath an Engoroy period water retention sites may be directly associated with the spread of Chavínoid structure (albarrada) in Achallan (Stothert 1995). In the Ec- ideology and iconography. uadorian highlands, Spondylus decreases at Cerro Narrio and associated sites (Bruhns 2003), but is present in the poorly Period C1 (100 BC–AD 700): The Age of Chaquira dated site of Chinguilanchi (Uhle 1922: 208). In the northern highlands, small fragments of Spondylus were recovered from The major evidence for Spondylus consumption during Period all levels at La Chimba (ca. 700 BC–AD 250; Athens 1995; C1 comes from the elite burials of the Moche culture on the Stahl & Athens 2001). North Coast of Peru and from the site of La Florida in the highlands of Ecuador. At this time, Spondylus was most com- In Peruvian territory, the story is quite different. Paulsen’s monly fashioned into chaquira, tine shell beads that were as- (1974) initial suggestion that Spondylus use increases at this sembled into composite artifacts. Although evidence of Spon- time, especially as evidenced at Chavín de Huantar (Burger dylus artifact production is limited, it appears to be focused on 1992), accords with new data (Carter 2008: 133-135). Spon- the coast of Ecuador. dylus iconography is particularly notable at this time. During the Urabarriu phase (ca. 1000–500 BC) at Chavín de Huantar At Sipán (occupied between ca. AD 1–300; for site locations an anthropomorphic Spondylus, with characteristic spines, is see Fig. 6) evidence is from three large tombs, Tomb 1 (known present on the Tello Obelisk. During the same time span, an as the Lord of Sipán), Tomb 2 (the Priest), and Tomb 3 (the undisclosed number of cut Spondylus fragments were depos- Old Lord of Sipán). Approximately fifty-sixSpondylus valves ited within the Gallery of the Offerings in the Old Temple at along with a wide variety of other finely crafted goods were Chavín (Burger 1992). Spondylus imagery and consumption recovered in these tombs (Alva & Donnan 1993). The men increases during the Jannabarriu phase (ca. 400–200 BC). were buried with a total of nineteen shell pectorals, seventeen Spondylus is depicted in the left hand of the “Smiling God”, of which were made from thousands of shell chaquira. Based in the hands of an individual on the cornice of the New Tem- upon photos and illustrations (Alva & Donnan 1993) of these ple, and on the ceiling slabs in the Room of the Ornamental beads, I conclude that the tomb of the Old Lord contained a Beams (Blower 1995; Burger 1992; Rick 2005; John Howland pectoral made of exclusively of purple beads, which are likely Rowe 1967). Remains of Spondylus appear to be more broadly Spondylus calcifer, and the tomb of the Lord contained four spread across the site in the later phase; it has been recovered pectorals with some red or pink chaquira and one that is com- from both elite contexts at Chavín de Huantar and at smaller pletely red, which suggest Spondylus princeps. The Old Lord sites in the area (Burger 1992). It is quite clear that Spondylus was also interred with a non-chaquira pectoral made of white played a role in religious and sociopolitical spheres at Chavín shell inlaid with red shell and chaquira bracelets containing de Huantar and that its concentration at the site of Chavín de some Spondylus beads (Alva & Donnan 1993). Finally, the Huantar marks that site as extraordinary in comparison with tombs of the Lord and the Priest each contained a sacrificed other sites. The only find comparable to those at Chavín is individual both of whom wore a shell pectoral. Other tombs a burial (ca. 750–500 BC) at Kuntur Wasi that included 849 excavated at the site contained shell pectorals (Tombs 7, 8, 9), Spondylus beads and 3,653 fragments of Spondylus (Bruhns bracelets (Tomb 7), metal objects inlaid with shell (Tombs 5 2003: 160; Kato 1993: 216-224). and 9) and whole valves (Tomb 10; Alva 2001).

On the Peruvian coast, Spondylus appears mainly among the Other Moche sites have also yielded evidence of Spondylus people classified as Cupisnique (a.k.a. Coastal Chavín). Evi- consumption. The severely looted tomb at La Mina yielded

71 Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 6. Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C1 and C2 Note that Cerro Juan Diaz is off the map to the north [based upon Moseley 1992: 34]

72 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory fragments of Spondylus and small shell beads (Narváez V. Spondylus consumption in the Peruvian highlands appears to 1994). Extensive excavations of eighty-four burials at the be centered in the Condebamba Valley at Cerro Amaru and Moche III cemetery at Pacatnamú produced possibly 218 Marcahuamachuco (ca. AD 350–800) and among the imperial Spondylus beads that seem to be associated with women and Huari (ca. AD 540–900). Because these time periods overlap children, not men (Donnan & McClelland 1997; see also Cart- the boundary of Period C1 and C2 (AD 700) it is possible er 2008: 144-145). The evidence of Spondylus consumption at that consumption discussed here may fall into either period, the supposed capital of the Moche, the site of Moche (Huaca but with current data their precise chronological placement is de la Luna and Huaca del Sol), is curiously absent at this time, difficult to determine. At Cerro Amaru, part of a mausoleum although it does appear in more recent levels. floor was covered with burnt cut pieces of Spondylus (Topic 1991: 159; Topic & T. Lange Topic 2000: 197). Also at Cerro During Moche V (ca. AD 550–650/700) evidence for Spondy- Amaru, nearly 3,000 chaquira and approximately 90 rectan- lus consumption was recovered from Pampa Grande and San gular plaques were dredged from a well in 1900 (Topic & T. José de Moro. At Pampa Grande, Spondylus remains come Lange Topic 2000: 197; T. Lange Topic 1991: 243). Within from two locations, atop the immense Huaca Fortaleza (or the “Castillo” at Marcahuamachuco, 9.6kg of Spondylus shell Grande) and workshops dedicated to working Spondylus. One were recovered from a shallow pit, including a minimum of articulated Spondylus shell was located beneath the floor of 20 valves with edges and exterior ground, a minimum of 270 a “checkpoint” and another was found beneath a ramp atop broken rectangular pieces (ca. 10% perforated) as well as frag- Huaca Fortaleza (Haas 1985: 397). A Spondylus necklace was mented miniatures (<2cm) in blue-green stone representing placed on top of the burial of a child and immature llama be- Spondylus. Between eleven and twenty-six of these objects neath the access ramp to the complex of rooms at the top of are shaped like Spondylus valves (T. Lange Topic 1989; see the structure and another necklace was found just beyond the also Carter 2008: 151-152). ramp in a pit in the floor. In total, these necklaces contained nearly 100 large trapezoidal beads and smaller cylindrical While the development and expansion of the Huari overlaps beads made of Spondylus along with turquoise and sodalite Periods C1 and C2 (ca. AD 540–900, Glowacki & Malpass beads (Haas 1985: 404; Shimada 1994: 214; see also Carter 2003), much of the material is likely before AD 700. Early 2008: 145-146). Another necklace was located atop the sec- Spondylus finds, possibly belonging in the previous period, ond largest mound, Huaca 2. The Spondylus workshop at include material from rooms 133, 135 and 148 of the Mora- Pampa Grande, in room 1 of compound 15, contained a scat- duchayuq compound at the site of Huari: two pieces of worked ter of thirty-two whole and numerous fragments of Spondylus Spondylus, two Spondylus artifacts and eighty-two pieces of shells (Shimada 1994: 213-216; see also Anders 1981). Some worked Spondylus were recovered from these three contexts, of the fragments were trapezoidal, suggesting they were unfin- respectively (Isbell, Brewster-Wray & Spickard 1991). Early ished versions of the trapezoidal beads from Huaca Fortaleza. Huari phase contexts from the Cheqo Wasi sector of Huari The only tool found here was a large cobble. It is surprising yielded Spondylus artifacts, including trapezoidal pendants, that no tools used in the perforation of beads were present at larger pieces of worked Spondylus and discoid beads (Bena- Pampa Grande or any other Moche site. vides 1991). Spondylus was also recovered in the backfill used to seal the Vegachayoq Moqo sector of Huari when it was Finally, the Sacerdotistas (Priestesses) found at Moche V San abandoned (Bragayrac 1991). José de Moro appear to have held Spondylus shells in their hands (Cordy-Collins 1999, 2001; Donnan & Castillo 1994). At the Huari site of Pikillacta, occupied between approxi- Cordy-Collins (1999, 2001) has suggested that the Sacerdotis- mately AD 600–800 (Glowacki 2005), Spondylus was recov- tas, both those from San José de Moro and those portrayed in ered from two sand-filled pits that included 80 (40 in each) the Sacrifice Ceremony painted on Moche pots, are intimately elaborately carved turquoise figurines (Cook 1992: 344). One connected with Spondylus. While her argument is interesting, of the two collections was buried with “Spondylus (2 whole there is no direct iconographic link between the Sacerdotistas valves, 8 worked pieces [some with intentional perforations], and Spondylus. Of course, Spondylus in the hands of the skel- and 5 worked rectangular fragments)” (Cook 1992: 344). etal remains of the Priestesses does indicate a connection, but Other Spondylus finds at Pikillacta include a singleSpondylus since other burials also have Spondylus, it is a relationship not shell (Unit 47) and five Spondylus princeps valves (Unit 36) limited to the Sacerdotistas. from which the ball and socket hinge, as well as the exterior spines, were removed (McEwan 2005: 30-32, 47-48). Spon- While the Moche elite appear to be the major consumers of dylus has been recovered from other Huari sites, including Spondylus in coastal Peru, limited evidence is available be- Conchopata, Maraniyoq, Jinkamocco, Azángaro (six beads yond the Moche area. At Cerro de Trinidad, occupied during and twenty-four fragments), and Aqo Wayqo (12-13 plaques) the contemporaneous Lima period, a burial contained whole (Anders 1981; Ochatoma & Cabrera 2001; Pozzi-Escot 1991; Spondylus shells and beads (Paulsen 1974: 602). Similarly, a Schreiber 1991; Valdez, Williams & Bettcher 2006), but many Lima period ceramic vessel depicts a person seated on a reed details are lacking. At the Huari outpost/embassy of Cerro boat holding a Spondylus shell (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni Baúl, Spondylus was recovered in the “palace” and the brew- 1999: 107). Middle Horizon Nievería sites also yielded Spon- ery (Moseley et al. 2005: 17271). No Spondylus has been re- dylus artifacts (Gayton 1924: 320-321; see also Menzel 1964), covered from contemporaneous Tiwanaku sites (e.g. Janusek but dating is imprecise. 1999; Kolata 1986).

73 Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies

Figure 7. Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C3 and C4 Note that Huarancate and Uhle’s site D are not on this map and the Calchaqui Valley, Aconcagua and El Plomo are to the south off this map [based upon Moseley 1992: 34]

74 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory

While the Peruvian evidence indicates relatively large scale colored rim is removed) and fragments of red, purple, orange consumption, a single site in the highlands of Ecuador is and pink shell. At Loma de los Cangrejitos, people were bur- simply staggering. At La Florida, a Chaupicruz phase (ca. ied with their tools for making shell beads, including small AD 100–450) site, six extremely deep shaft tombs produced chert drills, margins of Spondylus princeps, some in-process 674,643 shell chaquira, the majority of which were purple Spondylus, sandstone saws, and copper chisels (Marcos 1981; or red (310,961 and 79,014, respectively; the remaining 42% Zevallos 1995). Spondylus was the main raw material: 86.3% were white) suggesting the use of Spondylus (Doyon 1988, (458 of the 531 beads from Loma de los Cangrejitos) and 2002). Considering the thousands of beads recovered from 55.9% (1,567/2,805 from López Viejo) were red, orange, pink extremely rich tombs of the Moche, this quantity of beads is or purple or bore these colors in part (Carter 2008) signifying astounding. more careful color selection during this period compared to the previous. Spondylus was being consumed farther north at this time as well. Spondylus beads were also being used at Malagana (ca. Production was not limited to the Manteño area. Evidence 200 BC–AD 200; north of La Florida) sites in the Colombian from northern coastal Ecuador comes from Atacames where highlands (Bray et al. 2005). Spondylus was also being con- 1,581 discoid shell beads were recovered, of which 68% were sumed at this time in Panama, during the Tonosí (ca. AD 300– red or orange (i.e. Spondylus). Most of these beads were recov- 550) occupation of Cerro Juan Diaz (Cooke & Sánchez 1997). ered from Tola 69 (Cabada 1989: 97-98), which dates to Early A total of 1,200 Spondylus artifacts were recovered from the Atacames (ca. AD 700–1100; Guinea 1989: 139). In-process site, including Spondylus beads and other Spondylus artifacts beads were present, though no data has been published, and, unlike those in Ecuador, suggesting local manufacture. surprisingly, no lithic microdrills were recovered from the site (Cabada 1989; Guinea 1989, 1995; see also Galván García & Important evidence for the production of chaquira during Pe- Barriuso Pérez 1986). riod C1 comes from Site 47 and other sites near El Azúcar in coastal Ecuador. Here, Masucci recovered 597 in-process and Farther north in Panama, people were working Spondylus at 37 finished beads along with 1,257 lithic microdrills. The later the site of Cerro Juan Diaz during the Cubitá phase (ca. AD were used for perforating the shell beads. Masucci also identi- 700–900): artisans made a variety of beads including discoid fied two distinct sizes: small beads, (i.e. chaquira) and large ones suggestive of chaquira (n=82 or 28.6% of all beads). ones (Masucci 1995). Only seven percent of the beads con- Spondylus made up 12% of shell fragments by count. Shell tained coloration suggesting Spondylus. Therefore, although fragments and style of beads different than those from Ecua- chaquira were clearly produced at this site, they do not appear dor suggest local production, but the absence of lithic micro- to have concentrated highly upon Spondylus. It is not clear, drills is curious (Mayo 2004; Mayo & Cooke 2005). therefore from whence the beads used at La Florida and Sipán came. Consumption of Spondylus artifacts on the Ecuadorian coast reached new levels during this period. At Puerto de Chanduy During Period C1 (100 BC–AD 700), Spondylus consump- excavations uncovered 774 beads of which 119 (15.4%) had tion increased dramatically. The most significant consumption some red, orange, pink or purple (Carter 2008). At Ayalán, was in the form of tiny shell beads, centered largely upon the 5,243 shell chaquira were located amongst numerous burials; Moche on the North Coast of Peru and at La Florida in the most beads were white, but 1,090 (20.8%) were categorized highlands of Ecuador. Consumption has moved into the south- as solid colored (black, red, orange, lavender, pink and yel- ern highlands, and though significant the absolute quantities of low) or partially white by Ubelaker (1981). Further to the east, consumption are much more limited than among the Moche. the Guayas Basin was occupied by people utilizing a material Production appears to be somewhat limited with significant culture known as Milagro-Quevedo who were also consumers production only at the Guangala site of El Azucar. of Spondylus, but their Spondylus artifacts have been neither analyzed nor dated adequately (Delgado Espinosa 2002; Muse Period C2 (AD 700–1100): The Spread of Production 1991; Zevallos 1995: 261-290).

Production of shell chaquira on the coast of Ecuador inten- The main consumers of Spondylus during this period were sified drastically during this period. The main evidence for the Sicán (a.k.a. Lambayeque), a people of the North Coast production of Spondylus artifacts comes from the Manteño of Peru. While their culture dated to AD 750/800–1375, the sites of Loma de los Cangrejitos (for site locations, see Fig. Sicán culture reached their apogee during the Middle Sicán 6) and López Viejo (Carter 2008). Archaeologists recovered Period (ca. AD 900–1100; Shimada 1990). Evidence for Spon- over 10,000 shell beads during excavation of the latter (Currie dylus consumption comes from elite burials, dedicatory offer- 1995a, 1995b, 2001). I have studied 2,837 shell beads and 460 ings on the tops of mounds and iconography. lithic microdrills from López Viejo and 573 beads and 444 lithic microdrills from Loma de los Cangrejitos. Many of the Two large elite tombs have been excavated near the base beads from these sites were “in-process” (1587 [56%] from of Huaca Loro in the Batán Grande area: the East and West López Viejo and 392 [68%] from Loma de los Cangrejitos). Tombs. The East Tomb contained a group of 179 whole Both sites also contained a wide variety of Spondylus “cores” Spondylus princeps shells, the largest offering of Spondylus (the portion of the valve, including the hinge, after the outer yet uncovered. These shells are particularly large specimens,

75 Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies more than 50% larger (16-17cm in diameter) than the norm contain the Sicán Diety (or Lord) and therefore have been at- (ca. 10cm) and weighing nearly 1kg each. Other evidence for tributed to Middle Sicán Phase. Spondylus use comes from groups of beads. Unlike the Moche pectorals, these contained more large beads, not diminutive Spondylus use on the coast of Peru was not limited to the Mid- chaquira, and these beads were fabricated from a greater dle Sicán, but finds outside the La Leche and Lambayeque variety of materials, including turquoise, sodalite, amethyst, Valleys are limited. Spondylus was recovered from Cerro transparent quartz crystal, calcite, fluorite, agate, amber, and Ñañañique (Guffroy, Nigueras & Caldo 1989), Pachacamac, Spondylus shell. It is difficult to know how many beads were (Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000: 613), Nievería (see deposited in each bundle have not yet been analyzed and only above), Pinilla (Paulsen 1968: 3; ca. AD 1000, Menzel 1964: the exterior layers can be seen (Shimada 1995, 2000). Plate I) and Cahuachi (del Carmen Rodriguez de Sandweiss 1993; Silverman 1993; Silverman & Proulx 2002: 66-67). In the West Tomb, the principal individual was buried wear- The only large deposit was observed in three Middle Horizon ing an unspecified number of pectorals that included Spondy- pits at Pachacamac which contained a total of 106 Spondylus lus, amber, turquoise and sodalite beads. He wore bracelets of valves (Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000: 613). The beads of unreported composition. The two women buried in other finds consisted of small fragments or unspecified mate- the central chamber were associated with beads as well: one rial. apparently was wearing a beaded pectoral and the other was buried beneath a bead bundle. Compared to the large piles of As previously indicated, it is possible that much of the ma- Spondylus shells from the East tomb, the central chamber of terial discussed for the Peruvian highlands during Period C1 the West Tomb contained only two shells, along with a line may belong here. Only future clarification of chronology will of eleven more connecting the principal individual with a ju- clarify this issue. venile male in niche 6 (Shimada 1995; Shimada, Griffin & Gordus 2000; Shimada et al. 2004). The single most important development of Period C2 (AD 700–1100) is the broad expansion of Spondylus chaquira, es- Beyond elite burials, Spondylus shells were also used in dedi- pecially at Manteño sites on the Ecuadorian coast. Produc- catory offerings in large ceremonial mounds constructed of tion spreads north to include Atacameños and even residents columnar boxes of adobe bricks containing fill. Shimada es- of modern-day Panama. Consumption of Spondylus becomes timates that 400 whole Spondylus shells served as dedicatory more diverse as chaquira retain their popularity, but are ac- offerings in the columnar boxes, seven of which he excavated companied by whole shells and inlay. The Sicán appear to be atop Huaca Rodillona (Shimada 1990: 341, 366, fig. 24-25). the largest single consumer, though many other cultures show signs of consumption on smaller scale. Our understanding of Spondylus consumption at Sicán sites outside of the Batán Grande area is still limited. Three finds Period C3 (AD 1100–1470): Control Shifts South at Pacatnamú contained Spondylus: 1) a woman was buried with a Spondylus valve tied to each hand with a sheer fabric, After the disappearance of the Middle Sicán (ca. AD 1100), 2) a 12-14 year-old was buried with four Spondylus beads five the coast of Peru was dominated by the expansionist Chimú, meters in front of a U-shaped audiencia, and 3) the remains whose control of the north coast is cut short by the Inka at of four youths beneath another U-shaped structure were found approximately AD 1470. These two cultures were also the pri- with broken and charred Spondylus (Bruce 1986; Verano & mary consumers of Spondylus during their respective periods, Cordy-Collins 1986). but in ways different from their predecessors and each other.

Sicán imagery includes representations of Spondylus (Cordy- In Ecuador, the Manteño of Period C3 stop making the tiny Collins 1990; see also Cordy-Collins & Giannoni 1999). Exca- chaquira beads of Spondylus and transition to larger, more vations of a partially looted elite tomb at Huaca Las Ventanas irregular beads made from conchilla, sea-worn bits of shell in the Batán Grande area revealed a painted mural called the (Carter 2008). Sites dating to this time period, such as Mar “Sicán Cosmovision” (Shimada 1995: fig. 121). This mural Bravo and Salango-140 (for site locations, see Fig. 7), have contains numerous three-, four- and five-pronged crescents, few lithic microdrills (24 at each; Carter 2008) but have likely some of which bear their original red paint. By themselves, in-process beads, suggesting that these expedient beads may these images are not convincingly Spondylus, but as Alana have been drilled with a perishable material (cactus thorn, Cordy-Collins (1990, 1999, 2001) and Joanne Pillsbury (1996, wooden drill with abrasive, etc.). These sites do show some 1999) have argued, it is likely that these pronged crescents use of tiny Spondylus chaquira, but the presence of very few represent Spondylus. Sicán imagery on museum objects con- in-process beads hint that they are curated (or recovered) arti- vincingly depicts scenes of Spondylus diving (Cordy-Collins facts from the previous time period. Shell bead production at 1990). These scenes often contain a stylized boat upon which Japoto, another Manteño site, appears to be similar, but more a single or several individual oversee the fishing. Divers are regimented. There appears to be a clearer production chain, attached to the boat via cords tied to their waists and they ap- more like beads from the earlier period (Carter 2008), than at pear to be collecting three-pronged crescents. Although the art Mar Bravo and Salango, but no lithic drills are present (Guin- objects studied by Cordy-Collins have limited context, some ea 2006). However, few of the beads from Japoto appear to be made from Spondylus.

76 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory

While the production of Spondylus chaquira on the coast of looked like. Huaca El Dragon produced 1,563 shell objects, Ecuador appears to drop off significantly, it is nevertheless 520 (33%) of which were Spondylus (Schaedel 1966). In Cell clear that the shellfish remained an important raw material. 11, one of the well-preserved contexts, archaeologists recov- The single most spectacular discovery in Ecuador from this ered 200 pieces that were “cut, in preparation”, five valves time period is a cache of approximately 600 Spondylus prin- and fifteen whole shells. The objects that were “cut, in prep- ceps valves at OM-PL-IL-14 on La Plata Island (Marcos & aration” were deposited while in the process of becoming Norton 1981, 1984). The presence of a grave containing an rectangular pendants and other objects for inlay. The fifteen Inka official also suggests direct involvement of the empire whole shells were wrapped in textile along with twenty-four in the acquisition of Spondylus (Dorsey 1901). At nearby “Strombus” (probably Conus) shells (Schaedel 1966). Huaca Salango-140 (ca. AD 1300–1600), which has few Spondylus Tacaynamo revealed similar use of Spondylus. Twenty whole beads and lithic microdrills, excavators recovered 15 whole Spondylus pictorum (probably Spondylus princeps), 1983 Spondylus shells, 153 valves and over 16kg of fragments of fragments of Spondylus and fifty-four complete Spondylus Spondylus shell (Allan 1989; Carter 2008; Norton, Lunniss & objects were recovered from the site (Iriarte B. 1978). The Nailing 1983). Spondylus was being processed at the site, but finished artifacts present a wide variety of forms similar to it is unclear whether the lips were being removed for export, those used as inlay on wood and other materials (Jackson as is often suggested (Norton, Lunniss & Nailing 1983): One 2004; Cordy-Collins 1990: fig. 13). Iriate (1978) notes that researcher lists only nine Spondylus shells with their colorful many of these finished objects had bitumous glue on one side lip missing (Allan 1989). At Loma de los Cangrejitos, buri- suggesting that they served as inlays. Margaret Jackson (2004) als from Marcos’ phase C, ca. AD 1500–1600, do not contain has studied the wooden sculptures recovered from Tacaynamo Spondylus artifacts as did earlier burials (Marcos 1981: 54). and El Dragon, which include a wide variety of human forms, most containing some sort of inlay, including white, iridescent The Ecuadorian highlands show even less evidence of Spondy- and red/purple shell. lus consumption than previous periods. Approximately 2800 chaquira were recovered from imprecisely dated “pre-Inka” The excavations of tomb 7 on Platform I at Huaca de la Luna contexts at Ingapirca, but only some of these were purple at the Moche site, which date to the Chimú occupation of the (Fresco 1984: 143). These appear to have come mainly from site, provide more context for the materials found at Tacayna- Tomb 1 and Room D which contained “chaquiras of mullu” mo and El Dragon. Tomb 7 produced 45 valves of Spondylus (Fresco 1984: 89). (and 287 Conus shells) and a textile bag containing more than 700 worked fragments of unidentified shell (Ricardo Tello During C3, the Chimú dominated the coast of Peru and Spon- 1997; Uceda 1997). While the fragments and whole shells of dylus trade as well. The evidence for Spondylus consumption Spondylus in Tomb 7 are similar to the material from Huacas at the Chimú capital of Chan Chan is very scattered due to Tacaynamo and El Dragon, it is the inlay and wooden figures severe looting; few intact contexts remain. Ground Spondylus from Tombs 6 and 7 that provide an analogy for the shell and has been recovered from stone-lined bins in three of the cui- wooden artifacts from Tacaynamo and El Dragon (Jackson dadelas (large elite constructions), including Cuidadelas Ban- 2004; Uceda 1997). Two maquetas (wooden miniatures of ar- delier, Liberinto, and Tschudi (Conrad 1981; Pozorski 1979: chitecture) in the form of a ceremonial plaza were recovered 123). Quantities of Spondylus have also been recovered from from these tombs in which numerous wooden individuals and the walk-in well at Cuidadela Tschudi (Pillsbury 1996: 323 objects, 13 from Tomb 6 and 39 from Tomb 7, depict a cer- citing personal communication from Arturo Paredes). Buri- emony for a deceased individual (Ricardo Tello 1997: 32-33, als in front of U-shaped structures within Gran Chimú also 35). These architectural models may represent ceremonies in contained shell beads and a whole Spondylus princeps shell miniature that were represented at Tacaynamo and El Dragon (Andrews 1974: 252). Within the Las Avispas burial platform in larger, though smaller than life-size, form. The most impor- of Cuidadela Liberinto, “carved and whole shells (including tant aspect of these maqueta’ to the present research is their Spondylus and Conus fergusoni) were found in and imme- association with quantities of whole and fragmentary Spondy- diately around the chamber area of the platform” (Pozorski lus and the inclusion of Spondylus inlay on the wooden sculp- 1979: 134). Within Cuidadela Rivero, a half centimeter thick tures. layer of ground Spondylus was found at the north end of a bench along the west wall of the burial platform. In the areas Also on top of Cerro Blanco, which overlooks the Moche site, between and around the cuidadelas, known as SIAR (Small quantities of Spondylus princeps (and Conus fergusonii) were Irregularly Agglutinated Rooms), a cobble-lined pit from be- recovered (Cordy-Collins 1990: 396, citing Uhle’s unpub- neath the intersection of two walls contained six complete lished notes; Menzel 1977: 41). This find appears to be related Spondylus shells (Topic 1981). to the Chimú occupation of Huaca de la Luna at the foot of Cerro Blanco (Bourget 1997). The evidence for Spondylus use is more interesting at the “out- er” huacas of Chan Chan, including Huacas El Dragon (Arco Spondylus imagery is present at Huaca Tacaynamo. A minia- Iris) and Tacaynamo. These were probably burial mounds like ture wooden backrest contains imagery reminiscent of Spon- those in the cuidadelas of Chan Chan, but the preservation dylus diving (Cordy-Collins 1990; Pillsbury 1996, 1999), of these sites is greater and, therefore, can provide insight though pronged crescents are not visible (Jackson 2004: into what the severely looted tombs of Chan Chan may have fig. 5). Jackson (2004: 310-312) has interpreted three of the

77 Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies wooden male sculptures from Tacaynamo as prisoners and gested. Little Spondylus has been published from large Inka sacrificial victims, all of whom have three-pronged crescents sites, such as at Cuzco (for site locations, see Fig. 7) (Bauer painted on their bodies. This is the most convincing evidence, 1998; Isbell 1997), Ollantaytambo (Protzen 1993), Huánuco from any time period, of an association between Spondylus Pampa (Morris & Thompson 1985), or Machu Picchu (Burger and sacrifice. and Salazar 2004). Valcárcel (1946: 181) did locate “a small anthropomorphic figure, also of shell, red on the front side Chimú consumption of Spondylus can be seen outside the and white on the back” from the fortress of Sacsahuaman Moche Valley at the sites of Tucumé (El Purgatorio), Cabur above Cusco. Little Spondylus is present at smaller Inka sites and at Site V-124. A “Shell-Bead Workshop” at Tucumé con- in the highlands. The Mantaro Valley project recovered a total tained beads similar to the rough, irregular Manteño beads of five fragments of Spondylus, only one of which dated to of this time period (Carter 2008) and, curiously, lacks lithic the post-Inka Wanka III. A single Spondylus valve and an un- microdrills. Chaquira, however, were recovered from Cabur, specified number ofSpondylus beads were recovered from the where three Chimú burials of young children (6-9 years old) chullpas at Cutimbo (Tantalean 2006). A small llama figurine each contained a single Spondylus princeps near their hands of Spondylus was recovered near the surface with Inka pe- or heads (Sapp 2002). Two of the burials contained a total of riod artifacts at Pampa Koani (Kolata 1986: 751) and a single 6,400 small chaquira (2-5mm in diameter) which Sapp (2002) tubular bead was recovered from Inka period contexts in the suggests are made of Spondylus. Twenty-two whole and 152 Calchaquí Valley of northwest Argentina (Earle 1994: 450). pieces of Spondylus were recovered from the Huaca Quad- A single fragment of Spondylus was recovered from the Lluta rangle at Cabur, but because of looting activities it is unclear Valley in northern Chile (Santoro et al. 2004). if these belong to the Sicán (Lambayeque), Chimú or Inka oc- cupations at the site. At V-124 in the Virú Valley twenty-five Other than these fairly limited and minor finds, all of the ma- Spondylus shells were recovered from the fill near the floor of jor Inka period Spondylus finds in the highlands are from ca- a U-shaped structure, as at Chan Chan (Andrews 1974; Collier pacocha sacrifices on the highest peaks. Nearly all of these 1955: 44). Approximately 500 meters west of V-124, Burial 1 are llama or human figurines made fromSpondylus . The child at V-304 was recovered with a Chimú pot and two articulated mummy on Cerro Aconcagua was recovered with two llama Spondylus shells (Collier 1955: 47). and an single human figurine of Spondylus (Schobinger, Am- puero & Guercio 2001) and a necklace with 47 Spondylus Beyond the wooden sacrificial victims from Tacaynamo, beads (Bárcena 2001). At a nearby Inka tambo (way station) the most convincing Spondylus iconography comes from along the Quebrada Horcones, another small human figurine Chan Chan and nearby Huaca Esmeraldas (Pillsbury 1996). made of Spondylus was found (Schobinger 2001). Similarly, The imagery from the Los Buceadores (the Divers) frieze in the child mummy from El Plomo, Chile was interred with Cuidadela Uhle is clearly reminiscent of the imagery from Spondylus figurines of a llama and a woman (Mostny 1957). Cordy-Collins’ (1990) study of Spondylus diving. Divers be- A Spondylus figurine of a man was recovered from Taapacá neath a boat are surrounded by three- and four-pronged cres- Volcano (Reinhard 2002: 85) and another, along with a llama cents. Four-pronged crescents are also seen on the relief on figurine of Spondylus, were recovered from Cerro Copiapó the Platforma de las Virgens, in Cuidadela Uhle, but without (Iribarren Charlín 1978; Reinhard 2002). Other Spondylus any diving imagery. Finally, at the “outer” Huaca Esmeral- figurines have been recovered from the southern Peruvian das, pronged crescents can also be seen along the base of the high peaks of Huarancate, Pichu Pichu, Sara Sara and Ampato mound (Pillsbury 1996: fig. 13). (Chávez Chávez 2001).

Finally, Anne Pollard Rowe (1984; see also Carter 2008: 182- Chile has been cited as the southern extent of Spondylus trade 183) has presented a wide variety of artifacts that are believed (e.g. Marcos 1977), but, outside the Inka capacocha sacrifices to date to the Chimú period, although some may be Sicán. In on the high peaks, Spondylus remains in Chile are minimal. many cases tiny chaquira were woven onto textiles in a vari- The dating and context of the “quantity” of Spondylus beads ety of ways. However, since these artifacts lack any but the recovered from Alacrán Island in northern Chile is question- most general context, it is difficult to identify the time period able (Bird 1943; Carter 2008: 187). Bird did, however, find a or archaeological culture to which they belong. single similar bead from Inka contexts at Playa Miller (Bird 1943). The limited presence of Spondylus on the coast of Period C3 (AD 1100–1470) saw a dramatic shift from the Chile has more to do the vast networks of trade and trans- consumption of chaquira to a primary concentration on inlay portation that developed with Inka imperial expansion than for wooden statues, especially those associated with the rep- with Spondylus exchange per se. Although Spondylus can be resentation of funerary ceremonies. Most Spondylus is being found farther afield than during previous periods, this appar- consumed by the Chimú at this time. ent expansion, at least geographically, of Spondylus consump- tion does not necessarily indicate an increase in demand, but Period C4 (AD 1470–1532): Inka Domination may be more indicative of an increase in the importance of long-distance trade. In this sense, Spondylus would have been When the Chimú were defeated by the Inka around AD 1470, traded along with a vast array of Inka “imperial” goods. Spondylus usage changed dramatically. Spondylus was not nearly as ubiquitous during Period C4 as many have sug-

78 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory

The southern and central coast of Peru, however, presents a artisan at the local Inka administrative center of La Viña (Shi- local expansion of Spondylus consumption at this time. In the mada & Samillán Torres 2008). This artisan was buried with Ica Valley of South Coastal Peru, a Late Horizon youth was his tools (large shale tablet and shale saws) and finished and buried with “parts of necklaces of Spondylus shell pendants” in-process artifacts. In-process artifacts include a Spondylus along with whole Spondylus valves (Menzel 1977: 12-13). shell with its spines removed, shells with etched lines outlin- Farther north, three of eight graves at Pampa de los Canelos ing rectangular or trapezoidal plaques on the exterior of the contained two to five Spondylus shells (Kroeber & Strong shell that would have been removed by breaking along the 1965: 30). Uhle’s Late Horizon Site D (not shown on map) etched lines and a shell with the plaques removed leaving only produced “regularly rounded oblong” pendants and fine beads the hinge “core”. These rectangular, trapezoidal and triangular (chaquira?) of Spondylus (Kroeber & Strong 1965: 51-52). plaques were then used to make a variety of small artifacts Only a single Spondylus fragment was recovered from the including fish, crops and human forms. There is no evidence nearby fishing village of Lo Demas (Sandweiss 1992: 152). of bead production; no finished or in-process beads or lithic microdrills. This burial provides definitive evidence of Spon- Around modern Lima, Spondylus has been recovered from dylus artifact production similar to the undated material from Late Horizon contexts, generally in the form of whole shells. the Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993, 1999; Hocquenghem The pattern is best seen at Puruchuco, where 1,286 burials & Ruiz 1994). Spondylus artifacts have been recovered from have been excavated (Cock 2002; Cock & Goycochea Díaz both Cabeza de Vaca and Rica Playa. Cabeza de Vaca (or 2004), and Huaquerones (Farfán Lobatón 2000). Melissa Scott Tumbes Viejo) sits on a heavily occupied hill above the city Murphy (2004) has studied 207 burials from these sites. One of Tumbes. Shell artifacts, including those made from Spon- to fourteen Spondylus shells were found with 68% (15/22) of dylus, litter the site. Significantly, a wide variety of in-process the high status, “false head” mummies. Only 6.5% (12/185) and complete shell artifacts are present along with slate tablets of the lower status mummy bundles contained any Spondylus and saws and hammer stones. Spondylus artifacts included hu- shells. This pattern appears to be similar at other Late Horizon man, llamas, fish and vegetable figurines similar to those from cemeteries in the area (Díaz Arriola & Vallejo 2004: 297-298), La Viña (Hocquenghem & Peña Ruiz 1994). including Armatambo (Díaz Arriola 2004: 590-591), Ancón (Ravines & Stothert 1976: 158, 164), Rinconada Alta (Frame There is very limited evidence from the Ecuadorian highlands et al. 2004) and Pachacamac (Eeckhout 2004: 28-29, Table during Period C4. At Tomebamba, an Inka-period construc- 7; Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000; Shimada 1991; tion in modern-day Cuenca, four tombs contained an unspeci- Uhle 1991: 37-39). Also, the door to a temple at Pachacamac fied number of “mullus of Spondylus” (i.e. Spondylus beads), was reportedly adorned with whole Spondylus shells attached a single Spondylus pendant and a fragment of a possible hu- to a cloth background (Paulsen 1974: 603; Shimada 1991: man figurine made from Spondylus. A llama figurine, of the XXXIV). type known amongst the Inka, was also found in a pit (Idrovo Uriguen 2000). The possible human and the llama figurines North of the Lima area, there are few sites with Spondylus clearly indicate an Inka presence. during the Late Horizon, perhaps because of the loss of much political and economic might in the area due to the Inka con- Consumption of Spondylus appears to decline during Period quest of the Chimú (Hyslop 1984, 1990). Aside from the Lam- C4 (AD 1470–1532). Evidence for Inka consumption of Spon- bayeque Valley, Spondylus was recovered at only one site, dylus is largely limited to the capacocha sacrifices on high Late Horizon Chiquitoy Viejo (Conrad 1977). peaks. The La Viña burial appears to indicate that shell artifact production was an important, perhaps specialized, occupation. In the Lambayeque Valley, however, Spondylus reappears. Re- mains at Tucumé, the capitol of the Late Sicán polity with sig- Ethnohistoric Evidence nificant Inka period occupations, combine both of the patterns discussed above. Two small human figurines, similar to those There has been much discussion about the use of Spondylus from the high peaks, were buried to the east of the doorway in the Andean area at the time of contact with the Spanish. at the Temple of the Stone (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvaez The largest single problem has been the conflation of the term 1995: 109, fig. 78-80). Inka mummy bundles from the South mullu with Spondylus. David Blower (1995, 2000) has explic- Cemetery often clasp Spondylus valves in their hands (Heyer- itly shown that mullu is a broader term that includes objects dahl, Sandweiss & Narvaez 1995: 177, fig. 156) and, in a find made from Spondylus, but which cannot be reduced to, nor reminiscent of Moche and Sicán pectorals, a mummy bundle translated as, Spondylus. Mullu, according to Blower, is 1) a in Room 1 of the Huaca Larga “had 16 strings of Spondylus multi-colored concept that includes Spondylus colors (i.e. red, shell beads” (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvaez 1995: 96). yellow, orange and purple) but also includes white, gold and Upon La Raya, the mountain towering over Tucumé, Spon- blueish-green (Blower 2000: 213-215); 2) may include herbs dylus occurs “more frequently … than anywhere else at the and other food items as well as shell, including but not limited site, except in the burials” (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvaez to Spondylus, stone, bone and turquoise (Blower 2000: 215- 1995: 186). 217, 222) and 3) is often related to water, sacrifice/offering as well as women (Blower 2000: 218). The recognition that The most important find of Spondylus in the Late Horizon mullu > Spondylus, is extremely important because many of Lambayeque Valley is the burial of a Spondylus and Conus the most important citations of Spondylus use in ethnohistoric

79 Spondylus in Prehistory: New Data & Approaches – Contributions to the Archaeology of Shell Technologies documents are based upon translations of mullu as Spondylus. The apparent decrease in the use of Spondylus after ca. AD For example, Murra (1975: 257, 1982: 266; see also Marcos 1100 according to the archaeological record does not accord 1977: 119) states that “millions of humans, Andean farmers, with the current interpretation of ethnohistoric accounts. needed quantities [of mullu] that we can consider industrial”. However, the purported use of vast quantities of Spondylus He bases this upon a quote from Cobo (1653) that refers to at contact is not so obvious once one realizes that those vast the vast use of “conchas del mar” or seashells in the high- quantities are of mullu, which is not necessarily Spondylus. lands, but does not specify Spondylus. And while Spondylus Spondylus, however, was still being used and may have been was certainly used, did millions of farmers require industrial one of the more important types of mullu. At this point, how- quantities? The archaeological evidence discussed above does ever, we simply do not know how prevalent Spondylus was not support the interpretation of the “industrial” use of Spon- after the arrival of the Spaniards. dylus by the Inka. Conclusion It is often stated that Spondylus was a favored food of the gods (e.g. Blower 2000: 215; Glowacki 2005: 260; Murra 1975: Prehispanic Spondylus use was dynamic varying through time 258, 1982: 266; Paulsen 1974: 603; Pillsbury 1996: 318; Ros- and space. This work provides five key updates to the inno- tworowski de Díez Canseco 1999: 36), but again this is based vative works of Paulsen (1974) and Marcos (1977). First, I upon the translation of mullu as Spondylus (Murra 1975: 258, have demonstrated that Spondylus may not have been difficult 1982: 266; Saloman & Urioste 1991: 116). There is no other to acquire because it was present in waters much shallower information, except for the “cap, cap” of the jaws of Maca than originally believed. This means that it may not have been Huisa as he eats the mullu, to suggest that Spondylus, or any difficult to collect Spondylus shells, especially for a people shellfish, was being eaten as mullu. We have little evidence accustomed to harvesting other resources from the ocean. Sec- therefore that gods ate Spondylus, though we can be fairly ond, Spondylus was also available as far south as Cabo Blan- confident that they did consumemullu . co, Peru, hundreds of miles south of the oft-cited border of Ecuador. Therefore, we can no longer say that any Prehispanic The value of Spondylus is often indicated by an account by Spondylus recovered in Ecuador is evidence of trade between Pablo Jose de Arriaga, a seventeenth century Jesuit missionary the two regions and we must refocus archaeological efforts in Peru, who states that a piece of mullu the size of a finger- on the extreme north coast of Peru in order to better address nail is worth four Spanish reales (Arriaga 1968: 45; see also questions regarding Spondylus acquisition, industry and con- Blower 2000: 210; Murra 1975: 260). While this does suggest sumption. Third, archaeological evidence now indicates that that mullu is quite valuable, he indicates that mullu is a small Spondylus was exchanged beyond its nature environment (i.e. fragment of a large seashell from which people make beads. South of Cabo Blanco) first into Peru (ca. 2500 BC at Caral) This may or may not be Spondylus, but it does suggest the and later into the Ecuadorian highlands, the inverse of what high value of sea shells in the Andean highlands. early research suggested. Fourth, early works all intimated, Perhaps the most convincing piece of ethnohistoric evidence based at least partially on the work of John Murra (1975; of the importance of Spondylus at the time is the Samano-Xe- 1982), that the use of “industrial” quantities of Spondylus by rez Relación (Samano 1844), the account of Francisco Pizar- the Inka was the end result of a constant increase in the utili- ro’s captain Batolomeo Ruiz, which records the capture of a zation of Spondylus. This now appears to be false. Maximum large indigenous balsa raft off the coast of Ecuador in 1525. utilization may have occurred during the peak of the Moche, The raft, carrying 20 men, had a capacity of approximately 25 Sicán and Chimú states on the North Coast of Peru and decline modern tons (Currie 1995a: 511) and carried a large collec- during Inka domination. tion of valuable goods. “All this they brought to exchange for some shells from which they make coral red and white beads, The final update provided herein is the most important. The and they had the vessel almost laden with them” (Currie new chronology highlights the variability in time and space 1995a: 511). Unfortunately, we know little about from where of the forms of Spondylus artifacts and the way in which they this vessel came or where it was heading and the identifica- were used. While I have made some general conclusions about tion that people made beads from these same shells must be trends during these times, there is also variability within those seen in the light that the two foreign peoples had little means trends. It is both the change in general trends and the vari- of communicating. Were the shells for making beads? Were ability within those trends that makes it difficult to fashion they for trade with the coastal Late Horizon peoples who used all-encompassing statements about how Spondylus was used them in mummy bundles? Were they trading them with Inka by Andean societies. For example, Spondylus may have been artisans who fashioned figurines? Were they making objects used to encourage rain by some cultures, but not necessarily themselves? The current interpretation is that the voyagers in- by all. The most fascinating part of Prehispanic use of Spondy- habited the coast of Ecuador, specifically Calangome, where lus is the complexity of the story, not the simplicity. evidence for the production of Spondylus artifacts at this time is relatively limited. This should not make light, however, of the fact that this large capacity vessel was “almost laden” with Spondylus shells.

80 Benjamin P. Carter – Spondylus in South American Prehistory

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