! I
CTCT fib' I f jr> : Li. LID. A REPORT OF THE CIRCUMSTANCES
AND EVENTS OF THE RACE RIOT
ON NOVEMBER 2, 1920 IN
OCOEE, FLORIDA
LESTER DABBS, JR.
A thesis presented to the Faculty of the
College of Liberal Arts in partial fulfillment
of the degree of Master of Arts
Stetson University
July, 19 69
1 '• ; • | t • I I I
STETSON UNIVERSITY
GRADUATE DIVISION
This thesis by Lester J. Dabbs is approved as meeting
the research requirements of the Department of Education for the
decree of Master of Arts.
Professor of Educational Philosophy
Professor of Education
Accepted for the Graduate Council
f/A4z_ Date: August 6 I969
292912
• 1 *• - - TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
C HAPTER I
Introduction
CHAPTER II
Racial Attitudes Nationally, Especially in the Decade of 1910 - 1920
CHAPTER III
Description of Ocoee, Florida and its Racial Attitudes in 1920 15
CHAPTER IV
The Events of the Election Day Riot
and Subsequent Investigations 23
C HAPTERV
Assessment of the Effects of the Riot on Ocoee, Florida and the Surrounding Area 36 CHAPTER VI
Summary and Conclusion 42
BIBLIOGRAPHY 46
i " | • i- CHAPTER I
Introduction
With the tremendous social, economic, and political interest being
shown in the field of civil rights and the relation among different ethnic,
national, and racial groups, it is important that an attempt be made to
identify the attitudes, circumstances, and other pertinent information
which contribute to traumatic social disorders within society. This
thesis has been just such an attempt.
If society, through its historians, psychologists, and sociologists,
can ascertain what the various danger signals are, then it will be easier
to circumvent or prevent a reoccurrence of those circumstances which
dissipate the constructive energies of a progressive culture. It is in the
best interest of all men everywhere to negate the trends which result in
the wasting of man's time, resources, and intellect.
The achievement of good relations between different ethnic and
racial groups continues to be a problem of great magnitude in our time.
Incongruous as this statement sounds in our ever contracting world of
technological and scientific progress, its ring of truth can be heard daily
in the riots, demonstrations, "non-negotiable demands," and countless
court desegregation cases.
The most important search of any man in any age is the answer to the
recurring question, "Who am I?" The greatest minds of each civilization in - the recorded history of man have grappled with that question. Books of
i . . . I
every size and shape have been written and read — each volume trying
to lend coherence to man's life, to his relationship to the world about
him, and to his relationship with his fellow man. Only when this question
has been answered by each individual and each group can society ever hope
to achieve even a semblance of the cooperation and harmony which is
available to us in this great land.
In the present struggle between authoritarianism and democracy, the
continued existence of undemocratic practices at home endangers our
contacts and dealings with other members of the international community
of nations. Prejudice and discrimination are a great threat to the welfare
of our country, for they adversely affect national unity. Recurring racial
problems siphon off energy and monies that could be directed to the
solution of other important economic and social problems. The opposing
racial or ethnic groups impoverish themselves and contribute to economic
waste. In essence, society pays for prejudices in that human unhappiness
results. Intolerance leads to fear among members of the privileged majority
as well as in the victims of intolerance.
Saenger states that "neurotic hatred of others fails to make the
maladjusted person essentially more secure and socially adapted. Prejudice
not only severely limits the opportunities of minority people, it makes it
harder for them to develop an integrated and well-adjusted personality."
Gerhart Saenger, The Social Psychology of Prejudice (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953, p. 2.
i • • The intensity of prejudice and the various levels of prejudice and
prejudicial action have been defined by the United Nations Commission
on Human Rights:
1. Prejudice which is merely an opinion which is not given outward expression either in word or by positive conduct or hostility or contempt toward members of a particular group, but which consists rather in a negative attitude of avoiding contact with members of that group as much as possible without expressing such dislike. 2. Prejudice which consists of internal opinion but which is expressed outwardly in some relations with the member of a disliked group, such as showing a definitely cold attitude toward them. In this case, there is a mild expression of antipathy, dislike, or devaluation in social relations, in which no legal problem is involved and in which no discriminating act occurs. 3. Prejudice which does not go so far as to deny legal rights to the members of a disliked group, but which leads to some form of social discrimination, as for example, intentionally and manifestly avoiding any social contact with members of the disliked group. 4. Prejudice which leads to discriminatory acts, denying rights to individuals belonging to a group discriminated against. 5. Prejudice which leads not only to discriminatory behavior but goes further and gives rise to propaganda for further discrimination. This propaganda may be confined to certain private circles (for example, trying to convince friends) , or it may develop into public manifestations such as speeches or written incitements to acts of discrimination. 6. Prejudice which leads to acts of violence against the members of a group, committed either by an individual or by a group of individuals , or committed or tolerated by public authorities. . Each of those levels of prejudice has been manifested in varying
degrees of discrimination not only in the South but on a nationwide scale,
2Ibid., p. 9.
i : | , I :
The lack of new leaders with ne^r 0«as and the failure of government —
local, state, and nation — to cor •& to grips with the racial problem is
exemplified in the unrest in urbar. areas and on college campuses today.
It is primarily for this reasor. that the researcher became concerned
with the problem, for all the levels of prejudice are to be encountered
within the social and economic fabric of the communities of his home and
his work. The geographical locales of his home and his work are somewhat
bigoted cultural areas which must confront the problems concomitant with
broad desegregation of public school facilities in the fall of 1969 . The race
riot of November, 1920, hangs over the area like an omen of doom which
blights everything it touches. It, therefore, becomes imperative that
persons in positions of authority and leadership today be able to see with
clarity and precision the underlying causes of that event in order to
preclude a reoccurrence of such social trauma. Much is to be done, and
time is of the essence.
It should be noted that the western portion of Orange County in
general, and Ocoee, Florida, in particular has a long history of anti-Negro
activity as exemplified in the activities of the Ku Klux Klan. Other areas
of the county have been more successful in breaking down the barriers
between the races in the various facets of community living. At present,
the Ocoee Junior-Senior High School is the only secondary school in the
county without at least token integration, even though the principal and '
the researcher have attended desegregation institutes at Stetson University
J ^t—-ygyj"uy~v • - I I I
at one time or another. Many adults and students of the community are
proud of the fact that the local Klan unit was the third one formed in the
state. They are proud of the local resident cited by Congress in its
recent hearings, and they are proud of the two area units of the United
Klans of America. Although these proud folks are in the minority, though
a quite vocal one, coupled with the same memory of the infamous riot of
nearly half a century ago, public consensus has the whole area blighted.
The researcher, as a resident of the city of Ocoee with a child in
its schools, and as a professional educator confronted with the task of
• opening a new, broadly desegregated junior high school in the city of • Apopka, had a peculiar and profound interest in determining the facts
surrounding the racial incidents of October-November, 1920.
Several hoped-for sources of information on the events of the riot
failed to materialize. The researcher's contact in the State Archives in
Tallahassee, Florida, was unable to provide any helpful information.
Orange-Seminole State Senator William Gunter and his staff researched
• the Legislative Reference Bureau's records to no avail. The son of the
States Attorney in 1920 was unable to furnish any but general information
and the Orange County Sheriff stated there are no records available
covering so remote an event. He further stated he was a deputy sheriff
in 1920 and, in his memory, no such event had taken place. And finally,
I I I based on information forwarded to the Justice Department by the researcher,
the Associate Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation was unable to
—_- •• - • - : -..- I I
locate any reference to the Ocoee event.
We, as Americans, have not as yet come to understand the "strange
kind of love" that insists on changing men's lives, a complex love which
is critical and often reacted to with hate — a love which turns itself into
hate when the one in rebellion does not understand his acts. The non
violent civil rights movement in the South, with the late Dr. Martin Luther
King as its foremost exponent, has been described by Lillian Smith as the 3 "strange kind of love" expressed by Camus in "The Rebel." Certainly
the events of the coming months will offer many opportunities for the
leadership and the masses of the Negro and Caucasian races in Orange
County to broaden and foster understandings necessary for the continued
economic and social development of the area.
Lillian Smith, "A strange Kind of Love," Saturday Review, 45 (October 20, 1962) , 18.
p - • I
CHAPTER II
Racial Attitudes Nationally, Especially the Decade 1910 - 1920
The Constitution of the United States of America upon its adoption
in 1788 had one undemocratic feature which was to perpetuate itself in one
form or another to the present day and age. This undemocratic feature was
the implicit recognition of slavery in the compromise regarding the counting
of population on which the congressional representation was based.
This sanctioning of servitude of one race, the Negro, to another
race, the Caucasian, caused many injustices to be perpetrated and poisoned
the minds of millions of Americans, white and black alike. The ruling race
under such circumstances becomes guilty of cruelty and tyranny while the
subjugated race becomes fearful, cunning, and deceitful. The greater the
cruelty, tyranny, and lust of the one, the greater will be the cunning and
deceit of the other. And there is no help for this as long as there exists
between them in the state inequality of rights, of conditions, based solely 1
on the race of each.
There has been a traditional belief over the years that the Negro is
basically inferior to the white man. In 1920, Julia E. Johnsen noted that
the Negro differs from the white person more in the qualities of feeling
than in the intellectual; that the Negro's emotions are strong and volatile;
that he has the characteristic of instability of character, involving a lack
Archibald Grimke, "The Heart of the Race Problem," Arena , 35 . (January, 1906), 29-32.
•
] ...... I I
of foresight, improvidence, deficient ambition, a lack of persistence, and
defective morality. This same author also observed that as the degree of 2 white blood increases, the less submissive the Negro becomes.
Franz Boas in 1921 pointed out that the idea that the Negro belongs
in a class by himself is kept alive by the contrast presented by his physical
appearance with that of the whites. This consciousness attained a high
emotional value for the descendants in this country of northern European
families. This consciousness also served to cause the strongly individual
istic Negro to resent deeply those who would refuse to recognize him as an 3 individual.
Those who subscribe to the theory that the Caucasian race is the
superior one gained some ammunition for their arsenal of arguments recently
in a position taken by a modern-day psychologist who stated the I.Q. of the
average white person was approximately fifteen (15) points higher than the
I.Q. of the average Negro. He asserted that this difference must be taken
seriously as evidence of genetic differences between the two races in
learning patterns. While he readily agreed that "the full range of human
talents is represented in all the major races of man and in all socioeconomic
levels," he maintained that research shows differing patterns of average
2 Julia E. Johnsen, editor, The Negro Problem. (New York: H. W. Wilson Company, 1921) , p. 36. 3 Franz Boas, "The Problem of the American Negro." Yale Review, 10 (July, 1921), 384-395.
i -'••- • i - - • - - •- ]• , , - r 4 intellectual skills among the races . i The prevailing idea of the white man in the South after the First
World Was was that the Ku Klux Klan saved the South. It conveyed to him
the impression of brave and courageous men resisting tyranny, of the
salvation of the white race from threatened Negro domination (with all
that is implied socially as well as politically) , and of the rescue of the 5 white womanhood of the South from "a frightful and ever-present peril."
There was a dedicated unit of the Ku Klux Klan functioning in West Orange
County, Florida, during this same period immediately following the First 6 World War, and it continued to be active until approximately 1926.
The racial climate in the United States changed drastically after the
First World War, and the years 1919 and 1920 particularly saw many violent
clashes between the Negro and the Caucasian races. Many thousands of
Negroes migrated to the North during this period seeking economic emancipation
from the white man. There were several contributing causes for this mass
exodus of some 500,000 Negroes from the South: (1) an opportunity to solve the
North's labor shortage because of the lag in immigration; (2) they were lured by
4 "Can Negroes Learn the Way Whites Do?" United States News and World Report, 66 (March, 19 69), 48-51. 5 Johnsen, qp.cit. , p. 66.
Arthur Clark, a former Orange County Commissioner and Stetson student, an Ocoee resident, citrusman, and participant in the events of November, 1920. Personal interview. I
10 labor agents; and (3) to escape the injustices being suffered in the South.
This great migration was predominantly to metropolitan areas such as
Chicago, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, and St. Louis. This precipitated issues never before encountered by these areas; i.e., neighborhood segregation practices and ill feeling on the part of white unionized labor.
The Negro gained an intensified feeling of self-respect as a United
States citizen as a result of the war and the principles for which he was fighting. Consequently he was not so willing to accept the treatment being accorded him in the South: poor, inadequate, or no education; no rights in court; poor housing, police protection, and sanitation. Temporarily at least, his attitude and the racial atmosphere in the South changed: his increased prosperity as a result of the war, his feeling that he must have these rights even if he had to fight for them necessarily intensified racial feeling in the 7 South.
The Negro president of Wilberforce University summed up this change
• in the Negro after the war by saying that the spirit of the Negro who went across the seas and who was in action was by no means the spirit of the
Negro before the war. This new Negro was an individual with new ideas, new hopes, new desires, and new aspirations. The war had made a new
Negro, but had it made a new white man? The war, he said, had revolution ized the whole world; it had changed our mode of thinking and our mode of
7Herbert J. Seligmann, "What Is Behind the Negro Uprisings?" Current Opinion, 67 (September, 1919) , 154-155. 11 action, thus necessitating the coming to the front of new peoples with new 8 thoughts. As we can now so vividly see, however, the good professor was not at all prophetic — much to our chagrin and dismay — because these new people with new ideas were quite late arriving on the scene, if they have arrived at all.
Riots took place in New Orleans, St. Louis, Birmingham, Jacksonville,
Chicago, Memphis, and Washington, D. C., during this post-war era. The widely scattered geographical areas of these riots served notice to the nation that the racial problem was not only regional, but national in scope and perspective. An official of the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People attributed the source of this problem not to the Negro but to the white man's attitude toward the Negro. He further stated that the white
South was guilty of largely envisioning that problem in terms of "racial inferiority," " social inequality, " "Negro criminality, " and "rape." In the
North the problem was shown to be almost entirely economic in nature and structure: "decline of real estate values," "invasion of white residential districts by Negroes," "housing," and "friction between union men and 9 organized Negroes."
The race riots between the Negro and the white races are generally of two types: (1) the chiefly sentimental or passional riot best exemplified by the riot in Washington, D.C . , and the type which occurs most frequently in the
W. S. Scarborough, "Race Riots and Their Remedy," Independent, 99 (August 16, 1919) , 223. 9 Seligmann, op. cit. , p. 155. 12
South, and (2) the preponderantly business or economic race riot of which 10 the Chicago riot is typical. In the Washington episode, emotions had
been inflamed by newspapers, there and nationwide, giving sensational 11 coverage to "Negro crime" in bold headlines. The Chicago and other
Northern riots were in the main precipitated by political exploitation of
the Negro as well as by the economic factors already mentioned. One
Negro leader admitted that white property values did decline in areas
where Negroes joined whites in residence, but he asserted that in reality
the real estate people who acquired such property exploited the Negro by
charging him many times what the white man had been charged for the same 12 property.
The lack of new leaders with new ideas and the failure of government—
local, state, and national — to come to grips with the racial problem is
perhaps well exemplified in the background and proceedings of the
February 20, 1942, riot in Detroit. It was here that an agency of the federal
government planned and constructed a low rent housing area called the
"Sojourner Truth Homes." This housing development was in an area predominant
ly inhabited by whites, but with a Negro section close by. The loud and
l__, 11 George E. Haynes, "Race Riots in Relation to Democracy." Survey, 42 (August, 1919) , 698. 12 Seligmann, _op. cit. , p. 15 5.
—-—sussESttta—_• i--. - •• •- •. ,-. ,. .1;.-.- VCTTT. 13 vociferous objections of the whites to this housing development, led by a
Catholic priest of the neighborhood and Southern senators in Congress, caused the federal government to reverse itself and designate the develop ment for white occupancy. Negro pressure ultimately caused the government to assume its original position. This fluctuating attitude on the part of the government manifested to the Negro that the government had no principle but moved as pressure demanded. To whom could the nation, white and 13 black, look for leadership, moral and otherwise?
A leading sociologist has written that racism appeals to many Americans who want a slogan to justify persecution of others and glorification of them selves. She further adds that we are handicapped in our efforts to secure better racial relations because we are so generally inclined to procrastinate until an emergency arises — e.g. , World Wars I and II — and then our 14 efforts are thus suspect. Though written in 1941, these statements can be equally applied to the period in which the Ocoee, Florida, riot occurred and to the racial crises of today.
For nearly a century Southerners have stereotyped not only the Negro but also themselves. They have found it difficult to see themselves, or
13 "Strangers That Sojourn," Commonweal, 35 (March, 1942), 524-525. 14 Ruth Benedict, Race: Science and Politics (New York: Modern Age Books, 1940), p. 73.
... . . ••'- •••'!-. ••-•- • -•- - '••'--'- -, ,4-J.iii. i-i... " -.ii:.—I.:..-: • ' '•-'-'I' 14
Negroes, as complex human beings, each with varying gifts and all with the
same civil rights. Instead, they have seen themselves as good people, who,
if not pushed too hard would give Negroes a bag of goodies, whimsically
and occasionally. They have seen themselves graciously handing the Negro
portions of his rights which are not theirs to give, much in the same manner
that the southern hierarchy of old passed out "fatback and collards" a
hundred years ago. What hurts them now is seeing this magnanimous image
of themselves crumble and shatter as the Negroes, proud and unbowed, ask
for what is justly theirs — civil rights.
Evidence at hand does not show that ethnic and racial discrimination
are consistently less common among those who boast of a college education
than among those possessing much less. Discrimination is in part sustained
by a socialized reward system by those who reap the gains and is further 15 sustained by cultural norms which "legitimize" the discrimination.
R. M. Maclver, ed. , Discrimination and National Welfare (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1949), pp. 112-113.
I • CHAPTER III
Description of Ocoee, Florida and its Racial Attitudes in 1920
The city of Ocoee is located in the western part of Orange County approximately twelve miles west of Orlando, which is the county seat.
The area was originally known as Starke Lake in honor of its first settler,
Dr. J. D. Starke. Dr. Starke first moved to the area in 1857 and brought with him his Negro slaves. The major lake in Ocoee, around which the city has grown, still bears the name Starke Lake. The name "Ocoee" comes, however, from the Indian word meaning "no cold" and was given the area by Captain B. M. Sims who came from Tennessee in 1866.
The first settlers found the area very suitable for agriculture, and the fertile soil, adequate rainfall, and moderate temperature which attracted the original settlers are the primary reasons for the economic interest remaining in the field of agriculture even today. These same first settlers used their slaves to raise sugar cane and cotton. Soon interest in vegetable crops became strong as manifested in the abundant production of beans, cabbage, cauliflower, com, lettuce, peas, potatoes and tomatoes. A special strain of improved lettuce known as the "Ocoee strain" is still being offered 1 for sale by seed companies.
In addition to the aforementioned crops which were commercially
1 Gerald M. Weeks, "Ocoee, Florida", unpublished paper done for urban government class, Orlando Junior College, 1958. 16
produced in the area. Captain Sims cultivated and budded some sour orange
trees found growing along the banks of Lake Apopka. Citrus production in
the area soon expanded and became the economic backbone of the early 2 agricultural development of Ocoee until the freeze of 189 5.
By 1880 Ocoee had become the commercial, political, and social
center for a large surrounding area. Killarney, Oakland, Gotha, and other
settlements in the geographical area made the community their immediate
business and social center. The school house became the political center
because it was the sole voting precinct. A group of men including Dr. H.
K. Clarke, Mr. R. B. F. Roper, and Mr. Charles J. Chun formed a real
estate company known as the South Apopka Land and Improvement Company 3 which laid out the plats for the town in 1886.
The early settlers appeared to have an eye toward developing Ocoee's
economic potential as the widespread commercial production of vegetables,
the establishment of railroad transportation, the founding of a newspaper, and
the building of a sawmill would seem to indicate. The conception of Ocoee
as a small, rural, dormitory suburb of Orlando, exclusive of large commercial
or industrial interests had not as yet developed.
This geographical area was at the time of the racial trouble in 1920
2 C. E. Howard, Early Settlers of Orange County Florida, (Orlando, Florida) , p. 6.
3 Ibid., p. 43.
wwpejaBaaBBaBHg-'-^*** *- -< '" ' —~~""~ ° I
17
still primarily rural and agrarian. The population, as one might assume
because of its agrarianism, contained a significant number of Negroes —
approximately forty-five (45%) percent. The population of Ocoee was said
to be eleven hundred (1100) persons, but Ocoee referred to the general area
and not to the incorporated limits of the city as it is constituted today.
There were two sections of the area which were populated by
Negroes: (1) an area bounded by Silver Star Road on the south, Bluford
Avenue at the railroad tracks on the east (Fain's Corner) , and extending
north toward Apopka and west toward Winter Garden, and (2) an area
bounded by White Read on the north and extending in the other cardinal
directions from this point. The former was referred to as the "Northern
Quarters," and the latter was referred to by these same whites as the 4 "Southern Quarters." As far as the Negro participants in the riot are
concerned, these persons came predominantly from the "Northern Quarters,"
and it is to this general area that we shall refer later in our relation of the
events of the riot.
The general upsurge of the Negro after the First World War with which
we have become cognizant asserted itself in Ocoee during this period. There
seem to have been political overtones involved as well, for two leading Orange
County Republicans had been conducting "secret" meetings with the Negroes
4 Colonel Sam C . Salisbury, a former West Point cadet, Standard Oil Company ship's captain, Ocoee city official, and participant in the events of November, 1920. Personal interview/.
i i 18
5 of the area in order to prepare them to vote in the November election.
One of these men, Judge John M. Cheney, was the Republican candidate
for United States Senator in 1920 and he had served in important party and
political posts prior to his senatorial nomination. The other gentleman was
William O'Neal, also widely known and esteemed for his many-faceted 6 contributions to Orlando and Orange County. These "secret" meetings had
been held in a Negro church in the "Northern Quarters." The voting precinct
of Ocoee has always been steadfastly and predominantly Democratic in its 7 voting habits.
There was a branch of the Ku Klux located in West Orange County
at this time, and from all accounts , the headquarters of this unit was
located in Winter Garden, and the citizens of Ocoee and Orlando held
associate memberships. A large number of Ocoee residents did hold member
ships in that spurious organization. It was the consensus that the earliest
membership in the Klan from the Ocoee - Winter Garden area was of the 8 highest caliber. It was not until the local unit was "infiltrated" by persons
5 Ibid. 6 Howard , _o_p. cit. , p. 51. 7 Salisbury interview, _op. cit. 8 The Writer is not at liberty to divulge all the names of the members, though it will be shown by further statements concerning the positions of those persons whose names are revealed that these men were of some standing in the community and Orange County. Colonel Salisbury reported that 90% of the law enforcement officers, judges, public servants and lawyers were Klan members and that all railroad employees held Klan membership.
-i • - • - 19
from Orlando that the West Orange unit began to deviate from the enumerated
principles of the Klan. Mr. Clark referred to these Orlando members as 9 "riff raff." The Ocoee - Winter Garden unit was the third branch of the
organization established in Florida. The cardinal principles of the Ku Klux
Klan were enumerated as follows: (1) America first, (2) white supremacy, 10 (3) separation of church and state, and (4) chastity of womanhood.
That the Klan was active in the area was clearly manifested to the
citizens of Orange County on October 29, 1920. A mysterious "white
cavalcade',' five hundred (500) strong, marched through downtown Orlando.
No explanation was given for the march except in the words of the leader,
"We are marching 1,000,000 strong throughout the South tonight." The group
was led by three figures on horseback, clothed with no other sign of rank
than the flowing white costume that enveloped every member from head to
foot. The Orlando Morning Sentinel reported that "a veil of mystery hangs
over the movements of the 'white cavalcade,' a mystery that no one on the 11 streets dared to lift."
In addition to the expression of the desire to vote on the part of the
Negroes of the area, there were several other manifestations of the new
Negro already characterized that had some impact on the violent rupture in
9 Clark interview, op. cit. 10 Salisbury interview, _op . cit. 11 Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, October 31, 1920, p. 5
- _ ; • -' ••}- ''__"''" ' T I r
20
racial relations that took place on election day. On a Saturday night some
two months prior to the riot there had been an area dance at Clarcona, a
community some six miles northeast of Ocoee. Most of the white men and
their wives had gone by section - gang lever car to the dance. During
their absence a gang of roving Negroes went from white residence to white
residence, apparently with the intention of intimidating the remaining white
people. This group of Negroes stopped in front of Mr. J. R. Pounds'
residence and Mr. Pounds' son-in-law, Sam Salisbury, got his pistol and
confronted the Negroes at a side door of the house. After considerable
discussion about whether they (the Negroes) should take any action at the
Pounds' residence, they decided that no action would result because Mr.
Pounds was well liked by many of the Negroes of the area. No violence
• transpired anywhere on this night in question, though similar confrontations
took place all over town. Two days later three prominent white men of the
town held a conference with their counterparts in the Negro community. At
. this time the Negroes were informed that this was inflammatory conduct and
that if they contemplated violence in the future, some initial success might
be achieved but that in the long run the Negro would suffer greatly. Asa
result of the meeting and the information disseminated, there were no more 12 incidents of this nature.
Shortly after these events, a young Negro, Ronnie Petsey, forced an
12 Salisbury interview, op. cit,
i i • 21 older white man, Peach Griffin, off the road coming from Spring Lake to
Ocoee. The incident was subsequently repeated in town and the Negro was summarily punished. He was shot in the leg, but got up and outran his pursuers and took sanctuary at the home of an uncle, July Perry, who was to figure prominently in the events that transpired. The sheriff was notified of the incident, but no one was ever arrested or punished for the
13 shooting,_ • .
The racial atmosphere was further beclouded by the actions of the
Negroes at the stores on Saturday nights. There were only three small groceries in town, and the Negroes would congregate in such numbers that this virtually precluded the whites' entering these establishments. Much
of the Negro trade in these stores was based on credit, and the owners were 14 reluctant to clear the Negroes out for fear lest they get mad and not pay.
In this same economic vein, there were two outstanding Negroes of the area who controlled the Negro labor market. These two men, Mose Norman and
July Perry, had established themselves as the intermediaries between the white employers and the Negro labor force. Any white person desiring to get Negro labor had to make the arrangements through one of these two men, and they in turn got a "kickback." The laboring Negroes accepted this practice without complaint, but many whites began to get disturbed when
13 Ibid. 14 Ibid.
wt| - • - . I I ••
22
the power and influence of Norman and Perry grew to "dangerous"
proportions. Mose and July, incidentally, were the Negroes through
whom Judge Cheney and Mr. O'Neal were working the "secret" voting
and registration schools.
I - 1 CHAPTER IV The Events of the Election Day Riot
In preparation for the expected attempts by Negroes to vote on election day, the political leaders of the community had taken the necessary precautions to preclude the possibility of a Negro's being able to vote.
These leaders had, for instance, stationed persons at the polls whose job it was to challenge the vote of any Negro making an effort to exercise the franchise. This challenge would then necessitate the Negroes' appearing before a notary public, in this case Justice of the Peace R. C . Bigelow.
The concluding preparation of the whites was to arrange for the Honorable
Mr. Bigelow to vote early and then conveniently go fishing, thus making it necessary for any Negro desirous of voting to make the long trip into
Orlando.
It is at this point in the story that sources of information tend to disagree on the chronology of events and it is difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain just exactly what did happen. The most popular story is that one of the two major Negro leaders of the Negro community, Mose Norman, attempted to vote in the morning. His vote was challenged because he had not paid the poll tax, and he was sent away from the polls. He went into
Orlando to consult with Judge Cheney as to what action to take, and he returned to the polls in the afternoon and demanded that he be permitted to
1 Arthur Clark, a former Orange County Commissioner and Stetson student, an Ocoee resident, citrusman, and participant in the events of November, 1920. Personal interview.
. n j-vt-j r
24
vote. Once again he was refused this privilege and was sent away from 2 the polls disgruntled as before. (The newspaper account has the unnamed
Negro taking a shotgun with him on his second trip to the ballot box, but 3 he was disarmed and sent away.) Mose then retired to his home, picked
up a shotgun, and returned to town. When he stopped at Hoyle Pounds'
garage, an unidentified white man saw the shotgun on the rear seat of the
automobile and questioned him about the weapon. Mose replied that it was
for shooting rabbits, but when Constable Bernie Cannon unbreached the gun
he discovered that it was loaded with buckshot. In the ensuing exchange of
vulgarities, Constable Cannon disarmed the Negro and struck him over the
head with a revolver. The Negro was then permitted to get into his car and 4 leave. The Negro account differs in that it maintains Perry voted very
early and eluded the preparations made to prevent Negroes from voting. It
further blamed the ensuing events on Perry's voting and maintained subsequent 5 events of the day were precipitated to punish him for this act.
2 This is a synthesis of the accounts of the activities of the day as enumerated by Mssrs. Clark, Pounds, Salisbury, Wilson, etc. 3 Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1. 4 Clark interview, op. cit. 5 Richard Allen Franks, nephew of July Perry, now a resident of Plymouth, Florida after fleeing from Ocoee to Sanford, to Jacksonville in 1920. mm®***
25
The account of one woman who voted for the first time at age forty-
one relates that in addition to the poll watchers, there were four armed
KKK members stationed across the street from the polls. One of these men 6 was the "firebrand" leader of the local Klan unit. Despite this account
and the one just preceding, another account states that there was no 7 violence or threat of violence at the polls.
The conflicting testimony continues, but when one realizes that the
events took place forty-nine years ago and that the succeeding events of
the day represent a trauma to the residents of the area still alive, then
perhaps the divergent views are understandable. Most sources agree that
after the polls closed, and while the whites were gathered around the
grocery stores owned by William Blakely and Tom Minor, Burly Jones, an
ex-slave, stopped by and warned them that "the niggers" were cooking up
trouble at a meeting at July Perry's house. Burly then continued on his way 8 to his quarters and was seen no more that day.
One accounting of the succeeding events has it that Clyde Pounds,
a deputy sheriff, deputized some twenty men to go to investigate the
6 Mrs. Vivian Watson, Ocoee resident whose home was adjacent to the "Southern Quarters." Personal interview. 7 Colonel Sam C . Salisbury, a former West Point cadet. Standard Oil Company ship's captain, Ocoee city official, and participant in the events of November, 1920. Personal interview. 8 Ibid.
_;_ •- -- •.. . -v-^.-j- -.-;.••.- ,• - •'••• -.-- - TPT— ~r.-» ] T I I i
26
9
"trouble" at the Perry house. Another source relates that Sheriff Frank
Gordon came out and legalized the group, while still another source
maintains that the group was not legally constituted at all, but was simply
a group of men interested in "getting the nigger July Perry out of the 11 country." Whether the group of white men was a legal posse or a vigilante
party may be disputed, but what happened when this group reached the
Perry house is ample evidence of the poison and hatred that erupted and
left two of the group dead and six of the group wounded when the smoke
from the guns had cleared. The most authoritative account of these events
came from the leader of the group that went to the Perry house; one half of
the posse had gone to the home of Mose Norman a short distance away.
Sam Salisbury led the group of men that went to arrest July Perry.
Upon answering the knock on his door, lantern in hand, and seeing the
white men assembled in his yard (actually the house was surrounded) , July
said, "Yas suh, boss, let me git my coat." As he turned to re-enter the
house, Mr. Salisbury grabbed him and in the forthcoming struggle pounded
him on the head with the butt of an Enfield rifle as he held him by a neck
9 Ibid. 10 Will Pounds, former Ocoee businessman, Stetson student, and a member of a pioneer Orange County family. Personal interview. 11 Clark interview, op. cit.
j . ,- , •.„,.--_-_—.— • .,• | 27 hold with the other arm. Suddenly a rifle barrel appeared from out of the house and was placed in the abdomen of Mr. Salisbury. Instinctively the gun was brushed aside and at that moment the Negro woman holding the rifle fired, the bullet striking Mr. Salisbury in the right forearm. This shot precipitated wholesale shooting by both whites and Negroes there assembled. There were approximately thirty-seven armed Negroes in the
Perry house, most of whom escaped through a trap door in the floor and fled into a cane field in the rear of the house. Before fleeing, however, they had inflicted mortal wounds on two white men, Elmer McDaniel and 12 Leo Borgard, and injured six more, including Mr. Salisbury.
Great disparity exists in the version as recalled by a Negro man who survived the melee and by a Negro woman who was a school teacher in
Winter Garden at the time. They maintained without equivocation that the only persons in the Perry house were Perry, his wife, and his daughter although Perry's sons and two hired hands were in outlying houses in the rear of the main house. They also were "certain" the whites had killed many of their own in the three attempts made to capture Perry. He had successfully repulsed the two previous attempts because he and all the
Negro community had been alerted to the impending trouble through the efforts of Jim Graver, a white man, and Allen Franks and his minister
12 Salisbury interview, op. cit.
" ] • - . i , - r 28
13 father, both Negroes.
Perry was the last to leave the house, and he was wounded as he entered the cane field. He was tracked down by the pursuing whites and captured, suffering a near-fatal wound in the process. By this time fire had virtually consumed both the house and the barn of Perry, and one
Negro, Roosevelt Barton, lost his life in the burning barn. Two other 14 Negroes lost their lives in this holocaust of bullets and fire. The story as related by the Negroes had the wife and daughter of Will Edwards being 15 shot and falling back into their burning home.
Within seconds after the first shot was fired, word was sent back to town of the trouble and reinforcements were called for. Word of the episode reached Winter Garden and Orlando, and within twenty-five to thirty minutes new faces embracing all sorts of ideas — curious, honorable, and dis honorable among them — arrived on the scene.
It was at this point in the proceedings that "control" of the situation
slipped from the grasp of the Ocoee citizenry and shifted into the hands of
"outsiders." News of the riot had been broadcast on a public screen in
13 Franks interview, op. cit., and Mrs. Martha A. Board, 92, Apopka resident and one who attempted to improve Ocoee-Winter Garden relations and Negro-white relations through her school position. Personal interview. 14 Salisbury interview, qp_. cit. 15 Franks interview, op_. cit.
• - ' ~-r - - 29
Orlando — a screen used to disseminate election day results — and literally hundreds of men flocked to the scene of action, armed to the teeth, and espousing such epithets as "Where are the g_d_ niggers? " or "I've come to kill a g_d_ nigger." These "outside" people from Orlando and Winter Garden were responsible for the wholesale burning of the "Northern Quarters"; virtually every Negro building in the "Northern Quarters" was destroyed or razed by fire. The homes, the churches, and the lodges were damaged or destroyed; about the only Negro building in the area left undamaged was the 16 school building, which was of course county property. Negro property in the "Southern Quarters" was left undamaged.
Frank Gordon, the Orange County Sheriff, had been one of the first to arrive on the scene from Orlando, and he had placed the wounded July
Perry under arrest and had taken him to jail, by way of the hospital for treatment. Though seriously wounded, the Negro cursed his white adversaries in the vilest of language as he was being transported to jail and even as he 17 was being treated for his injuries. At three-thirty A.M., Perry was forcibly removed from the jail by a mob of 100 enraged white men; the newspaper 18 accounts do not say what happened to him, though it was reported by
16 Salisbury, op . cit. 17 Ibid. 18 Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1.
L^.tfi : .:-'••" ?l' :-.' -•--•_-_ • •—!..-.;-El, :-—-•• t --, •')• 30
several sources that his ultimate fate was to be dangling, from the end of a
rope thrown over a big oak tree at the entrance of the Orlando Country Club 19 on what is now U.S. Highway 441. All individual accounts of this portion
of the events of the night agree that July Perry was hanged, but one such 20 account places the death spot some blocks away on Lake Adair. Perhaps
the lack of sympathy for Perry in his plight at this time is best demonstrated
by a quotation from the attending surgeon at the jail: "Perry was expected 21 to die at any moment anyway.
It is at this juncture in the story that the white and Negro versions
differed greatly. The Negro account maintained the only reason Perry was
captured was because his little dog led the enraged whites to him. It also
asserted that Perry was never taken to jail, but rather he was tied to the
back of a car and dragged through the streets of Ocoee and to the spot where
he was hanged in Orlando. After hanging, his body was then shot up by the
whites and left to "dangle in the breeze." The next morning a Negro under
taker, J. B. Stone, removed what remained of Perry's body and he was told
if he ever again took down "a cow" the whites had strung up, he would 22 assuredly suffer the same fate.
19 Salisbury interview, op. cit. 20 Clark interview, pp. cit. 21 Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1. 22 Franks interview, op. cit.
.jr^n^: <"»|WJ; _ —"'.;•>- .--.-.-.-.- .,.... " -" "" "' 31
While the melee surrounding the capture of July Perry was going on, a highly flammable situation was made much worse, literally and figuratively, as the "outsiders" began to burn the Negro "Northern Quarters." Most of the white population of Ocoee was concerned with protecting itself from
expected retaliatory acts by the Negroes. Though these fears never really
materialized, the anxieties suffered, particularly by the women of the
community, are understandable under the circumstances. Mrs. Vivian Watson related the hysteria which was rampant in her home which was adjacent to the "Southern Quarters." In addition to her fear for herself and her family, the hysteria was compounded by the presence in her home of the wife and
23 N. children of one of the slain white men, Elmer McDaniel. Mrs. Emma ;:
Pounds hid in a fireplace with the newborn baby of her sister-in-law, Mrs.
Sam Salisbury, while her husband sought a good vantage point for firing on any Negroes who might come near his home. Mr. Pounds had teamed up with 24 Dave Maguire in this undertaking.
The fires in the Negro section continued to burn throughout the night, but there was no more gunfire of any but a sporadic nature. Most of the
Negroes in the ravaged area of the community had sought refuge in the
surrounding woods or in the neighboring towns of Winter Garden and Apopka , both of which had substantial Negro populations then as well as now. The
23 Watson interview, op. cit. 24 Mrs. Emma Pounds, German-born wife of Will Pounds. Personal interview.
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• -•y.y ..'-... —~- -i 33
surrounding areas, were able to restore a semblance of order by morning.
Thus these "hotheads" were restrained from making a bad situation much 29 worse.
There are conflicting reports as to the number of Negroes who were actually killed as a result of the riot. All of the white participants inter viewed disagreed with the newspaper report that an unaccountable number 30 of Negroes died in the flames, that the "cremation scene was horrible." 31 The Negro account also disagreed with the newspaper story. The Negroes asked permission to bury their dead the day following the riot, and their 32 request was granted. Only five new graves appeared in the Negro cemetery.
The legal investigations conducted about the riot are indicative of the climate of opinion in Orange County concerning the Negro. A coroner's
jury was convened to rule on the deaths of Borgard and McDaniel; it ruled that death came to these two men at 9:00 P.M. and was caused by shots
fired from Perry's house: "This verdict is borne out by the evidence that
Perry's house was filled with armed Negroes planning a disturbance in the
29 Mrs. Mary Griffin, Ocoee resident whose home was adjacent to the "Southern Quarters ." Personal interview. 30 Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 19 20, p. 1. 31 Franks interview, _op. cit. 32 Salisbury and Franks interviews, op. cit.
1— ££• •• - -- • ' ! . i I
34
33 community." The investigation of the Justice Department, which had been called for by the National Equal Rights League at its meeting in 34 Boston, Massachusetts, on November 5, 1920, was conducted by three
agents who stayed in the area for approximately three days. These men
interviewed the known participants and assured those persons interviewed
that they had nothing to fear, that the investigation was merely for the
purpose of clarification, that they, the investigators — one from Georgia,
one from North Carolina, and one from Tennessee — were in sympathy 35 with Ocoee. Another recounting of the investigation related that its major
result was the signing of a letter, by three prominent citizens, to the
effect that Mose Norman and July Perry were trouble makers. Those who
signed the letter were Will Pounds, Dr. Jensen, and Dallas Wurst. 36 Nothing more was ever heard from the investigation. Subsequent inquiries
of the Federal Bureau of Investigation by the researcher were fruitless in " i . : their efforts to ascertain what officially transpired. Correspondence from
the Associate Director indicated that based on information supplied by the
researcher as to date of the altercation and alleged events, he was unable
to find any record of an investigation by the Justice Department of the
33 Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 5, 1920, p, 1 34 Ibid. 35 Salisbury, op. cit. 36 Will Pounds interview, _op. cit.
I - _: •— • ,.)—-.— 35
37 Ocoee riot. The Grand Jury investigation was just as impotent as the previous two investigations: all Klan members and others known to have participated were subpoenaed, though no action was taken against them. 38 The sheriff and his deputies were Klan members.
The son of the States Attorney in 1920 related that his father, as a result of his position, had all kinds of vituperative comments made to him and to his family. Many of the participants were good friends and class mates of his father and they were warned that such conduct could result in charges being preferred against them. However, he stated he could not ascertain just what further action was taken after his father's trip to Ocoee , 39 on the night of the riot and at which time his warning was issued.
37 Cartha D. DeLoach, correspondence dated April 30, 1969. 38 Salisbury interview, op. cit. 39 Raymer Maguire, Orlando, Florida,attorney of the firm Maguire, Voorhis and Wells. Telephone conversation.
-— ^r-'raaa:^ •- •-,-.,:,-,,.-...... , r CHAPTER V
Assessment of the Effects of the Riot on Ocoee and Surrounding Area
Though there is disagreement regarding the length of time it took
for all the Negroes to vacate the community, there is general agreement
that they all did leave, including the residents of the "Southern Quarters."
The only exception to this exodus of Negroes from the Ocoee area was
Burly Jones, the ex-slave, who remained until he was too old and too 1 infirm to care for himself; he was then placed in the County Home. A
committee of responsible whites was appointed to help the departing
Negroes dispose of their property; each Negro property owner received a
fair price for his real estate holdings, which were purchased by the 2 whites of the surrounding area.
The researcher's sources of information in the Negro community told
a slightly different story regarding the Negro property. In the first place,
they were of the opinion that the Negroes held much of the fertile land in
the Ocoee area and because of this fact the white men coveted the Negroes'
land. The Negro sources of information agreed that a committee of white
1 Mrs. Mary Griffin, Ocoee resident whose home was adjacent to the "Southern Quarters." Personal interview. 2 Will Pounds, former Ocoee businessman, Stetson student, and a member of a pioneer Orange County family. Personal interview.
_r~* -!-••• -..,-...... - "• —-— --."-••••--'-•--••*--• -•- ^m.Mwm,^ • ._ rr ____1v-___ 37 persons was set up to help the Negro property owner dispose of his property, and they agreed that this committee was headed by Captain B. W. Sims.
But there was no agreement that the Negro property owner received a fair price for his land. July Perry's nephew was convinced his father's home and five acres was worth substantially more than the $125 his father received. There were other transactions of comparable disparity in value 3 and price received by the Negro owners.
The economic repercussions of the riot on the economy of the town have been difficult to ascertain. The sole surviving store owner refused to i li cooperate with the author in his investigation. It seems logical to assume, - i however, that the removal of such a large number of people from the retail purchasing public would have certainly made itself felt profoundly. The bank which was operating during the Florida "boom" collapsed in the late twenties, so no information was available in this area. The veneer mill I I and several packing houses also became economically defunct. •-.•
For years the city of Ocoee labored under the burden of a "boom- time" bonded indebtedness, and coupled with the growing, prevailing, anti-industry philosophy of the city government, this situation slowed
3 Ralph Allen Franki , a Negro resident at the time of the riot who fled to Sa»ford and Jacksonville before settling in Plymouth, Florida, and Mrs. Martha A. Board, Negro school teacher in Winter Garden, Florida who was a respected intermediary between the races and who gave shelter in her Apopka home to Negroes who fled Ocoee.
1 • • .•-
•-• — - 38
4 the economic pace of the community. These conditions and the sxoduE of much of the laboring force because of the Negroes' displacement in the community were almost too much to overcome.
As recently as ten years ago a sign admonished the Ocoee visitor as he approached the city limits that Negroes and dogs were unwelcome. The owner of the local dry cleaning establishment related to the researcher a 5 visit from the Klan when he hired Negro steam press operators; this happened about six years ago. A local resident employed at Plymouth,
Florida, related the extreme reluctance of Negroes to do even "stoop labor" 6 or menial jobs in Ocoee because of fear for their personal safety.
The social repercussions of the riot on the community can still even be felt today. An editorial in the Tampa Tribune, republished in the Orlando
Morning Sentinel, reflects somewhat the social attitude not only of 1920, but to some extent of 1969. The crux of the editorial was that the Tribune was regretful of the bloody incident at Ocoee, but the incident was caused by a
Negro "inflamed with the arrogant idea" that he had a right to vote regardless of the laws of the state. The Negro was warned by this editorial writer not
Gerald Weeks , "Ocoee Florida ," unpublished report done for local government class, Orlando Junior College, 1958, p. 6. 5 C. D. Adamson, Ocoee, Florida businessman and civic leader. Personal interview. 6 Phillip C . Pounds, son of Will and Emma Pounds and long-time resident of Ocoee, Florida. Personal interview.
I -•-• • ••- _- - - -•-.- , ••• ' 39 to get it in his head that the Republican victory in the national election would alter one thing in racial affiliation and rights in Florida , that there would always be some things reserved exclusively for white men and 7 women of the state. This idea still permeates the thinking of too many present-day residents, despite the vigorous efforts of the majority of the ministers of the community and despite the efforts of a minority of educators in the community. "I'll tell you one thing," said a present-day 8 Klan member recently, "we'll protect the schools." Fortunately, this type of bigoted opinion is not typical of the majority of Ocoee and West
Orange County residents. One person, who in her words has "every right to be bitter," stated recently she held no malice for any individual Negro, or Negroes generally, even though they were responsible for her father's death. Her memory of the events of the night of the riot is most vivid when recalling the sight of her father's body on a flatbed truck in the downtown area after the altercation at July Perry's house. She remembers also being taken to the spot of his death the next day. Mrs. Lucille Watson feels, however, that the 1969-70 school year will be a racially turbulent one because of the influx to Ocoee High School of approximately two hundred
Negroes from the phased-out Negro high school in neighboring Winter
/ Orlando (Florida' Morning Sentinel, November 5, 1920, p. 5. 8 To keep this man's name a secret was the only way the researcher could get a statement regarding the position of the Klan with regard to pre rent-day event:.:.
Ti -'- - —HI. v- •.Mmafi. _^l , mmmm
40
9 Garden.
Past activities of some of the students at Ocoee High School do
lend some credence to Mrs. Watson's fears, but the number of them that
persist in holding on to blind prejudiced beliefs and actions has diminished
greatly in the past decade. No more is it "in" for young white males to
buy eggs and drive through Britt's Quarters and go " nigger-knocking. " No
longer is it "in" for presidents of campus clubs to be actively associated
with the security police unit of the local Klan. No longer is the social
intercourse of the student body devoid of contact with Negro athletes,
cheerleaders, parents of the former two groups, custodial aides, and visit
ing educators and businessmen.
One cannot afford to overlook the fact, however, that some students
do feel threatened by the impending social change. Those students who
feel most threatened are those whose demonstrated academic and social
performance has been sub-par over the years. Maclver pointed out that
the prejudices of such racial illiberals can best be lessened by bringing
them into continued association with militant liberals in groups devoted to
significant common values, quite removed from objectives of ethnic or 10 racial equality as such. This is a task of some magnitude and a real
q Mrs. Lucille Watson, lifelong resident of Ocoee, Florida, daughter of the slain Elmer McDaniel, and a relative by marriage of Arthur Clark. 10 R. M. Maclver, ed., Discrimination and National Welfare. (Harper and Brothers, New York, 1949), p. 119.
I
~ i - - - I
41
challenge to school officials.
On the other hand, many Negro students are reluctant to attend Ocoee
schools because of the stories they have heard concerning the 1920 riot.
And many Negro parents are reluctant to send their children to Ocoee schools
even though the present court order under which Orange County schools
are operating provides for such attendance. Again, there is some cause for
concern. As recently as two months ago, a Klan rally was held within two
blocks of Spring Lake Elementary School, the site of Ocoee High School's
annual athletic banquet. To the everlasting credit of Ocoee, there were
only twelve or so persons in attendance listening to the haranguing of the
bigots. But, when the word was spread through the media, no mention was
made of the number in attendance. It is no wonder then that the Negro
parent and child have expressed reluctance to come into the community
schools. This kind of activity by the Klan has lent credence to the sordid
and embellished tales of the events in November, 1920.
11 Mrs. Carolyn Bruce, white teacher at an all Negro elementary school in Winter Garden, Florida. Statement made in conversation with Mrs. Carrie Bell and the researcher.
i ...... • • *•-- ^7Ti——!i li. CHAPTER VI
Summary and Conclusions
The myth that Negro rights are to be meted out in a paternalistic fashion is degrading to the Negro, retarding to his economic, political, and social development, and stultifying to American society in general.
The expression of white superiority through discriminatory acts such as the events of November 2, 1920, tends to deepen rather than alleviate the mutual antipathy and misunderstanding between the races.
It is almost inconceivable that in an age and a nation which are capable of landing men on the moon and returning them safely to earth, there should be such a cultural lag in communication and rapport between peoples of this great land. But, such is the case which has developed.
The nature of modern man, it seems, is to believe the worst about his neighbor. The telling and re-telling of the story of Ocoee's trauma on election day in 1920 has distorted the truth and fed the negative emotions of both Negroes and whites. It was interesting to find out that the
Negroes and whites agreed on one thing in regard to the riot: much of the trouble in 1920 was attributed to "outsiders" from Winter Garden and
Orlando. In an age of unparalleled advancements in transportation,
"outsiders" could again exploit the social tension arising from the broad desegregation of schools in West Orange County for the first time.
Hopefully, society learned a lesson forty-nine years ago.
Much has happened and is happening in society to foster better
I' _iHSS=E- I
43
relations between races. Certain secular trends which have affected
racial relations can be noted. First, on the educational front, an increasing
number of Americans have received higher schooling. As a result, many
Americans have been exposed to salient facts regarding ethnic and racial
groups. Second, on the economic front, the trend has been slower but its
importance should not be minimized. The occupational composition of
Negroes has slowly shifted to a noticeably higher average level. The
white agricultural laborer thus has recognized, at some level of his self,
the improbability of his superiority to the Negro doctor or college president.
The discrepancy between achieved occupational status and ascribed caste
status has severely strained the rationalized patterns of social superiority,
but more importantly has started a healthy erosion of the belief that any 1 white man is better than any Negro. According to one cultural
anthropologist, "if we were to select the most intelligent, imaginative,
energetic, and emotionally stable third of mankind, all races would be 2 represented."
Third, the idea that the American ideal should be implemented for
R. M. Maclver, ed., Discrimination and National Welfare . (Harper and Brothers, New York, 1949) , p. 114. 2 Ethel J. Alpenfels, Sense and Nonsense About Race. Friendship Press, New York, 1946, p. 39.
' - -- - 44 all ethnic and racial groups has been enhanced as men have become sensitized to the balance of world population and have realized that firm alliances must be built with non-whites. These extrinsic pressures have speeded up the movement toward translating the American ideal into a working code governing the behavior of men. In the realm of institutional organizations there has been mounting pressure upon government, unions, universities, and churches to translate their so called beliefs into action; 3 the time for lip-service has passed.
And because the time for lip-service to the American ideal has passed, it becomes even more important for the social, economic and political leadership to take up the gauntlet. The challenge afforded education in translating the American ideal into positive action for all peoples cannot be rivaled anywhere else in society. What other social institution has a .. • "captive audience" five or six hours a day? And where else can the lessons learned from years of misunderstanding be better applied than in an area ' where social injustice has been perpetuated? Because of the secular trends
in society previously noted, the social climate in Ocoee and West Orange
County has improved, but total acceptance of the Negro as a recipient of all the privileges of citizenship has not yet materialized.
It is for these reasons that the researcher felt that a review of the
setting and causes of the riot of 1920 along with a look at the nature of
3 Maclver, qp_. cit. , p. 115
•
i - . _ - ^_ ...... ,._•,..,.„ B-MVHHM__MMM
45
prejudice would help bring the issues of today into focus. Based upon
interviews with many people of both races, and having ascertained that
parallels exist between 1920 and today, it has become vital that the best
minds and best communication be employed in confronting the new challenge
of broad desegregation of public school facilities in the area. Let history
not repeat itself, but rather let the lessons of history light the way to as
much success in the area of human relations as America has enjoyed in
space exploration'.
1 , • -..,„..,...... ; BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alpenfels, Ethel J. Sense and Nonsense About Race. Friendship Press, Incorporated: New York, 1946.
Benedict, Ruth. Race: Science and Politics. Modern Age Books: New York, 1940.
Boa?, Franz. "The Problem of the American Negro." Yale Review. October 20, 1920 - July 21, 1921.
Board, Martha A. Personal Interview. Negro Teacher in Orange County, Florida in 1920 and Resident of Apopka, Florida.
Clark, Arthur M. Personal Interview. Retired Ocoee, Florida resident and former Stetson student, Orange County official, and Spanish American War Veteran.
Coles, Robert. The Desegregation of Southern Schools: A Psychiatric Study. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith: New York, 1963.
Commonweal, The. XXXV (March, 1942), 524-525.
DeLoach, Cartha D. Personal Correspondence. Associate Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Washington, D. C .
Franks, Richard Allen. Personal Interview. Negro resident of Ocoee, Florida in 1920, Now Living in Plymouth, Florida.
Grimke, Archibald M. "The Heart of the Race Problem." Arena XXXV (January, 1906), 29-32.
Griffin, Mary. Personal Interview. Widowed Resident of Ocoee, Florida and a Resident in 1920.
Gunter, William D. Personal Correspondence. State Senator, Orange- Seminole Legislative Delegation, Tallahassee, Florida.
Haynes, George E. "Race Riots in Relation to Democracy." Survey, XLII (August, 1919), 69 7-699.
Jensen, Arthur R. "Can Negroes Learn the Way Whites Do? " U.S. News and World Report. March 10 , 1969 .
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Johnsen, Julia E. , ed. The Negro Problem. K. W. Wilson Company, New York, 1921.
Maclver, R. M. , ed. Discrimination and National Welfare. Harper and Brothers: New York , 1949.
Maguire, Raymer. Telephone Interview. Orlando Attorney and Son of the States Attorney in Orange County, Florida in 1920.
New York Times, November 4, 1920, p. 1.
Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, October 31, 1920, November 3,4,5, 1920.
Pounds, Emma. Personal Interview. Ocoee, Florida Resident at the Time of the Riot in 19 20.
Pounds, Grace. Personal Interview. Ocoee, Florida Resident, Business woman and Widow of 1920 Deputy Sheriff.
Pounds, Phillip C . Personal Interview. Ocoee, Florida Resident Employed in Plymouth, Florida.
Pounds, Will. Personal Interview. Ocoee, Florida Resident and Business man in 1920.
Saenger, Gerhardt. The Social Psychology of Prejudice. Harper and Brothers: New York, 19 53.
Salisbury, Sam C . , Colonel (ret.). Personal Interview. Ocoee, Florida Resident, Former West Point Cadet, Ship's Captain and City Official.
Scarborough , W. S . "Race Riots and Their Remedy. " Independent, XCIX (Aughst, 1919), 223.
Seligmann, Herbert J. "What is Behind the Negro Uprisings?" Current Opinion, LXVII (September, 1919), 154-155.
Smith, Lillian. "A Strange Kind of Love." Saturday Review. October 20, 1962
Starr, Dave. Telephone Conversation. Deputy Sheriff in 1920 and Presently Sheriff of Orange County, Florida.
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Watson, Lucille. Personal Interview. Ocoee, Florida Resident Whose Father Was Killed in the 1920 Riot.
Watson, Vivian. Personal Interview. Ocoee, Florida Resident Who Voted at Age Forty-One for the First Time in 1920.
Wilson, Boyd. Personal Interview. Ocoee, Florida Resident and Participant in the 1920 Riot.
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