International Linkages and Multilateral Lending in the Post- Communist Region
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Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej
CENTRUM BADANIA OPINII SPOŁECZNEJ SEKRETARIAT 629 - 35 - 69, 628 - 37 - 04 UL. ŻURAWIA 4A, SKR. PT.24 OŚRODEK INFORMACJI 693 - 46 - 92, 625 - 76 - 23 00 - 503 W A R S Z A W A TELEFAX 629 - 40 - 89 INTERNET http://www.cbos.pl E-mail: [email protected] BS/158/2005 WYBORY PREZYDENCKIE: PEWNOŚĆ GŁOSOWANIA, PREFERENCJE NIEZDECYDOWANYCH I PRZEWIDYWANIA CO DO WYNIKU WYBORÓW KOMUNIKAT Z BADAŃ WARSZAWA, WRZESIEŃ 2005 PRZEDRUK MATERIAŁÓW CBOS W CAŁOŚCI LUB W CZĘŚCI ORAZ WYKORZYSTANIE DANYCH EMPIRYCZNYCH JEST DOZWOLONE WYŁĄCZNIE Z PODANIEM ŹRÓDŁA Prezentowane wyniki pochodzą z wrześniowego sondażu1 przeprowadzonego przed wyborami parlamentarnymi. Podstawowe informacje dotyczące przewidywanego udziału w wyborach prezydenckich i preferencji wyborczych były już publikowane2. Obecnie powracamy do tych danych proponując szersze ujęcie tematu. PEWNOŚĆ DECYZJI WYBORCZYCH W tym roku Polacy nie mają łatwego zadania, jeśli chodzi o podejmowanie decyzji w wyborach prezydenckich. Lista ewentualnych pretendentów do prezydentury bardzo długo pozostawała niekompletna, później ze startu w wyborach zrezygnował tracący poparcie Zbigniew Religa. Przed koniecznością zmiany decyzji wyborczej postawieni zostali zwolennicy jednego z najbardziej liczących się kandydatów - Włodzimierza Cimoszewicza, który zrezygnował z ubiegania się o najwyższy urząd w państwie. Ostatnio mówi się też, że nad wycofaniem swojej kandydatury zastanawia się Maciej Giertych, choć oficjalnie wiadomość ta nie została jeszcze potwierdzona. Zmiany w ofercie wyborczej nie sprzyjają krystalizacji i stabilności preferencji wyborczych. Trudno też oprzeć się wrażeniu, że początkowo Polacy z dużą rezerwą podchodzili do oferty wyborczej, bazującej głównie na dość często kontrowersyjnych liderach partyjnych. Przez długi czas wyborcy nie traktowali swych wyborów politycznych jako ostatecznych i niezmiennych. Stabilizacji elektoratów zapewne nie sprzyjały także zmiany w sondażowych rankingach poparcia dla kandydatów. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
The Russian Default and the Contagion to Brazil
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Baig, Taimur; Goldfajn, Ilan Working Paper The Russian default and the contagion to Brazil Texto para discussão, No. 420 Provided in Cooperation with: Departamento de Economia, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro Suggested Citation: Baig, Taimur; Goldfajn, Ilan (2000) : The Russian default and the contagion to Brazil, Texto para discussão, No. 420, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio), Departamento de Economia, Rio de Janeiro This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/186664 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold. -
Extremist Threats to Fragile Democracies: a Proposal for an East European Marshall Plan
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 15 Issue 3 1994 Extremist Threats to Fragile Democracies: A Proposal for an East European Marshall Plan Victor Williams John Jay College of the City University of New York Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Victor Williams, Extremist Threats to Fragile Democracies: A Proposal for an East European Marshall Plan, 15 MICH. J. INT'L L. 863 (1994). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol15/iss3/11 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EXTREMIST THREATS TO FRAGILE DEMOCRACIES: A PROPOSAL FOR AN EAST EUROPEAN MARSHALL PLAN WALTER LAQUEUR, BLACK HUNDRED: THE RISE OF THE EXTREME RIGHT IN RUSSIA. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1993. xvii + 317 pp. PAUL HOCKENOS, FREE TO HATE: THE RISE OF THE RIGHT IN POST-COMMUNIST EASTERN EUROPE. New York: Routledge, 1993. x + 332 pp. Reviewed by Victor Williams* INTRODUCTION "[I]t is by restoring the economic life of a country, and by this alone, that we can meet the threat of dictatorship from a Fascist Right or a Communist Left."' In this vast struggle which is raging throughout the world for the minds and loyalties of men, the weakness of the foreign policies of the democracies lies in the fact that such policy is mostly nega- tive-it is against something. -
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 3
COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS - MODULE 3 (2006-2011) CODEBOOK: APPENDICES Original CSES file name: cses2_codebook_part3_appendices.txt (Version: Full Release - December 15, 2015) GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences Publication (pdf-version, December 2015) ============================================================================================= COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS (CSES) - MODULE 3 (2006-2011) CODEBOOK: APPENDICES APPENDIX I: PARTIES AND LEADERS APPENDIX II: PRIMARY ELECTORAL DISTRICTS FULL RELEASE - DECEMBER 15, 2015 VERSION CSES Secretariat www.cses.org =========================================================================== HOW TO CITE THE STUDY: The Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (www.cses.org). CSES MODULE 3 FULL RELEASE [dataset]. December 15, 2015 version. doi:10.7804/cses.module3.2015-12-15 These materials are based on work supported by the American National Science Foundation (www.nsf.gov) under grant numbers SES-0451598 , SES-0817701, and SES-1154687, the GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, the University of Michigan, in-kind support of participating election studies, the many organizations that sponsor planning meetings and conferences, and the many organizations that fund election studies by CSES collaborators. Any opinions, findings and conclusions, or recommendations expressed in these materials are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding organizations. =========================================================================== IMPORTANT NOTE REGARDING FULL RELEASES: This dataset and all accompanying documentation is the "Full Release" of CSES Module 3 (2006-2011). Users of the Final Release may wish to monitor the errata for CSES Module 3 on the CSES website, to check for known errors which may impact their analyses. To view errata for CSES Module 3, go to the Data Center on the CSES website, navigate to the CSES Module 3 download page, and click on the Errata link in the gray box to the right of the page. -
2 Russia and Democracy
RUSSIA AND 2 DEMOCRACY By Jeremy Kinsman, 2013 INTRODUCTION: UNDERSTANDING THE RUSSIAN EXPERIENCE he Russian struggle to transform from a totalitarian system to a homegrown T democracy has been fraught with challenges. Today, steps backward succeed and compete with those going forward. Democratic voices mingle with the boorish claims of presidential spokesmen that the democratic phase in Russia is done with, in favour of a patriotic authoritarian hybrid regime under the strong thumb of a charismatic egotist. Meanwhile, excluded by Russian government fat from further direct engagement in support of democratic development, Western democracies back away, though they are unwilling to abandon solidarity with Russia’s democrats and members of civil society seeking to widen democratic space in their country. Russia’s halting democratic transition has now spanned more than a quarter of a century. The Russian experience can teach much about the diffculties of transition to democratic governance, illuminating the perils of overconfdence surrounding the way developed democracies operated with regard to other countries’ experiences 20 years ago. This Russian case study is more about the policies of democratic governments than about the feld practice of diplomats. It is a study whose amendment in coming years and decades will be constant. RUSSIAN EXCEPTIONALISM As the Handbook insists, each national trajectory is unique. Russia’s towering exceptionalism is not, as US scholar Daniel Treisman (2012) reminds us, because the country has a particularly -
The Complete Newsweek Story
Is Donald Trump’s Dark Russian Secret Hiding in Deutsche Bank’s Vaults? By Luke Harding On 12/21/17 at 8:00 AM It sounded like an exhausted parent scolding a tantrum-prone toddler with a penchant for tossing toys from his stroller. In November 2008, Steven Molo, an attorney for Deutsche Bank, wrote a letter to the Supreme Court of New York about one of the company’s most troublesome clients. At issue was $640 million that client had borrowed in 2005 to fund construction of a new hotel in Chicago. The client had personally guaranteed the loan, but a few years later, the Great Recession devastated the economy, and he defaulted on his payment, with $330 million outstanding. Deutsche was seeking an immediate $40 million from the client, plus interest, legal fees and costs. The debtor in question: Donald Trump, the future president of the United States. Instead of paying up, the New York real estate mogul countersued, claiming the 2008 crash was a force majeure event—one that Deutsche had helped precipitate. Therefore, he argued, he wasn’t obliged to pay back the money. Instead, he claimed Deutsche owed him money—about $3 billion in damages. In response, Molo drew up a withering document, contrasting Trump’s frivolous writ with his long career of boasting about how rich he was: Trump proclaims himself “the archetypal businessman, a deal-maker without peer.” Trump has stated in court he is worth billions of dollars. In addition to substantial cash, personal investments and various other tangible assets, he maintains substantial interests in numerous extraordinary properties in New York and around the country. -
Reform Issues in the Former Soviet Union No 49 1993
European Economy appears four times a year. It contains important reports and communications from the Commission to the Council and to the Parliament on the economic situation and developments. In addition, European Economy presents reports and studies on problems concerning economic policy. Two supplements accompany the main periodical: Series A-'Economic tren<ls' appears monthly except in August and describes with the aid of tables and graphs the most recent trends of industrial production, consumer prices, unemployment, the balance of trade, exchange rates, and other indicators. This supplement also presents the Commission staff's macroeconomic forecasts and Commission communications to the Council on economic policy. Series B-'Business and consumer survey results' gives the main results of opinion surveys of industrial chief executives (orders, stocks, production outlook, etc.) and of consumers (economic and financial situation and outlook, etc.) in the Community, and other business cycle indicators. It also appears monthly, with the exception of August. Subscription terms are shown on the back and the addresses of the sales offices are shown on page 3 of the cover. Unless otherwise indicated the texts are published under the responsibility of the Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs of the Commission of the European Communities, rue de la Loi 200, 1049 Brussels, to which enquiries other than those related to sales and subscrip tions should be addressed. Commission of the European Communities EUROPEAN ECONOMY Directorate-General -
Russia and the IMF: a Sordid Tale of Moral Hazard
Russia and the IMF: A Sordid Tale of Moral Hazard STEFAN HEDLUND T he first summer of the new millennium was marked by renewed controversy around the issue of Russia's relation to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). As Swiss prosecutors pressed on with their probes into alleged Russian money laundering, suspicions again carne to the fore that billions of dollars of IMF funds intended to support the rutile had been illicitly diverted via a maze of accounts in Western banks, notably the scandal-ridden Bank of New York. Although allegations of this type constitute a serious embarrassment to those concerned, there appears to be little danger of anyone's actually having to accept personal blame. Given the massive amounts of money involved, the investigations are likely to drag on for many years, as are the debates on what really happened. But few if any significant truths or admissions of guilt are likely to come on record. There is, quite simply, too much high-level politics involved for truth or justice to prevail. However, there may be some benefit in mapping, as far as possible, the story of IMF involvement in Russia, how it unfolded, and how it was brought to such an embarrassing end. 1 argue that there have been significant problems of moral hazard involved that should have been taken into account from the outset. The merits of the argument should be sought in a different direction from sim- ply looking for the trail of a few billion dollars that are missing. At stake is the very essence of Western relations to Russia, at a crucial point in that country's development. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science State-Led Coercive Takeovers in Putin's Russia: Explaining the Underlying
The London School of Economics and Political Science State-led coercive takeovers in Putin’s Russia: explaining the underlying motives and ownership outcomes Andrew Yorke A thesis submitted to the Department of Government at the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, April 2014 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Abstract Since Vladimir Putin first became Russia’s President in 2000, the state has played an increasingly active and interventionist role in the economy, including through its involvement in a large number of coercive takeovers of privately-owned businesses. The best known case is the Yukos affair, but there have been many other, less prominent takeovers. These have largely been explained as predatory acts by state officials seeking to enrich themselves or increase their power. This has contributed to the perception that Putin’s Russia is a kleptocracy, with the state given free rein to engage in economically-destructive attacks on property rights. -
Valery L. Makarov
Global energy security and international nancial mechanisms of risk management Roundtable summary December 18, 2008 Russia’s Federation Council’s Budget Committee held the Global The report by M. V. Marghelov, chair of the Committee for International energy security and international financial mechanisms of risk management Affairs, ‘Enhancement of International Relations and Cooperation roundtable initiated by senator Andrey Vavilov, the Committee member. Mechanisms for Oil and Gas Shipment to the EU States’, focused on transit risks that have hit a record high. Mr. Marghelov agreed with Mr. Vavilov’s S. A. Shuvalov, deputy chairman of the Budget Committee, hosted opinion upon the cause of impeding development of relations, including those the roundtable. in the sphere of energy security, between Russia and the EU. It is financial protectionism, often presented as liberalization of the European market. Speakers: Marghelov says in his report, that Europe eliminated state monopolies but gave an impulse for emergence of private monopolies; he added that — Vavilov A. P., member of the Budget Committee, Europe’s efforts to make oil and gas supply more diverse ignores the seller’s — Marghelov M. V., chair of the Committee for International Affairs, interests. Thus, lack of cooperation impedes Russia’s and the EU member — Tsibulsky V. F., senior researcher at the Russian Research Center states progress. ‘Kurchatov Institute’, Academician S. Glaziev’s presentation, ‘Possibilities and Limits of Russia’s — Academician Glaziev S. Yu., Director of the Institute of New Economic Development amid Structural Changes in the Global Economy’, Economics of the State University of Management, tackled the research results. The research revealed that energy price surges — Academician Makarov V.