Ignatian Aestheticism and the Origins of Sense Application in the First Decades of the Gesů I

Home , Alfonso Salmeron, Diego Laynez, Everard Mercurian, Giuseppe Valeriano, Ignatius of Loyola, Jerome Nadal

ABSTRACT

BY VIRTUE OF THE SENSES: IGNATIAN AESTHETICISM AND THE ORIGINS OF SENSE APPLICATION IN THE FIRST DECADES OF THE GESÙ IN ROME

by Robert John Clines

This thesis examines the nature of sense perception within the Church of the Gesù in Rome in the 1580s. I investigate the various ways in which worship within the Gesù employed sense perception as a method of facilitating devotion. In this vein, the use of preaching, visual arts, architecture, and music individually and collectively demonstrate that Jesuits were keenly aware that stimulating the senses would result in a more emotional and mystical form of devotion. For this investigation, the original sacristy manual of the Gesù is employed to reconstruct the liturgy. Linking this to sense perception, the long-standing tradition of the application of the senses within the Society of Jesus is explored. Also, this thesis analyzes how this tradition created a uniquely Ignatian liturgy in the Gesù that, while conforming with the Tridentine Church, was grounded in Ignatius’ beliefs that one could come closer to the divine through the senses. BY VIRTUE OF THE SENSES: IGNATIAN AESTHETICISM AND THE ORIGINS OF

SENSE APPLICATION IN THE FIRST DECADES OF THE GESÙ IN ROME

A Thesis

Submitted to the

Faculty of Miami University

In partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

Department of History

Robert John Clines

Miami University

Oxford, Ohio

2009

Advisor______Wietse T. de Boer

Reader______P. Renée Baernstein

Reader______Charlotte Newman Goldy

Table of Contents

List of Figures ...... iii

Acknowledgements ...... v

Introduction: the Jesuits, Worship, and the Gesù ...... 1

Chapter One: Liturgy and the Fine Arts in the Gesù...... 16

Chapter Two: The Spiritual Exercises , Nadal’s Adnotationes , and the Liturgy in the Gesù ...... 31

Chapter Three: The Jesuit Collegio and the Gesù: Educating the Senses ...... 43

Conclusion: The Gesù and the Applicatio Sensuum ...... 55

Appendix I: Figures ...... 58

Bibliography ...... 69

List of Figures 1

Figure 1: Facade of the Church of the Gesù, Rome...... 59

Figure 2: Floor plan of the Church of the Gesù, Rome...... 59

Figure 3: Angels’ Chapel, Church of the Gesù, Rome...... 60

Figure 4: Federico Zuccaro, Seven Archangels in Adoration of the Trinity (1600). Panel, Angels’ Chapel, Church of the Gesù, Rome...... 61

Figure 5: Chapel of Santa Maria della Strada, Church of the Gesù, Rome...... 62

Figure 6: Jerome Nadal, Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia . Frontispiece...... 63

Figure 7: Jerome Nadal, “Evangelicae Historiae Imagines,” of Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia . Frontispiece...... 63

Figure 8: Jerome Nadal, “The Annunciation of the Virgin,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia ...... 64

Figure 9: Jerome Nadal, “The Night of the Nativity of the Lord,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia...... 65

Figure 10: Jerome Nadal, “The Circumcision of Christ,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia...... 66

Figure 11: Jerome Nadal, “Christ Approaching Jerusalem on Palm Sunday,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia...... 67

Figure 12: Jerome Nadal, “The Solemn Procession into the City,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia...... 68

1 All images of the Church of the Gesù were retrieved from Chiesa del Gesù di Roma, “Visita Virtuale della Chiesa,” http://www.chiesadelgesu.org/html/d_visita_virtuale_it.html . All images from Jerome Nadal’s Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia were retrieved from Joseph MacDonnell, S.J., Gospel Illustrations: A Reproduction of the 153 Images Taken from Jerome Nadal’s 1595 book, ADNOTATIONES ET MEDITATIONES IN EVANGELIA (Fairfield, CT: The Fairfield Jesuit Community, 1998).

iii

Dedicato alle vittime del terremoto in Abruzzo,

di cui l'ospitalità per sempre rimarrà nel mio cuore.

Acknowledgements

I am greatly indebted to my advisor, Wietse de Boer, whose continual support, encouragement, and enthusiasm for this project created a collegial and enjoyable academic environment. His guidance over the past two years is beyond thanks. I would also like to acknowledge my thesis readers, Renée Baernstein and Charlotte Newman Goldy, for their efforts in this endeavor and their enthusiasm for the project as it has evolved. I also would like to thank J. Blake Vaughan for his help with reading drafts and discussing possible avenues of research. Thanks are also due to Andrew R. Casper for his assistance with foreign terms related to artwork and architecture. I am also indebted to Paul V. Murphy for his assistance in uncovering important sources for this work as well as his collegiality and guidance. Thanks as well to Cynthia Caporella, whose dirty work in the Roman archives and conversations over the years have enabled this project to truly flourish. Beyond the thesis itself, I would also like to thank Francesco Cesareo, Mark Lewis, S.J., and Santa Casciani for their guidance as I decided to become a historian. Also, I am forever grateful for my loving family, especially my mother and father, who have supported the development of this project from beginning to end. I also thank other colleagues and friends who contributed to this project, whether they realize it or not. Lastly, I thank the love of my life, Jolene, for her support in the completion of this project. Her confidence in me has enabled me to believe in myself, and thus, this project.

Introduction: the Jesuits, Worship, and the Gesù A few notes on the things that are usually done during the year in our Church of Rome - Liturgical Manual for the Church of the Gesù (1584) 1

Inaugurated in 1584, the Church of the Gesù soon became the center of Jesuit worship in Rome. The Society’s mother church came to play a central role within a rapidly expanding, world-wide missionary order. Because of its centrality and visibility, the church contributed to the order’s religious, cultural, and political activities. In this thesis, I seek a new understanding of this contribution by examining the ritual order introduced in the earliest years of the Gesù. The Jesuits relied on a liturgy integrated in, and in turn supplemented by, the church’s architecture, its decorative programs, and its musical repertoire. Together, they aimed at an integrated experience of body and soul, which rested on Jesuit notions about the senses. This introductory chapter will outline the earliest history of the order, its first stable churches and forms of worship. Subsequently, I will summarize the plans, construction, and earliest history of the Gesù. Thirdly, I will provide an overview of the source materials used in this thesis. Fourthly, I examine two historiographical debates surrounding the early Jesuits. Finally, I will present the analytical approach I will use in examining Jesuit ritual practice in the Gesù.

1. The Society of Jesus, its mission, and its churches The founder of the Jesuits, a Basque nobleman named St. Ignatius of Loyola (1491- 1556), originally envisioned traveling to the Holy Land to spread the Gospel. But in his early years, Loyola hardly seemed likely to found a religious order. In his early life, he was a worldly courtier and soldier. He was a typical representative of his class, fighting in the services Emperor Charles V, enjoying the spoils of his accomplishments. 2 However, it was the battlefield that would initiate his spiritual conversion. Injured as the French laid siege to Pamplona in 1521, “unless he felt improvement… [Ignatius] could be counted as dead.” 3 Once it was clear he would recover, Loyola asked for his usual readings, tales of chivalric knights and courtesans. However, the only readings available were two works that would forever change his life. Presented with the

1 Cynthia Caporella, “ Instructions and Observations of Our Church for the Entire Year : A Translated Edition of a Roman Jesuit Liturgical Manual From 1584-1585” (PhD diss., Kent State University, 2006), 62. Hereafter Instructions and Observations . 2 Thomas M. Lucas, ed. Saint, Site, and Sacred Strategy: Ignatius, Rome, and Jesuit Urbanism (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1990), 18-20. 3 Saint Ignatius of Loyola, “Reminiscences,” in Personal Writings , trans. Joseph A. Munitz and Philip Endean (London: Penguin Books, 1996), 13-14.

Vita Christi and Jacopo de Voragine’s Golden Legend , he read with zeal, calling into question his vanities. 4 The emphasis on salvation in these two works weighed on Loyola. After a visit to the shrine of Our Lady in Montserrat and during his stay in the hamlet of Manresa, he formulated The Spiritual Exercises , a thirty-day program of contemplations and meditations on sin and the duties of a good Christian, followed by the personal investigation of Gospel scenes. 5 Next, after a failed trip to Jerusalem (expelled due to growing religious tensions) he began studying Latin in Spain. He furthered his studies at the University of Alcalá and then Salamanca. He next traveled to study at the University of Paris in 1528, earning a Master of Arts in 1535. Here, the earliest formation of the Society of Jesus would begin. At Paris, he would meet the first Jesuits: Francis Xavier, Alfonso Salmeron, Diego Laynez, Nicholas Bobadilla, Peter Faber, and Simão Rodrigues would form the core of the Society. 6 Once Ignatius’s desire to return to Jerusalem proved impossible, Pope Paul III convinced him to preach in Rome. The first Jesuits agreed that should reaching Jerusalem not be feasible, they would submit themselves to the pope. 7 A year later, in 1540, Pope Paul III issued Regimini militantis ecclesiae , which officially recognized the Society of Jesus as a religious order within the Catholic Church. It would be from this point that Ignatius, his companions, and their ideas about Christian mission would take shape and come to influence the nature of Early Modern Catholicism. What the Jesuits called noster modus procedendi was not some formally executed plan. Rather, it was more about spontaneity and local realities. 8 Local ministry in preaching and social relief was central to the early Jesuit identity. These ministries reflected the deepening of personal piety and “a movement of the heart that came from God and brought one closer to God” central to Jesuit spirituality. It was clear that there would not be one way of proceeding. Nor was the Society created to implement the decrees of the Council of Trent. While the Jesuits and the Council had much in common, their agendas were not identical. 9 For example, Ignatius even went so far as to ban the singing of the Liturgy of the Hours in Jesuit communities because “our residence in one place or another is so highly uncertain.” The emphasis was on mobility, “the

4 Ibid. 5 Saint Ignatius of Loyola. The Text of the Spiritual Exercises , (Westminster, MD: The Newman Bookshop, 1943), 2-3. 6 John O’Malley, S.J., The First Jesuits . Cambridge (MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 28-32. 7 Lucas, Saint, Site, and Sacred Strategy , 29. 8 O’Malley, The First Jesuits , 8. 9 Ibid, 17-22.

2 frequentation of the sacraments,” preaching, and spiritual lessons that fostered “spiritual help of one’s fellowman.” 10 At first, this was the norm. But it soon became clear that helping souls in all matters rendered itinerant preaching and instructing insufficient. The Jesuits began settling down. Stability had two advantages. First, they could build churches and colleges for the training of new or future members. Secondly, the Society would become more structured and efficiently organized. While Ignatius was against the parish model of pastoral care, he soon understood that the creation of a complex Jesuit network could expand the Society’s ability to spread the Word. The proliferation of Jesuit communities would ensure the continuation of what Ignatius’ protégé, Jerome Nadal, meant when he claimed that “the world is our house.” 11 From here, the Jesuits began building churches. Following the tradition of the mendicant orders, they built almost exclusively in urban areas. They also accompanied churches with schools. Ignatius was destined to found an urban-based religious order. As “an urban being, a Roman’s Roman,” Ignatius was able to shape his ministry “to the needs of the Roman Church of his time, when modern urban culture was being born.” As a devout Christian (if Christianity be defined as a long-standing urban religion), St. Ignatius saw himself in the “complicated dialectic” and “ongoing dialogue with urban culture.” 12 As cities like Rome were densely populated, they were the perfect place for the Jesuit mission. It was for this reason that less than a year after Regimini militantis ecclesiae , St. Ignatius acquired Santa Maria della Strada to be the Roman center of the Society, despite its small, inadequate size. But he was not interested in the church itself; it was all about the location. It is thus critical to understand these institutions as a whole. Jesuit schools and churches worked together as centers of spiritual training. Since future Jesuits would come into contact with the “sacred edifice” of the church, there would be constant interaction between Jesuit novices and the congregations. Moreover, because of the resistance from parish churches, who refused to yield control of the spiritual life of a given community, Jesuits needed their own churches and seminaries. 13 Jesuits could also use their colleges for the training of the laity both to procure favor with the populace and to ensure that the laity would come to work for the

10 Ignatius Loyola, The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus , trans. George E. Ganass, S.J. (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1970), 260-261. 11 Jonathan Wright, God’s Soldiers , (New York: Doubleday, 2004), 51. 12 Lucas, Landmarking , 3. 13 Luca Testa, Fondazione e Primo Sviluppo del Seminario Romano (1565-1608) (Rome: Editrice Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 2002), 67-70.

3 betterment of others. 14 By educating the laity in this manner, the Society sought to “influence their students more by their example than by their words,” fostering the salvific ministry that Ignatius had been developing since his convalescence decades before. 15

2. History of the Gesù to 1584 The growth of the Jesuit presence in Rome began at Santa Maria della Strada. Located just off the Campidoglio, south of the Pantheon and Piazza Navona, the small church would serve as the perfect location for the center of Jesuit ministry in Rome. Almost immediately, Ignatius began purchasing property around the church, including land on the Via Papale and Piazza Altieri (now Piazza del Gesù). In 1542, only a year after acquiring Santa Maria della Strada, Pope Paul III gave to the Jesuits SS. Vincenzo e Anastasio, San Nicolò, and San Andrea della Frate, three small chapels adjacent to the Jesuit church. These buildings were incorporated into the Professed House of the Society of Jesus, which was completed in late 1544. Ignatius also began to envision a much larger church. In the mid 1550s, Nanni di Baccio Bigio was commissioned to design a church similar to the present day Gesù. It possessed a single, long nave and a shallow sanctuary that “stressed the visibility of sacramental activity.” It would also be connected to the Jesuit residences, once again stressing the shift from itinerancy to stability. However, politics prevented the construction in the 1550s, as several neighbors objected to the construction of such an imposing edifice. Additionally, the Jesuits of the 1550s simply could not afford the sumptuous churches of decades later, such as the nearby San’Ignazio (1626-1650). 16 St. Ignatius died in 1556, never seeing his project completed. But by the 1560s, plans for the church had resumed. Revising the earlier plans, Giacomo Barozzi da Vignola’s blueprint was approved in 1569. 17 It also possessed a single, large nave and smaller side chapels and a large dome. Another important development was the hiring of Giacomo della Porta for the design of the church’s façade, whose plan was approved in 1571. 18 With the plans set, construction began and continued for sixteen years. The façade of della Porta would be completed in 1575; Vignola’s nave in 1577. The church was completed and consecrated in 1584. However, there

14 Ibid, 275; Thomas Lucas, S.J. Landmarking (Chicago: Loyola Press, 1997), 124-125. 15 O’Malley, The First Jesuits , 225-227. 16 Ibid, 94-98. 17 Lucas, Saint, Site, and Sacred Strategy , 154. 18 For more information on the history of baroque façades and how the Gesù façade influenced the designs of other church façades in Rome and elsewhere, see Nathan T. Whitman, "Roman Tradition and the Aedicular Façade," The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 29.2 (May 1970):108-123. In this article, it is posited that the Gesù’s façade was the first truly “baroque façade.”

4 was a constant dialogue between the Jesuits and the church’s patron throughout. This patron was Alessandro Farnese (1520-1589), the grandson of Pope Paul III. Cardinal by fourteen, Alessandro quickly rose through the ranks of the Church.19 As a result, he became a serious patron of the arts. 20 The Gesù would be his greatest ecclesiastical commission because it is the embodiment of what has come to be seen as Counter-Reformation architecture. Alessandro hardly gave the Jesuits free reign to construct their church; Farnese let it be known that it was his church. He even banned the Jesuits from seeking additional aid for the church.21 From the very beginning, Farnese made the architectural decisions. While the Jesuits did maintain their own architect, Giovanni Tristano, he essentially built Vignola’s church. 22 Additionally, certain Jesuits, like Francesco Borgia, wanted a flat, wooden roof; Farnese insisted on a barrel vault. The cardinal won that debate as well. 23 Farnese also wanted an imposing façade dominating the piazza. 24 For Farnese, it would be a monument of Catholicism and a monument to the order which his grandfather had approved. And because the Jesuits were really in no financial position to say otherwise, they acquiesced. Therefore, to speak of a Jesuit architectural style at the Gesù is not accurate; any possible style should be called “a Farnese style rather than a Jesuit one.” 25 However, the Jesuits soon discovered that Farnese’s plan actually fit their mission quite well. The large single nave was the perfect place for preaching. Also, the nave emphasized the high altar and the sacrifice of the Mass. 26 Although Farnese dominated the designs for the façade, nave, and cupola, other patrons paid for works in the side chapels commissioned and designed by the Jesuits themselves.27 While the chapels were only completed over the next several decades, by the mid 1570s the Gesù began to take shape. The church was steadily becoming a center of preaching and the Mass. Gregory Martin, an English Catholic pilgrim, described it as a place of “refuge of al that seeke comfort or council in matters of learning, or

19 Clare Robertson, ‘Il Gran Cardinale:’ Alessandro Farnese, Patron of the Arts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 2-4. 20 Ibid, 10. 21 Ibid 181-184. 22 James S. Ackerman, “The Gesù in the Light of Contemporary Church Design,” in Rudolf Wittkower and Irma B. Jaffe eds., Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution , (New York: Fordham University Press, 1972), 26. 23 Ibid, 17. 24 Clare Robertson, ‘Il Gran Cardinale,’ 187-189. 25 Clare Robertson, “Two Farnese Cardinals and the Question of Jesuit Taste,” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540-1773 , edited by John O’Malley, S.J., Gauvin A. Bailey, Steven J. Harris, and T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 134-147. 26 T. H. Fokker, “The First Baroque Church in Rome,” The Art Bulletin 15: 3 (Sept. 1933): 234. 27 Clare Robertson, ‘Il Gran Cardinale ,’ 194.

Conscience, or Spiritual instructions and Conferences.” 28 By its consecration in 1584, the Gesù already had an outstanding reputation for preaching, teaching, and worship. This was Ignatius’ urban vision. It took forty years to come true. But as we shall see, the legacy of his spirituality within the church would continue after 1584.

3. Source materials The principal source for this thesis is a sacristy handbook for the Church of the Gesù, Instructions and Observations of Our Church for the Entire Year (1584). The document is important, as it provides comprehensive guidelines for the liturgical life of the Gesù, contains important information about preaching, and clarifies how music and the decorations of the Gesù were a crucial part of the Jesuit mission. Little known, and even less studied, it is now available in an English-Italian bilingual edition, as it was translated and edited by Cynthia A. Caporella as part of her doctoral dissertation in 2006. 29 Caporella’s thesis focuses on the role of music in the early years of the Gesù. She refutes the historiographical view that the Society of Jesus abhorred sacred music by illuminating the numerous musical citations within the document. She thus proves that music played a central role in the liturgical life of the Gesù. Caporella’s contribution to this historiography will be addressed in Chapters One and Three. The document, to which we will refer as Instructions and Observations , is kept at the central archives of the Jesuit order, the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), in Rome. It is inventoried as Chiesa del Gesù Busta XI, 968, Ordine et Osservationi della nostra Chiesa per tutto l’anno (CDG968). There is a later copy of this document that is inventoried as Chiesa del Gesù, libro 2007, Ordine et Osservationi della nostra Chiesa per tutto l’anno (CDG2007) . Caporella explains that CDG968 contains the inscription “1584” on its title page. However, she illuminates that CDG2007 refers to CDG968 and its date of origin (1592), as CDG2007 tells the reader “vedi copia anteriore (1592) al N. 968 Busta XI.” Caporella thus concluded that CDG2007 is a later copy (Caporella posits it dates from 1593) of CDG968. She also suggests that the “1584” found on CDG968 must be the year of an original document that has not

28 Gregory Martin, Roma Sancta (1581) , edited by George Bruner Parks (Roma: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1969), 168. 29 Graham Dixon, “Musical Activity in the Church of the Gesù in Rome During the Early Baroque” Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 49 (1980):323-337. Dixon uses CDG2007 (the later copy of Instructions and Observations ) to illuminate the musical life of the Gesù, but does not go beyond that. Most of the article focuses on music during the seventeenth century, essentially ignoring the liturgical practices discussed in the manual.

6 survived, as the phrase “quest anno 1584” appears three times in each of the later copies. 30 Not surprisingly, the author has remained anonymous. The only reference to its history comes from an annotation on the opening page, where a Gio. Giuseppe [?]erger is lauded for “restoring to the Society of Jesus this manuscript that came to him in the years during the suppression.” 31 The reference therefore goes back to the eighteenth century, not the origins of the church. Written for execution within the Gesù, the guidelines provide glimpses into the daily life of the church. At seven-by-nine inches, the leather bound handbook contains sixty-eight folios. It is divided into forty-two sections. There is a section dedicated to Vespers throughout the year while there is also a section dedicated to the Feast of Corpus Christi. Some of the directions go into detail, such as the precise processional order on Holy Thursday. However, others are basic, such as how “The pulpit where the Sermon of the Passion is done must remain uncovered without a cloth.” 32 The variety of directions found in the document demonstrates how it was used on a daily basis, giving us an exclusive glance into the Jesuit mother church. Instructions and Observations also refers to the centrality of the main altar and the preservation of the mystery of the Mass. Instructions and Observations illustrates how the Jesuits planned to use the architectural space of the Gesù for instructing their flock. Using Instructions and Observations , we are able to reconstruct how space, music, and liturgy were combined in different ways based on the time of the liturgical calendar. It is also useful for a reconstruction of the appearance of Gesù itself in its early decades. Instructions and Observations gives a clear indication of how the church was supposed to appear on a regular basis as well as variances dictated by special celebrations. And since Jesuits were influential preachers throughout Rome, this document illustrates the Jesuit attempt to centralize preaching in a church structure within the urban fabric.33 This strategic advocacy resulted in the Gesù being designed for preaching to the people of Rome. Instructions and Observations demonstrates what methods the Society of Jesus would have used to promulgate their message in the early years of the Gesù, including preaching, music and physical adornment of altars. Also, Instructions and Observations demonstrates that the space and architectural design of the Gesù aided in the support of the Jesuit mission.

30 Cynthia Caporella, “Chapter IV: Overview of the Document,” in Instructions and Observations , 40-41. 31 Instructions and Observations , 62. The last name of the transcriber was illegible in the original document. 32 Ibid, 152. “Il Pergolo dove si fà la predica della Passione deve star nudo senza panno.” 33 Ibid, 22-23. For more on Jesuit urban strategy, see Thomas Lucas, S.J. Landmarking and Saint, Site, and Sacred Strategy: Ignatius, Rome, and Jesuit Urbanism .

4. The Historiography of a Jesuit artistic style Instructions and Observations does more than increase our understanding of the Gesù. This manual is linked to an important historiographical debate focusing on the manner in which the Society of Jesus used its churches and to what ends. Much like other Catholic churches, Jesuit churches were thus engaged in the same battle over the hearts and minds of the laity. In his examination of the Jesuits in Padua, Maurizio Sangalli has explained that this battle centered, in part, on confessionalization. At the height of the Counter-Reformation, Sangalli posits that the urban centers in which Jesuits operated and their universities were important tools of Catholic confessionalization. 34 Jesuit schools stressed religious rigor in addition to academic rigor, and were seen as an important part of the Jesuit educational mission. 35 I will examine how the schools worked with the liturgy later on; here, one must keep in mind that while the Jesuits ran schools in places like Padua, they were not always well-received, as they were seen as a possible threat. In Padua, and other places, their schools were often closed by civic authorities who distrusted the Jesuits. 36 Similarly, Edward Muir has recently explained in The Culture Wars of the Late Renaissance that while Rome was the center of papal power, Venice (and by extension, Padua) became the center of dissent from papal authority. 37 In Venice, and other centers of dissent, this battle raged between the defenders of orthodoxy (Jesuits and papal authorities) and those who saw the Roman Curia as a threat. Muir explains that the Jesuits were originally supported by Venetian nobles who were “concerned by the spiritual poverty and moral decline of the university” in Padua. 38 But as the Jesuit college’s reputation grew, the Jesuits were increasingly seen as a threat to the authority of the Venetian Republic. The college was closed, and then in 1606, Jesuits were banned from the territory of the Republic. 39 While Muir highlights numerous pedagogical debates, such as the teaching of Aristotle, these events nonetheless demonstrate that the Society was part of an important conflict between the authority of the Church and the lay world. While the use of education by the Jesuits could be misconstrued as a forced religious brainwashing, Muir’s discussion of the early support (and later condemnation) of Jesuit schools

34 Maurizio Sangalli, Università Accademie Gesuiti: Cultura e Religione a Padova Tra Cinque e Seicento (Padova: Accademia Galileiana di Scienze Lettere ed Arti in Padova, 2001), xiii-xiv. 35 Ibid, 11. 36 Ibid, xv. 37 Edward Muir, The Culture Wars of the Late Renaissance (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 2. In this period in its history, Padua was within the Venetian Republic and was the site of the major university of the Republic. 38 Ibid, 24. 39 Ibid, 26-27.

8 uncovers a lay society sometimes, but not always receptive to the institutional Church’s efforts. But this is a long-standing struggle between the Church and popular sentiment over religious practices, first coming to the fore in the later Middle Ages. R.W. Scribner examined ritual and popular religion in Germany, demonstrating this very struggle between the Church and the laity. 40 This contest for what is holy is directly analogous to the discussion of the Jesuits and the fight for orthodoxy. Heinz Schilling furthers the debate by explaining that Catholic confessionalization only began in earnest with the Council of Trent and only became effective after 1580. 41 While Schilling’s and Scribner’s examinations are limited to Germany, we see two important trends. First, the problems of confession and the battle for orthodoxy between the institutional Church and the laity predate the Reformation. Secondly, while the Jesuits play a prominent role in confessionalization after 1550 (Schilling even calls the Society the “agents of the Counter-Reformation and Catholic renewal”), one must keep in mind that the “apogee of confessionalization” only began with the drastic expansion of the papal bureaucracy after the Council of Trent. 42 As a part of the question of confessionalization, the didactic tools used within churches become important. For our purposes in the Gesù, this involves the arts. The main historiographical question surrounding the arts in the Gesù is to what extent, and how, they were used for the process of confessionalization. Thus, the discussion centers on the nature of that art and how it was employed. From here, the question of “Jesuit style” arises. In Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque , Evonne Levy defines “Jesuit style” as a specific type of art employed by the Society in a propagandistic effort to protect its own and the Church’s interests. 43 She acknowledges the problems accompanying the term “propaganda” due to its association with to fascism and communism. Yet, her study applies “the modern sense of propaganda” to the Jesuits.44 Levy explains that the Society’s use of art, preaching, music or any other means was not simply rhetoric. Where rhetoric persuades through reason, Levy argues, the Society’s activities abandoned reason. Also, the “too-muchness” of propagandistic art (and thus Jesuit art) proves that the Society’s missions were more concerned with projecting an ideology and

40 R.W. Scribner, “Ritual and Popular Religion in Catholic Germany at the Time of the Reformation,” in Id., Popular Cultural and Popular Movements in Reformation Germany (London: Hambledon Press, 1987), 17-47. 41 Heinz Schilling, “Confessionalization in the Empire: Religious and Societal Change in Germany between 1555 and 1620,” in Religion, Political Culture, and the Emergence of Early Modern Society: Essays in German and Dutch History (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 225-226. 42 Ibid, 219, 225-226. 43 Evonne Levy, Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 115. 44 Ibid, 6.

9 attempting to protect and perpetrate it. 45 Since these efforts were far more systematic and institutional, and thus propagandistic, she further explains that the employment of rhetorical tools is simply a means to an end.46 A Jesuit style, then, is forced, coercive, and excessive. The use of the term “propaganda” to describe such a unique Jesuit style used to push forth the confessional goals of the Society and Rome has been vociferously attacked. In “‘Le style jésuite n’existe pas,’ Jesuit Corporate Culture and the Visual Arts,” Gauvin Alexander Bailey explains that, while the Society had clear goals by the 1580s, a Jesuit style is “one of art history’s more persistent myths.” 47 He continues by calling this historiographical nomenclature an “outdated commonplace” that should be abandoned for “more fruitful” examinations of Jesuit art. 48 Bailey does explain, however, that the historiographical development of “Jesuit style” does have some historical validity. The Jesuit expression noster modus procedendi has been misconstrued to show that within the Society, “our way of proceeding” had something to do with a definitive style. Yet, Bailey explains that geographic and cultural influences rendered linking noster modus procedendi to anything resembling a Jesuit style “virtually impossible.” Adding to this debate, John O’Malley argues that noster modus procedendi was a spontaneous way of proceeding and that any actualized ideals and attitudes were the result of Jesuits adapting to local realities. 49 As a result, no true Jesuit style could exist. O’Malley also illuminates how the very structure of the Society prevented the use of didactic force. In an argument that stands in sharp contrast with Levy’s notion of propaganda, O’Malley illuminates that, as the Jesuits did not possess parishes, they could not require anything, including Mass attendance; they had to make people want to come. 50 As Jesuit churches were often paired with colleges, the average churchgoer in a Jesuit church tended to be well-educated. And these parishioners were often extremely pious or were attempting to reform their lives. Jeffrey Chipps Smith explains that the latter, such as prostitutes whom Jesuit confraternities and houses attempted to reform, came to be important members of Jesuit congregations, as women often performed the Exercises within Jesuit churches. 51 While it would be wrong to deny the Jesuits’

45 Ibid, 112-113. 46 Ibid, 11. 47 Gauvin Alexander Bailey, “‘Le style jésuite n’existe pas’: Jesuit Corporate Culture and the Visual Arts” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540-1773 , edited by John O’Malley, S.J., Gauvin A. Bailey, Steven J. Harris, and T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 38. 48 Ibid, 39. 49 O’Malley, The First Jesuits , 8. 50 Ibid, 74. 51 Jeffrey Chipps Smith, “The Art of Salvation in Bavaria,” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540-1773 , 576. See also Lance Lazar, Working in the Vineyard of the Lord: Jesuit Confraternities in Early Modern

10 efforts to reform the less pious members of society, the congregations of Jesuit churches attended out of their own volition. It remains difficult to judge reception, but evidently what we do see in Jesuit churches, which were sumptuously decorated and offered excellent preaching and music, appealed to the large congregations that crossed their doors. The question is, then, what explains this appeal. In studying liturgical practice at the Gesù, the mother church of the Jesuit order, this thesis seeks to contribute to an answer to this complex question. As far as the Gesù is concerned, one further issue requires clarification. Not surprisingly given its pre-eminent role in the history of the order, the church has often been portrayed as the model of many if not most other Jesuit churches. This assumption is obviously related to the notion of a unitary Jesuit style. Thus Levy finds the number of Jesuit churches modeled after the Gesù (thirty in the estimate of Richard Bösel) to be “astonishingly high,” as it “exemplifies the imitation and diffusion of Jesuit forms more than any other” church. 52 However, predating her argument by five years, Bailey examines the “copying” of the Gesù and argues that while “there is no doubt that the Gesù was an extremely influential building,” anything beyond an emulation of the floor plan of the Gesù was fairly rare. In fact, Bailey argues, churches built “just like the Gesù” imitated early Christian basilicas, as did the churches of other religious orders. Additionally, the presence in Jesuit libraries of illustrated architectural manuals from Alberti to Palladio suggests that these works, not the Gesù, influenced other Jesuit churches. 53 These manuals, like the Gesù, were important not because they perpetuated some Jesuit style, but because they enabled the Jesuits to build churches and conduct liturgies that were attuned to local cultural and geographical conditions. For these reasons, this thesis does not study the Gesù as a model of Jesuit church building, much less as the origin of a propagandistic Jesuit style. Rather, I seek to investigate how all those who were involved in the construction, decoration, and ritual use of the Gesù sought to provide a powerful and appealing liturgical experience resting on the spiritual and educational foundations of their order.

Italy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), for a discussion of confraternities and the interrelationship of Jesuits, confreres, and students in spiritual reform. 52 Levy, Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque , 198-200. 53 Bailey, “‘Le style jésuite n’existe pas,’” 45.

5. Sense worship and Jesuit liturgy The organizing principle of this analysis is the notion of sensory worship. This is a complex matter I will pursue in greater detail later in this thesis; here I will limit myself to a brief introduction. Sensory worship is a method of prayer by which one imagines, through the senses, the particulars of a devotional scene in order to reflect and contemplate the given scene. When employed by the Jesuits, its roots are found in the meditative and spiritual approach found in The Spiritual Exercises . The exercitant is guided through self-examination as well as recognition of God’s presence in all things. Additionally, the Exercises command the exercitant to “see the place” of the Gospel. This process of particularization allows one to trigger emotions. The use of the senses creates an immediacy of the Gospels, “putting the history of salvation in the present tense.” The main goal in sense worship reflects the omnipresence of God in all things. This brand of contemplation harmonizes the senses and allows for personal meditation of the divine. Sensual engagement and repetition would progress through each sense in an ordered hierarchy that leads to knowledge of God’s love.54 The early Jesuits understood how artistic projects of different kinds would augment sense worship. The design of the church, the iconographic schemes of its decorations, the music composed for it, and the art of preaching all supplemented the liturgy by stimulating the worshippers’ desires to know God. This synthesis of the arts enabled what Ignatius himself referred to as traer los sentidos , the application of the senses. 55 Sense application in Jesuit liturgy requires some further elaboration. After the Council of Trent, the papal curia pushed for greater order and uniformity in the Catholic liturgy. This trend is attributed to the reforms of the Council, which emphasized simplicity, clarity, and uniformity in practice. 56 But the Jesuits did not see church reform as the central issue. For Ignatius and the early Jesuits, “personal conversion or spiritual improvement as presented in the Exercises , not the direct emendation of ecclesiastical procedures and structures” was more important. 57 Furthering this understanding, the Jesuits were not concerned about making their liturgy uniformly Tridentine. Rather, they emphasized the creation of a liturgical experience that

54 Smith, Sensuous Worship , 30-55. 55 “Application of the Senses” actually derives from the Latin, applicatio sensuum . Traer los sentidos is roughly translated as “bearing the senses” or “bringing the senses to bear” or even “prayer of the senses,” giving more weight to the senses in an active, participatory way while still retaining the passive, receptive nature of the senses in worship. See also Jeffrey Chipps Smith, Sensuous Worship . 56 Theodore.Klauser, A Short History of the Western Liturgy (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), 118- 130. 57 O’Malley, The First Jesuits , 321-322.

12 achieved the goals of the council, yet did not blindly follow its lead. Two aspects of the Jesuit liturgical experience prove this point. First, since the Council of Trent decreed that images be clearly visible and for devotional purposes only, attention to Trent alone would not have a strong affect on how art is done. While, surely, the Council influenced Catholic art after 1560, there was still much wiggle room for artists, who could craft unique pieces of art. Secondly, as long as the artists were making heartfelt attempts to create this new devotional art, there would be no objections. The Gesù thus clearly reflected this close relationship between the visual arts and liturgy. But in Gesù, the emotional excitement of the faithful was to exceed that decreed at Trent. And while the proceedings of the Council never directly call for personal submission, only personal sacrifice through the sacraments, Ignatius believed in “interior submission and reverence.” His concern for an emotionally personal attachment to the liturgy would be fostered by images. While not uniquely Jesuit (non-Jesuit churches used images, too), the Gesù did not “miss any opportunity, auditory or visual, to engage the senses.” Still, it went beyond Trent by emphasizing the importance of individual reception and submission to God.58 Sense application in Jesuit churches thus always kept one focused on personal acquiescence of the soul to God during the liturgy. In so doing, one’s emotions were more easily stirred. For the Jesuits, the senses were not passive receptors. Because they were a means of active engagement, the senses helped to foster the reception of information and the ability to apply that image to deep, self-contained contemplation that would further one’s spiritual strength and closeness to God. Jesuit liturgy thus took the message of Trent and applied Ignatian spirituality to the act of worship. Because Ignatius saw the Mass as a central part of his convalescence and spiritual growth, he believed that it should move one emotionally. The best way to do this was through the senses. The sensuous worship that found itself at the center of Jesuit liturgy manifested itself in many forms. The Gesù possessed a unified liturgical space which emphasized the high altar, and thus the mass. Moreover, the iconographic scheme furthered the Christocentricity of the Gesù by pushing the worshipper toward the high altar. As Caporella explained, music was essential to worship. These three artistic media – collectively, not separately - illustrate that the artistic endeavors serve an important liturgical function. 59 The unified nave creates a true communion of

58 Margaret Miles, Image as Insight (Boston: Beacon Press, 1985), 110. 59 For more information about the functional nexus between liturgy and artistic forms (especially architecture) see Sible de Blaauw, Cultus et Décor: Liturgia e Architettura nella Roma Tardoantica e Medievale del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1994.

13 believers; the artwork of the Gesù enlivens the worshipper; the harmony of the choir provides aural proof of God’s grace.

6. Instructions and Observations and the origins of sense worship in The Gesù Examining sense worship through Instructions and Observations , I will explore sense application in the early decades of the Society. By exploring Jesuit devotion and education, which are central to Jesuit liturgy, the mental framework of the anonymous author of Instructions and Observations and his intellectual and spiritual tradition will become apparent. And as a Jesuit engaged in the liturgy of the Gesù, understanding his spirituality and his grasp of sense application will be of utmost importance. Chapter One will examine the use of sense application in the actual liturgical practices in the Gesù from 1584. By looking at the church as a whole, not just the liturgy, we will see how the liturgy functioned alongside the visual arts and the vibrant musical life of the Gesù. First, I examine preaching and the liturgy to examine how Instructions and Observations guided the congregation and kick started a personal desire to seek salvation. Next, I examine how the art and architecture of the church would have influenced the writing of Instructions and Observations . Moreover, this would have also influenced the desire to further the musical life of the church. For this, Caporella’s examination of music within the Gesù will illuminate how the aural sense became an important part of the sensory liturgical experience. In Chapter Two, I investigate an important educational tool of the Society of Jesus, Jerome Nadal’s Aadnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia , a set of 153 etchings of Gospel scenes with accompanying Gospel readings and meditations. Designed to provide visual representations for The Spiritual Exercises , Nadal’s images fell well within the realm of Jesuit meditation and contemplation. Moreover, as one of Ignatius’s closest companions within the Society (even if their different personalities often clashed) Nadal learned from Ignatius that penance and the purification of the soul through devotion and contemplation were essential. 60 Chapter Three examines Jesuit pedagogy. I will begin with an examination of the Ratio Studiorum , the official Jesuit curriculum and its emphasis on preaching. While not finalized until 1599, its pedagogy strongly reflects the educational goals of the early Jesuits, including Jerome Nadal and Ignatius. The Ratio Studiorum puts heavy emphasis on rhetorical style because it was

60 William V. Bangert, S.J., edited and completed by Thomas M. McGoog, S.J. Jerome Nadal, S.J., 1507- 1580: Tracking the First Generation of Jesuits (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1992), 22-23.

14 understood that good preaching (both in content and style) would move the hearts and minds of the people being served. This chapter also examines Jesuit music education. In this chapter, I will argue that preaching and music were valued for their content and their quality. This pedagogical view influenced their use within the Gesù. The manual’s illumination of the liturgical celebrations within the Gesù and the devotional tools prevalent in the church prove that the writer was actively participating in the application of the senses during worship. That much is clear. The more complex question, however, is where did this unnamed Jesuit learn how to bring the senses to bear? Simply put, this Jesuit, like all members of the Society of Jesus, would have engaged in certain devotional activities in his training that would have influenced his spirituality and would have undoubtedly shaped the outcome of the liturgy in the Gesù.

Chapter One: Liturgy and the Fine Arts in the Gesù “The second prelude will be a composition of place, seeing the spot: here it will be to see the whole space and circuit of the terrestrial globe, in which so many divers races dwell” - St. Ignatius The Spiritual Exercises 1

Jesuits conceived of their church as public places. The Society of Jesus provided liturgical spaces that served their order members and catered to the desires of their congregations. Once Jesuits became sedentary fixtures in the religious landscape, their new way of proceeding was now focused on helping the saint and the sinner through the liturgy. Jesuits intended that the liturgical experience be marked by personal submission and an emotional form of devotion. This experience was rooted in Ignatian spirituality and pedagogy, in which all Jesuit were trained. Instructions and Observations thus illuminates how liturgy and the various artistic enterprises of the Gesù impacted the senses in various ways. Churchgoers in the Gesù then drew on their senses to enhance their religious experience through the fine arts.

1. Liturgy and preaching in the Gesù Once Jesuits began to construct churches, they fostered a vibrant liturgical experience. One method employed in the Gesù was the return of many once-abandoned liturgical features, such as the Liturgy of the Hours. While Ignatius originally forbade its practice in Jesuit houses as it inhibited mobility, he saw its importance for congregations. Ignatius believed that the Hours would deepen the spiritual lives of the faithful, driving them to attend confessions, sermons, and lectures.2 In the Gesù, the Hours became an important part of creating a sense of communion. Often, singing the Office placed special emphasis on certain events in the Christian calendar. Instructions and Observations orders that Vespers be sung on all Holy Days of Obligation, Sundays, the Feat of the Circumcision, Easter, Holy Saturday, Pentecost, Corpus Christi, the Feast of the Assumption, and Christmas. Other hours usually not sung in communion were sung on important dates such as Christmas and Good Friday (Matins) or the Feast of the Annunciation (Compline). 3 Since worship is the only collective Christian profession of belief, it makes sense

1 Ignatius Loyola. The Spiritual Exercises , 36. 2 Ignatius Loyola, The Constitutions , 261-262. 3 Ibid, 95, 99.

16 that Jesuits brought together a voluntary congregation throughout the year to profess a common set of beliefs.4 Moreover, Ignatius and Nadal believed that devotion would prepare the worshippers for an active participation in the Mass, Eucharistic adoration and confession, as well as attendance at sermons. Ignatius explained that the Jesuit mission should be to preach to the people on scripture and the sacraments. 5 As preaching in Rome was a long-standing medieval tradition, the Jesuit emphasis on preaching thus fit well with the Gesù, which came to be a stage for the ars praedicandi .6 In 1581, Gregory Martin explained that the Gesù was “large and fayre” and that there were daily celebrations of Mass and confession, but also much preaching, as often as twice a day on Sundays as well as on other days throughout the year. Preaching with “only a Crucifixe in their hand,” Jesuits linked biblical exegesis with questions of penance, justice, and chastity. 7 In his personal reflections, Ignatius exclaimed that during a Mass in 1544 his tears and heavy heart brought him closer to God and allowed him to be cleansed.8 This Ignatian emphasis of the body and mental disposition during worship found its way into sermons in the Gesù, which focused on bodily chastity and corporeal purification through penance and the Eucharist. While this emotionality is hardly innovative, Jesuit liturgy stressed the sensory devotion grounded in the Exercises . There is little doubt that the anonymous author of Instructions and Observations , trained in Ignatian spirituality, shared this understanding of preaching as a mode of moving the hearts and souls of the congregation. While dictated by the liturgical calendar, Ignatian spirituality continually influenced the nature of preaching in the Gesù. Every Sunday and Holy Day of Obligation would have a sermon. However, the height in preaching came during Lent. “On all days of Lent it is customary to have a Sermon except on Saturdays and on Wednesdays and Thursdays of Holy Week.” 9 While this is a clear adherence to the Tridentine liturgical calendar, Lenten preaching demonstrates the links made between preaching and penance in Ignatian spirituality, as the subjects of Jesuit sermons (scenes from the Gospel) form the basis of the Exercises . Because it

4 D.H. Tripp “Liturgy and Pastoral Service” in The Study of Liturgy, edited by Cheslyn Jones, Geoffrey Wainwright, Edward Yarnold, S.J., and Paul Bradshaw (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 566. 5 Ignatius Loyola “A Letter To Jean Pelletier – 13 June 1551” in Counsels for the Jesuits: Selected Letters and Instructions of Saint Ignatius of Loyola , edited by Joseph N. Tylenda, S.J. (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1985), 51. 6 O’Malley, The First Jesuits , 92. 7 Gregory Martin, Roma Sancta , 58, 70-73. 8 Saint Ignatius Loyola, Personal Writings , 99-100. 9 Instructions and Observations , 63-64. “Tutti li di di quaresima si suol predicare fuor delli Sabbati, il Mercordi et Giovedi della Settimana santa.”

17 is mandated that Lent be full of sermons, the faithful would be driven toward penance. As the ordinances Holy Week suggest, preachers prepared worshippers for Christ’s death and sacrifice. Stating that “The hour of the Sermon usually is at the end of the High Mass,” the manual places exhortations of divine grace and personal purity after the High Mass. The worshippers’ emotions are thus stirred by a sermon which reaffirms the sacrificial Christ’s presence in the Mass.10 By framing the Sermon with the bell that is “usually rung when the Mass gets out, and at the end of the Sermon the same bell rings a little, with the intention of announcing that the Sermon is finished,” the sermons in the Gesù reaffirm the message of the Mass. The bell creates a unified liturgical experience that, from Mass to sermon, stressing proclamation of faith, expression of penance, participation in communion, and a lesson in the power of divine grace. Ignatius explained in the Exercises that confession with communion cleanses the soul and fosters a clearer understanding of sin, truer penance, and a better acceptance of the Eucharist. As the Eucharist is the height of the liturgical experience, the sensory celebration of the Liturgy of the Eucharist would reaffirm Ignatius’s understanding of the senses as a method by which one reaches the divine. Thus, preaching in the Gesù stressed the importance of divine grace, penance and personal sacrifice, which were immediately present only moments before in the Eucharist.11 Our author would have been most keen to the impact the same bell for both the High Mass and a sermon would have. The use of the same bell integrated the Mass and the sermon for the congregants, aurally unifying the liturgical experience.

2. Liturgy and the Fine Arts The sacristy manual provides the basic framework for the Gesù’s liturgy. In tandem with the liturgy, the Jesuits constructed a church adorned with religious art and filled with sacred music. Scattered evidence of the construction allows us to unwrap the process of this program. According to the Annual Letter of the Gesù, by 1571 “the fabric of our church has grown considerably… the façade is being built with great skill in beautifully worked stone.” 12 Additionally, work began on the six nave chapels, dedicated to Saints Peter and Paul, Saint Andrew, the Nativity, the Passion, the Trinity, and Angels. They were completed by the middle part of the 1580s, as were the high altarpiece (the Circumcision of Christ), and the two transept

10 Ibid, 65. “L’hora della Predica suol esser finita la Messa grande.” 11 Ignatius Loyola. The Spiritual Exercises , 19. 12 Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Rome 126B I [Annuae 1570-86], quoted in Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque , 193.

18 altarpieces (the Crucifixion and the Resurrection). The two rear chapels (Santa Maria della Strada and St. Francis of Assisi) were also under way. While most of the chapel paintings were begun between 1584 and 1595 (after the writing of the manual), certain subjects were chosen by 1584. Various sources suggest that a few of the commissions were conceived by the late 1560s. 13 Some, like Niccolò Circignani’s Adoration of the Magi in the Nativity Chapel (1584), were commissioned with the understanding that the Triumph of Jesus would be the church’s iconographic scheme. 14 Moreover, St. Francis Borgia possibly dedicated the chapel to St. Francis of Assisi, his namesake, donating generously toward the construction of the Gesù throughout the 1550s. Ignatius dedicated the chapel across from the St. Francis chapel to the icon of Santa Maria della Strada, as Mary played an important role in his conversion. It is clear that the iconographic themes of the chapels were on Ignatius’s mind before the heavy construction began, as he died in 1556. This all demonstrates that the iconographic scheme must have been conceived years before 1584, and thus has important implications for the liturgical manual. Based on these assumptions, not only did its author witness the construction of each chapel, but he had foreknowledge of the paintings planned for them and understood their didactic purpose. Likewise, the sacristy manual shows us how the Gesù’s visual appearance supplemented the liturgical celebrations. Our author understood its effectiveness and potency and took it into account. Instructions and Observations provides countless directives for the musical life of the Gesù. Like other churches, Jesuit churches possessed vibrant musical repertoires. The importance of sacred music is rooted in the Council of Trent, which banished “from churches all those kinds of music, in which, whether by the organ, or in the singing, there is mixed up any thing lascivious or impure… so the house of God may be seen to be, and may be called, truly a house of prayer.”15 This decree addressed the perceived problem of sacrilege, such as “lascivious” dance music and secular music found in the churches.16 Secondly, the Council understood that music could uplift the faithful, emphasizing the necessity for pure music. 17 Because of these two concerns, sacred music was encouraged, allowing for the composition of music of “concentrated religious feeling… ecclesiastical in spirit and eminently suitable for

13 Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque , 194-195. 14 Howard Hibbard, “ Ut picturae sermones ,” in Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution, 41. 15 The Decrees of the Council of Trent , 161. 16 K. G. Fellerer and Moses Hadas, “Church Music and the Council of Trent,” The Musical Quarterly 39:4 (Oct., 1953): 579-81. 17 Ibid, 576.

19 church service.” 18 Additionally, the reforms of Trent initiated subsequent councils and synods that put forth decrees on music. 19 The continuation of Tridentine musical reforms would allow for Jesuit music, believed to imbue man with the experience of God.20 In exploring how these three media – architecture, art, and music – worked together, I will first examine the architecture of the Gesù and how it impacted the author of the sacristy manual. Second, I will illuminate the impact of the iconography on the author and how the artwork was integrated into the architectural space. Third, I will explore the centrality of music to liturgy in the Gesù to explain how our anonymous writer viewed music as an important part of sense worship.

3. Architecture The connection between architecture and liturgy has been very close since monumental church building in Rome of late Antiquity. The church as “il teatro della liturgia comunitaria” reflects how the architectural structure supported the major liturgical celebrations. 21 Throughout the construction of the Gesù, the Jesuits had a strategic plan for their new church. In many respects, the Jesuits were concerned about how the architecture would impact worship. Thus the numerous chapels allowed priests to distribute the host from many locations within the church. 22 The Eucharist was so important for the Jesuits that one could receive Communion on a daily basis in the half-built Gesù.23 In this regard, the Gesù mirrored many other new Counter- Reformation churches which were built to “accentuate the Eucharist.” 24 Additionally, the design of the church shifted focus in several other ways. First, the single, wide nave meant that the church was the perfect aula for preaching. Secondly, the large nave also enabled more efficient Eucharistic distribution. 25 Third, the separation of chapels from the nave and each other allows for the viewer to focus on particular places in the church, such as the high altar, the chapels, or

18 Hugo Leichtentritt, “The Reform of Trent and Its Effect on Music,” The Musical Quarterly 30: 3 (Jul., 1944): 326. 19 Fellerer and Hadas, “Church Music,” 576. 20 Ibid, 588. 21 Sible de Blaauw, Cultus et Décor , 71. 22 Robertson, ‘Il Gran Cardinale,’ 181; Giovanni Sale, S.J., “The Design of the Gesù in Rome: A Difficult Collaboration” in John O’Malley, S.J., and Gauvin Alexander Bailey eds., The Jesuits and the Arts: 1540-1773 , (Philadelphia: Saint Joseph’s University Press, 2003). 53. 23 Martin, Roma Sancta , 65. 24 Hager, Pilgrimage , 136. 25 Robertson, ‘Il Gran Cardinale,’ 186-187; Ackerman, “The Gesù in the Light of Contemporary Church Design,” 17.

20 the nave pulpit. 26 Fourth, the imposing façade functioned as a portal through which one entered the holy sanctuary of the Gesù. The façade brought the crowd into the church, representing a threshold that lead to the divine.27 This use of the façade reflected a larger trend in Jesuit architecture, the promotion of personal union with God through self-examination. 28 The liturgical space thus became a throne-room for the celebration of the Eucharist and a constant reminder of Christ’s sacrifice. 29 Preaching also benefited from Vignola’s design of Vignola’s. His long, single nave with side chapels and a nave pulpit created a sacramental classroom. From the pulpit, the preacher lectured on penance and Eucharistic salvation. 30 And when Masses were said at the Altar of Communion, the same priest “remains at the above-mentioned altar in order to give Communion to the people until the Sermon and again after the Sermon until the last Mass, which is said at the same altar.”31 The author of Instructions and Observations understood that the architectural space would be used for these Masses at the Altar of Communion and would become reified as a lecture hall designed to instruct the congregation on church doctrine, visually reaffirming the connection between the sermon and the Mass. Baroque churches like the Gesù possess characteristics which captivate the senses, using large unified spaces to bring attention to certain aspects of the church, such as the high altar and apse. 32 Even during sermons, where the focus should be on the preacher, one could not help but be diverted by the “opulence of light” from the dome windows; this intensifies the High Altar and obscures the side chapels from the nave.33 During sermons, the architecture of the Gesù visually reminded the people that Christ’s sacrifice and one’s participation in the Eucharist was at the center of the liturgy. Calling for daily Eucharist for the laity since 1570, Jesuits knew how the architectural unity of the Gesù invited the congregation to receive communion, always keeping in mind the instructions of the preacher. The administration of the Eucharist before, during, and after Mass with ample opportunities to hear a sermon reflects that the Gesù was the

26 Ibid, 181. 27 Hager, Pilgrimage , 137. 28 Ibid, 189; For a more in depth analysis of façades and the way in which architectural design was geared toward specific themes or representations for both the Gesù as well as the numerous churches built during the baroque period, see Nathan T. Whitman, “Roman Tradition and the Aedicular Façade,” The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 29: 2 (May 1970): 108-123; Smith, Sensuous Worship , 79. 29 Theodore Klauser, Western Liturgy , 139-141. 30 Instructions and Observations , 25. 31 Ibid, 79. “stà nel detto altare per communicare il Popolo per inisio alla predica; et doppò la predica per inisio all’ultima messa che si dice nell’istesso altare.” 32 T. H. Fokker, “The First Baroque Church in Rome,” The Art Bulletin 15: 3 (Sept. 1933): 235-236. 33 Ibid, 238-239.

21 perfect structure for this important Jesuit mission and stimulated the senses of the worshippers by providing them with a multitude of visual cues that encourage devotion.

4. Art By 1584 our author had knowledge of the Gesù’s iconographic cycle, which informed the writing of Instructions and Observations. Since sacred art was believed to aid personal memory and visually prove of religious doctrine, art in the Gesù had both a devotional and instructional purpose. 34 Progressing toward the High Altar, the iconographic cycle instructed the worshippers much like the sermons delivered in the nave. Also aiding in this progression would be the altars, which, for the Feast of Corpus Christi, “are well-adorned on the day before, especially the high altar.” 35 The author places this direction in the “Notes on the Procession of Corpus Christi,” not “The Feast of Corpus Christi,” emphasizing that the procession past the decorated chapel altars toward the high altar is an essential part of the liturgy. The congregants would see this procession move through the principal door, up the nave, and to the main altar, reaffirming the church’s architectural progression toward the divine. Thus, the visual decorations within the church represent the author’s attempt to fuel religious fervor through the senses. Progression through the chapels and transept altars would reveal important didactic messages, as the nave connected chapels’ independent subjects with parallel religious themes. The Chapels of Peter and Paul and of St. Andrew (preaching the name of Jesus), the Nativity and Passion Chapels (Christ’s sacrifice for salvation), the Trinity and Angels’ Chapels (entry into heaven) are the three pairs of chapels which, from façade to altar, stress the progression toward God. In the transept, the altars of the Crucifix and of the Resurrection act as iconographic anchors for the Christology of the church.36 Once completed, these chapels would work together to visually instruct the congregation throughout. In addition, messages from one chapel are present in another. In the Nativity Chapel, the inscription PUSILLANIMIS CONFORTAMINI ET NOLITE TIMERE, DEUS IPSE VENIET ET SALVABIT NOS (Isaiah 35:4) makes reference to the coming of the messiah. This iconographic exegesis illuminates that the theme of Trinity Chapel is to discover God’s glory through an understanding of creation of the

34 Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque , 15. 35 Instructions and Observations , 178. “Li Altari si acconciano il di avanti molto bene, et spetialmente l’Altare maggiore.” 36 Ibid, 196

22 world and the mystery of Christ.37 The depiction of purged souls on the left wall and dome of the Angels’ Chapel reflects Purgatory as the cleansing of the soul in preparation for salvation. Placing this image in the Angels’ Chapel stresses the importance of intercessory angels, who limit the time of a soul’s purgation. 38 Also, the fresco of angels presenting meditative prayers of the saints to God reflects Tridentine understandings of saints as venerable intercessors. The combination of penance, atonement, good works, and purgation reflect the intercessory hierarchy of Christ, Mary, angels, saints, and the papacy. 39 Through scenes like the angel saving Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego from the Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar’s fiery furnace, salvation is reached through faith and prayer. This also reflects the hierarchical process of intercession. 40 And when giving directions for the sermons, the author would recognize that scriptural tales such as Nebuchadnezzar’s fiery furnace and messages of unwavering faith would guide the congregation toward repentance; seeing this image in the context of the Angels Chapel would have linked this scene to the hierarchy of salvation and the many forms which God’s grace could take. Knowing that the congregation would make the exegetical link between biblical tales of faith and the chapel dedicated to St. Andrew’s martyrdom, the author understood the iconography’s role in visualizing the self sacrifice of both martyrdom and faith in God. 41 With this foreknowledge, our author understood that the chapel progression was a participatory act through certain exercises in order to seek salvation. This visual progression would finally culminate at the High Altar, as our author often calls for its ornate decoration. And once completed, the Circumcision of Christ high altarpiece would be the culmination of the Gesù cycle, as only through the shedding of Christ’s blood could this salvation be possible. In sum, the iconography, from first chapel to high altarpiece, would visually celebrate the Christocentricity of salvation. 42 Similarly, the chapel progression toward the High Altar parallels the nature of a sermon. By progressing through the sermon, the preacher urges the congregants to move toward Christ in their hearts and minds. And the author of the sacristy manual was well aware that sermons and the chapel iconography would work symbiotically to prepare the visitor for Mass

37 Ibid, 231-234. 38 Golda Balass, “Five Hierarchies of Intercessors for Salvation: The Decoration of the Angels’ Chapel in the Gesù,” Artibus et Historiae 24: 47 (2003): 178. 39 Ibid, 190-193. 40 Ibid, 193-195; Daniel 3:1-30. 41 Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque , 235-237. 42 Gauvin Alexander Bailey, “Italian Renaissance and Baroque Painting Under the Jesuits and its Legacy Throughout Catholic Europe, 1565-1773,” in The Jesuits and the Arts , 143-149.

23 and the Eucharist. 43 Upon completion, the Gesù would visually reaffirm the triumph of Jesus through architecture, art, and liturgical décor.

5. Music As a third sensory medium, music in the Gesù was an equally important artistic expression that served to honor God. Music was central to both the singing of the Liturgy of the Hours and to the celebration of the Mass. Cynthia Caporella has explained that the Jesuits “embraced the musical tradition of the Roman Church,” and “offered ritual music at the Church of the Gesù in line with the standard, accepted practice for worship in the Roman Catholic Church.” 44 Moreover, the use of music depended upon the situation. While ornate polyphonic settings were used for particular celebrations, a new priest “does not sing the very first time he officiates it, but says his Mass as a low Mass” even though “he knows how to sing it.” 45 Being influenced by the Council of Trent’s decree on the purity of music and Ignatius’s injunction that music be used “for the purpose of attracting the people to more frequent attendance at the confessions, sermons, and lectures,” our author held music for the Mass to a higher standard. 46 While the new priest may be capable, the High Mass was important enough for a more experienced priest to conduct it. In addition to solemnity, music could simplify the liturgy, such as the use of monophonic motets, which are easily followed by a congregation. By making the experience more enjoyable and more personal, motets like “Benedicamus Domino” during the Feast of Corpus Christi gave the worshippers two windows into divine grace. The author’s emphasis on the simplicity of the motet and the presence of a Eucharistic blessing provided aural and visual stimuli for the congregation. It also reaffirmed the centrality of Christ’s sacrifice in the salvation of the faithful. 47 The author of our manual emphasized musical expression to further the sensory experience of the congregation and bring them closer to the divine message of salvation through individual participation and communion with Christ.

43 Howard Hibbard, “ Ut picturae sermones ,” 40-41. 44 Caporella, “Liturgy and Music at the Church of the Gesù,” in Instructions and Observations, ” 311-315. 45 Instructions and Observations , 255. “Se bene il Sacerdote nostro che dice la sua prima messa sà cantare non la canta per la prima volta, ma dice la sua prima Messa bassa.” 46 Ignatius Loyola, The Constitutions , 261-262. 47 Ibid, 188-189. “Finito il “Benedicamus Domino”, il celebrante benedice il Populo con la Custodia del Santissimo Sacramento tre volte;” David A. Zuschin, “Correspondences in Style Between Music and Painting of the High Renaissance in Italy.” Ph.D. diss., Kent State University, 2006, 148.

It is well understood that music also works with the visual arts, creating a more complete sensory experience. As a mode of human expression, music moves listeners through the full range of human emotion. Also, the iconographic cycle in progress would allow our author to understand how music and art worked together to trigger emotional responses once the artwork was complete. 48 The linking of a motet with a blessing, all taking place within the iconographic web of the Gesù would illuminate the graceful harmony found in the human voice and good painting. Because beauty and harmony are the main vehicles for artistic expression, harmonious compositions (whether in architecture, painting, sculpture, or music) would unify the sacred space.49 Moreover, calling for lyrical clarity and uniformity further provides the people with just one more method for worshipping Christ. Not only are interaction and interdependence important in both the visual arts and music, but the two media can symbiotically interact with one another. In several chapels, certain inscriptions from scripture make up part of important musical compositions. In the Trinity

Chapel, it is inscribed VERBO DOMINI COELI FIRMATI SUNT: ET SPIRITU ORIS EIUS VIRTUS EORUM (PS 32:6), which comes directly from the sung Mass of the second Sunday of Easter.50 Such an inscription enables the Trinity Chapel to work in unison with the music to reaffirm the message of God’s benevolence in the creation of the heaven and earth. 51 Additionally, the use of responsories as well as their depiction in art stresses the importance of motion over stasis; because emotion itself is spiritual movement, musical motion stirs emotional sensibilities. By making the audible word more forceful, our author’s call for music strengthened the iconographic scheme being completed. This allowed the art to be enjoyable, but not an ornate distraction, lest the people forget what was really important. 52 Once the artwork was complete, the comprehensive sensory experience could thus begin. Architecture also enhanced sacred music. In the twelfth-century Roman Church of San Clemente, the position of the Schola Cantorum , or physical choir, would influence liturgical music by emphasizing certain parts of the liturgy. 53 In San Clemente, the choir springs from the altar into the center of the church, allowing for musical fullness. But the Gesù is far different. The choir is in the apse, encircling the main altar. Here, the apparent musical source being the

48 David A. Zuschin, “Correspondences in Style Between Music and Painting of the High Renaissance in Italy,” 52. 49 Ibid, 140-149. 50 “By the word of God, the heavens were made: and all the host of them by the breath of his mouth.” 51 Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque , 235. 52 Miles, Image as Insight , 110-111. 53 de Blaauw, Cultus et Décor , 76-79.

High Altar aurally verifies that it is the source of salvation through Christ. Moreover, by deeming secular music depraved and impure lasciviousness, the Council of Trent declared that sacred music is the sound of heavenly harmony.54 The interrelationship between music and architecture would also benefit preaching. Caporella illuminates that the unified nave of the Gesù meant that “the congregation saw and heard more readily than before, promoting the Society’s emphasis on preaching.” 55 Whether standing in admiration of the High Altar or kneeling in front of a chapel, the senses were activated by the musical repertoire, which would more readily prepare them to hear a sermon. While the congregation remained passive in that it did not sing (that was reserved for the choir), the aural sense was actively engaged, moving the congregation toward the divine, located at the High Altar. 56 Because of the High Altar’s musical and architectural centrality, the believers would be compelled to seek salvation by progressing through the façade, up the nave and chapels, and end at the High Altar, the source of divine harmony. While the sound of the choir flooded the nave, its intensity and its visual immediacy at the High Altar conveyed that one was coming into the presence of the divine. This demands emotional, physical, and intellectual participation. 57 Musical and architectural harmony thus prevented visual overload. During the Mass, as eyes would wander around the church, admiring the art and the architecture, they would eventually be captivated by the High Altar. While gazing at the image of Christ, the choir would flood their ears with the sounds of salvific harmony, turning aesthetic admiration into emotional adoration.

6. Good Friday – A paradigm of Jesuit sensory Christology in the Gesù As the commemoration of the crucifixion and death of Christ, Good Friday is the most solemn holy day. And the stress placed on Jesus’ personal sacrifice during Good Friday would reflect the Jesuit mission grounded in piety and faith. Considering the ultimate artistic goal of the Gesù (the celebration of Christ’s name and sacrifice), this day would be especially important in the church. In this discussion of Good Friday, I want to emphasize how the liturgy would have been celebrated once all the artwork was complete. While this was not the case when Instructions and Observations was written, the author’s ultimate vision is what will be presented here. His understandings of the artwork and how it would work within the architectural space

54 The Decrees of the Council of Trent , 161. 55 Caporella, “Liturgy and Music at the Church of the Gesù,” in Instructions and Observations , 313. 56 Ibid, 313-314. 57 Smith, Sensuous Worship , 7-8.

26 have been illuminated above. Here, I will re-create the Good Friday liturgy as it would have been celebrated once the church was completed to fully demonstrate how he envisioned the application of the senses. Good Friday began at eight in the morning, when the doors would be opened for the preaching of the Passion. 58 Approaching the church for the morning Passion, the people would see the façade, as it opens to the center of Rome. 59 Upon entering, the people would see the pulpit, decorated and adorned with a cross and a lamp. They would also see a crucifix and two lit torches. 60 The congregation would hear the preaching of the Passion with the visual reminders of the cross and crucifix nearby. After the Passion, the preacher would process to the Altar of Repose, followed by the Crucifix and torches. The congregation would adore the host consecrated during the Commemoration of the Lord’s Supper (from the previous day) until the Commemoration of the Lord’s Passion, later in the afternoon.61 During the Passion and adoration, The High Altar would have been adorned very simply.62 Throughout the Passion and the following procession, worshippers would look upon the high altarpiece, Girolamo Muziano’s Circumcision , and meditate on the name of Jesus and the first moment His blood was shed. They would ponder this moment and relive the Passion in their minds, contemplating Christ’s blood as the ultimate sacrifice. After adoration, the Office of Good Friday began. On Good Friday, the Passion was sung, just “as on Sunday.” 63 The musical commemoration of Christ’s death was often polyphonic, with antiphons and responsories. The various melodies of the Passion represented tangible representations of the Gospel narrative and the tones of various Gospel scenes. These musical depictions of Jesus’ life and death were expressed musically, with low and high voices and melodies descending and ascending to stress changes in mood. 64 Similarly, antiphony, or call and response singing, is prevalent in the iconography of the Gesù, as it is depicted in the Trinity 65 Chapel. The appearance of the inscription SANCTUS DEUS/SANCTUS FORTIS/SANCTUS IMMORTALIS on both the right and left side of the chapel derives from the Good Friday Improperia, or the antiphonal remonstrance of Jesus Christ with His people. As an antiphon, it stresses dialogue and

58 Instructions and Observations , 151. 59 Ackerman, “The Gesù in the Light of Contemporary Church Design,” 26; Hager, Pilgrimage , 137. 60 Instructions and Observations , 151-152. 61 Ibid, 155. 62 Ibid, 153-154. 63 Instructions and Observations , 156. “come la Domenica.” 64 Zuschin, “Correspondences in Style,” 27-28. 65 “Holy God, Holy Strength, Holy Immortal One.”

27 multiple voices. By visually and aurally recreating the Improperia on Good Friday, this liturgy provides a dual representation of the power of Christ’s sacrifice. 66 Together, they reinforce the emphasis on the Body of Christ as the food of salvation. After the singing of the Passion and the Prayers, the Adoration of the Cross would take place. During the singing of the Prayers, a large rug was placed directly under the cupola for the Adoration. After this, both priests and laymen participated in the Adoration. 67 With the Adoration of the Cross directly under the cupola during the Office of Good Friday, the scene would be fully lit. Because of the height of Vignola’s dome, light floods the wide nave and main altar, making the side chapels inconspicuous in their darkness. 68 The nave emphasized the altar and cross, giving the worshippers a very clear indication of what they should be venerating. 69 Once the Adoration of the Cross was complete, the service would move to the Altar of Repose in formal procession with the cross and candles, singing the Improperia. 70 Following the Adoration of the Cross, the Improperia highlight the power of Christ’s sacrifice by reinforcing those lines of the Trinity Chapel, SANCTUS DEUS/SANCTUS FORTIS/SANCTUS

IMMORTALIS (Holy God, Holy Strength, Holy Immortal One). After smelling the incensing of the host, a procession “according to the rules of Holy Thursday” would bring the host to the High Altar to complete the Good Friday Liturgy. 71 The images of singing angels would once again come to mind as one partook in the same antiphons and responsories. Once returned to the High Altar, the Good Friday Office finishes “secondo la Rubrica del Messale.” 72 Upon completion of the Vespers and the Office of Tenebrae, 73 Good Friday concludes. A period of silence falls upon the Church. It will hold until Easter Vigil, the celebration of the Resurrection.

66 Instructions and Observations , 160. 67 Ibid, 157-158. 68 Fokker, “The First Baroque Church in Rome,” 238. 69 Ibid, 239; Hager, Pilgrimage , 137. 70 Instructions and Observations , 160. The Improperia mentioned here is the same that is inscribed in the Trinity Chapel that depicts the antiphony of the Good Friday Liturgy; see Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque , 235. 71 Instructions and Observations , 161-162. “con l’ordine del Giovedi s.to [santo]” 72 Ibid, 162. 73 The Office of Tenebrae is a three-day celebration from Holy Wednesday to Good Friday that commemorates the death of Christ through the slow extinguishment of candles usually accompanied by the celebration of the Hour of Matins or Lauds. Tenebrae begins with the lighting of fifteen yellow candles while a cantor sings the Office of Tenebrae. The candles are thus slowly snuffed out.

7. Conclusion After the Good Friday Liturgy, the people would have seen, heard, touched, and, ultimately, tasted the message of Christ’s death. Upon entering, the unified, austere nave had prepared them for the reception of the Eucharist. Their progression through the chapels and the nave, their views of the transept altars, and their arrival at the high altarpiece constantly reminded them of the name of Jesus. They then contemplated how He is the source of salvation. The Passion and the Improperia conveyed the message of Christ’s sacrifice and connected the iconographic theme to the aural commemoration. Finally, as the Good Friday Liturgy began below Girolamo Muziano’s Circumcision , the sensory experience was complete. While hearing that the blood of Christ was the ultimate sacrifice, the congregation saw the first time His blood was shed and the proclamation of His name. The sensory experience of the Gesù demonstrates an important Jesuit understanding about the senses. This movement and progression through the senses is the key to understanding the liturgy of the Gesù. From the beginning of the liturgy, when the congregation heard the ringing of the bells, saw the decorations of the High Altar, and smelled the myrtle and herbs, to the culminating moment when it felt and tasted the body and blood of Christ, the liturgy created a sensory progression first articulated in the writings of Ignatius and Jerome Nadal. For them, the active use of the senses in the liturgy was linked to the spiritual senses. Each sense was tied to a spiritual sense that fit within a specific hierarchy of the senses (hearing, sight, smell, touch, taste). The hierarchy began with hearing being linked to conviction of faith and ended with taste being linked to the joy of divine love. Thus, the senses were a direct path toward receiving the divine. 74 Central to the Mass, the Eucharist is the most important sacrament. Here, the Gesù was anything but exceptional. But, the Jesuit understanding of the human senses and their links to the spiritual senses make Eucharistic celebrations in the Gesù unique. Being grounded in Ignatian spirituality, our author conceived of the sense of taste as the loftiest of the senses. As one tastes the body and blood of Christ, they are filled with the joy of Christ’s love. As Jerome Nadal declared in De La Oratión, Specialmente para Los de la Compagnía , one must progress through the senses in this hierarchical order to receive Christ’s love. Thus, our author knew how the liturgy fostered the congregation’s ability to hear the Word, see the Gospel scene, smell the

74 Bangert and McGoog, Jerome Nadal , 155-157; see also Jerome Nadal, “De La Oratión, Specialmente para Los de la Compagnía,” Mon Nad IV: 672-681.

29 incense and burning candles, touch and taste the flavor of divine love. This was our author’s goal: While this was not how the liturgy was celebrated in 1584, our author envisioned a liturgical experience that allowed the congregation to progress through the hierarchy of the senses and rejoice in God’s love.

Chapter Two: The Spiritual Exercises , Nadal’s Adnotationes , and the Liturgy in the Gesù “Then an incomparable delight and the power of My Name, JESUS, will flood your hearts, and I will be your eternal life and salvation. AMEN.” – Jerome Nadal, S.J., Annotations and Meditations on the Gospels

As we have seen, the descriptions of the Gesù’s liturgical celebrations and the devotional tools available created an environment conducive to sense worship. Surely, the liturgical manual’s writer participated in this activity. The more important issue, however, is where this unnamed Jesuit learned these practices. He would have participated in certain devotional activities and used specific spiritual tools that were the products of Ignatian spirituality. The main sources of his spirituality would have been The Spiritual Exercises , Ignatius’s manual of penitence, meditation and prayer. The legacy of the Exercises is well known in how it reflects a universally Catholic yet uniquely Ignatian approach to the Gospels. The second and almost equally famous text is fellow-Jesuit Jerome Nadal’s Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia , a set of 153 etchings of Gospel scenes with corresponding readings and meditations. Nadal’s magnum opus assists the Exercises , giving visual representations of the scenes to be meditated upon. Because Ignatius explained that “under the name of Spiritual Exercises is understood every method of examination of conscience, of meditation, of contemplation, of vocal and mental prayer, and of other spiritual operations,” Nadal’s images were crucial tools. 1 Together, these two works shaped our author’s spirituality. Thus, the liturgical life of the Gesù reflected an Ignatian piety central to these two foundational texts. The earliest date of the Exercises is unknown. It is most likely that he wrote it some time before 1545, as a Latin version received Pope Paul III’s approval on 31 July 1548 in the decree Pastoralis oficii cura .2 Originally written in Spanish, the Exercises is a four-week, thirty-day spiritual journey of contemplation and prayer. One does not simply read the Exercises ; rather, the text guides the exercitant, as a Jesuit advisor notes progression and dedication throughout. The first week begins with meditations on sin, penance, Hell, and the Kingdom of Christ. The second week entails mediations on scenes of the early life of Christ, from the Incarnation to Palm Sunday. Week three examines the Passion and death of Christ. Week four emphasizes Christ’s appearance to Mary after the Resurrection and the whole of the Gospel message. Throughout, the

1 Ignatius Loyola. The Spiritual Exercises , 1. 2 Ibid, v.

Exercises pushes the exercitant to “apply the five senses,” situating the self within the scene. This allowed for composition of place, enhancing devotion. The Exercises thus reflected Ignatius’s own understanding of the role of the senses in meditative prayer. Similarly, the Adnotationes provides a sturdy framework for meditation of the Gospels. Commissioned by Ignatius, Nadal’s work was first published in Antwerp in 1595 by the Wiericx brothers. Given that Ignatius’s death was in 1556, Nadal wrote the text between 1568 and 1576, and Nadal and Everard Mercurian, the Superior General, discussed the project in 1573, the project was concurrent with the construction of the Gesù.3 The Jesuit Giovanni Battista Fiammeri, who would later direct the iconographic scheme of the Gesù, even completed a handful of images for the Adnotationes . These images were ultimately rejected in favor of Bernardino Passeri’s etchings from around 1580, which developed into the sources for Jerome Wiericx’s 1595 edition of the Adnotationes .4 By the 1580s, the images for the Adnotationes were well known. Many Jesuit frescos in the colleges and churches and devotional images handed out in churches reflected the format of the Adnotationes .5 This suggests that the Jesuit community in Rome recognized them as important religious tools prior to their publication. The success of these images relies on the use of previous artistic styles which are easily understandable and of good quality. Nadal’s images allow the exercitant to focus on the meditation and the images from the Adnotationes to ingrain the Gospel passage into memory.6 As one contemplates the images, one would use all the senses. And while Ignatius and Nadal knew how images triggered the sense of sight, they both encouraged the viewer to contemplate the “momentary silence of the place,” to imagine the smell of the manger, to taste the bread and wine.7 As Nadal explained in his introduction, the passages follow the liturgical year, linking the senses to the liturgical calendar. By relating the images to the centrality of the Gospel in the liturgy, Jerome Nadal’s Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia facilitated one’s ability to approach both the Exercises and the liturgy through the senses. These two works thus gave the devotee a comprehensive, organized, and structured conduit which could best augment meditative and spiritual emotions. The process of self-

3 Thomas Buser, “Jerome Nadal and Early Jesuit Art in Rome,” The Art Bulletin 58: 3 (Sept. 1976): 424; Walter S. Melion, “The Art of Vision in Jerome Nadal’s Adnotationes Et Meditationes in Evangelia ,” in Annotations and Meditations on the Gospels , Jerome Nadal, S.J., edited and translated by Frederick A Homann, S.J., with and introductory study by Walter S. Melion (Philadelphia: Saint Joseph’s University Press, 2003), 1-3. 4 Melion, “The Art of Vision,” 3; Thomas Buser, “Jerome Nadal and Early Jesuit Art in Rome,” 425. 5 Buser, “Jerome Nadal and Early Jesuit Art in Rome,” 433. 6 Smith, Sensuous Worship , 42-44. 7 Ibid, 40.

32 examination and recognition of God’s presence in all things come through the contemplation of the Gospel scene as presented in the two texts. The main objective was to imagine the place and context of the scene through the five senses. Also, both texts stress using one sense to enhance another. 8 God’s omnipresence thus harmonizes the senses. This sensory engagement prevalent throughout both texts leads to a knowledge of and union with God. Consequently, this brand of Ignatian spirituality had a significant impact on the crafting of Instructions and Observations . I will try to analyze this influence in three key areas. One is Marian devotion in the liturgy of the Gesù. Secondly, the Palm Sunday liturgy illuminates how Jesuit meditative practices emphasize the transposition of the Gospel scene from text to liturgy. Lastly, the Feast of the Circumcision will illuminate the overt Christocentrism of the Society of Jesus and how that devotion carried over from the works of Ignatius and Nadal to the Gesù.

1. Marian devotion from Ignatius and Nadal to the Gesù Because a vision of Mary holding the infant Christ gave Ignatius “a very extraordinary consolation,” Mary played a central role in the development of Jesuit spirituality. 9 She was further celebrated in the Exercises , as Ignatius ordered the exercitant to meditate on scenes such as the Annunciation. 10 Ignatius’ emphasis on Gabriel’s salutation of Mary suggests both her importance in the conception of Christ and her intercessory powers on behalf of humanity. Jesuit devotional images of Mary as the Regina Coeli (queen of heaven) illustrate her importance as the vera Mater Regis regum (true Mother of the King of kings) who links humanity to Christ. 11 Similarly, several of Nadal’s etchings aid in the veneration of Mary and serve as tools in facilitating her intercession. In Nadal’s version of the Annunciation, the descriptions of the image convey a narrative of events. Gabriel appears twice, first coming to Nazareth from God, who just declared the Incarnation of Christ, and second with Mary, explaining that “God is made man, and Mary the Mother of God.” The image also urges admiration of Mary, as she devoutly pours over the Bible. In the same image, off in the distance, Christ is seen crucified. As the seventh description for this image suggests, “on the same day, Christ dies so that man who is lost may be created anew.” Here, one contemplates Mary’s role as the mother of God. Also present is the image of “The

8 Ignatius Loyola. The Spiritual Exercises , 40-41. 9 Ignatius Loyola, “Reminiscences,” in Personal Writings , 16. 10 Ignatius Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises , 83. 11 Golda Balass, “Five Hierarchies of Intercessors for Salvation,” 186; see also Roberto Bellarmino, Opera Omnia, volume 4 (Naples: C. Pedone Lauriel, 1857-72), 664.

33 creation of the world, on which day God became man,” suggesting that from the beginning, God knew He would sacrifice His son for the sins of humanity. 12 Nadal personalizes the scene by explaining that the house of the Annunciation is now “in the village of Loreto near Racinata in the region of Piceno.” 13 The Jesuit Orazio Torsellini used the Ignatian practice of applicatio sensuum found in the Exercises when he lived and worked at the Santa Casa di Loreto. He drew on this proximity and tangibility of the Virgin Annunciate to facilitate meditation. 14 Confronted with an immediate view of what was believed to be the very house of Mary, they would see “the Virgin’s slender resources and poverty” and understand how she accepted her fate as the mother of God. 15 Seeing her devotion, one would submit to God and accept the sacrifice of Christ. As the means through which Christ would be born, Mary was the epitome of self sacrifice in the name of faith, which is a fundamental tenet of Ignatian understandings of salvation. The liturgical practices of Holy Week in the Gesù stress this dual understanding of the role of the Virgin Mary as both the mother of God and as intercessor of humanity. On the notes for Holy Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, the author explains that if the Feast of the Annunciation falls on either of these days, then both the Mass and Passion are to be sung, as are Vespers and Compline. 16 Since this musical celebration should only occur if the Feast of the Annunciation be during Holy Week, it is clear that the author of Instructions and Observations understood that music would stimulate Marian veneration. And since song was usually reserved for special occasions, such as High Masses, Palm Sunday, and Good Friday, the kindling of the soul through music during Marian devotion would leave one to view her as the most saintly of the saints and worthy of such celebration. Similarly, the celebration of the Nativity also reflects Jesuit Marian devotion. In the Exercises , Ignatius orders that one “see the persons with the eyes… hear what they are saying… smell and taste the infinite sweetness… feel with the touch” so that they feel the immediacy of the Nativity through personal immersion. 17 Moreover, Nadal emphasized the centrality of Mary, instructing the exercitant to imagine how “He cries and reaches out for His mother,” who “moves to wrap the shivering Child in the swaddling clothes

12 Nadal, Annotations , Volume I, 103-105. 13 Ibid, 107. 14 Paul V. Murphy, “The Jesuits and the Santa Casa di Loreto: Orazio Torsellini’s Lauretanae historiae libri quinque ” in Spirit Style Story: Essays Honoring John W. Padberg, S.J., edited by Thomas Lucas, S.J. (Chicago: Loyola Press, 2002), 276-277. 15 Nadal, Annotations, Volume I, 107. 16 Instructions and Observations , 134-136. 17 . Ignatius Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises , 40-41.

34 she made, and nourishes Him.” Aegidius Sadeler’s Nativity , originally in the Nativity Chapel in the Gesù focuses on Mary, as she lovingly prepares to wrap the infant Christ in the swaddling cloth. Mary not only nurtures Christ, but symbolically nurtures those presenting their prayers of petition to her. 18 While the painting was not completed until after Instructions and Observations was written in 1584, the author of the manual would have had a clear understanding of how that chapel altarpiece would have eventually looked. As both Nadal’s and Sadeler’s images have angels that “adore the Child born of the Virgin, their King and Lord, singing to Him celestial hymns of praise,” the integration of song into these two images emphasizes the importance of music as a higher form of laudation. 19 The adoring angels in both Nativity scenes hold banners emblazoned with “Glory to God in the Highest.” They both celebrate the power of God, who by His Word has sent the angel Gabriel to impregnate Mary with His son. 20 Additionally, both depict angels entering the space of the manger itself. This fictive ambiguity of space allows the devotees to imagine themselves in the presence of God as well. 21 Keeping Nadal’s image in mind, the celebration brought the immediacy of angelic harmony into the Gesù. As the Christmas Mass “is sung, and when the Gloria in excelsis Deo begins, the bells are rung,” the congregation would be aurally stimulated by the words emblazoned on the banner of the angels. 22 While the nave would be flooded with the musical praises of Jesus, the singing of the Ave Maria at noon would reinforce Mary’s importance as the mother of God. 23 Sense worship in Marian devotion was thus deeply rooted in the writings and spirituality of Ignatius and Jerome Nadal. Yet, Marian devotion is not uniquely Jesuit. In conformity with the Tridentine Church, the Jesuits maintained the Church’s intercessory hierarchy that begins with Christ, moved to Mary, the angels, the saints, and then the pope.24 This is the Tridentine Catholic notion of salvation. The unique “Jesuitness” of the Jesuit Marian cult lies in the deeply emotional veneration of Mary through the senses.

18 Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque, plate 86. 19 Nadal, Annotations , Volume I, 130. 20 Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque, plate 86; 20 Nadal, Annotations , Volume I, 130. In Nadal’s image, the banner reads “GLORIA IN ALTISSIMIS DEO,” whereas Sadeler’s reads “GLORIA IN EXCELSIS DEO.” despite this minor difference, they both are similarly translated to “Glory to God on Most High” or “Glory to God in the Highest.” 21 Bailey, Between Renaissance and Baroque , 257. 22 Instructions and Observations , 201. “si canta la Messa, et quando s’incomincia il (Gloria in excelsis Deo) si suonano le campane.” 23 Ibid, 204. 24 Golda Balass, “Five Hierarchies of Intercessors for Salvation,” 192-193.

2. Nadal’s images and the composition of place in the Palm Sunday liturgy In the second week of the Exercises , Ignatius calls for “the contemplation on the events of Palm Sunday” through the senses. 25 Palm Sunday marks the beginning of Holy Week, which leads up to the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ. Thus, His entry into the city alludes to both His impending death on the cross and the triumphant glory of the Resurrection. In the contemplation for this event, the exercitant would see Christ’s entry into Jerusalem as the prelude to the Passion, which would be the focus of Week Three of The Exercises . While the Exercises calls for the contemplation of these events, without further elaboration, the Adnotationes provides descriptions of objects within the image. In the image “Christ comes to look out over Jerusalem,” the third description, “Multitudo civitatis parat ramos et palmas,” allows the viewer to connect the throng of people leaving Jerusalem with the palm-bearing crowd coming to greet Christ. Placing oneself into images such as the “Solemn Entry into the City,” one should imagine the sound of a crowd leaving the city and approaching Christ; the smell of the palms, the Mount of Olives, and the Garden of Gethsemane; and the image of a triumphal parade entering Jerusalem. These etchings facilitate the contemplation of the events. Here, Jerusalem could be any city, allowing devotees to put experience the event as if present themselves. Also, these images control the tempo and direction of the Gospel experience.26 And since the liturgical calendar is a year-long celebration of the narrative of the Gospels, Nadal’s images have liturgical equivalents. Consequently, the liturgical celebrations would not be commemorations, but reenactments of events depicted in the Adnotationes . Given these parallelisms, the spiritual practices proposed in the Exercises and the Adnotationes directly informed the experience of the liturgy. With knowledge of Nadal’s images and meditations, our author may have influenced by them as he wrote Instructions and Observations . While originating from the late-medieval period, Palm Sunday reenactments in the Gesù were influenced by Ignatius and Nadal’s push for self immersion through images. This forced the viewer to contemplate the occurrence of these scenes. During the procession, our author would have wanted the congregation to use these skills to search for a closer relationship with Christ. In that process, Christ is visible not solely in the image or in the reenactment. He is also present in us and in all matters of the world accessible to

25 Ignatius Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises , 51. 26 Smith, Sensuous Worship , 46.

36 our senses. 27 Therefore, there are numerous efforts on the part of the Jesuits to reenact important events in utmost fidelity to the biblical story. The manual’s directives demonstrate the Jesuits’ strong desire to use the church as the triumphal entry into Jerusalem. While processions are “done in conformance with the rubric of the Missal,” it is also clear that the celebration in the Gesù reflected how the Gesù could serve as a proxy for Jerusalem on Palm Sunday. Just as Ignatius directs one to contemplate the scene so that “it will appear that he will gain more fruit,” the manual’s writer wanted to ensure that the Palm Sunday liturgy would provide the appropriate spiritual fruits. 28 When the procession makes its way through the main door and up the nave “with lit candles and with the Cross covered in the middle with a violet veil,” the celebration of Jesus’ arrival foreshadows His Passion. 29 The cross veiled in purple signifies Christ’s death on the cross. The passion is centralized (and thus, the figure of the Salvific Jesus) in the procession, making the link between the start of Holy Week and the Passion and Resurrection of Christ. And since Nadal’s images relied heavily on the Gospel narrative, the Holy Week liturgy promoted this. On Holy Thursday, when the priest would sing the Mass of the Lord’s Supper, the story of the Last Supper read during the Palm Sunday Passion would thus come to life. 30 The allusion to the Passion, in the form of bread and wine, would continue the story of the Passion begun by the purple-veiled cross. The Exercises and Adnotationes influenced this continual narrative through liturgical celebrations, which stressed personalization of the scene and the ability to link one scene to another in an attempt to come to know God. Also, directives like “the candles are not extinguished when the Passion is sung, nor when the Passion is said in the private Masses” link the Palm Sunday procession with the intonation of the Passion. 31 By connecting these messages through song and light, the liturgy facilitates sense application that is tantamount to both the Exercises and Adnotationes . Our author’s use of the senses to create the immediacy of the Gospels for the worshippers in the liturgical setting achieves the same goal of the two foundational works.32 More importantly, this celebration furthers Ignatian composition of place. Both The Spiritual Exercises and

27 Melion, “The Art of Vision,” 86-87. 28 Ignatius Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises , 68. 29 Instructions and Observations , 131-132. “con le due candele accese et con la Croce in mezzo coperta con un velo pavonazzo.” 30 Smith, Sensuous Worship , 44; Instructions and Observations , 139. 31 Ibid, 133-134. “Le candele non si smorzano quando si canta il Passiol ne quando si dice il Passio nelle Messe private.” 32 Smith, Sensuous Worship , 36.

Adnotationes stress not an attempt to imagine how the Holy Land would look at the time of Christ, but as a non-descript location that could be amended based on the exercitant’s taste. Nadal’s images are ahistorical; they look more like sixteenth-century Italy than first-century Jerusalem, thus personalizing the scene. This concentrated visual devotion emphasizes to the spiritual message of the image, not the image’s form. 33 Similarly, the Palm Sunday procession recreates events ahistorically. During the commemoration of Attollite Portas (Christ’s descent into Limbo and Hell after His death), the procession entering the church illustrates how the liturgy abandons a chronological pattern in favor of a contemplative, mystical re-creation of a sequence of events. 34 As Christ’s descent occurred five days after His entry into Jerusalem, attempts to chronologically rationalize its commemoration on Palm Sunday would falter. The prevalence of Nadal’s images among the Jesuits allowed them to foster the “composition of place” in the liturgical structure of the Gesù. Moreover, the compositional similarities found in Nadal’s images would subconsciously influence the linking of multiple events that are seemingly unrelated or are not chronologically sequenced. In both images, the centrality of Christ is indicative of his role as the Messiah. But the non-descript landscape and the almost typecast, uniform depiction of figures could indicate why the liturgical manual’s emphasis on seemingly minute details like “the Priest is vested as when he sings a Mass, except that he does not wear the chasuble nor the maniple” are actually quite important. These directives stress Nadal’s belief that one should focus on how the symbols recreate the Gospel scene allegorically rather than realistically.35 Such minuscule directions reflect not the author’s attention to detail, but rather an effort to create a “true extension of Ignatius’s views on the relation between liturgical and meditative prayer.” By vesting in a specific way, the priest visually separates himself from the congregation. The author simultaneously makes it clear that this separation has little to do with the composition of the processional image and more with the priest’s role in the liturgy. 36 The Palm Sunday liturgy suggests that the Gesù functioned as the non-descript landscape. When he directs that “the olive branches are to be procured enough in advance in order to be blessed,” the manual’s author ensures that the symbols of the event are

33 Bailey, “Jesuit Art Patronage Before 1580,” The Mercurian Project , 763-765. 34 Instructions and Observations , 131-132. 35 Ibid, 128. “il Sacerdote và parato come quando và à cantar la Messa, eccetto che non porta pianeta, ne manipolo.” 36 Walter S. Melion, “ Ex libera meditatione : Visualizing the Sacrificial Christ in Jeronimo Nadal’s Annotations and Meditations on the Gospels ,” in The Passion Story: From Visual Representation to Social Drama , edited by Marcia Kupfer (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008), 93; W. Jardine Grisbrooke, “Vestments,” in The Study of Liturgy , 545-546.

38 ready for the celebration. 37 He adds that “three music stands are prepared with violet cloths at the side of the Gospel, for those who sing the Passion,” thus reaffirming that the High Altar represents the Solemn Procession arriving at Jerusalem, Christ’s place of death. 38 By reenacting the Solemn Procession within the Gesù, the church is reified as both Jerusalem and the path to salvation. The congregation imagines the procession not as commemoration alone, but as a vivid illustration of the process toward the salvation of man. While these directives indicate the Catholicity of the procession, we also get a unique view of the Gesù. While processions on Palm Sunday were the norm in the Tridentine Church, the unique setting of the Gesù discussed in the previous chapter had an important impact on the Palm Sunday Liturgy. Because the nave is so separate from the chapels, the procession would have been centralized (even exaggerated), much as Christ upon the ass projects out of the throng of palms and obscure faces in Nadal’s etchings. Passing each chapel, the procession would implore the congregation to recall the iconographic cycle and the importance of individual salvation through Christ. Then, the contemplation of the chapel images in conjunction with the Palm Sunday liturgy would allow for the meditation of Christ’s sacrifice. This linked meditative prayer and liturgy that Ignatius and Nadal saw as central to Jesuit spirituality. 39

3. The Circumcision and Jesuit Christocentrism It is no surprise that the life and death of Jesus dominated the iconography and the liturgical celebrations of the Gesù and the Gospel images found in Nadal’s Adnotationes . The uniqueness lies in how certain aspects of these images that celebrate Christ’s life and death illuminate specifically Jesuit ideals about the centrality of Christ. Throughout the Exercises , Ignatius reminds the exercitant to keep in mind Christ’s ultimate sacrifice for humanity. Keeping this narrative alive in one’s heart, one would recognize the importance of each event as a step toward the culmination of Christ’s purpose on earth, namely death so that man may have eternal life. Commemoration of the Circumcision of Christ would serve this very function. For the Society, the Feast of the Circumcision is important because it is the moment at which the name “Jesus” is first pronounced. This name was fundamental for the Jesuits, as the order adopted it as

37 Instructions and Observations , 127. “Si provede per tempo di rami di olive per benedire.” 38 Ibid, 127. “Si preparano al lato dell’Evangelio tre Leggii con i suoi panni pavonazzi per quelli che cantano il Passio.” 39 Melion, “ Ex libera meditatione ,” 93, 105.

39 its own and began building numerous churches named the Gesù, such as in Naples in 1568. 40 This Christocentric nomenclature was quite “shocking at the time,” as the perceived militarism of Jesuits, willing to “give our blood for this name,” was not always well received. Some, such as Pope Sixtus V even wanted to change the name of the Society. 41 Despite this opposition, the name did not change and the mother church remained La Chiesa del Santissimo Nome di Gesù , The Church of the Most Holy Name of Jesus. The high altarpiece, while not completed until the 1590s, was to serve as the focal point for the celebration of Jesus. Since Girolamo Muziano’s high altarpiece is compositionally similar to the “Circumcision” from the Adnotationes , it is fair to say that our author would have had a good idea of what form that altarpiece would take. Both images focused on the infant Christ and the depiction of the blade drawing blood as a clear foreshadowing of His later sacrifice. Meanwhile, Mary serenely gazes upon the knife with her hand over her bosom. Contemplating this scene, Nadal’s annotation asks, “Why infant JESUS, God, do You shed Your blood in this agony, when Your hour has not yet come?” The response explains that “The grace of My circumcision will strengthen you, so that participating in My name, you will be ready for My salvation, and share in My nature.” 42 By seeing His blood and hearing His agonizing cries, one comes to understand the scene’s gravity. Also important is the emphasis placed on the name of Jesus. Nadal’s image depicts a cross floating above the letters IHS. This Christogram has been understood to be a Latinized version of IHΣOYΣ, the Greek form of the name Jesus. It was also later interpreted as an abbreviation of Jesus, Savior of man (Iesus Hominum Salvator). Regardless, its placement in the Society’s official seal in 1541 rendered it a Jesuit symbol. 43 As a prominent symbol in the Gesù, including at the high altar, it served as a visual reminder of the church’s namesake. Seeing its prevalence in Jesuit iconography, the manual’s author would have linked Nadal’s image of the Circumcision with the space of the Gesù. And since Muziano began his panel in 1587, only three years after the writing of Instructions and Observations , it is quite possible that the author would have known Muziano’s plans for the painting or perhaps even saw a cartoon of the image. Additionally, while the IHS Christogram is not present in Muziano’s image, On the Feast of the Circumcision, the name of Jesus would be visible at the main door and “the name of Jesus

40 Hibbard, “ Ut picturae sermones ,” 32-33. 41 Ibid, 32. 42 Nadal, Annotations , Volume I, 148. 43 "IHS," Oxford English Dictionary , 2 nd edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).

40 is placed on the smaller doors.” 44 The author of the sacristy manual also ordered that “the altars be decorated with the best that is available in the Sacristy, and the most is at the main altar” not only because the main altar would be the place where Muziano’s painting would eventually be, but because it would be the representative location of the act of circumcision. 45 The manual did this to aid the congregation in imagining the scene and understanding its importance for salvation. Our Jesuit understood that the visual linking of the name of Jesus to this image honored both Christ and the Gesù. He would have been reminded of Nadal’s image and would want the worshippers to partake in the commemoration Christ’s first shedding of blood. He also made the connection between Christ’s first drops of blood and His last breath on earth, for “after lunch the reliquary of wood of the Holy Cross, born by two silver angels, is put on the altar of Crucifix.” 46 The presentation of the True Cross was visual stimulus for the meditation on Nadal’s message in the Adnotationes that “They know it is God’s blood, and His foreskin the price of our eternal salvation.” 47 In short, the links between Jesus’ name, the Circumcision, and His death on the cross traced an emotional narrative grounded in both the Exercises and the Adnotationes . For our author, the composition of place through sense application allows for presenting oneself at the name of Christ and for commemorating the Circumcision as the foreshadowing of His role in the salvation of man. And taking place within The Church of the Most Holy Name of Jesus, this feast engendered the prayer of the senses. As one weightily contemplated how Mary wept at the sight of His blood, one would link the temple to the cross, and understand the symbolism His blood has for salvation.

4. Conclusion Nadal’s images played an important role in Jesuit spiritual identity by enabling sense application in both meditative and liturgical forms. Their influence in the early years of the Gesù is indisputable; the Adnotationes may even have been the direct source for Gaspare Celio’s “Christ Nailed to the Cross” (1596-7) in the Passion Chapel.48 If Nadal’s images influenced the iconography of the Gesù, they likely impacted the liturgy in the Gesù. While not published until 1595, the circulation of Nadal’s etchings prior to his death in 1580 influenced Jesuit devotion

44 Instructions and Observations , 109. “nelle porte piccolo si mette un nome di Giesù.” 45 Ibid, 109. “Si acconciano gl’Altari del meglio che ci è in Sacristia, et Massime l’Altar maggiore.” 46 Ibid, 113. “Doppò pranso si mette il Reliquario del legno della Santissima Croce sostentato da due Angeli d’argento all’Altare del Crucifisso.” 47 Nadal, Annotations , Volume I, 145. 48 Thomas Buser, “Jerome Nadal and Early Jesuit Art in Rome,” 424-427.

41 and liturgy. Relying on the sixth chapter of Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, Jerome Nadal explained that one must not simply see an image, but experience it spiritually, using the external senses so that “we might share the common cause with Christ.”49 Reaching Christ through the senses had important effects on the Gesù. While the Gesù’s liturgy was uniformly Catholic, it would nevertheless be influenced by Ignatian views of the senses. Moreover, the use of devotional tools such as the Exercises and the Adnotationes would prepare one for a more heartfelt liturgy. In commemorating Gospel scenes that speak directly to Ignatius’s own personal spirituality, the liturgy within the Gesù was a unique combination of orthodox Tridentine rubricism and Jesuit sense worship. This combination of uniformity and innovation would require a system of spiritual formation within the Society. It is to this educational system that we now turn.

49 Melion, “Ex libera meditatione,” 105.

Chapter Three: The Jesuit Collegio and the Gesù: Educating the Senses “…one of the leading ministries of our Society is teaching our neighbors all the disciplines in keeping with our Institute in such a way that they are thereby aroused to a knowledge and love of our Maker and Redeemer…” - Ratio Studiorum (1599) 1

The construction of the Gesù, its chapel decorations, and its future liturgical celebrations reflect the role of liturgy in Ignatian spiritual development. As the previous chapter illuminates, the Exercises and Adnotationes taught our author to emphasize sense application. Similarly, Jesuit college education does not stray far from the Ignatius and Nadal’s conceptualizations of sense perception. These colleges developed into schools and universities that trained both the laity and future Jesuits. In these schools, Jesuit spiritual formation began, as students would first encounter the nexus of faith and reason, which often met in the application of the senses. From the colleges, these priests would then move into the liturgy. In churches such as the Gesù, they would use this training to educate the congregation through the senses. In this chapter, I examine two important media, preaching and liturgical music, to demonstrate how Jesuit education transferred sense application into the sanctuary of the church.

1. The origins of Jesuit colleges In its first tumultuous decade, the Jesuits had not yet developed a true sense of purpose, aside from “helping souls.” Around the same time they began to acquire churches, approximately 1545, they also began to open colleges, which were just groups of Jesuits living in communion. With papal approval, they often lectured at local universities. However, it soon became clear that the Italian university model did not fit well with Ignatius’s pedagogical views. Ignatius felt that the humanist model inhibited quick progression for advanced students, unlike the Parisian scholastic model under which he was trained. He pushed for Jesuits-conducted drills and lectures on the Parisian model for other Jesuits within the college. These extra sessions were originally supplemental; they were not designed to replace the university lectures. 2 For most of the 1540s, Jesuits attended universities while supplementing the lectures within the Jesuit colleges.

1 The Ratio Studiorum, edited and translated by Claude Pavur, S.J. (St. Louis, MO: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2005), 7. 2 O’Malley , First Jesuits , 202-203.

In December of 1547, this changed. The viceroy of Sicily, Juan de Vega, asked Ignatius to send five Jesuits to provide courses in theology, cases of conscience, classics, rhetoric and grammar for the sons of Messina nobles. Ignatius sent ten scholastics, including Jerome Nadal as the superior of the Messina school, whose enthusiasm for the Messina College all but ensured its success. In a December 1548 letter to Ignatius, Nadal expressed that “we have the very great opportunity to strive to be most useful instruments” in the spiritual advancement of Messina’s people. 3 Nadal’s performance as superior in Messina pleased Ignatius, as the two shared a very strong educational and devotional affinity. 4 This was apparent throughout much of 1549, as Nadal constantly wrote to Ignatius to stress the importance of uniformity and his desire to keep Ignatius up to speed on developments. 5 When a Messina priest donated an entire library to the college, Nadal lauded him to Ignatius, saying that this priest was “de mucha reputación en letras.” 6 In the same letter, Nadal expressed that the strong support of the city of Messina allowed the college to thrive, as he reported that the Jesuits had been well received by the people for improving their spiritual lives. 7 Seeing their success in Messina, Jesuits soon established schools in numerous other cities, from Germany to Portugal. By 1551, Jesuits were opening an average of four schools per year. 8 Some schools had as many as three hundred twenty students. At the colleges in Germany, even Protestants were admitted, as the Jesuits saw this as an opportunity for conversion. 9 By the suppression of the Society in 1773, nearly eight hundred Jesuit colleges dotted the globe in what was the single largest educational network in the world. This network of colleges would foster a liturgy that reflects Ignatian pedagogy.

2. Ignatius, Jerome Nadal, and sense perception in Jesuit education Ignatius held the university education in high regard. His scholastic background influenced his desire to create an educating order. The Constitutions illuminates that colleges and schools are motives of charity which would create good Christians willing and able “to teach with authority elsewhere what they have learned well in these universities of the Society for the

3 “Jerome Nadal to Ignatius, 18 December 1548,” Epistolae et Monumenta P. Hieronymi Nadal, Tomus I (Roma: Matriti, Typis Augustini Avrial, 1902), 55. “Habbiamo grandissima occasione di sforzarci ad essere instrumenti suoi non inutili.” (hereafter, Mon Nad, I:55). 4 Bangert and McGoog, Jerome Nadal , 61. 5 “Nadal to Ignatius, 1 July 1549,” Mon Nad, I: 61-63. 6 Ibid, I: 70. 7 Ibid, I: 70-71. 8 O’Malley, First Jesuits , 200. 9 Ibid, 207.

44 glory to God our Lord.” 10 In other writings, Ignatius submitted that education was the cornerstone of a solid Christian identity. He explained to the fathers and brothers at the school in Coimbra, Portugal, that education is personal growth designed for the ultimate goal of helping the souls of others. The combination of Italian humanism, spiritual education, and scholasticism in Jesuit curricula created a unique educational program which served “God’s honor and glory in many ways.” 11 In addition to the spiritual aspects of education, Ignatius also had distinct pedagogical views. Trained in Scholasticism, the modus parisiensis became the basis of Ignatian pedagogy. It emphasized increased difficulty over time and a strict educational plan. Beginning with the humane letters (Latin and Greek; Hebrew for advanced students), it then moved on to philosophy, and theology only after the first two subjects had been mastered. Jesuit schools first trained all students in classical humanism, logic, and philosophy. The classics fostered good morals and prepare students to understand how to be good Christians; philosophy and logic laid the groundwork for theological arguments. Therefore, unless trained in the humanities and philosophy, students did move forward onto theology. 12 Scholasticism’s most important influence on Jesuit education, however, was Aristotelian concepts of cognition, especially those found in De anima . Here, Aristotle explains that human cognition must begin with the senses and proceed inward toward the intellect. Understanding (the acquisition of knowledge) starts with the external senses (vision, audition, etc), proceeds to the internal senses (memory, imagination), and finally culminates in intellect, or the knowledge of a fact or idea. 13 While one passively receives through the senses, one must actively perceive, thus blurring the lines between the senses and the intellect. Here, one’s cognition proceeds purely through the senses. Jesuit commentaries on De anima suggest that Aristotelian cognition impacted Jesuit pedagogy by driving the directors of Jesuit schools to emphasize sense perception as an educational tool. 14 These commentaries’ understanding of knowledge as sense perception also reflects Ignatius’s urging sense engagement in the Exercises. His famous directive, “apply the five senses,” is an Aristotelian notion of how the senses work. The commentaries also discuss the reception of forms without their matter, such as with devotional

10 Ignatius Loyola, The Constitutions , 210. 11 “To the Fathers and Brothers studying at Coimbra, 7 may 1547,” in Counsels for the Jesuits , 21-23. 12 “To Jean Pelletier, 13 June 1551,” Counsels for the Jesuits , 48-53; “To Father Claude Lay – 8 Aug 1551,” Counsels for the Jesuits , 53-57. 13 Simmons, “Jesuit Aristotelian Education,” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts , 527. 14 Ibid, 528.

45 images. They suggest that as copies of the object being perceived are embedded in the mind, they are real in that the mind perceives them, but less complete than the object itself. The images become ingrained in the mind of the viewer, actually existing in the sense organs and thus, becoming part of the individual’s intellect. 15 This pedagogical view suggests that as we perceive the divine, not only do we accept its image into our memory but we are imbued with the presence of the divine through the senses. When considering Nadal’s Adnotationes , as we gaze upon the crucified Christ at the moment He gives up His spirit, more than an image enters the mind; the mind is actually filled with the divinity and solemnity of the moment. Jesuit Aristotelianism also allows for images to be perceived by multiple senses. The Adnotationes and the Exercises hence worked together to promote both the narratio and the probatio of particular events. The composition of place through sense application (external sense) creates a pictorial rhetoric that nourishes memory (one of the internal senses), and thus fosters the acquisition of knowledge (intellect) of the divine. 16 As the senses work to transform mute images into pictures of the spoken word, the message of Christ is infused into the intellect of the worshippers. Nadal’s Adnotationes had a dramatic impact on Jesuit colleges for this reason. While surely Nadal’s work reflects the Council of Trent’s support for the use of sacred images in devotion, Adnotationes reflects the Jesuit Aristotelian understanding images as educational tools. Jesuit sense education was also grounded in Cinquecento Roman culture. Classical Latin eloquence became an important part of humanist culture during the Renaissance. Since the major patron of these scholars in Rome was the papacy, Latin eloquence was employed in the service of God. The high quality of Latin sermons produced in the milieu of the Renaissance papacy led to Counter Reformation preaching. 17 This period in Roman rhetorical history was a continuation of the long-standing Latin rhetorical tradition that stretches back to antiquity. Yet, Jesuits did not view ciceronian rhetoric and Aristotelian principles solely as continuations of a past style; it was the extension of sense application in Jesuit spirituality. Accordingly, one of the preacher’s main goals is push the worshippers toward virtue. In the Exercises , Ignatius explains that the reflection of a Gospel scene, which was usually the subject of Jesuit sermons, causes one to reflect upon one’s lifestyle. From this, one is driven to virtue. This virtuous action is, according to Ignatius, a

15 Ibid, 530. 16 Marc Fumaroli, L'Âge de L'Éloquence: Rhétorique et "Res Literaria", de la Renaissance au Seuil de l'Époque Classique (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1980), 259. 17 Frederick J. McGinness, Right Thinking and Sacred Oratory in Counter-Reformation Rome (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 3.

Christian lifestyle. 18 Moreover, the importance of verbal explanation and prayers of petition that Ignatius stresses in the Exercises finds their way into preaching, as oration causes a similar reaction to the Gospel scene. 19 Ignatius saw the application of the senses as an adaptation of several intellectual traditions. First, there was Christian mysticism. Beginning with Origen (185–254), who stressed the importance of being able to hear the wisdom of God, the senses played a key role in coming closer to God. 20 Similarly, St. Augustine’s (354–430) Confessions illuminated the importance of the spiritual senses. 21 This classical Christian view on the spiritual senses was thus adopted by the medieval mystics, namely St. Bonaventure (1221 – 1274), who claims that through these spiritual senses, one can overcome sin. 22 In this sense, the Society’s understanding of the senses was a continuation of the longstanding Christian tradition dating back to Origen. The Society then took this Christian tradition of mystical prayer and placed it in the pulpit. The Jesuits believed that blending Christian mysticism, pagan oratory, and sense cognition (grounded in Cicero and Aristotle) constructed a new rhetorical edifice. 23 The early Jesuits saw preaching as a didactic tool which drove one toward Christian virtue stressed by the mystic tradition. In addition to this understanding of sense perception, Jesuits created a unique rhetorical style by emulating Cicero and basing pedagogy on Aristotle’s theories of perception and cognition. Jesuit preachers hence understood the importance of the Gospel narrative. As the congregation was driven by the spoken word, which renders visible the feelings, thoughts, and beliefs of the orator, the preacher would be the means through which one is driven to virtue. 24 In essence, the preacher has the same role as the Exercises . His role is to make manifest the Gospel scene; the preacher would thus stimulate the congregation to come to know God through the senses. His words of divine love are the driving force behind the conversion to a virtuous life. Therefore, rhetorical style illuminates the spiritual senses and impacts the heart, imagination, and memory; this creates a unique, Ignatian brand of spiritual emotionality. 25 Thus, the transplantation of classical eloquence from the ancient Forum to the Jesuit Cinquecento Church

18 Philip Endean, “The Ignatian Prayer of the Senses,” Heythrop Journal XXXI (1990): 399-400 19 ibid, 403-404. 20 Hugo Rahner, S.J. Ignatius the Theologian , translated by Michael Barry (New York: Herder and Herder, 1968), 198. 21 Ibid, 200. 22 Ibid, 202. 23 Giovanna Zanlonghi, Teatri di Formazione: Actio, parola, e Immagine nella Scena Gesuitica del Sei- Settecento a Milano (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 2002), 200. 24 Ibid, 110. 25 Ibid, 115-118.

47 demonstrated that, while the message of divine love was of utmost importance, quality in rhetoric was essential. Good preachers needed to possess the “personal charisma, verve, and drama” which triggered the senses of the laity and invited them to live actively Christian lives. 26 This is why Ignatius desired to have Jesuit schools train students in both “lettere et virtù.”27 While the Jesuit educational system was based on the modus parisiensis , it was a unique blend of mysticism and scholasticism in humanist garb; the regulated, structured framework that started with the Exercises and continued with training in “humane letters” meant that Ignatius’s vision for Jesuit education reflected both his spirituality and the emphasis he placed on the application of the senses.

3. The Ratio Studiorum and the formation of Jesuit preachers Jerome Nadal believed that through preaching, the Society could make the most successful gains in the cities where Jesuits had built colleges. To prepare such preachers, Nadal stressed a strict curriculum that trained future Jesuits in the humane letters and the art of rhetoric. The seminal document that articulates this, the Ratio Studiorum , would become the universal curriculum of the Society of Jesus. While not definitive until 1599, the Ratio Studiorum was in circulation before this date in various forms. A close reading suggests that it existed in the minds of Ignatius and Jerome Nadal decades before its final publication. It cannot be understood if not read in light of the Exercises and the Constitutions ; the Ratio Studiorum was part and parcel of the spiritual and devotional program of Ignatius. 28 It is evident that this training would find its way into the liturgy, as novices would then become priests responsible for the care of souls. Undoubtedly, as Instructions and Observations shows, the text’s author was trained along the lines laid out in the Ratio Studiorum . The interest in fostering a successful Christian education is quite apparent throughout the Ratio Studiorum . During lessons, the teacher must show enthusiasm, which is described as caritate religiosa , or religious charity. 29 Similarly, this enthusiasm and energy was present in daily exhortations to the students. The rector of a Jesuit school was to, “beyond the teachers’

26 Marc Fumaroli, L'Âge de L'Éloquence , 72-73; Frederick J. McGinness, Right Thinking and Sacred Oratory , 70-72. 27 Francesco C. Cesareo, “The Collegium Germanicum and the Ignatian Vision of Education,” The Sixteenth Century Journal , 24: 4 (Winter, 1993): 838-839. 28 Ratio Studiorum , vii. 29 Ibid , H2:94.

48 weekly exhortations… impart advice helpful and appropriate for the boys, class by class.” 30 The emotional desire to help others would have impacted our author, influencing how he viewed preaching. His knowledge of Aristotelian sense perception would inform his ability to instruct the congregation toward comprehending Christ’s sacrifice. This duty of stimulating the hearts and minds of the students to help others also reflected Ignatius’s belief about how schools were to function. In 1549, he urged several Jesuits in Germany to set up colleges. He believed that their duty in those colleges was to teach students how to spread Christ’s glory and help benefit the souls of those whom they would serve. He urged his brothers to present to the students emotional exhortations that not only created learned Christians, but also “move[d] hearts and form[ed] consciences.” These exhortations would imprint the Gospel message on the minds of future Jesuits, preparing them to cultivate Christ’s vineyard through preaching. 31 The method of achieving the cura animarum focused on the training of future preachers. Humanist rhetoric became an essential part of fostering the institutio Christiana . The Ratio Studiorum hence emphasizes strong linguistic skills throughout. 32 Once the students had passed beyond the basics of grammar, they were to focus on eloquence. They were to possess a three- fold understanding of Greek and Latin (and Hebrew for the advanced students). First, they were to understand the language. Second, they must possess a scholarly understanding of its authors. And finally the students should obtain “a summary notion of the rules pertaining to rhetoric.” 33 Rule 395 explains that “the daily lessons should be devoted to teaching Cicero alone of the orators, usually through those books that contain his moral philosophy.” 34 However, the art of ciceronian rhetoric was not an important skill simply because it stressed moral philosophy. Jesuits saw oration and rhetoric as an art, desiring to emulate the great orators of antiquity. 35 Moreover, only Cicero’s “speeches should be covered in the lessons, so that the rules of the art might be perceived as they are expressed in speeches.” 36 The reading of Cicero aloud fostered the acquisition of his style, teaching students how to preach. This educational plan created effective orators who could stimulate the listeners through powerful sermons. In the Collegio Romano, there were also numerous competitions in both Greek and

30 Ibid, H2:95. 31 Ignatius Loyola, “A Letter to Companions Setting out for Germany, 24 September 1549,” in Personal Writings , 231-235. 32 Danilo Zardin, “La “Pia Institutio” Dei Gesuiti. Congregazioni, Libri di Regole, Manuali”, in I Gesuiti e la Ratio Studiorum , edited by Manfred Hinz, Roberto Righi, Danilo Zardin (Rome: Bulzoni Editore, 2004), 98. 33 Ratio Studiorum , H27:395. 34 Ibid. 35 O’Malley, The First Jesuits , 100. 36 Ratio Studiorum , H26:375.

Latin prose and verse; undoubtedly, future preachers would have engaged in these competitions, demonstrating their skill in rhetoric and oration. 37 With daily Masses, their studies, and these competitions, the students were learning to help both themselves and others. Once their studies were complete, these new Jesuits would emphasize the spiritual end rather than the temporal. 38 This would carry over into preaching, as future Jesuits would use their rhetorical training in the liturgical space to educate the senses of others. As part of the rhetorical training at the Collegio Romano, seminarians were expected to be present for preaching in the Gesù on Sundays and all feast days. 39 These requirements, combined with their training in ciceronian rhetoric, would effectively create future preachers who could move a congregation. As discussed in Chapter Two, Gregory Martin’s depiction of excellent preaching illustrates that novices could learn from the best preachers in the Society. And it is quite possible that the author of Instructions and Observations was among those students before he stressed preaching as an important feature of the Gesù’s liturgy.

4. Jesuit music education: from the Collegio to the Gesù Despite its centrality to devotion in the Gesù, some have argued that Jesuit music was essentially non-existent. Musicologist Robert F. Judd has argued that “Ignatius and the early Jesuits… clearly perceived the danger to the soul that is posed by inordinate attachment to music,” and that “music as a temptation toward vanity was a continual concern for the Jesuits.” 40 Additionally, historian James F. White argues that Ignatius “took a dim view of much music and forbade it for his novices.” 41 Despite this historiographical view that Jesuits did not support music, there is plenty of concrete evidence put forth by historians that suggests otherwise. In regards to Ignatius, he would have preferred choir (over nothing at all) in the Society, but the conditions in the early years of the Society meant things other than music were more important. 42 Moreover, Cynthia Caporella explains that the Society was even ordered by Pope Gregory XIII

37 Testa, Fondazione e Primo Sviluppo , 441. 38 Manuel Ruiz Jurado, “La Formazione e L’Influsso Spirituale del Collegio della Compagnia di Gesù,” in Convegno Internazionale di Studi Promosso dalla Compagnia di Gesù e dall'Università dell'Aquila nel IV Centenario dell'Istituzione dell'Aquilanum Collegium (1596). Alle Origini dell'Università dell'Aquila : Cultura, Università, Collegi Gesuitici all'Inizio dell'Età Moderna in Italia Meridionale . (Rome: Institutum Historicum S.I., 2000), 149-152. 39 Luca Testa, Fondazione e Primo Sviluppo , 408. 40 Robert F. Judd, “Music and Spiritual Combat in Counter-Reformation Italy,” (Annual Conference, American Musicology Society, Kansas City, MO, 1999), 4, quoted in Instructions and Observations , 3. 41 James F. White, Introduction to Christian Worship , Third Edition (Nashville: Abingdon, 2000), 121. 42 Thomas Culley, S.J., “The German College in Rome: A Center for Baroque Music,” in Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution , 111.

50 to re-open the German College in 1573, allowing for the development of an elite music education program. She also explains that Jesuit theatre was quite advanced in the Cinquecento and Seicento. 43 Moreover, T. Frank Kennedy explains that despite early reservations about music, once the Jesuits established churches and schools they fostered an interest in sacred music. 44 Despite Ignatius’s early reservations about music, he did not actually condemn it; while recuperating at Manresa, he sought solace in sung Masses, Vespers and Compline. 45 He also understood that music was culturally expected; no one could anticipate that a congregation would willingly attend a Mass without music. 46 For that matter, they would just as likely not attend a Mass with bad music. Because of the cultural awareness that Ignatius stressed, it soon became clear that Jesuit music education would not simply be a passive requirement. Masters zealously taught counterpoint and cantus firmus , much like the great rhetoricians and orators taught Cicero and Quintilian. Music also served a pedagogical purpose in addition to a devotional one. The Jesuit theologian and teacher at the Collegio Romano, Giacomo Ledesma, wrote a treatise on how to teach Christian doctrine. He emphasized the use of musical arrangements to help students memorize the catechism, as music made the catechism piacevole , or pleasing. In Gandía, Spain, musical catechisms were so well received that both adults and children filled the streets with the tunes they had learned from Jesuits. 47 Jesuits saw music as having an important pedagogical role in developing both the spiritual and musical sensibilities of the novices, as this spiritual poetry emphasized aesthetics and fostered devotion through aural stimulation. Even a polyphonic arrangement of the Ave Maria was published in the Collegio Romano to further Marian devotion. 48 This carries over into the Gesù, as the author of Instructions and Observations calls for the sounding of the Ave Maria four times on the Feast of the Circumcision. For him, the bells chiming a familiar tune would have a similar effect as the polyphonic composition in the novitiate. The pleasing sound of the Ave Maria would stimulate devotion and drive the worshippers to want to give themselves over to God. 49 Similarly, Jerome Nadal stressed the

43 Caporella, “Introduction,” in Instructions and Observations , 1-3. 44 T. Frank Kennedy, “Jesuits and Music,” in The Jesuits and the Arts , 415. 45 Thomas D. Culley, S.J. and Clement J. McNaspy, S.J., “Music and the Early Jesuits (1540-1565),” Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 40 (1971): 216-218. 46 O’Malley, The First Jesuits , 159-160. 47 Ibid, 121-122. 48 Giancarlo Rostirolla, “La Musica negli Istituti Religiosi della Compagnia di Gesù nel XVI e XVII Secolo: Le Tradizioni Laudistiche Fiorentina e Romana” in Convegno Internazionale di Studi Promosso dalla Compagnia di Gesù e dall'Università dell'Aquila , 268-271. 49 Instructions and Observations, 108-114.

51 importance of music for the colleges. While he banned singing in the novitiates, he also ordered that the sung Mass be maintained and that the colleges sing Vespers in communion. 50 In his autobiography, Nadal explained that by 1556, Vespers was sung in the Jesuit churches and colleges in Rome. 51 By 1561, Jesuit colleges and churches throughout Europe possessed flourishing musical repertoires. By the opening of the Collegio Romano in 1565, music was not simply a minor part of a larger curriculum in the humane letters. It was such an important aspect of the Jesuit educational experience that the Collegio Romano’s choir master was often a famous composer. One of the earliest choir masters was none other than Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (1525/1526-1594). Serving this position from 1566 to 1571, he was hardly an unknown. Juan de Polanco, Ignatius’s personal secretary, lauded Palestrina for his compositional skills, 52 for between 1555 and 1560, he was choir master at St. John Lateran. He held the same position at Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome until 1566. After leaving the Collegio Romano, his next post was to direct and compose music for St. Peter’s. Palestrina was succeeded by the famed Spaniard, Tomás Luis de Victoria (served 1571-1573).53 The hiring of Palestrina and de Victoria at the Collegio Romano illustrates that the Jesuit leaders saw musical training as an important part of religious education.54 Also due to the Council of Trent’s emphasis on quality sacred music,55 Jesuit music education was became a required part of the curriculum. But despite this necessity mandated by Trent, it was actually Jesuit pedagogical notions of music as a pleasing educational tool that led to the growth of Jesuit music. As I have suggested, the cultural necessity for good music meant that it was compulsory to train the students well. The musical proficiency taught by Palestrina and others in the Collegio Romano was to be applied liturgically, especially in the Gesù.56 By 1600, Jesuit colleges in Rome were the forerunners in music education and their music “was on the avant-garde in the Roman colleges,” and showed a growing level of complexity and sophistication.57 Also, the Gesù was known to hire papal singers. As the seminary choir was required to attend Masses in the

50 “Nadal to Ignatius, 6 July 1555,” Mon Nad I:312. 51 Nadal, Ephemerides , Mon Nad II:10-12. 52 Testa, Fondazione e Primo Sviluppo , 542. 53 Raffaelle Casimiri, "Disciplina musicale e mastri di cappella,” Note D'Archivio per La Storia Musicale 13:1 (Jan-Feb 1935): 18-19. 54 Ibid, 3-8. 55 See also, Chapter Two for more on the discussion of music and the Council of Trent. 56 Luca Testa, Fondazione e Primo Sviluppo del Seminario Romano (1565-1608) (Rome: Editrice Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 2002), 542. 57 Ibid, 546-547. “fu all’avanguardia nei collegi romani.”

Gesù, often assisting in the musical repertoire, this choir would have been in the presence of a talented group of musicians. 58 The musical training thus adequately prepared the novices to provide “a decorous and ornate supply of music” in the liturgy. 59 As the sacristy manual’s author was trained under these circumstances, he undoubtedly experienced the professional music training that engendered decorous polyphony and mixed choral/organ pieces. His training taught him that sacred music must be of adequate decorum and be culturally relevant. In the Gesù, it was quite common to see double or even triple choirs, accompanied by instrumentation. Writing musical directives for Instructions and Observations , such as the use of cantus firmus , our author would have considered how he first learned to use cantus firmus to differentiate his voice from others in polyphonic pieces. 60 By 1580, there was also a larger tendency to have at least four voices and more motets and spiritual madrigals to provide some musical variety within the liturgical space. 61 As multiple forms of music would emphasize certain liturgical events, such as plainchant during regular Masses, polyphony during special Masses, and the organs during Vespers and the Liturgy of the Eucharist, our author would understand how the variation of musical application would stimulate the senses in different ways, aurally pushing the congregation to contemplate the significance of a particular event or to prepare them for the application of other senses.62 Here, music furthers both the devotional and educational experience of the liturgy. And since this skill was learned within the pedagogical framework constructed by Ignatius and Nadal, our author’s comprehension of how music works derives from his training at the Jesuit college.

5. Conclusion: the Collegio Romano and the Gesù Throughout the manual, numerous citations concerning preaching and music elucidate how the two influenced the liturgy. Moreover, the Jesuit educational system demonstrates the importance of preaching and music in the formation of future Jesuits. In many ways, the Collegio Romano and the Gesù were in a pedagogical dialogue. By requiring that the seminarians be present for Mass, the Society was exposing them to well-orchestrated sermons and musical

58 Graham Dixon, “Musical Activity in the Church of the Gesù,” 327-328. 59 Giancarlo Rostirolla, “La Musica negli Istituti Religiosi della Compagnia di Gesù nel XVI e XVII Secolo: Le Tradizioni Laudistiche Fiorentina e Romana,” in Convegno Internazionale di Studi Promosso dalla Compagnia di Gesù e dall'Università dell'Aquila , 264. 60 Ibid, 266-267; Instructions and Observations , 186. 61 Giancarlo Rostirolla, “La Musica negli Istituti Religiosi della Compagnia di Gesù,” 272. 62 Ibid, 267.

53 compositions. 63 Moreover, seeing these skills taught in the seminary meant that their experiences in the Gesù were devotional and educational. Put into the context of sense perception, our author’s aesthetic sensibilities are a direct result of his education. The most important aspect of his training in rhetoric and musical is style. In both cases the students were learning these skills because they are forms of devotion. Yet, humanist preaching and ornate choirs accompanied with instrumentation transcended the Society. It was prevalent throughout the colleges, confraternities, and churches like the Gesù. Moreover, the continual effort to keep preaching and music culturally current illustrates that style was as important. The embellished complexity of Jesuit music emphasizes emotion through musical ornamentation and polyvocal and polychoral arrangements. 64 When our author wrote that the cantors sing “in the cantus firmus style… the Pange Lingua to the Blessed Sacrament with their lit candles” during the Corpus Christi procession, one can imagine the author of Instructions and Observations humming the tune which he knew all too well. Similarly, the Jesuit preaching mission, “to instruct, to move, to please,” captures the essence of Jesuit rhetorical decorum. Professors taught the rhetorical skills and simple messages that, when presented in sermons would be better received. 65 Our author would think back to his courses on ciceronian rhetoric, where he heard Cicero’s letters and orations. Using his skills in composition of place, he would imagine how exhortations would look and sound. He would envision the Gesù’s nave, filled with an eager congregation. And he would hear how the Jesuit preacher – crucifix in hand – would lecture on scripture using the rhetorical formula modeled after Cicero. When writing the manual, he would consider his training in rhetorical style and he would know that the sermons were designed to teach the mind, excite the heart, and satisfy the soul.

63 Graham Dixon, “Musical Activity in the Church of the Gesù,” 327. 64 Testa, Fondazione e Primo Sviluppo , 273. 65 Smith, Sensuous Worship , 90.

Conclusion: The Gesù and the Applicatio Sensuum They should endeavor to conceive great resolves and elicit equally great desires to be true and faithful servants of God, and to render a good account of themselves… with a true abnegation of their own will and judgment. - St. Ignatius to Jean Pelletier, 13 June 1551 1

The Church of the Gesù became a sensory focal point in Rome. The Eternal City was the center of Jesuit spiritual activity, and the Gesù would be an important part of the Society’s mission, which was becoming a truly global enterprise. To understand sense worship within the Gesù, one must first comprehend the spirituality of St. Ignatius of Loyola. In many ways, the liturgical life of the Gesù was the culmination of the Ignatian spiritual vision. Ignatius was an emotional man, inclined to mystical devotion and lead by sensation and aesthetics. In the Gesù, one could reach the divine through the iconography, preaching, and music. The Gesù was, in many ways, a classroom. The liturgy, the sermons, the art, the music – they all instructed the congregation and represent how the Society of Jesus was an educating order. Hence, the Gesù can only be understood as a part of the Society’s educational mission. Ignatius’s efforts to purchase tracts of land in Rome illustrate that he saw churches as sources of spiritual education. While the construction of the Gesù was neither simple nor easy, the goal was clear. The creation of a sumptuous liturgical space filled with the vibrancy of the celebration of Christ would eventually come to fruition. While it took forty years for Ignatius’s vision to come true, and while he never lived to see it, the Gesù was the legacy of his spirituality. Our way of proceeding has, to this point, focused on the Gesù and its liturgical manual. From this, we have reconstructed the appearance and sound of the Gesù in 1584, all which reflect the major goals set out by Ignatius. Many directions from the manual are not unusual, as they were in line with the Tridentine church. But other directives, specific to the Gesù, illuminate how this church, nestled between the ruins of the Forum and the vibrant medieval center of Rome, fostered sense worship. Beyond the basic descriptions of the church, we see the exact way in which the church should be decorated and the liturgy be celebrated. Instructions and Observations illustrates how the Jesuits used the Gesù to perform their spiritual mission. But what is not explicit in the manual can be expanded upon by examining the Gesù in the context of Jesuit education and Ignatian spirituality. In the Exercises , self-examination and contemplation of the Gospels triggers one’s emotions. This gave birth to the Ignatian brand of

1 Counsels for the Jesuits , 49.

55 applicatio sensuum . This process drove the exercitant toward personal spiritual improvement. In the Gesù, sense application thus became the center of the liturgy not because Trent mandated it; as the mother church of Ignatius’s society, the liturgy was every bit as Ignatian as it was Tridentine. Filled with high quality iconography, preaching, and music, all of which were affirmed by Trent, the Gesù was still, before anything else, a Jesuit church. Ignatius’s heightened emotionality went far beyond the devotion called for by Trent. His active submission called for the reception of the divine through the senses so that one could come to know God. Active engagement in the liturgy, rather than passive observance, Ignatius thought, would be the way in which one sought salvation. But this comprehension of how the senses worked would influence more than the liturgy. Jesuits running the Gesù would reach out to the congregation to strengthen their spirituality. This occurred as a result of the training they received in Jesuit colleges and seminaries. Tools such as the Exercises and Jerome Nadal’s Adnotationes provided stimuli for Jesuits in training that would one day closely instruct a congregation. These tools would help them in the process of developing a liturgical form of sense worship. 2 Just as these works instructed the novices throughout the course of their studies, the Jesuits would then guide the congregation by linking Jesuit sense devotion with liturgical celebrations. 3 Of even greater importance is Jesuit pedagogy. Jesuit Aristotelianism illuminates that through the senses one’s intellect grows. 4 What one perceives must be of good quality, lest interest be lost. Therefore, the rhetorical and music education that all students of Jesuit colleges received was quite superb. The emphasis on style, however, had nothing to do with art for art’s sake. The Jesuit educators, especially Ignatius and Nadal, understood that students learned better when they enjoyed what was being taught. And they were right to assume that the liturgy worked the same way. Seeing this link, they called for the training of students in rhetoric and in sacred music so that they could be great preachers and musicians. Being grounded in this pedagogical philosophy, the author of Instructions and Observations would know that through the senses, the congregation would come to know God. The desire to offer a high quality liturgy also reflects an important debate surrounding confessionalization in the early modern period. Catholicism in the early modern era is engaged in a battle with Protestantism, popular heterodoxy, and what components of the institutional Church

2 Melion, “The Art of Vision,” 73. 3 Bailey, “Jesuit Art Patronage Before 1580,” Mercurian Project , 749. 4 Simmons, “Jesuit Aristotelian Education,” 522-537. See also, Chapter Four above.

56 considered religious laxity. But as Edward Muir has explained, this battle was not a “straightforward struggle between freedom and order, innovation and tradition.” 5 Rather, we see the Society using culturally relevant tools in their confessional efforts. To call this a Jesuit style would be inaccurate, however, as similar methods were employed by other religious institutions. 6 In essence, Jesuit confessionalization was but one part of a much larger battle for the attention of the laity. Nevertheless, institutional cultures and approaches differed, and the Jesuits certainly had their own profile. As I have shown, their most distinctive tool was the applicatio sensuum . The Jesuits defended orthodoxy and promoted a new Catholic piety not through a uniform, propagandistic style, but by concerted efforts to appeal to the senses of the faithful, through ritual practice integrated with the arts. Once open, the Gesù was the culmination of Jesuit artistic endeavors. But it offered more than beautiful art or ornate music. When writing Instructions and Observations , our Jesuit knew that the Gesù was a liturgical space, but above all, Ignatius’s ideal classroom. Seen in this light, Jesuit concepts of sense perception as a means to educate and elevate the soul turn out to be central to advancing the cause of the Society. Whether through gazing upon Giuseppe Valeriano’s Assumption of the Virgin (1586-88), or hearing a Ciceronian sermon and Palestrina’s latest masterpiece, the faithful frequenting the Gesù were confronted with the zenith of the Ignatian vision, which drew on the senses to know the beauty of God’s love.

5 Muir, Culture Wars of the Late Renaissance , 10. 6 Bailey, “‘Le style jésuite n’existe pas,’” 45.

Appendix I: Figures

Figure 1: Facade of the Church of the Gesù, Rome.

Figure 2: Floor plan of the Church of the Gesù, Rome.

Figure 3: Angels’ Chapel, Church of the Gesù, Rome.

Figure 4: Federico Zuccaro, Seven Archangels in Adoration of the Trinity (1600). Panel, Angels’ Chapel, Church of the Gesù, Rome.

Figure 5: Chapel of Santa Maria della Strada, Church of the Gesù, Rome.

Figure 6: Jerome Nadal, Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia . Frontispiece.

Figure 7: Jerome Nadal, “Evangelicae Historiae Imagines,” of Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia . Frontispiece.

Figure 8: Jerome Nadal, “The Annunciation of the Virgin,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia .

Figure 9: Jerome Nadal, “The Night of the Nativity of the Lord,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia.

Figure 10: Jerome Nadal, “The Circumcision of Christ,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia.

Figure 11: Jerome Nadal, “Christ Approaching Jerusalem on Palm Sunday,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia.

Figure 12: Jerome Nadal, “The Solemn Procession into the City,” Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia.

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