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The Caucasus Globalization
Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 1 THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION INSTITUTE OF STRATEGIC STUDIES OF THE CAUCASUS THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies Conflicts in the Caucasus: History, Present, and Prospects for Resolution Special Issue Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 CA&CC Press® SWEDEN 2 Volume 6 Issue 2 2012 FOUNDEDTHE CAUCASUS AND& GLOBALIZATION PUBLISHED BY INSTITUTE OF STRATEGIC STUDIES OF THE CAUCASUS Registration number: M-770 Ministry of Justice of Azerbaijan Republic PUBLISHING HOUSE CA&CC Press® Sweden Registration number: 556699-5964 Registration number of the journal: 1218 Editorial Council Eldar Chairman of the Editorial Council (Baku) ISMAILOV Tel/fax: (994 12) 497 12 22 E-mail: [email protected] Kenan Executive Secretary (Baku) ALLAHVERDIEV Tel: (994 – 12) 596 11 73 E-mail: [email protected] Azer represents the journal in Russia (Moscow) SAFAROV Tel: (7 495) 937 77 27 E-mail: [email protected] Nodar represents the journal in Georgia (Tbilisi) KHADURI Tel: (995 32) 99 59 67 E-mail: [email protected] Ayca represents the journal in Turkey (Ankara) ERGUN Tel: (+90 312) 210 59 96 E-mail: [email protected] Editorial Board Nazim Editor-in-Chief (Azerbaijan) MUZAFFARLI Tel: (994 – 12) 510 32 52 E-mail: [email protected] (IMANOV) Vladimer Deputy Editor-in-Chief (Georgia) PAPAVA Tel: (995 – 32) 24 35 55 E-mail: [email protected] Akif Deputy Editor-in-Chief (Azerbaijan) ABDULLAEV Tel: (994 – 12) 596 11 73 E-mail: [email protected] Volume 6 IssueMembers 2 2012 of Editorial Board: 3 THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION Zaza D.Sc. -
Armenophobia in Azerbaijan
Հարգելի՛ ընթերցող, Արցախի Երիտասարդ Գիտնականների և Մասնագետների Միավորման (ԱԵԳՄՄ) նախագիծ հանդիսացող Արցախի Էլեկտրոնային Գրադարանի կայքում տեղադրվում են Արցախի վերաբերյալ գիտավերլուծական, ճանաչողական և գեղարվեստական նյութեր` հայերեն, ռուսերեն և անգլերեն լեզուներով: Նյութերը կարող եք ներբեռնել ԱՆՎՃԱՐ: Էլեկտրոնային գրադարանի նյութերն այլ կայքերում տեղադրելու համար պետք է ստանալ ԱԵԳՄՄ-ի թույլտվությունը և նշել անհրաժեշտ տվյալները: Շնորհակալություն ենք հայտնում բոլոր հեղինակներին և հրատարակիչներին` աշխատանքների էլեկտրոնային տարբերակները կայքում տեղադրելու թույլտվության համար: Уважаемый читатель! На сайте Электронной библиотеки Арцаха, являющейся проектом Объединения Молодых Учёных и Специалистов Арцаха (ОМУСA), размещаются научно-аналитические, познавательные и художественные материалы об Арцахе на армянском, русском и английском языках. Материалы можете скачать БЕСПЛАТНО. Для того, чтобы размещать любой материал Электронной библиотеки на другом сайте, вы должны сначала получить разрешение ОМУСА и указать необходимые данные. Мы благодарим всех авторов и издателей за разрешение размещать электронные версии своих работ на этом сайте. Dear reader, The Union of Young Scientists and Specialists of Artsakh (UYSSA) presents its project - Artsakh E-Library website, where you can find and download for FREE scientific and research, cognitive and literary materials on Artsakh in Armenian, Russian and English languages. If re-using any material from our site you have first to get the UYSSA approval and specify the required data. We thank all the authors -
European Parliament
EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES Policy Division AC/ir Luxembourg, 19 August 2004 NOTE ON THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SITUATION IN AZERBAIJAN AND ITS RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION This note has been drawn up for Members of the European Parliament. Any opinions it may contain are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the European Parliament. Sources: Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) European Commission Eurostat Oxford Analytica NT\543520EN.doc 1 PE 349.244 CONTENTS Page I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................... 3 II. POLITICAL SITUATION .................................................................................................... 4 III. ECONOMIC SITUATION ................................................................................................. 10 IV. RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION .............................................................. 14 ANNEXES For further information, please contact Mr Anthony Comfort, European Parliament, DG 3, Luxembourg, Policy Unit. Tel. (352) 4300 22167, e-mail: [email protected] NT\543520EN.doc 2 PE 349.244 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The ruling New Azerbaijan Party (NAP) continues to hold political power. The opposition remains divided and lacks both a charismatic leader and a concrete policy agenda. The poverty of displaced people and the widening disparities in living conditions face Azeris with a choice between social explosion and passivity. It -
Defence Policy of the Russian Federation
Defence policy of the Russian Federation Russia’s emergence as a sovereign state in 1991 led to claimed independence in 2008, Russia refused to recognise turmoil within and the disintegration of Soviet military struc- it, fearing that this case could become a precedent for all tures. Due to mass reduction of personnel, army organisation separatist-tending territories. fell into disarray, the industrial process was disrupted for lack The next escalation of tensions occurred in 2004 with of raw materials or components formerly supplied by other NATO expansion towards south-east Europe. As early as republics and regions, while logistic routes became unviable. 2000, in the previous Military Doctrine, NATO enlargement The political and economic crisis of the transitional period be- was assessed as representing a serious threat to Russia’s tween 1992 and 1999 and the disastrous war in Chechnya security. The question of NATO membership for Ukraine and brought about a far-reaching crisis in the armed forces and Georgia constitutes a red line for Russia. Having very lit- the military-industrial complex. It was not until the end of the tle influence on the current Ukrainian and Georgian political 1990s that the situation began to stabilise. During the decade establishment, Russia opts for harsh arguments when dis- of 1999-2009 the industrial and technological sectors under- cussing their potential membership in NATO: State officials went a large-scale restructuring process which was clearly claim that Ukrainian and Georgian aspirations to join NATO necessary for restoring Russia’s defence capability. could be a perfect justification for the secession of Crimea from Ukraine and the permanent separation from Georgia of THE RELATIONS WITH NATO the breakaway autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South In the latest Military Doctrine of 2010, NATO’s current pol- Ossetia. -
Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S
Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs February 22, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-522 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Summary Azerbaijan is an important power in the South Caucasus by reason of its geographic location and ample energy resources, but it faces challenges to its stability, including the unresolved separatist conflict involving Nagorno Karabakh (NK). Azerbaijan enjoyed a brief period of independence in 1918-1920, after the collapse of the Tsarist Russian Empire. However, it was re-conquered by Red Army forces and thereafter incorporated into the Soviet Union. It re-gained independence when the Soviet Union collapsed at the end of 1991. Upon independence, Azerbaijan continued to be ruled for a while by its Soviet-era leader, but in May 1992 he was overthrown and Popular Front head Abulfaz Elchibey was soon elected president. Military setbacks in suppressing separatism in the breakaway NK region contributed to Elchibey’s rise to power, and in turn to his downfall just over a year later, when he was replaced by Heydar Aliyev, the leader of Azerbaijan’s Nakhichevan region and a former communist party head of Azerbaijan. In July 1994, a ceasefire agreement was signed in the NK conflict. Heydar Aliyev served until October 2003, when under worsening health he stepped down. His son Ilkham Aliyev was elected president a few days later. According to the Obama Administration, U.S. assistance for Azerbaijan aims to develop democratic institutions and civil society, support the growth of the non-oil sectors of the economy, strengthen the interoperability of the armed forces with NATO, increase maritime border security, and bolster the country’s ability to combat terrorism, corruption, narcotics trafficking, and other transnational crime. -
Azerbaijan: Is War Over Nagornyy Karabakh a Realistic Option?
Advanced Research and Assessment Group Caucasus Series 08/17 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom Azerbaijan: Is War Over Nagornyy Karabakh a Realistic Option? C W Blandy Key Points * There is a growing trend of clashes along the Nagornyy Karabakh cease-fire line. * Azerbaijan has been investing heavily in military hardware, with a defence budget greater than the whole of Armenia's public spending. But manpower management and training standards still leave much to be desired. * Domestic political pressures ensure that there is no incentive towards conciliation on either side. Contents Introduction 1 Box 1 – ICG’s Recommendations to the Governments of Armenia 1 and Azerbaijan Rhetoric and the Path to War 2 Box 2 – Armed Clash 4/5 March 2008 2 Table 1 – Opinion Poll Survey of Armenian Citizens 4 Azerbaijan's Growing Economic Power 4 Azerbaijan's Vulnerabilities 6 Box 3 – Situation of Azeris from Nagornyy Karabakh 7 Military Deficiencies 7 Box 4 – Question of Azerbaijani Army meeting NATO Standards 8 Box 5 - Azerbaijani Army’s Limitations in Soldier-Care 9 Appendix: Armed Forces of Azerbaijan, Armenia and NK 12 08/17 Azerbaijan: Is War Over Nagornyy Karabakh a Realistic Option? C W Blandy Introduction There can be little doubt that the ongoing dispute between Azerbaijan, Armenia and ethnic Armenians from the unrecognised Nagornyy-Karabakh Republic (NK) remains one of the most serious threats to peace in the former Soviet region. Many observers would concur with the view of the International Crisis Group (ICG) that the parties directly involved lack perspective, leadership and commitment to peaceful conflict resolution, instead refurbishing their military arsenals for use at some later date.1 As time marches on the possibility of conflict becomes more likely, and the ICG noted that 2012 will be the key year, when Azerbaijan’s oil production and related revenues are expected to peak. -
Central Asia-Caucasus
Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst BI-WEEKLY BRIEFING VOL. 9 NO. 12 13 JUNE 2007 Searchable Archives with over 1,000 articles at http://www.cacianalyst.org FEATURE ARTICLE FIELD REPORTS: FOREIGN FIGHTERS AND THE CHECHEN ENDGAME FOR THE CASPIAN STURGEON RESISTANCE: A RE-APPRAISAL Christopher Pala Cerwyn Moore U.S. URGES KYRGYZSTAN TO CONTINUE ANALYTICAL ARTICLES BILATERAL COOPERATION AGAINST TER- RORISM PUTIN’S GABALA GAMBIT: MORE THAN Erica Marat MISSILES Stephen Blank NURSULTAN NAZARBAYEV OFFERS UP HIS SON-IN-LAW TO JUSTICE, SEEKS THE GABALA GAMBIT AND PUBLIC FAVOR AZERBAIJAN’S GEOPOLITICS Farkhad Sharip Richard Weitz REMITTANCES AND TAJIKISTAN’S BERDIMUKHAMMEDOV BASES PRIVATE SECTOR DEVELOPMENT TURKMEN-KAZAKH RELATIONS ON Sergey Medea ‘PRAGMATISM’ Chemen Durdiyeva NEWS DIGEST Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst BI-WEEKLY BRIEFING VOL. 9 NO. 12 13 JUNE 2007 Contents Feature Article FOREIGN FIGHTERS AND THE CHECHEN RESISTANCE: A RE-APPRAISAL 3 Cerwyn Moore Analytical Articles PUTIN’S GABALA GAMBIT: MORE THAN MISSILES 7 Stephen Blank THE GABALA GAMBIT AND AZERBAIJAN’S GEOPOLITICS 10 Richard Weitz BERDIMUKHAMMEDOV BASES TURKMEN-KAZAKH RELATIONS ON ‘PRAGMATISM’ 13 Chemen Durdiyeva Field Reports ENDGAME FOR THE CASPIAN STURGEON 16 Christopher Pala U.S. URGES KYRGYZSTAN TO CONTINUE BILATERAL COOPERATION AGAINST TERRORISM 17 Erica Marat NURSULTAN NAZARBAYEV OFFERS UP HIS SON-IN-LAW TO JUSTICE, SEEKS PUBLIC FAVOR 19 Farkhad Sharip REMITTANCES AND TAJIKISTAN’S PRIVATE SECTOR DEVELOPMENT 20 Sergey Medea News Digest 22 THE CENTRAL ASIA-CAUCASUS ANALYST Editor Svante E. Cornell Assistant Editor, News Digest Alima Bissenova Chairman, Editorial Board S. Frederick Starr The Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst is an English language global Web journal devoted to analysis of the current issues facing the Central Asia-Caucasus region. -
The South Caucasus
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2009 An Uncertain Place In Uncertain Times: The South Caucasus Nathan Burns University of Central Florida Part of the Political Science Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Burns, Nathan, "An Uncertain Place In Uncertain Times: The South Caucasus" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4110. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4110 AN UNCERTAIN PLACE IN UNCERTAIN TIMES: THE SOUTH CAUCASUS by NATHAN L. BURNS B.A. University of Central Florida, 2007 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science in the College of Science at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer 2009 © 2009 Nathan L. Burns ii ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to address how geopolitical factors influence the foreign policies of states in the South Caucasus. Due to the recent Russia-Georgia War, this region is central to contemporary foreign policy, fueling discussions of a New Cold War between the US and Russia. With the explicit goal to provide policy relevant research on this critical region, the South Caucasus states (Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia) are examined in three separate case studies. -
The Limits of Leadership
Issue 17 2005 A ccor d 17 Concilia tion Resourc es The limits of leadership:elites and societies in the Nagorny Karabakh peace process Since the ceasefire of 1994,the conflict between Azerbaijan and a n i n t ern a t i o n a l re v i e w o f p e ace i n i t i a t i ve s Armenia over the region of Nagorny Karabakh has remained firmly deadlocked.An internationally-sponsored peace process based on closed talks between Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders has yielded several proposals but no significant agreement.Rather than preparing populations for possible compromises,leaders in the region have long sought to bolster their domestic ratings with hardline stances.Their zero-sum approaches to the competing principles of territorial integrity and self-determination make renewed violence as likely as a peaceful resolution. With insufficient space in either society for the articulation of T constructive solutions or the identification of common ground, h e The limits of leadership:elites and societies in the Nagorny Karabakh peace N process highlights the obstacles to a sustainable agreement.In a go particular,it explores the central challenge of bridging the gap between r potential for agreement at the negotiating table and popular resistance ny to the compromises this entails. K a r a With distrust in the present process so widespread,could a more b inclusive and multi-faceted approach address the dynamics of ak h polarization and provide greater chances of reaching a solution p acceptable to all? ea c e Featuring contributors from diverse constituencies,this issue of p r Accord presents perspectives on the peace process and analysis of o c the impacts of the conflict.It explores the roles of civil society and the e media,the economics of war and peace,and the challenges for further ss democratization.It also contains key texts and agreements,profiles of key actors and a chronology of the peace process. -
Azerbaijan-Iran Relations: Quo Vadis, Baku?
Azerbaijan-Iran Relations: Quo Vadis, Baku? PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 244 September 2012 Anar M. Valiyev Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy Azerbaijani-Iranian relations are among the most complicated in the region, having experienced radical transformations over the last 20 years. Cordial friends and brotherly nations at the end of the Cold War, Baku and Tehran almost engaged in armed conflict a decade later and relations have since remained tense. Several factors underlie the relations between the two states. The first is the presence in Iran of a 22-30 million strong Azerbaijani ethnic minority, the largest in the country. Ever since Azerbaijan’s independence, Iran has been suspicious that Baku might use the ethnic card to pressure Iran. Second, the secular nature of Azerbaijan’s regime annoys Tehran. Azerbaijan continues to be a model of development not only for Iranian Azerbaijanis but also for other ethnicities. About 40,000 Iranians cross the Azerbaijani-Iranian border during the Novruz holidays in March to celebrate the holiday in a secular state. Moreover, Tehran considers Azerbaijani soft power, including its music, films, and lifestyle, to be dangerous. It is not surprising that the Eurovision song contest held in Baku in May 2012 frustrated Iran and led to the recalling of the Iranian ambassador from Baku for the duration of the contest. Last but not least are Iran’s constant attempts, sometimes successful, to establish a pro-Iranian support base in Azerbaijan. The activities of the Islamic Party of Azerbaijan and numerous protests by Iranian-backed religious youth are vivid examples of Iranian attempts to exert influence in Azerbaijan’s public sphere. -
Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict
Order Code IB92109 CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict Updated July 9, 2003 Carol Migdalovitz Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress CONTENTS SUMMARY MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS History Warfare Peace Process A Cease-fire Took Effect on May 12, 1994 Armenian Perspective Azerbaijani Perspective Roles and Views of Others Iran Turkey Russia/CIS U.S. Policy Executive Branch Congress Public IB92109 07-09-03 Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict SUMMARY A clash between the principles of Armenia and Karabakh, peacekeepers, and, territorial integrity and self-determination is most of all, Karabakh’s status. In December occurring in the Caucasus, creating the longest 1996, an OSCE Chairman’s statement, sup- interethnic dispute in the former Soviet Union. ported by all members except Armenia, re- Armenians, the majority in Nagorno ferred to Azeri territorial integrity as a basis Karabakh, part of Azerbaijan since 1923, for a settlement. Armenian President Ter have a different culture, religion, and language Petrosyan accepted May 1997 Minsk Group than Azeris. They seek to join Armenia or to proposals, and was forced from power in become independent. Azerbaijan seeks to February 1998. preserve its national integrity. The dispute has been characterized by violence, mutual expul- In November 1998, a Minsk Group sion of rival nationals, charges and counter- proposal took Armenian views more into charges. After the December 1991 demise of account. Armenia accepted it, but Azerbaijan the Soviet Union and subsequent dispersal of rejected it. Armenian President Kocharian and sophisticated Soviet weaponry, the conflict Azerbaijan President Aliyev have met directly worsened. -
The End of the Second Karabakh War: New Realities in the South Caucasus Jakob Hedenskog, Aron Lund and Johan Norberg
The End of the Second Karabakh War: New realities in the South Caucasus Jakob Hedenskog, Aron Lund and Johan Norberg n 27 September 2020, war erupted between Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia proper, will remain in O Armenia and Azerbaijan over the contested Armenian hands. Nagorno-Karabakh enclave and surrounding regions, The agreement also stipulated that 1,960 lightly armed which had been under Armenian occupation since the end Russian troops would deploy as peacekeepers along the of the original hostilities in 1994. new contact line in Nagorno-Karabakh and in the Lachin Over the course of a six-week war, Azerbaijan’s Corridor, with “90 armoured personal carriers, 380 units somewhat larger and significantly more modern military of automobile and special equipment”. Per the terms of proved superior to the forces of Armenia and the self- the deal, the force will be deployed for five years but this declared, Armenian-backed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic can be prolonged for additional five-year periods with the (NKR), also known as Artsakh. Both armies have Soviet consent of the signatories. Separately, a land corridor is to origins, but Azerbaijan was able to deploy upgraded Soviet be established through Armenia to connect the Azerbaijani equipment and modern Turkish and Israeli weapons, inclu- Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic exclave with the rest ding strike and reconnaissance drones and loitering muni- of Azerbaijan. It will be protected by the Border Guards of tions, which proved decisive. The combined Armenian and the Russian Federal Security Service, FSB. Nagorno-Karabakh forces generally had older equipment The 9 November statement does not address the sta- reinforced by a few modern systems, such as Russian-made tus of Nagorno-Karabakh nor does it create a path to a fi- Su-30SM fighters and Iskander operational-tactical surfa- nal resolution of the conflict.