How to Promote Social Mobility
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Social Mobility in Rural America Insights from Communities Whose Young People Are Climbing the Income Ladder
A Field Report by National 4-H Council and The Bridgespan Group Social Mobility in Rural America Insights from Communities Whose Young People Are Climbing the Income Ladder By Mark McKeag, Mike Soskis, Luis Ramos & Bill Breen in collaboration with National 4-H Council and the Cooperative Extension System of our nation’s land-grant universities Collaborating to accelerate social impact November 2018 Table of Contents Letter from the President and CEO, National 4-H Council ������������������������������������������������������ 3 Foreword ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 Executive Summary ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Social Mobility in Rural America ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 10 Getting a Ground-Level View ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������13 Communities Whose Youth Are Advancing Economically ����������������������������������������������������16 Six Factors That Might Support Upward Mobility �����������������������������������������������������������������������������18 Factor #1: A high expectation that youth will “opt in” and work hard to -
How Economic Inequality Shapes Mobility Expectations and Behavior
How Economic Inequality Shapes Mobility Expectations and Behavior in Disadvantaged Youth Alexander S. Browmana Mesmin Destinb,c,d Melissa S. Kearneye,g Phillip B. Levinef,g a Lynch School of Education, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA 02467 b School of Education and Social Policy, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60208 c Department of Psychology, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60208 d Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60208 e Department of Economics, University of Maryland, College Park, MD 20742 f Department of Economics, Wellesley College, Wellesley, MA 02481 g National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA 02138 Nature Human Behaviour, 2019 © Springer Nature Limited, 2019. This paper is not the copy of record and may not exactly replicate the authoritative document published in Nature Human Behaviour. The final article is available at: https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-018-0523-0 2 Abstract Economic inequality can have a range of negative consequences for those in younger generations, particularly for those from lower-socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds. Economists and psychologists, among other social scientists, have addressed this issue, but have proceeded largely in parallel. This Perspective outlines how these disciplines have proposed and provided empirical support for complementary theoretical models. Specifically, both disciplines emphasize that inequality weakens people’s belief in socioeconomic opportunity, thereby reducing the likelihood that low-SES young people will engage in behaviors that would improve their chances of upward mobility (e.g., persisting in school, averting teenage pregnancy). In integrating the methods and techniques of economics and psychology, we offer a cohesive framework for considering this issue. -
Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and The
Historical Materialism 19.4 (2011) 129–168 brill.nl/hima Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and the Origins of the US Civil War: Towards a New Social Interpretation* Charles Post City University of New York [email protected] Abstract The origins of the US Civil War have long been a central topic of debate among historians, both Marxist and non-Marxist. John Ashworth’s Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic is a major Marxian contribution to a social interpretation of the US Civil War. However, Ashworth’s claim that the War was the result of sharpening political and ideological – but not social and economic – contradictions and conflicts between slavery and capitalism rests on problematic claims about the rôle of slave-resistance in the dynamics of plantation-slavery, the attitude of Northern manufacturers, artisans, professionals and farmers toward wage-labour, and economic restructuring in the 1840s and 1850s. An alternative social explanation of the US Civil War, rooted in an analysis of the specific path to capitalist social-property relations in the US, locates the War in the growing contradiction between the social requirements of the expanded reproduction of slavery and capitalism in the two decades before the War. Keywords origins of capitalism, US Civil War, bourgeois revolutions, plantation-slavery, agrarian petty- commodity production, independent-household production, merchant-capital, industrial capital The Civil War in the United States has been a major topic of historical debate for almost over 150 years. Three factors have fuelled scholarly fascination with the causes and consequences of the War. First, the Civil War ‘cuts a bloody gash across the whole record’ of ‘the American . -
The Effects of Social Mobility on Individual Well-Being, Attitudes
The Effects of Social Mobility on Individual Well-Being, Attitudes, and Behavior: A Bounding Approach Ethan Fosse Fabian T. Pfeffer University of Toronto University of Michigan Abstract Researchers have long sought to estimate the effects of intergenerational socioeconomic mo- bility in a range of individual outcomes. There is also widespread public speculation about the role of downward mobility in explaining political upheaval. However, the empirical study of mobility effects faces a fundamental methodological challenge: The linear depen- dency among among social origin (O), destinations (D), and social mobility (M = D − O), prohibits the use of conventional statistical methods to estimate the unique contributions of the three variables to any given outcome. This paper applies a novel non-parametric bounding approach to partially identify the effects of social mobility. We study the effects of absolute mobility on a range of individual outcomes, such as socio-psychological well-being, political attitudes, fertility, and health. Results indicate that – in contrast to findings from a number of recent studies – the effects of social mobility on individual outcomes are large. 1 Introduction Americans face a new reality: they are increasingly more likely to be worse off than their parents, i.e., to experience downward social mobility. Whereas a minority of children born in the 1940s fell below their parents’ level of educational attainment and income as adults, about half of children born in the 1980s do so today (Hout and Janus 2011; Chetty et al. 2017). Some scientific work and much popular debate have hypothesized pernicious effects of rising rates of downward mobility on a range of outcomes, from extreme political views to early mortality. -
The Social Mobility of Immigrants and Their Children
The Social Mobility of Immigrants and Their Children Demetrios G. Papademetriou, Will Somerville, and Madeleine Sumption Migration Policy Institute June 2009 The Migration Policy Institute is an independent, nonpartisan, nonprofit think tank dedicated to the study of the movement of people worldwide. 1 Executive Summary Social mobility is central to immigrant integration. Since first-generation immigrants in Europe and North America typically experience downward mobility when they migrate, they are over- represented in low-skilled or low-earning jobs, in many cases despite high levels of education. With upward social mobility, however, immigrants can break out of their position at the bottom of the labor market – bringing strong social and economic benefits for both immigrant families and their communities. Immigrants’ initial downward mobility is largely attributed to four factors: language barriers, differences in educational attainment, difficulties obtaining recognition for credentials and experience gained abroad, and problems accessing opportunities through social networks and other recruitment channels. Many of these obstacles can be overcome with time. However, analysts disagree on the speed and degree of labor market integration among the first generation, specifically, whether immigrants can make rapid gains in wages and employment rates and whether they are able to catch up with their native counterparts during their lifetimes. What is clear is that substantial differences exist between different groups, categorized by ethnicity or by country of origin. Some – such as Asians in the United States – eventually outperform native workers; while others – such as Moroccans in the Netherlands – show little sign of convergence with their native counterparts. The second generation – which in many countries represents a rapidly growing segment of the population – improves substantially on its parents’ generation. -
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION and POLITICAL Behavrori an EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND POLITICAL BEHAVrORI AN EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS by Christopher Bates Doob A.B., Oberlin College, 1962 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Oberlin College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Sociology 1964 ~-,-\t ii I," - ~ <" . , Preface There are a number of people whose assistance has made this project possible. Without their aid I literally would have been unable to complete this thesis and obtain my degree. xy" profoundest acknowledgment goes to Dr. Kiyoshi Ikeda, whose knowledge of theory and methodology literally shaped this project. The influence of Professors Richard R. xy"ers, George E. Simpson, .J. Milton Yinger, and Donald P. Warwick is also evident at various points through- out this work. Mr. Thomas Bauer, Dr. Leonard Doob, Miss Nancy Durham, and Miss .June Wright have given valuable assistance at different stages of the process. Christopher B. Doob Oberlin College June 1964 09\,~O\A4 'i::l "\ ~ S iii Table of Contents Page Preface 11 r. Introduction The Problem 1 An Historical Approach to the Dynamics of Social Stratification 2 Broad Sociological Propositions Concerning Social Mobility 3 Empirical Studies 4 Status Crystallization 6 Static Structural Variables in This Study 7 Some Observations on Voting Behavior 11 The Hypotheses 12 II. Methodology The Sample 17 The Major Independent Variables 18 Intermediate Variables 25 The Dependent Variables 26 A Concluding Note 28 III. Description of the Findings The Relationship of Mobility, Class, and Intermediate Variables to Liberalism-Conservatism 30 The Intermediate Variables 31 Status Crystallization, Class, and Liberalism Conservatism • iv III. -
Social Capital in India: Networks, Organizations, and Confidence
Social Capital in India: Networks, Organizations, and Confidence Reeve Vanneman, Sonalde Desai, and James Noon University of Maryland ABSTRACT Using original data from a newly collected nationally representative survey for 40,000 households in India, we examine associations of various dimensions of social capital with each other and with contextual and individual determinants. We focus on three measures of social capital: a positional generator of social networks, a count of memberships in formal organizations, and a subjective index of confidence in institutions. All three scales show good internal reliabilities. Associations among the three are quite low however suggesting that, in India at least, there seems to be little generalization from one type of social capital to another. Further analysis reveals that all three scales reveal strong geographic patterning across India, but the social networks measure also shows strong relationships with social position within communities. Network contacts are more extensive for high caste, wealthy, and well-educated households. Similar household status associations are much weaker for confidence in institutions and for membership in organizations. These more formal, institutionalized dimensions of social capital depend more on the presence of institutions in the local area, while the more informal measures of social networks reflects also an individual’s position within the community. Prepared for the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Montreal, August 11-14, 2006. Contact: Reeve Vanneman ([email protected]). Please do not quote or cite until a final version is complete. The data are still preliminary, and the results will change somewhat once fully cleaned data are available. These results are based on the India Human Development Survey, 2005. -
Understanding the Nature and Consequences of Social Mobility Beliefs
Understanding the Nature and Consequences of Social Mobility Beliefs Martin V. Day and Susan T. Fiske Social mobility beliefs offer a unique window into how people make sense of a non- trivial outcome – where people end up in life. But what do we know about the nature and consequences of social mobility beliefs, that is, the perceived likelihood of moving up or down in society? Many disciplines – including economics, political science, psychology, and sociology – study these beliefs, in part because theory links them to societies’ maintenance of economic inequality (e.g., Benabou & Ok, 2001; Kluegel & Smith, 1986). Given the large, consequential gap between the rich and poor in nations around the world (Alvaredo, Chancel, Piketty, Saez, & Zucman, 2018; Pickett & Wilkinson, 2015), social mobility beliefs call for scientific atten- tion. As explained in our review, emerging research finds conditional support for the link between these beliefs and support for inequality. Overall, this chapter aims to shed light on the characteristics of social mobility beliefs and how they may critically affect thoughts, feelings, and behavior. In par- ticular, we review relevant work from psychology and related fields, providing novel conceptual perspectives on the societal and personal significance of social mobility beliefs. Further, we explore how these beliefs can affect tolerance for inequality and support for the status quo, as well as personal status-related goals and well-being. First, we elaborate on our view of social mobility beliefs, before consid- ering their nature and accuracy, as well as their societal and personal impacts. M. V. Day (*) Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John’s, NL, Canada e-mail: [email protected] S. -
WIDER Working Paper 2020/6-Drivers of Mobility
WIDER Working Paper 2020/6 Drivers of mobility Patrizio Piraino* January 2020 Abstract: Empirical studies in developing countries tend to find higher levels of socioeconomic persistence across generations compared with those of high-income economies. However, there have been relatively few advances in the identification of the drivers of such higher levels of intergenerational persistence. By focusing on relevant evidence from developing and emerging economies, this paper points to some of the potential drivers of mobility that are either outside those typically considered in high-income countries or likely to be of greater relevance in the developing world. The paper builds on the standard model of intergenerational mobility to discuss the appropriateness of some of its assumptions in a developing-country context. It will then advance some suggestions for future theoretical and empirical investigations of social mobility in the Global South. Key words: intergenerational mobility, Global South, market exclusion JEL classification: D63, J62, O15 Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Vito Peragine and Kunal Sen for detailed comments on an earlier draft, as well as participants in the UNU-WIDER workshop on Social Mobility in the Global South (Helsinki, 2019) for helpful discussions. * University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN, USA; [email protected]. This study has been prepared within the UNU-WIDER project Social mobility in the Global South—concepts, measures, and determinants. Copyright © UNU-WIDER 2020 Information and requests: [email protected] ISSN 1798-7237 ISBN 978-92-9256-763-7 https://doi.org/10.35188/UNU-WIDER/2020/763-7 Typescript prepared by Luke Finley. The United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research provides economic analysis and policy advice with the aim of promoting sustainable and equitable development. -
Social Position and Fairness Views
Social Position and Fairness Views Kristoffer Balle Hvidberg Claus Thustrup Kreiner CEBI, University of Copenhagen CEBI, University of Copenhagen Stefanie Stantcheva Harvard University November 2020 MOTIVATION Long-standing topics in Social Sciences Social status and fairness of inequality Political Econ Theory and Optimal Tax Theory Relative income and income positions important for fairness considerations and the design of tax and redistribution policy 2 42 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 1: How well do people know social positions of themselves and others? 2: To what extent do their views on (un)fairness of inequality depend on their social position? 3: How do they view fairness of inequality within different reference groups and are they better or less informed about inequality and social position where it matters the most? 3 42 UNIQUE METHODOLOGY Link Subjective & Objective Info for Large, Representative Sample of the Danish Population • Subjective: Survey & information experiment, elicitating perceptions about income positions and fairness views • Objective: Admin records with detailed info about income (on tax return), income positions, income histories, shocks (unemployment, disability, health, promotion), reference groups Conceptually: • Income: Gross income as reported on tax return and verifiable via admin data • Social position: percentile position in income distribution within your cohort (not within population) • Position within reference groups: percentile position in income distribution within cohort + same gender, education, sector, municipality, (+ neighbors, co-workers, former schoolmates, family). • Impact analysis: Effects of shocks to social position on fairness views 4 42 Social position within cohort neutralizes life-cycle effects 1000 P50 P95 800 600 400 Within cohort income (1000 DKK) 200 0 0 20 40 60 80 100 Age 5 42 SURVEY OUTLINE 1. -
Income Mobility: Concepts and Measures
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DigitalCommons@ILR Cornell University ILR School DigitalCommons@ILR Articles and Chapters ILR Collection 2000 Income Mobility: Concepts and Measures Gary S. Fields Cornell University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/articles Part of the Income Distribution Commons, Labor Economics Commons, and the Labor Relations Commons Thank you for downloading an article from DigitalCommons@ILR. Support this valuable resource today! This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the ILR Collection at DigitalCommons@ILR. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles and Chapters by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@ILR. For more information, please contact [email protected]. If you have a disability and are having trouble accessing information on this website or need materials in an alternate format, contact [email protected] for assistance. Income Mobility: Concepts and Measures Abstract People’s economic positions may change for a variety of reasons. The economy in which they participate may improve or deteriorate because of macroeconomic growth or contraction, employer-specific events and circumstances, business expansions and contractions, and ups and downs in local communities. Individuals may experience major life events with important economic consequences, among them completion of schooling, promotions and other movements up the career ladder, marriage and divorce, poor health, and retirement. Economic mobility studies are concerned with quantifying the movement of given recipient units through the distribution of economic well-being over time, establishing how dependent ones current economic position is on one’s past position, and relating people’s mobility experiences to the various influences that have been mentioned. -
Economic Mobility in the United States Daniel P
Economic Mobility in the United States Daniel P. McMurrer, Isabel V. Sawhill Companion Piece to Number 3 in Series, "Opportunity in America" Document date: October 01, 1996 The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not Released online: October 01, 1996 necessarily reflect those of the Urban Institute, its board, its sponsors, or other authors in the series. The size of available economic rewards and the extent to which those awards are open to all individuals in a society are two critical factors in determining the extent to which a society's economic and social structure is believed to be fair and just by those who participate in it. And over the long term, these fundamental economic elements are likely to have a significant effect on the prevailing public mood within a society. The impact of these factors is even greater in a nation such as the United States, in which the national ideology is deeply rooted in the promise of equal opportunity for all. It is well known that the rewards for success in the United States are great and that they seem to be growing larger every year. Numerous studies have reported that the income gap between the rich and poor in the United States has grown in recent decades. The ratio of mean income for the highest 20 percent of family incomes to the lowest 20 percent has increased from slightly over 7.0 in 1968 to slightly over 11.0 in 1994. 1 Inequality is lower if it is measured by consumption, rather than by income, although some studies have found that consumption inequality is growing at a similar rate to income inequality.