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Confucian Marxism and Its Implications in the Current Age of Globalization
CONFUCIAN MARXISM AND ITS IMPLICATIONS IN THE CURRENT AGE OF GLOBALIZATION Chen Weigang I. The Issue: Culture and Peripheral Justice One does not need to embrace Samuel Huntington’s theory of the clash of civilizations to recognize the increasing salience of cultural and ethnic confl ict in the post-Cold War world.1 Indeed, recent major trends in the developing world, from the spectacular growth of Islamic fundamentalism in Muslim countries to the rapid ascendancy of Confucian nationalism in East Asia,2 all demonstrate clearly that cul- ture and cultural identities have become the driving force in global politics today. How, then, do we explain the intriguing fact that precisely at the moment when the West scores a decisive victory over all political and economic alternatives, when capitalism is universally accepted as the only feasible way to rationally organize a modern economy, and when Third-World industrialization tears down the traditional North-South structure thereby marking the beginning of an age of capitalist global- ization, there has emerged across non-Western societies an ever more powerful anti-Western backlash and an ever stronger aspiration for 1 Huntington, Samuel, The Clash of Civilizations: Remaking of World Order (New York: Touchstone, 1996). 2 In 1993, Hanoi published, at great expense, a romanized Vietnamese translation (in fi fteen volumes with almost eight thousand pages) of “The Imperially Authorized Compendium of Institutions and Institutional Cases of the Great South” (“The Great South” was the Vietnamese imperial name for Vietnam, adopted in the late 1830s). The “Compendium of Institutions” had been compiled originally in classical Chinese by senior mandarins of the Vietnamese court at Hue in the 1840s. -
Willy Brandt – Stimmen Zum 100. Geburtstag Reden Und Beiträge Im Erinnerungsjahr 2013
Willy Brandt – Stimmen zum 100. Geburtstag Reden und Beiträge im Erinnerungsjahr 2013 Schriftenreihe Heft 27 HERAUSGEBERIN Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung Bundesstiftung des öffentlichen Rechts Der Vorstand Karsten Brenner, Ministerialdirektor a.D. (Vorsitzender) Prof. Dr. Dieter Dowe Prof. Dr. Axel Schildt Willy Brandt – Stimmen zum 100. Geburtstag REDAKTION Dr. Wolfram Hoppenstedt (Geschäftsführer) Dr. Bernd Rother Reden und Beiträge im Erinnerungsjahr 2013 Dr. Wolfgang Schmidt Schriftleitung: Dr. Wolfram Hoppenstedt Diese Publikation wurde aus Mitteln des Haushalts der Beauftragten der Bundesregierung für Kultur und Medien (BKM) finanziert. © 2014 by Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung Forum Willy Brandt Berlin Willy-Brandt-Haus Lübeck Unter den Linden 62-68 Königstraße 21 D-10117 Berlin D-23552 Lübeck Tel.: 030 / 787707-0 Tel.: 0451 / 122425-0 Fax: 030 / 787707-50 Fax: 0451 / 122425-9 [email protected] [email protected] www.willy-brandt.de www.willy-brandt-luebeck.de GESTALTUNG Pralle Sonne, Berlin REALISATION UND DRUCK Hans Gieselmann Druck und Medienhaus, Nuthetal © Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung d.ö.R. Printed in Germany 2014 ISSN 1434-6176 Schriftenreihe der Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung ISBN 978-3-933090-26-3 Heft 27 INHALT Willy Brandt – Stationen seines Lebens 6 Erhard Eppler 8 Willy Brandt zum 100. Geburtstag Jonas Gahr Støre 18 Ein Mann mit zwei Vaterländern Joachim Gauck 21 Bis heute ein Vorbild Heinz Fischer 25 Ein ganzes Leben lang Gutes bewirkt Sigmar Gabriel 32 Er hat den Menschen Hoffnung gegeben Ricardo Nuñez 40 Er hat uns Mut gemacht Björn Engholm 43 Was die Größe von Willy Brandt ausmacht Werner A. Perger 50 Deutscher Weltbürger, nationaler Kosmopolit Wolfgang Thierse 55 Global denken und handeln Peter Brandt 59 Versuch einer Annäherung Interview mit Egon Bahr 74 Frieden und Deutschland miteinander verbunden Karsten Brenner 80 Nachwort Quellenverzeichnis 85 Empfehlungen zum Weiterlesen 87 6 7 WILLY BRANDT – STATIONEN SEINES LEBENS 1913 Am 18. -
Masses, Turbo-Capitalism and Power in Jean Baudrillard's Social
International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science No. 3, Year 2/2018 MASSES, TURBO-CAPITALISM AND POWER IN JEAN BAUDRILLARD’S SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ONTOTHEOLOGY PhD. Prof. Spiros MAKRIS Assistant Professor in Political Theory University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, GREECE Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT If postmodern Jean Baudrillard (1929-2007) could be defined as a theorist of power - to the extent that for some this is a contradiction by definition, although something very similar takes place in the case of Michel Foucault, he could be defined as a theorist of meta-power in the globalized era of turbo-capitalism. In his late texts (2005), which were published in 2010, the eminent French philosopher builds a provocative theory about power by using the classic concepts of domination and hegemony within the contemporary social, economic, political and ideological context of neoliberal globalization. In these papers, he analyzes in-depth the meta- power of hegemony in comparison with the power of domination. Actually, by signifying the critical passage of postwar capitalism from the phase of production to the phase of consumption, as Zygmunt Bauman does in his relevant work, Baudrillard formulates a meta-power theory as the equivalent of what he defines as turbo-capitalism. What is at stake is no longer the conventional issues of state sovereignty, Marx-inspired concept of alienation and Critical Theory-like negative dialectics but the crucial questions of hegemony, hostage and evilness. In short, Jean Baudrillard builds a new ontological and by extension disciplinary and theoretical field concerning global power, where the ‘Empire of Good’, or turbo-capitalism in his own terminology, is reborn in a totally catastrophic way (see simulation in the sense of a capitalist hypocrisy) either as an ‘Axis of Evil’ or as the ‘problem of terror’ (see simulacrum in the sense of a Lacanian stage of image within which turbo-capitalism represses, through a Freudian process of repelling, its unfamiliar self/i.e. -
Post-Politics and the Aesthetic Imagination,” Edited Collection (DEADLINE: MAY 20)
H-Democracy CFP: “Post-Politics and the Aesthetic Imagination,” Edited Collection (DEADLINE: MAY 20) Discussion published by Juan Meneses on Sunday, May 16, 2021 “Post-Politics and the Aesthetic Imagination” CFP for Edited Collection This Call for Papers seeks abstracts for essays that reflect on the analytical bridges that might exist between post-political theory and the study of aesthetics broadly conceived. The main question the project aims to answer is the following: Decades after everything was declared to be political, what are the affordances, triumphs, and pitfalls of a post-political theory of aesthetics? The work of theorists of post-politics such as Jacques Rancière, Chantal Mouffe, Ernesto Laclau, Alain Badiou, Slavoj Žižek, and Erik Swyngedouw among others has exposed the processes by which political action is currently being eroded, sites for its practice are increasingly disappearing, and political agency is in need of urgent revitalization. At the same time, much post-political critical discourse has concentrated on connecting the saturation of the practice of politics, as well as its subsequent evacuation, with the need to formulate new and alternative ways to generate meaningful political change. While post-political theory has featured in analyses traditionally labelled “political,” a more explicit reflection on the contours, scope, and interpretive value of post- political theory for the study of aesthetics is absent in the critical theory corpus and it can offer a crucial contribution. At the core are questions: What does the post- political stand for exactly, and how can issues concerning representation (textual, visual, aural, etc. as well as political) be rethought through this lens? Related Citation: Juan Meneses. -
Democracia Y Conflicto En Contextos Pluralistas DEPOIMENTO
Democracia y conflicto en contextos pluralistas DEPOIMENTO Democracia y conflicto en contextos pluralistas: entrevista con Chantal Mouffe Democracy and conflict in pluralist contexts: an interview with Chantal Mouffe Entrevista con: Chantal Mouffe Profesora e investigadora, Centre for the Study of Democracy/ RAMOS, Aura Helena et al. Democracia y conflicto en contextos University of Westminster. pluralistas: entrevista con Chantal Mouffe. História, Ciências, Saúde – [email protected] Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro, v.21, n.2, abr.-jun. 2014, p.749-763. Concedida a: Resumen Aura Helena Ramos Chantal Mouffe, junto al teórico político argentino Ernesto Laclau Profesora, Faculdade de Educação (1935-2014), lanzó, en 1985, las bases de la teoría del discurso. Luego, e Programa de Pós-graduação em desarrolló su trabajo en el sentido de profundizar como influyen las Educação, Cultura e Comunicação formulaciones de la teoría del discurso en el análisis de las democracias em Periferias Urbanas/Universidade contemporáneas. Abordando el conflicto como una producción del do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Rua São Francisco Xavier, 524 encuentro de la diferencia, Mouffe lo comprende como un aspecto 20550-900 – Rio de Janeiro – RJ indeleble en la constitución del social. En este encuentro con la autora, – Brasil buscamos reflexionar algunos temas y problemáticas centrales de [email protected] su trabajo, y las implicaciones de su teoría en el campo educacional contemporáneo. Anna Luiza A. R. Martins de Oliveira Palabras clave: Chantal Mouffe (1943- ); teoría del discurso; democracia pluralista; derechos humanos; cultura. Profesora, Programa de Pós- graduação em Educação Contemporânea/Universidade Abstract Federal de Pernambuco (UFPE). Av. Professor Moraes Rego, 1235 Chantal Mouffe, along with Argentinian political theorist Ernesto Laclau (1935- 50670-901 – Recife – PE – Brasil 2014), laid down the bases of discourse theory in 1985. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990S Marg
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990s Margit Viola Wunsch A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2012 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Abstract This is a novel study of the German press’ visual and textual coverage of the wars in Bosnia (1992-95) and Kosovo (1998-99). Key moments have been selected and analysed from both wars using a broad range of publications ranging from extreme-right to extreme-left and including broadsheets, a tabloid and a news-magazine, key moments have been selected from both wars. Two sections with parallel chapters form the core of the thesis. The first deals with the war in Bosnia and the second the conflict in Kosovo. Each section contains one chapter on the initial phase of the conflict, one chapter on an important atrocity – namely the Srebrenica Massacre in Bosnia and the Račak incident in Kosovo – and lastly a chapter each on the international involvement which ended the immediate violence. -
1 Final Report for NATO Fellowship March 1998 Mary N Hampton
1 Final Report for NATO Fellowship March 1998 Mary N Hampton University of Utah I have completed the work for my 1997-1998 NATO Research Fellowship. Because of the fellowship, I was able to finish critical secondary research and conduct many useful discussions in Germany with relevant academics and with current and past German foreign policy and security elites. My project, "The German Conception of Security: an Examination of Competing Views", has resulted in three major research papers, one which is already published, and two that are accepted for publication or under contract. I will return to these research papers below. Aside from NATO's generous assistance, the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung in Sankt Augustin and the Hessische Stiftung fuer Friedens und Konflikt Forschung (HSFK), Frankfurt, were especially helpful in allowing me to carry out my research. I had offices in both institutes. The libraries in both were very useful. The HSFK has a fine collection of security journals, including the most important ones in English and German. It also has a good collection of the German party publications, which were most helpful to my work. However, most important to my project was the interaction I had with analysts and scholars at the two institutions. I am very grateful to Dr. Harald Mueller, the Director of the HSFK, for his generous assistance, and to other analysts at the institute who read my work and discussed it with me, and who helped me obtain interview partners critical to my work. Among those that assisted me most and to whom I am grateful were Drs. -
A Focus on Chantal Mouffe's “Agonistic Democracy”
Educational Studies in Japan: International Yearbook No. 13, March, 2019. pp. 111-121 Rethinking of the Signifi cance of Passions in Political Education: A Focus on Chantal Mouff e’s “Agonistic Democracy” Sho Yamanaka* This paper discusses the significance of passions in political education through the consideration of Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic democracy. Mouffe points out the role of the passions that facilitate organizing political identities, and presents the risks of eliminating passions. The liberal interpretation of de- mocracy intends to eliminate passions that prevent people achieving a rational consensus. On the other hand, the emphasis on rationality makes it easy for right-wing populism to mobilize people’s passions. In other words, the elimina- tion of passions creates a situation in which dialogue with other political iden- tities is diffi cult: this is the contradiction of the liberal interpretation of democ- racy. To avoid this, Mouff e suggests channels that express collective passions as democratic designs to disarm antagonistic passions. Mouffe’s democratic theory indicates the risk of a too optimistic understanding of the passions in political education which takes deliberative approaches. Also, this result sug- gests the necessity of reconsidering the position of passions in the political ed- ucation. From the perspective of Mouff e’s agonistic democracy, the role of po- litical education should be regarded as not elimination of passions but sublimation of antagonistic passions. To achieve this sublimation, we should fa- cilitate participation in democratic practices. However, sublimation of antago- nistic passions through democratic institutions is not always successful. If an- tagonistic passions are expressed in destructive forms, what should we do? This paper touches only briefl y on this point. -
Introduction: the Nuclear Crisis, NATO's Double-Track Decision
Introduction Th e Nuclear Crisis, NATO’s Double-Track Decision, and the Peace Movement of the 1980s Christoph Becker-Schaum, Philipp Gassert, Martin Klimke, Wilfried Mausbach, and Marianne Zepp In the fall of 1983 more than a million people all across West Germany gathered under the motto “No to Nuclear Armament” to protest the imple- mentation of NATO’s Double-Track Decision of 12 December 1979 and the resulting deployment of Pershing II and cruise missiles in West Germany and other European countries.1 Th e media overfl owed with photos of human chains, sit-in blockades, and enormous protest rallies. Th e impressive range of protest events included street theater performances, protest marches, and blockades of missile depots. During the fi nal days of the campaign there were huge mass protests with several hundred thousand participants, such as the “Fall Action Week 1983” in Bonn on 22 October and a human chain stretching about 108 km from Ulm to Stuttgart. It seemed as if “peace” was the dominant theme all over Germany.2 Despite these protests, the West German Bundestag approved the missile deployment with the votes of the governing conservative coalition, thereby concluding one of the longest debates in German parliamentary history.3 A few days later the fi rst of the so-called Euromissiles were installed in Mut- langen, near Stuttgart, and in Sigonella, on the island of Sicily.4 Th e peace movement had failed to attain its short-term political aim. However, after a brief period of refl ection, the movement continued to mobilize masses of people for its political peace agenda. -
Sun, Water, Wind : Development of the Energy Transition in Germany
Franz-Josef Brüggemeier Sun, Water, Wind: Development of the Energy Transition in Germany good society – social democracy # 2017 plus FRIEDRICH EBERT STIFTUNG good society – social democracy # 2017 plus A PROJECT BY THE FRIEDRICH EBERT STIFTUNG 2015 AND 2017 What is a Good Society? For us this includes social justice, environmental sustain- ability, an innovative and successful economy and an active participatory democracy. The Good Society is supported by the fundamental values of freedom, justice and solidarity. We need new ideas and concepts to ensure that the Good Society will become reality. For these reasons the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung is developing specific policy recommendations for the coming years. The focus rests on the following topics: – A debate about the fundamental values: freedom, justice and solidarity; – Democracy and democratic participation; – New growth and a proactive economic and financial policy; – Decent work and social progress. The Good Society does not simply evolve; it has to be continuously shaped by all of us. For this project the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung uses its international network with the intention to combine German, European and international perspectives. With numerous publications and events between 2015 and 2017 the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung will concentrate on the task of outlining the way to a Good Society. For more information on the project: www.fes-2017plus.de The Friedrich Ebert Stiftung The FES is the oldest political foundation in Germany. It bears the name of Friedrich Ebert, Germany’s first democratically elected president. Being associated with the Social Democratic Party, our work is guided by the fundamental values of social democracy, namely freedom, justice, and solidarity. -
Constructivism in International Relations the Politics of Reality
Constructivism in International Relations The politics of reality Maja Zehfuss University of Warwick 25579CCB 42:58 84 ,2:581:B:C.2:/2CBD4CCC9 ,2:58,CB7DB22:22CCambridge Books9CCB Online 42:58© Cambridge 84CB University 9CCB5: Press, 8 2009 ,0 PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcón 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org© Maja Zehfuss 2004 First published in printed format 2002 ISBN 978-0-511-49179-5 OCeISBN ISBN 0-521-81544-4 hardback ISBN 0-521-89466-2 paperback 25579CCB 42:58 84 ,2:581:B:C.2:/2CBD4CCC9 ,2:58,CB7DB22:22CCambridge Books9CCB Online 42:58© Cambridge 84CB University 9CCB5: Press, 8 2009 ,0 Constructivism in International Relations Maja Zehfuss’ book offers a fundamental critique of constructivism, fo- cusing on the work of Wendt, Onuf and Kratochwil. Using Germany’s shift towards participation in international military operations as an illustration, she demonstrates why each version of constructivism fails in its own project and comes apart on the basis of its own assump- tions. Inspired by Derridean thought, this book highlights the political consequences of constructivist representations of reality. Each critique concludes that constructivist notions of key concepts are impossible, and that this is not merely a question of theoretical inconsistency, but of politics. The book is premised on the notion that the ‘empirical’ and the ‘theoretical’ are less separate than is acknowledged in inter- national relations, and must be read as intertwined. -
Deutscher Bundestag
Plenarprotokoll 12/211 Deutscher Bundestag Stenographischer Bericht 211. Sitzung Bonn, Freitag, den 25. Februar 1994 Inhalt: Tagesordnungspunkt 9: Lieselott Blunck (Uetersen) SPD . 18290D Beratung des Antrags der Abgeordne- Walter Link (Diepholz) CDU/CSU . 18291B, ten Johannes Gerster (Mainz), Heri- 18305 D bert Scharrenbroich, Peter Kittelmann, Dr. Peter Struck, Peter Conradi, Freimut Dr. Barbara Höll PDS/Linke Liste . 18291 C Duve, Manfred Richter (Bremerhaven), Klaus Riegert CDU/CSU 18292 C Ina Albowitz, Uwe Lühr, Andrea Lede- rer, Werner Schulz (Berlin) und weiterer Arne Fuhrmann SPD 18296 A Abgeordneter Erika Reinhardt CDU/CSU 18298 D Verhüllter Reichstag — Projekt für Ber- lin (Drucksache 12/6767) Hans A. Engelhard F.D.P. 18300D Peter Conradi SPD 18275 B Dr. Barbara Höll PDS/Linke Liste . 18302C Dr. Burkhard Hirsch F.D.P. 18278 A Dr. Wolfgang Ullmann BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN 18304A Heribert Scharrenbroich CDU/CSU . 18278D Lisa Seuster SPD 18305 C Dr. Dietmar Keller PDS/Linke Liste . 18280 C Walter Link (Diepholz) CDU/CSU . 18308B Konrad Weiß (Berlin) BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN 18281 B Winfried Fockenberg CDU/CSU . 18310B Manfred Richter (Bremerhaven) F.D.P. 18282A Dr. Rudolf Karl Krause (Bonese) fraktions los 18311B Dr. Wolfgang Schäuble CDU/CSU . 18283 A Eike Ebert SPD 18286 A Tagesordnungspunkt 11: a) Erste Beratung des von der Bundesre- Dr. Ulrich Briefs fraktionslos 18287 B gierung eingebrachten Entwurfs ei- Freimut Duve SPD 18287 D nes Gesetzes über Sicherheit und Ge- sundheitsschutz bei der Arbeit (Ar-- Namentliche Abstimmung 18288 C beitsschutzrahmengesetz) (Drucksache 12/6752) Ergebnis 18294 A b) Beratung der Unterrichtung durch die Bundesregierung Tagesordnungspunkt 10: Bericht der Bundesregierung über den Stand der Unfallverhütung und das Beratung der Unterrichtung durch die Unfallgeschehen in der Bundesrepublik Bundesregierung: Erster Altenbericht Deutschland: Unfallverhütungsbericht der Bundesregierung (Drucksache 12/5897) 1992 (Drucksache 12/6429) Horst Günther, Parl.