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sa!plJlS /e39!/OJ qS!Mar ABOUT THE AUTHOR FOREWO

PETER Y. MEDDING is an associate professor in the departments WHATEVER TIIE TRUTII of the 0 of Political Science and Contemporary Jewry at the Hebrew being just like other Americans only University of Jerusalem, and is an editor of the annual Studies not apply in the political sphere, wher. in Contemporary Jewry, published by Oxford University Press. is evident. Scholars such as Seymc Among his books are From Assimilation to Group Survival (1968), Raab have pointed to the "political Mapai in Israel (1972), and The Founding of Israeli Democracy Jews, their disproportionate involvem (forthcoming). as expert professionals, volunteers, ane The research for this essay forms part of a larger project for office. Moreover, Jewish voters sl conducted under the auspices of the Center for Modern Jewish for liberal politics, a propensity that Studies at Brandeis University, whose support is gratefully basis of their relatively high socioece acknowledged. The complete study will appear as a book tenta­ the organized Jewish community eX) tively entitled The New Politics of American Jews, to be published energy in advancing favored political in 1990 by The Free Press, a division of Macmillan, Inc. Israel and aid to Soviet Jewry. The existing scholarly literatufl American Jews has certain limitations. part of the material is dated and needs -- and more important •• there are not depth, exploring not only the "whats" but also the "whys." Why, for exam) tenaciously to political liberalism even moves in a more conservative directic zations pursue an activist political age and the White House? More gener; Copyright © 1989 The American Jewish Committee gravitate to politics as a sphere of activity All rights reserved To suggest answers to these an­ ~1HEAU1HOR FOREWORD

I associate professor in the departments WHAlEVER TIlE TRUTII of the old saw about American Jews :ontemporary Jewry at the Hebrew being just like other Americans only more so, it certainly does .d is an editor of the annual Studies not apply in the political sphere, where a distinctive Jewish pattern blished by Oxford University Press. is evident. Scholars such as Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Assimilation to Group Survival (1968), Raab have pointed to the "political hyperactivism" of American :t The Founding of Israeli Democracy Jews, their disproportionate involvement in the political process as expert professionals, volunteers, and, in recent years, candidates ssay forms part of a larger project for office. Moreover, Jewish voters show a remarkable propensity :es of the Center for Modern Jewish for liberal politics, a propensity that cannot be predicted on the rersity, whose support is gratefully basis of their relatively high socioeconomic status. In addition, te study will appear as a book tenta­ the organized Jewish community expends enormous effort and tics of American Jews, to be published energy in advancing favored political causes, such as support for :tivision of Macmillan, Inc. Israel and aid to Soviet Jewry. The existing scholarly literature on the political life of American Jews has certain limitations. In the first place, a good part of the material is dated and needs to be made current. Second -- and more important •• there are not enough studies with analytic depth, exploring not only the "whats" of Jewish political behavior but also the "whys." Why, for example, do American Jews cling tenaciously to political liberalism even as the country as a whole moves in a more conservative direction? Why do Jewish organi­ zations pursue an activist political agenda in relation to Congress and the White House? More generally, why do American Jews iean Jewish Committee gravitate to politics as a sphere of activity? To suggest answers to these and other important questions

iii about the role that American Jews play in the political life of the nation, the American Jewish Committee has initiated the Jewish Political Studies series. The first publication in the series is Peter Medding's The Transjonnation of American Jewish Politics, which points to the emergence of a "Pluralist Politics of Group Survival" as the key to the political behavior of American Jewry as a community.

David Singer, Director THE TRANSFOR~ Infonnation and Research Services AMERICAN lEWIS

AMERICAN JEWRY has recently undf transformation. Less than three det weak and unimportant. Today, it i! significant and influential force, and political power is commonplace. Issu concern to Jews figure prominently agenda, engaging the ongoing attent Congress, and the media. Jewishr: relevant, and a new pattern of Jewish pol: Much has been written about J political attitudes, but little is known as a group act politically. Yet it is the transformation has been grea explaining these developments we shaL Jewry pursues its basic concerns: , Jewish social, economic and cultural s relations between the United States Jewish survivaL1

THE BASIC GROUP CONCERNS

Social, Economic and o.dtural Status

American Jews believe that to conser in American society they must defenc iv play in the political life of °lttee bas initiated the Jewish publication in the series is of .American Jewish Politics, a "Pluralist Politics of Group behavior of American Jewry

David Singer, Director THE TRANSFORMATION OF Injomultion and Research Services AMERICAN JEWISH POLITICS

AMERICAN JEWRY has recently undergone a fundamental political transformation. Less than three decades ago it was politically weak and unimportant. Today, it is widely perceived to be a significant and influential force, and public discussion of Jewish political power is commonplace. Issues of direct and immediate concern to Jews figure prominently on the American political agenda, engaging the ongoing attention of the Administration, Congress, and the media. Jewishness has become politically relevant, and a new pattern of Jewish politics has evolved. Much has been written about Jewish voting behavior and political attitudes, but little is known about how American Jews as a group act politically. Yet it is in precisely this sphere that the transformation has been greatest. In analyzing and explaining these developments we shall focus upon how American Jewry pursues its basic concerns: consolidating and improving Jewish social, economic and cultural status in America; enhancing relations between the United States and Israel; and ensuring Jewish survival.!

1HE BASIC GROUP CONCERNS OF AMERICAN JEWS

Social, Economic and Cultural Status

American Jews believe that to conserve and enhance their status in American society they must defend it from two major hostile

1 pressures the threat of anti-Semitic prejudice and America may be the most tole discrimination; and the threat of Christianity, that is, the and opportunity-laden society in JeVi incorporation into American pUblic life of Christian symbols, freer, more accepted, more integrate< practices and values. than in any other country in the Di Even though discrimination and prejudice against Jews in anti-Semitism and Christianity cont equality. As a result, Jews suffer I Am~rica ~ave declined, especially since 1960, their continuing manIfestations and the experience of Jewish history make Jews insecurity and vulnerability that is 1 feel that anti-Semitism is as endemic in America as in other they have come so far, and have so n Western societies. However benign conditions seem and however political activity seeks to overcome these open the institutional structures of society are, American Jews do Relations with Israel not feel truly secure because things can get worse, particularly if economic and social conditions deteriorate.2 American Jews perceive a second threat to their group Like other ethnic Americans who m status in the pressure of Christian America. Christianity is the linguistic and cultural identificati< formative cultural system for the vast majority of Americans, in American Jews care deeply about Is] terms of both values and emotions. In this sense, Jews see was tinged with ambivalence. In the American society as Christian, despite the formal constitutional accompanied by a distinct sense of 81 guarantees aimed at ensuring the state's religious neutrality. well as some apprehension that too I Indeed, for American Jews, Christianity is not merely the harm Jewish status in America. Even religion of the majority of their fellow Americans -- a relatively to Israel became a central elen neutral aspect of social diversity -- but is rather a fundamental identification and self-definition, 31 feature of their own status definition. Jews reject Christianity organizational and political activity. at the rational level as essentially false, and even more strongly far that today, the future strength at the affective level as the theological source of a long history Jewish life are thought to be dependent l of anti-Semitism and persecution. They define their Jewishness American Jewish pride in Israel in terms of its separateness from, and rejection of, Christianity. the existence of sovereign Jewish poli To be Jewish in America means, among other things, not to be so dramatically with the situation of statu~ Christian. Israel also enhanced Jewish This translates politically into a strong commitment to the American Jews in the same category c separation of church and state. While many other Americans have homelands to which they relate, share this conviction, its meaning for American Jews is a dispersed and rootless people. 11: fundamentally different. No other identifiable group in America democratic, pioneering, egalitarian s. has a greater investment in separation than the Jews. For them prophetic moral values, and at the sa:: -- but not for others -- the separation of church and state courageous and had proved that J. constitutes and defines their individual and group status in themselves against much greater odd. American society, because to breach separation is to Christianize status in America and reinforced thei: America, relegating the Jews to second-class citizenship. A prime then, is a prime focus of American J concern of Jewish politics in America is ensuring that this does identity, simultaneously affirming • not occur by maintaining a society that is neutral in matters of personality needs, and collective aspire religious affiliation. peoplehood, with Israel at its core, rt

2 America may be the most tolerant, welcoming, pluralistic, '- of anti-Semitic prejudice and and opportunity-laden society in Jewish history. Jews may be ~at of Christianity, that is, the freer, more accepted, more integrated and more successful there im public life of Christian symbols, than in any other country in the Diaspora Yet the threats of anti-Semitism and Christianity continue to jeopardize Jewish hation and prejudice against Jews in equality. As a result, Jews suffer from a permanent sense of ::specially since 1960, their continuing insecurity and vulnerability that is heightened by the fact that perience of Jewish history make Jews they have come so far, and have so much to lose. Much of their as endemic in America as in other political activity seeks to overcome these threats. :r benign conditions seem and however tures of society are, American Jews do Relations with Israel -se things can get worse, particularly if 2 os deteriorate. Like other ethnic Americans who maintain a sense of national, 'Ve a second threat to their group linguistic and cultural identification with their homeland, Christian America Christianity is the American Jews care deeply about Israel. At first, this concern or the vast majority of Americans, in was tinged with ambivalence. In the 1950s support for Israel was emotions. In this sense, Jews see accompanied by a distinct sense of separateness and distance, as :tian, despite the formal constitutional well as some apprehension that too close an identification might the state's religious neutrality. harm Jewish status in America. Eventually, however, commitment Jews, Christianity is not merely the to Israel became a central element in American Jewish their fellow Americans -- a relatively identification and self-definition, and a focal point of its 'Versity .- but is rather a fundamental organizational and political activity. This process has gone so as definition. Jews reject Christianity far that today, the future strength and vitality of American sentially false, and even more strongly Jewish life are thought to be dependent upon Israel.3 Ie theological source of a long history American Jewish pride in Israel has focused particularly on ~tion. They define their Jewishness the existence of sovereign Jewish political power, which contrasts 58 from, and rejection of, Christianity. so dramatically with the situation of Jewry during the Holocaust. means, among other things, not to be Israel also enhanced Jewish status in America by placing American Jews in the same category as other ethnic groups which lly into a strong commitment to the have homelands to which they relate, instead of being treated as state. While many other Americans a dispersed and rootless people. That Israel was a progressive, :s meaning for American Jews is democratic, pioneering, egalitarian society, embodying universal 10 other identifiable group in America prophetic moral values, and at the same time was self-reliant and l separation than the Jews. For them courageous and had proved that Jews could fight to defend the separation of church and state themselves against much greater odds, added to their enhanced heir individual and group status in status in America and reinforced their positive self-image. Israel, to breach separation is to Christianize then, is a prime focus of American Jewish self-worth and shared i'S to second-class citizenship. A prime identity, simultaneously affirming common roots, individual in America is ensuring that this does personality needs, and collective aspirations. For American Jews, a society that is neutral in matters of peoplehood, with Israel at its core, represents extended familism.

3 Caring for Israel, supporting it, involvement in its life and its 1be ukra! Politics of Individual Right problems, are as self-evident to Jews as caring and concern for one's family. Jewish group politics in the 19508 II But the dominant element in American Jews' relations with political conception that may be I Israel since the end of the 19608 has been concern with its Politics of Individual Rights. It security, which has to a great extent become dependent upon concern at that time with securing the political, economic and military assistance of the United status in America States. Their primary aim, therefore, has been to ensure Confronting considerable d American support for Israel. Any indication of a weakening of organizations of American Jewry so· that support generates anxiety and apprehension. enable Jews fully to enter Amerit: From the end of World War IT or 1be FJemental J.ssue of Surviva1 problem confronting Jews in America terms -- the full integration of indiv These two ethnic concerns -- ensuring equality and support for National Jewish Community Relations Israel -. spill over into the third •• Jewish survival. The put it this way: concern with status in America is set against a long history of anti-Semitic persecution, culminating in the Holocaust. The The overall objectives of Je­ constant threat to Israel's security evokes similar fears about the are to protect and promote equa physical survival of its Jews, as well as doubts about the future and to create conditions that I of American Jewry should Israel go under. of Jewish living. The!!! For about a generation after the Holocaust, its meaning as a realized only in a society in historical event had little impact upon the political behavior of secure, whatever their religion. American Jewry.4 By the mid-1960s, however, it began to have Freedom of individual conscier. an effect. In 1967, when a beleaguered Israel faced a battle for American democracy. The rij survival just prior to the Six-Day War, it was dramatically worship God in his own way is imprinted on the consciousness of American Jews. Established in the major arches of our natic order to provide a safe haven for Jews from the ineradicable liberties. Government must evils of anti-Semitism, by some twist of historic irony the protecting each in the pursuit c independent Jewish state suddenly seemed the likely scene of a otherwise remaining aloof from reli second Holocaust. And once more, the Jews appeared to stand Jews perceived established and a alone. religious, academic, and social elite!!! Neither the swift Israeli military victory of 1967 nor the anti-Jewish prejudice. Their discri slower, more costly success of 1973 weakened the influence of ran counter to the liberal and egal. the felt analogy with the Holocaust. American Jews recognized the Constitution. In seeking to r that Israel's survival was permanently in question, since the loss Jews sought to have America Jive 1 of one war meant the annihilation of its Jewish inhabitants. As highest ideals. a result, concern with survival came to pervade American Jewry's American Jews manifested su collective identity, affecting its perception of its status and role elections and in public-opinion su: in American society and becoming the central focus of American Democrats in presidential electio: Jewish politics.5 I, percentage points more than the I 4 I it, involvement in its life and its The uberal Politics ofIndividual Rights Jews as caring and concern for Jewish group politics in the 19508 and 19608 was informed by a in American Jews' relations with political conception that may be characterized as the Liberal 19605 has been concern with its Politics of Individual Rights. It reflected American Jewish extent become dependent upon concern at that time with securing social, economic and cultural military assistance of the United status in America aim, therefore, has been to ensure Confronting considerable discrimination, the major .eJ. Any indication of a weakening of organizations of American Jewry sought conditions which would yand apprehension. enable Jews fully to enter American society as equal citizens. From the end of World War IT until about the mid-1960s, the 'Val problem confronting Jews in America was understood in individual terms -- the full integration of individual Jews into society. The ensuring equality and support for National Jewish Community Relations Advisory Council (NJCRAC) the third -- Jewish survival. The put it this way: lerica is set against a long history of :ulminating in the Holocaust. The The overall objectives of Jewish community relations security evokes similar fears about the are to protect and promote equal rights and opportunities "S, as well as doubts about the future and to create conditions that contribute to the vitality -ael go under. of Jewish living. . .. These opportunities can be I after the Holocaust, its meaning as a realized only in a society in which all persons are impact upon the political behavior of secure, whatever their religion, race or origin. . . . mid-1960s, however, it began to have Freedom of individual conscience is a basic tenet of a beleaguered Israel faced a battle for American democracy. The right of each person to e Six-Day War, it was dramatically worship God in his own way is the keystone in one of ness of American Jews. Established in the major arches of our national edifice of personal haven for Jews from the ineradicable liberties. Government must protect this right by , some twist of historic irony the protecting each in the pursuit of his conscience and by roddenly seemed the likely scene of a otherwise remaining aloof from religious matters.6 nce more, the Jews appeared to stand Jews perceived established and advantaged groups -- business, religious, academic, and social elites -- as the major source of aeli military victory of 1967 nor the anti-Jewish prejudice. Their discriminatory activities, however, ;s of 1973 weakened the influence of I ran counter to the liberal and egalitarian values Jews found in Holocaust. American Jews recognized I the Constitution. In seeking to right such wrongs, therefore, -ermanently in question, since the loss I Jews sought to have America live up to, and practice, its own jhilation of its Jewish inhabitants. As ~ highest ideals. ival came to pervade American Jewry's American Jews manifested support for these ideals in its perception of its status and role elections and in public-opinion surveys. They preferred the ecoming the central focus of American Democrats -- in presidential elections by margins of 18 to 36 percentage points more than the population at large, and in

5 congressional elections by even more. Such stable Jewish religious voluntarism which fl ~artisan loyalty was closely associated with strong support for distinctive survival of diverse r lIberal political, social, economic, moral and cultural values. our own.8 Identification between liberalism and Jewishness was very high. To be sure, some Jews voted Republican, but even they tended The societal legitimation of ( diversity reinforced and heightene to support the liberal ideals, viewing Republican candidates such as Eisenhower as liberals. What distinguished them from Jews growing particularistic group conCi who voted Democrat was not, therefore, opposition to liberalism, Jewish survival, and the urgency but greater social integration with non-Jews? overshadow their universalistic sent This political pattern dominated because it provided individual conflicts of economic interest betV'. Jews and the organized Jewish community in America with a groups weakened or broke up tradi coherent worldview that simultaneously met particular Jewish erstwhile liberal and ethnic allies becam ethnic concerns and more universal goals. It joined together the To be sure, American Jews as American Creed, liberal ideals, Jewish values, Jewish partisan from their previous pattern of po affiliations, and Jewish coalition partners in the belief that the loyalties. But as a group they c achievement of individual liberal goals would necessarily satisfy Jewish politics -- the Pluralist Politics 01 Jewish concerns. Jews allied with others in a universal struggle for a better society for all, as exemplified in Jewish support for THE PLURALISfPOLfTICS C the civil rights movement. The coherence of this political approach began to disintegrate 1be Group Demand for Power at the end of the 1960s due to the impact of ethnic pluralism, whose two main features were the legitimation of claims upon The main features of the Pluralist F American society in group terms, and the rise of public and well captured in the following excel militant ethnic assertiveness. The resulting change in the focus 1985 Annual Policy Conference of of American Jewish politics is evident in the striking contrast Affairs Committee (AIPAC): between the NJCRAC statement of the 1950s cited above and Forty years ago -- April, 19· another statement by the same organization in the 1980s: didn't know then the extent of Jewish community relations activities are directed we had failed. And, for many toward enhancement of conditions conducive to secure has haunted us and driven us c and creative Jewish living. Such conditions can be internal fuel needed to create c achieved only within a societal framework committed to pledged to survival. . . . the principles of democratic pluralism; to freedom of In our modem world, Jews I religion, thought and expression; equal rights, justice and desire for maximum integration : opportunity; and within a climate in which differences the one hand and the will fOI among groups are accepted and respected, with each other. But the aftermath of th. free to cultivate its own distinctive values while of the State of Israel, and the)'" participating fully in the general life of the society. . . . experience of almost losing whal The Jewish community has always been profoundly aware six million to create, drove hom that maintaining a firm line of separation between church Jewish survival first. I believe and state is essential to religious freedom and the that if we fail to utilize our pc 6 even more. Such stable Jewish religious voluntarism which foster the creative and , associated with strong support for distinctive survival of diverse religious groups, such as onomic, moral and cultural values. ourown.8 aIism and Jewishness was very high. The societal legitimation of distinctive group values and ted Republican, but even they tended diversity reinforced and heightened American Jews' already 50 viewing Republican candidates such growing particularistic group concerns with Israel and with What distinguished them from Jews Jewish survival, and the urgency of these issues tended to ot, therefore, opposition to liberalism, overshadow their universalistic sentiments. In addition, direct fiith non-Jews.7 conflicts of economic interest between Jews and other ethnic minated because it provided individual groups weakened or broke up traditional coalition arrangements; :wish community in America with a erstwhile liberal and ethnic allies became political opponents. imultaneously met particular Jewish To be sure, American Jews as individuals did not move far niversal goals. It joined together the from their previous pattern of political attitudes and partisan .eals, Jewish values, Jewish partisan loyalties. But as a group they developed a new pattern of ition partners in the belief that the meral goals would necessarily satisfy Jewish politics -- the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival. d with others in a universal struggle TIlE PLURALISf POLITIC) OF GROUP SURVIVAL as exemplified in Jewish support for 1be Group Demand for Power olitical approach began to disintegrate Ie to the impact of ethnic pluralism, The main features of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival are i/ere the legitimation of claims upon well captured in the following excerpts from an address to the terms, and the rise of public and 1985 Annual Policy Conference of the American Israel Public The resulting change in the focus Affairs Committee (AIPAC): ; is evident in the striking contrast ~ment of the 19505 cited above and Forty years ago -- April, 1945 -- we had failed. We :organization in the 19805: didn't know then the extent of our failure, but we knew we had failed. And, for many of us . .. that failure relations activities are directed has haunted us and driven us and provided us with the , conditions conducive to secure internal fuel needed to create a politically active people ;;jng. Such conditions can be pledged to survival. . . . societal framework committed to In our modem world, Jews have been tom between a teratic pluralism; to freedom of desire for maximum integration in the general culture on pression; equal rights, justice and the one hand and the will for Jewish survival on the a climate in which differences other. But the aftermath of the Holocaust, the creation epted and respected, with each ~ of the State of Israel, and then, in 1967 and 1973, the own distinctive values while experience of almost losing what it took the murders of ~ general life of the society. . . . six million to create, drove home the urgency of putting aas always been profoundly aware Jewish survival first. I believe that today we recognize line of separation between church that if we fail to utilize our political power we may be to religious freedom and the 7 overwhelmed by our adversaries throughout the world. organizational framework into the We under-stand that if that happens, Jewish existence politics. Jewish issues have become itself is endangered. . . . of America's routine political ager As we have bitterly learned, it is when we assume become Americanized. They are adc too low a profile and fail to develop economic and responded to by leading American I political power, that we are perceived as having no vital president, cabinet members, key . societal role. That is what makes us dispensable -- that congressional leaders, and not just by Je is what made Polish Jewry dispensable in the 1930s. The most important Jewish con NEVER AGAIN. ... politics is Israel. There has been a The specter of dual loyalty still haunts our of American foreign aid and defer community. . .. But here, in this country of ours, we such appropriations have becom ought not be shy about our interest in Israel. This is a congressional docket. This tendency pluralistic society and our survival here is dependent States' continuing role as Israel'~ upon that pluralism. . .. Our concern for Israel does supplies, and by its increasingly l: not erase our concern for America's domestic policies peacemaking since 1967. Israel h~ nor, in fact, does it mean that we do not have such congressional and presidential politi. concerns. . . We care to the depths of our souls about disproportionate media coverage. what happens to both the United States and Israel-­ Soviet Jewry is a second that caring is not inconsistent -- it is not un-American demanding political and executive d. -- and it is not dual loyalty. It is part of democracy.9 Jewish political activity has succeede more general question of human righ The primacy accorded group survival -- focused upon, but not litmus test of Soviet behavior in the confined to Israel -- leads directly to a group demand for Soviet relations. Soviet Jewry's political power as the only way to ensure that survival. Such freedom to maintain its cultural anc power is made possible by the pluralism of American society and Union have been major items of . its democratic political system. meetings between Reagan and Gc The group demand for power that lies at the heart of the American secretary of state and the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival requires American Jewry as a issue has been dramatically highlightc group actively to participate in the making of public policy on as Secretary Shultz's seder with refi those matters that affect it. This gives the community an input in Moscow, and President Reagan' into the decision-making process, gaining it some influence over refuseniks such as Natan Sharansky afte: the content and direction of political outcomes. Power can be Such actions are in no small exercised without occupying public office or possessing formal discussions by American Jewish leac authority, but it does require organization and ongoing secretary of state, and with ~ involvement in the political process. reinforced by similar contacts with bipartisan Congressional Coalition fo: Integrating the Jewish and American Political Agendas the 99th Congress keeps members c: the latest developments in the Soviet A distinctive feature of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival group of Congressional Wives for Soviet and a striking indication of its interaction with the political Commemorating the Holocaust i system is the integration of the Jewish political agenda and 8 :lversaries throughout the world. organizational framework into the mainstream of American , that happens, Jewish existence politics. Jewish issues have become part of the warp and woof of America's routine political agenda. Jewish concerns have learned, it is when we assume become Americanized. They are adopted, promoted, shaped, and fail to develop economic and responded to by leading American political figures, including the are perceived as having no vital president, cabinet members, key Administration officials and hat makes us dispensable -- that congressional leaders, and not just by Jews. -ewry dispensable in the 1930s. The most important Jewish concern embedded in American politics is Israel. There has been a marked increase in the level 1uIJ1 loyalty still haunts our of American foreign aid and defense assistance to Israel, and lere, in this country of ours, we such appropriations have become regular items on the our interest in Israel. This is a congressional docket. This tendency is reinforced by the United our survival here is dependent States' continuing role as Israel's main source of military Our concern for Israel does supplies, and by its increasingly active part in Middle East for America's domestic policies peacemaking since 1967. Israel has become important in both -ean that we do not have such congressional and presidential politics and its problems receive :> the depths of our souls about disproportionate media coverage. the United States and Israel-­ Soviet Jewry is a second significant Jewish concern lsistent -- it is not un-American demanding political and executive decisions at the highest level. It is part of democracy.9 Jewish political activity has succeeded in making it part of the more general question of human rights in the Soviet Union and a IOUp survival -- focused upon, but not litmus test of Soviet behavior in the larger context of American­ i directly to a group demand for Soviet relations. Soviet Jewry's right to emigrate and its way to ensure that survival. Such freedom to maintain its cultural and religious life in the Soviet :le pluralism of American society and Union have been major items of discussion at recent summit meetings between Reagan and Gorbachev, and between the power that lies at the heart of the American secretary of state and the Soviet foreign minister. The urvival requires American Jewry as a issue has been dramatically highlighted by such symbolic gestures in the making of public policy on as Secretary Shultz's seder with refuseniks at the U.S. embassy This gives the community an input in Moscow, and President Reagan's meetings with prominent Kess, gaining it some influence over refuseniks such as Natan Sharansky after their release. t political outcomes. Power can be Such actions are in no small measure the outcome of public office or possessing formal discussions by American Jewish leaders with the president and require organization and ongoing secretary of state, and with State Department officials, -cess. reinforced by similar contacts with Congress. Indeed, a broad e bipartisan Congressional Coalition for Soviet Jews established in crican Political Agendas the 99th Congress keeps members and their staffs informed on the latest developments in the Soviet Union, and there is even a Pluralist Politics of Group Survival group of Congressional Wives for Soviet Jewry. )f its interaction with the political Commemorating the Holocaust in American public life has )f the Jewish political agenda and 9 also become interwoven with the domestic American political of dealing with a whole range of c agenda, although in a somewhat more sporadic manner. Thus we often demand a high level of scienti have seen the establishment of the President's Commission on the a grasp of politics that comes on Holocaust (now called the United States Holocaust Memorial political experience, and the capacit: Council) and a decision to build a United States Holocaust in the light of these consideratiOi Memorial Museum in Washington. The Holocaust issue erupted amateurs. into major public controversy in 1985 when President Reagan The single most striking illust announced his intention to visit the German military cemetery at adjustment to the Pluralist Politics c Bitburg and place a wreath there honoring the war dead of both Attempts to muster American SUPPOI countries. His refusal to change these plans after it become I. L. Kenen in the early 19505 th: known that SS officers were buried there raised the question of Council. Although it registered w America's relationship to the victims of the Holocaust, on the American lobby, pro-Arab and Statf one hand, and their Nazi oppressors, on the other. pressure upon it to register as an ag Israel, Soviet Jewry and Bitburg also illustrate the militant This pressure led in 1954 to the esta public self-assertiveness of American Jews that characterizes the separately funded entity, the Americc new Jewish politics. The Soviet Jewry Mobilization Rally of Affairs, which in 1959 changed its r December 6, 1987, on the Washington Mall, attended by some Public Affairs Committee in order 1 250,000 American Jews and a large number of government Zionists.10 Its goal has not chang· officials and presidential candidates, was the most dramatic consistently close relations between our example in a long string of public Jewish rallies for such causes. Today AlPAC has a nationwidt It was distinguished, to be sure, by its national scope, the extent over 50,000, and its budget has gro· of Jewish political mobilization, the sophistication of professional staff: between 197: organizational coordination, the scale of the media coverage, and Washington staff increased over fivefc the public impact. a high-level academic research and ir legislative lobbyists who closely mon Jews as Insiders and Professionals: AlPAC that relates to Israel. This is no small task. An All Before the advent of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival, 1987 policy conference lists 47 sepa American Jewry made sporadic representations to the White House that it was monitoring through and Congress, leaving the political arena when the issue was congressional process.12 AIPAC m resolved, to return to its regular internal ethnic pursuits until familiarity with the congressional agel the next critical issue arose. Now, the Jewish organizations and with congressional staff members il professionals are insiders in American politics. For them, the • information early. This follows political process is a day-to-day operation, highly sophisticated, Congress whereby a considerable am fast-moving and fluid, subject to short-term and shifting by the staff, with elected representa coalitions and alliances, as well as to longer-term loyalties. To last stages, when a decision or a vote is [ keep abreast of politics under such conditions necessitates full­ The transformation of AlPAC i time, skilled, professional organization, both in Washington and epitomized in the different career pa­ across the country, that is able to keep on top of complicated has had since its inception. Its fOUl and sometimes obscure legislative maneuvers. It must be capable served as an official of the Americ

10 rith the domestic American political of dealing with a whole range of complex policy questions that "hat more sporadic manner. Thus we often demand a high level of scientific or technological expertise, of the President's Commission on the a grasp of politics that comes only with direct and intimate United States Holocaust Memorial political experience, and the capacity to make decisions quickly o build a United States Holocaust in the light of these considerations. This is no game for ington. The Holocaust issue erupted amateurs. rsy in 1985 when President Reagan The single most striking illustration of American Jewish visit the German military cemetery at adjustment to the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival is AlPAC. there honoring the war dead of both Attempts to muster American support for Israel were initiated by change these plans after it become I. L. Kenen in the early 19508 through the American Zionist : buried there raised the question of Council. Although it registered with Congress as a domestic :te victims of the Holocaust, on the American lobby, pro-Arab and State Department circles exerted essors, on the other. pressure upon it to register as an agent of a foreign government. d Bitburg also illustrate the militant This pressure led in 1954 to the establishment of an independent, American Jews that characterizes the separately funded entity, the American Zionist Council on Public Soviet Jewry Mobilization Rally of Affairs, which in 1959 changed its name to the American Israel Washington Mall, attended by some Public Affairs Committee in order to gain the support of non­ nd a large number of government Zionists.10 Its goal has not changed: "promoting strong and candidates, was the most dramatic consistently close relations between our country and Israel."u public Jewish rallies for such causes. Today AlPAC has a nationwide grass-roots membership of :sure, by its national scope, the extent over 50,000, and its budget has grown dramatically. So has its .bilization, the sophistication of professional staff: between 1975 and 1985 its full-time the scale of the media coverage, and Washington staff increased over fivefold to reach 70. AIPAC has a high-level academic research and information service, as well as legislative lobbyists who closely monitor all congressional activity nals: AIPAC that relates to Israel. This is no small task. An AIPAC report presented to its Pluralist Politics of Group Survival, 1987 policy conference lists 47 separate items relating to Israel jic representations to the White House that it was monitoring through the various stages of the political arena when the issue was congressional process.12 AlPAC must, then, maintain constant regular internal ethnic pursuits until familiarity with the congressional agenda and ongoing cooperation . Now, the Jewish organizations and with congressional staff members in order to receive relevant 1 American politics. For them, the • information early. This follows the established pattern in :o-day operation, highly sophisticated, Congress whereby a considerable amount of activity is transacted ubject to short-term and shifting by the staff, with elected representatives brought in only at the well as to longer-term loyalties. To ~ last stages, when a decision or a vote is required.13 lder such conditions necessitates full­ The transformation of AlPAC into a Washington insider is ,rganization, both in Washington and epitomized in the different career patterns of the three leaders it able to keep on top of complicated has had since its inception. Its founder, I. L. Kenen, previously "ative maneuvers. It must be capable served as an official of the American Zionist movement. His

11 Jewish community. Even congressio successor, Morris J. Arnitay, had worked for the State Department rounds of such Jewish organizationa as a foreign service officer, and subsequently served as a from their constituencies -- in ord legislative aide to Senator Abraham Ribicoff. He was succeeded their views known to American Jewry. at AIPAC by the current executive director, Thomas Dine, who had been a Peace Corps volunteer and then worked in the Senate Political Action Committees (PACs) for ten years as an aide to Senators Edward Kennedy, Edmund Muskie and Frank Church. Before coming to AIPAC he had no The Pluralist Politics of Group SUI known Jewish affiliations and few even knew that he was Jewish. the rhythm of the American p Similarly, many people who have served as AIPAC lobbyists had extensive network of PACs (politic previously worked as congressional aides and have gone back to maximize Jewish electoral influence. such work, or established themselves as private lobbyists after PACs seek to generate congressional leaving AlPAC. Here, too, AlPAC differs little from the many funds and allocating them to candid Washington-based lobbying and consulting firms whose staff 14 are pledged to support, pro-Israel pc members follow the same career pattern. significant of these is NA1PAC, situ To supplement its Washington lobbying, AlPAC uses grass­ nationally organized; most of the otherl!! roots organization in congressional districts to mobilize "key In all, pro-Israel PACs raised contacts" -- AlPAC members who have direct and prompt access electoral cycle, and contributed abo. to congressmen and senators through political, professional or for Congress. This represents apprc w~en personal connections. Such lobbying also takes place giving by PACs in 1986 and less tt AIPAC members happen to be in Washington, most notably dunng electing a Congress ($450 million). the annual AlPAC Policy Conference, when 1500 or more pro-Israel PACs is greater than theSl activists meet with their representatives in Congress. This although the maximum that each pattern has been copied by many other Jewish agencies, which candidate is $5,000, PACs tend organize missions to Washington for their local or regional candidates in crucial races, particu. groups, or hold national meetings there. In each case t.he magnifying the PAC impact. Thu scenario is repeated: Jews from all over the country meet WIth recipient of pro-Israel PAC money their congressmen and senators and make them aware of the Second, PAC contributions to cand Jewish political agenda. total picture. The same candidate The process also works the other way: legislators and senior attract individual contributions cabinet members attend and address AIPAC's Policy Conference. expenditures. Third, because Demo In 1987, 307 legislators were there, including 86 senators (48 funded than Republicans, the traditi Democrats and 38 Republicans) and 221 representatives (134 contribution can be crucial. Aa Democrats and 87 Republicans). During presidential primary • assisted the Democrats in unsea season, most candidates attend, make their views on Israel Republicans in 1986, despite the fac. known, and contact potential campaign contributors. Such Democratic challengers by margins a meetings are common also in major cities (particularly New York) Israel PACs, then, helped shift con where Jewish community relations councils host functions with Republicans to the Democrats.16 leading politicians and candidates. This is, in some cases, an The recent proliferation of expression of gratitude for past support on issues of Jewish development of the new pattern of concern, but often it also serves to introduce candidates to the

12 Jewish community. Even congressional candidates will make the . had worked for the State Department rounds of such Jewish organizational events -- often very distant icer, and subsequently served as a from their constituencies -- in order to make themselves and Abraham Ribicoff. He was succeeded their views known to American Jewry. executive director, Thomas Dine, who lunteer and then worked in the Senate Political Action Committees (PACs) :> Senators Edward Kennedy, Edmund Before coming to AlPAC he had no The Pluralist Politics of Group Survival is also integrated into Id few even knew that he was Jewish. the rhythm of the American political system through an have served as AlPAC lobbyists had extensive network of PACs (political action committees) which essional aides and have gone back to maximize Jewish electoral influence. Currently, approximately 80 themselves as private lobbyists after PACs seek to generate congressional support for Israel by raising " AlPAC differs little from the many funds and allocating them to candidates who have supported, or and consulting firms whose staff 14 are pledged to support, pro-Israel policies. The largest and most :er pattern. significant of these is NAlPAC, situated in Washington, which is shington lobbying, AlPAC uses grass­ nationally organized; most of the others are local. IS gressional districts to mobilize "key In all, pro-Israel PACs raised $6.2 million in the 1985-86 rs who have direct and prompt access electoral cycle, and contributed about $3.2 million to candidates Drs through political, professional or for Congress. This represents approximately 2.9 percent of total ch lobbying also takes place when giving by PACs in 1986 and less than 1 percent of the cost of be in Washington, most notably during electing a Congress ($450 million). But the significance of the r Conference, when 1500 or more pro-Israel PACs is greater than these proportions indicate. First, representatives in Congress. This although the maximum that each PAC can contribute to a t' many other Jewish agencies, which candidate is $5,000, PACs tend to concentrate on specific hington for their local or regional candidates in crucial races, particularly in the Senate, thereby meetings there. In each case the magnifying the PAC impact. Thus, for example, the leading from allover the country meet with recipient of pro-Israel PAC money got over $200,000 in 1986. ators and make them aware of the Second, PAC contributions to candidates are only part of the total picture. The same candidate may for the same reasons the other way: legislators and senior attract individual contributions and personal independent I address AlPAC's Policy Conference. expenditures. Third, because Democrats generally are less well­ :re there, including 86 senators (48 funded than Republicans, the traditional liberal Jewish pro-Israel ieans) and 221 representatives (134 contribution can be crucial. According to one analysis, it ~ icans). During presidential primary assisted the Democrats in unseating six incumbent Senate attend, make their views on Israel Republicans in 1986, despite the fact that the latter outspent the :ltial campaign contributors. Such f Democratic challengers by margins as wide as two to one. Pro­ n major cities (particularly New York) Israel PACs, then, helped shift control of the Senate from the elations councils host functions with Republicans to the Democrats.16 3idates. This is. in some cases, an . The recent proliferation of PACs has facilitated the - past support on issues of Jewish development of the new pattern of Jewish political activity. By 3erves to introduce candidates to the 13 limiting the amount of money that individuals may contribute. to system. Particularly striking has beel1 electoral expenses, whether to candidates, parties, or PACs, and such officeholders. In 1971 there were limiting also the amounts that PACs may contribute to candidates, House of Representatives and two Je the electoral laws have lessened, but not eliminated, the this had increased to 31 Jewish Hou influence of large contributions by very wealthy individuals, districts without any appreciable J~ which used to be a prominent aspect of Jewish involvement in eight Jewish senators. Moreover, th American politics. At the same time, these laws confer a partisan realignment among them. relative advantage upon those who can mobilize many small majority were Democrats, but recently contributions, such as the existing Jewish fund-raisin,S network \ Republicans. which specializes in soliciting contributions from many ) What is more, the Jewish me individuals. This network is thus available to tap political generally have deep, strong and publi contributions for the promotion of Jewish concerns. are integral to their political style an, PACs reinforce the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival in roles. A survey in the mid-1970s of three ways. First, they integrate the organized Jewish the 94th Congress found most of community structure into the ongoing operations of the identified with the Jewish communi~ American political system by giving the group a direct say in the and pursued Jewish interests. Not Sl electoral process as voters, contributors and activists. Second, sympathetic to Israel than their non they directly mobilize large numbers of Jews inti> politics as their views about the Arab-Israeli co individuals. The process may begin with a campaign contribution, mainstream of opinion in the OJ but it often leads to campaign activity, lobbytng, party community. For that reason one scI membership, and so forth. Third, the laws that structure PAC "in-house lobby" for IsraelP activities make the new pattern of Jewish politics truly national. A more extensive and detailed The focus on concerns that can be met only in Washington and Jewish members of the 99th Congress the possibility of supporting candidates anywhere in the country It demonstrated that almost all based on their positions on issues give American Jews influence importance to their Jewishness and even in states and districts where there are few Jews. This also Israel. Sixty percent had a backgrour forces Jewish organizations to think more along national lines organizational involvement in the Jew and less in terms of their own organizational, local or regional election, and five out of six belonged interests. One obvious manifestation is the increasing tendency both before election and currently. j of Jewish organizations and umbrella bodies to open 'Wa&hington some Jewish rituals (passover seder a offices. the most popular) and stayed home Holidays. All contributed to the UJ) Jews and Jewish Issues in Congress to a Jewish periodical. About eight most of their closest friends were Je' The Jewish members of Congress constitute a particularly of these congressmen believed that b significant element of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival. impact on their political careers, a These individuals meet the community's demand for pQwer -- the negative effect. Close to a third repc desire for control over policy on matters of ethnic ~oricern -- by more Jewish and more positive about directly participating in the policy-making process. They also none reported a weakening of these co symbolize Jewish achievement of insider status in the political Israel -- about half of them for

14 ~ ey that individuals may contribute to system. Particularly striking has been the numerical increase of to candidates, parties, or PACs, and such officeholders. In 1971 there were 12 Jewish members of the _t PACs may contribute to candidates, House of Representatives and two Jewish senators, but by 1989 lessened, but not eliminated, the this had increased to 31 Jewish House members -- many from ltions by very wealthy individuals, districts without any appreciable Jewish constituencies -- and .ent aspect of Jewish involvement in eight Jewish senators. Moreover, there has been a degree of ~ same time, these laws confer a partisan realignment among them. In the past, the great ose who can mobilize many small majority were Democrats, but recently about a quarter have been existing Jewish fund-raisin~ network \ Republicans. iciting contributions from many What is more, the Jewish members of Congress today is thus available to tap political 1 generally have deep, strong and public Jewish commitments that :t ofJewish concerns. are integral to their political style and their conception of their 1 ralist Politics of Group Survival in roles. A survey in the mid-1970s of the 24 Jewish members of - integrate the organized Jewish the 94th Congress found most of them actively and openly the ongoing operations of the identified with the Jewish community. They publicly adopted giving the group a direct say in the and pursued Jewish interests. Not surprisingly, they were more contributors and activists. Second, sympathetic to Israel than their non-Jewish colleagues; in fact, numbers of Jews into politics as their views about the Arab-Israeli conflict were well within the i begin with a campaign contribution, mainstream of opinion in the organized American Jewish campaign activity, lobb~ng, party community. For that reason one scholar describes them as an Third, the laws that structure PAC "in-house lobby" for Israel.17 :ern of Jewish politics truly national. A more extensive and detailed survey in 1986/87 of the can be met only in Washington and Jewish members of the 99th Congress showed a similar pattern.IS candidates anywhere in the country It demonstrated that almost all of them attached great issues give American Jews influence importance to their Jewishness and were highly committed to ...here there are few Jews. This also Israel. Sixty percent had a background of leadership and strong to think more along national lines organizational involvement in the Jewish community before their own organizational, local or regional election, and five out of six belonged to a synagogue or temple mestation is the increasing tendency both before election and currently. About nine in ten observed umbrella bodies to open Wa&hington some Jewish rituals (passover seder and Hanukkah candles were the most popular) and stayed home from work on the High Holidays. All contributed to the UJAlFederation and subscribed :ress to a Jewish periodical. About eight out of ten said that all or f most of their closest friends were Jewish. About three-quarters Congress constitute a particularly , of these congressmen believed that being Jewish had a positive Pluralist Politics of Group Survival. impact on their political careers, and only one perceived a <>mmunity's demand for pQwer -­ the negative effect. Close to a third reported that they had become ; on matters of ethnic concern -­ by more Jewish and more positive about Israel since their election: policy-making process. They also none reported a weakening of these commitments. All had visited It of insider status in the political Israel -­ about half of them for the first time after their 15 election -- and regarded issues specially affecting Jews as congressional districts. Though Jew Ab~ut h~f important elements in their congressional careers. . proportion of the electorate, their the~r reported that such issues sometimes created conflict In intense, and well mobilized by AIPA fulfillment of their congressional roles, but none felt that this opinion polls generally indicate greater conflict was constant or even usual. They tended to resolve such Israel than for the Arabs, and very I conflicts through informal consultations with each other, and Israel. Under such conditions, memO with Jewish organizational leaders. benefit greatly by supporting Israel, an Unlike the black and Hispanic members of Congress, Jewish lose a great deal -- by opposing it.19 members do not have a formal caucus. On the one hand, this The success of the Pluralist Polit indicates the high degree of consensus among them on Jewish generating and maintaining congressior concerns and the effectiveness of informal consultation, which be set within a broader context I preempts the need for a formal caucus. On the other hand, it effective Jewish political activity. 0 reflects the belief of Jewish congressmen that they should fulfill members of the 99th Congress said tt their public role in a manner that broadly integrates general and moral and democratic values," "Israel Jewish interests and confirms the balance between them, a "shared foreign policy interests and o· strategy that would be disturbed by a formal Jewish caucus. As -- were very important in determini one put it, "It would be an unwanted element, unfortunately; Israel. These factors were marked others are expected to have a caucus, we are not." It could, sympathy within the American public; another believed, "harm Jewish interests by narrowing rather than and the Israel lobby," "the electoral. broadening congressional support of Jewish causes." According to campaign financing," and "sympathy Overal~, a third legislator, there is a "fear of anti-Semitism." Holocaust."20 however, Jewish congressmen believe that there is less anti­ Semitism in Congress than in the United States as a whole: Creating Community Consensus just over a third agreed that there is "little or no anti-Semitism in the United States today" but nearly three-quarters found little AIPAC can pursue its policies effect or none among members of Congress. within the parameters of Jewish coml These Jewish commitments of Jewish members of Congress practice means that they must be clO! help maintain congressional support for Israel. By and large, of other major organizations, espe since congressmen are overloaded with work, they concentrate on Presidents of Major American Jewi areas that interest them and on matters for which they are recently, there was a division of fun responsible. On other subjects they tend to be guided by Presidents' Conference represented tl congressmen who are considered experts, irrespective of p~ty. Jewish community on Israel to the Wh: Two groups that are particularly influential on matters affecting branch, whereas AIPAC worked thrc Israel are the Jewish members of Congress and the members of strong and close relations between Israel ;; the House Foreign Affairs Committee •• particularly its Middle To ensure the necessary coordinati. East subcommittee. There is significant overlap between the two the Presidents' Conference. Even m groups: in 1984, 30 percent of the Middle East subcommittee was recent years widened its own executive Jewish, and by 1987 this had risen to 38 percent. top leaders of major national Jewish 01 Congressional support for Israel is reinforced by the electoral also sit on the Presidents' Conferel" impact of identifiable Jewish communities in over 380 bodies of other leading umbrella c 16 :d issues specially affecting Jews as congressional districts. Though Jews are only a very small congressional careers. About half :leir proportion of the electorate, their commitment to Israel is ~ sometimes created conflict in their intense, and well mobilized by AlPAC. What is more, public ~essional roles, but none felt that this opinion polls generally indicate greater sympathy and support for !Yen usual. They tended to resolve such Israel than for the Arabs, and very little outright opposition to :l1 consultations with each other, and Israel. Under such conditions, members of Congress stand to eaders. benefit greatly by supporting Israel, and to gain nothing -- if not Hispanic members of Congress, Jewish lose a great deal -- by opposing it.19 formal caucus. On the one hand, this The success of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival in : of consensus among them on Jewish generating and maintaining congressional support for Israel must 'Veness of informal consultation, which be set within a broader context of factors that encourage formal caucus. On the other hand, it effective Jewish political activity. Over 80 percent of Jewish ish congressmen that they should fulfill members of the 99th Congress said that three factors -- "shared nner that broadly integrates general and moral and democratic values," "Israel as a strategic asset," and nfirms the balance between them, a "shared foreign policy interests and objectives: Israel as an ally" sturbed by a formal Jewish caucus. As -- were very important in determining American support for -e an unwanted element, unfortunately; Israel. These factors were marked higher than "considerable lave a caucus, we are not." It could, sympathy within the American public," "the activities of AIPAC ewish interests by narrowing rather than and the Israel lobby," "the electoral significance of Jews and iUpport of Jewish causes." According to campaign financing," and "sympathy for Jews because of the :is a "fear of anti-Semitism." Overall, Holocaust."20 ;men believe that there is less anti­ in the United States as a whole: ..an Creating Community Consensus that there is "little or no anti-Semitism Iy" but nearly three-quarters found little AlPAC can pursue its policies effectively only if its views are Congress. within the parameters of Jewish community consensus, which in ments of Jewish members of Congress practice means that they must be closely coordinated with those ]al support for Israel. By and large, of other major organizations, especially the Conference of :rloaded with work, they concentrate on Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations. Until and on matters for which they are recently, there was a division of function between them: the subjects they tend to be guided by Presidents' Conference represented the view of the organized IDsidered experts, irrespective of party. Jewish community on Israel to the White House and the executive ticularly influential on matters affecting branch, whereas AlPAC worked through Congress to promote nbers of Congress and the members of strong and close relations between Israel and the United States. Committee •• particularly its Middle :s To ensure the necessary coordination, AlPAC is a member of e is significant overlap between the two the Presidents' Conference. Even more significantly, it has in nt of the Middle East subcommittee was recent years widened its own executive committee to include the : risen to 38 percent. top leaders of major national Jewish organizations, many of whom for Israel is reinforced by the electoral also sit on the Presidents' Conference and on the executive Jewish communities in over 380 bodies of other leading umbrella organizations such as the

17 Council of Jewish Federations, NJCRAC, and the National relationships between the United State Conference on Soviet Jewry. Some are also well-known leaders, and deepened. Much of it is 11 donors and fund-raisers in large Jewish communities. This agreements, and put into practice ( overlapping of organizational leadership, the close collaboration various Administration departments. • between AlPAC's professionals and lay officers in formulating an ongoing watch to spot policy propo major policy decisions, and good informal relations between them endanger these relationships, and to and the lay and professional leaders of the major agencies and might improve and extend them. To umbrella organizations, make AlPAC representative of the established a new department to build i community and provide it widespread American Jewish support. Administration and with the Republicc The system does not always work, however, and, on occasion, This department was staffed, in the m sudden changes of policy by AlPAC have caught other major career backgrounds included employm Jewish organizations (and members of Congress) unawares, with, the Administration. This exte: leaving them committed to policies that AlPAC no longer Administration relationships marks a n supported. This occurred in March 1986 over a proposed arms professionalization of the Pluralist Polit sale to Saudi Arabia21 Whatever the substantive justification for the same time, it led to tensions within AIPAC's sudden change of heart, a number of Jewish leaders and the resignation at the end of 1988 of organizations felt aggrieved that they had not been consulted Division. prior to the decision, which was made after Secretary of State Shultz promised AIPAC executive director Tom Dine and some Dual Loyalties. Divided Loyalties and SiIq AIPAC officers that the Administration would attempt no further arms sales to Saudi Arabia that year. These problems of Another aspect of policy coordim: insufficient consultation and of policy differences were aired in consultation and cooperation with rep October 1988 in a letter to the head of AIPAC from the three in Washington and in Jerusalem. C major community relations agencies, the American Jewish representatives ensures that, in seeking Committee, the American Jewish Congress, and the Anti­ support for Israel and in lobbying fa Defamation League.22 the two countries, American Jews i AlPAC has, in recent years, extended its formal and informal particularly the Presidents' Conference ties with the Administration, particularly with the Departments of views of the Israeli government. It State and Defense and the National Security Council. Meetings American Jews to promote policies • are often initiated, not by AIPAC, but by government officials: that country. rather than American Jewry making representations to the Of course, there may be diff. Administration, the Secretary of State might meet with the communities, particularly in regard tc AlPAC executive director in an attempt to persuade him to American political scene. But these. moderate AlPAC opposition to certain Administration proposals, before action is taken, through cleal thus increasing the chances of congressional approval. Similarly, that American Jewish organizations ar the Administration might use the promise of significant foreign other stands. The American Jewish aid to Israel as part of a larger overall foreign aid bill to help considerable, and Israel has learned c overcome congressional opposition to unpopular aspects of the practitioners of the new Jewish poli total package. American politics. Thus American Je Strategic, defense, trade, communications and other contribution, exerting influence upon

18 rations, NJCRAC, and the National relationships between the United States and Israel have widened ry. Some are also well-known leaders, and deepened. Much of it is now expressed in written in large Jewish communities. This agreements, and put into practice on a day-to-day basis by nal leadership, the close collaboration various Administration departments. There is, then, a need for !onals and lay officers in formulating an ongoing watch to spot policy proposals that might threaten or good informal relations between them endanger these relationships, and to search out initiatives that nal leaders of the major agencies and might improve and extend them. To this end, AIPAC in 1987 make AIPAC representative of the established a new department to build and maintain links with the :lespread American Jewish support. Administration and with the Republican party that controlled it. uways work, however, and, on occasion, This department was staffed, in the main, by professionals whose by AlPAC have caught other major career backgrounds included employment in, or close relations j members of Congress) unawares, with, the Administration. This extension of formal AlPAC­ to policies that AlPAC no longer Administration relationships marks a new stage in the continuing in March 1986 over a proposed arms professionalization of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival. At Ihatever the substantive justification for the same time, it led to tensions within AIPAC that culminated in , heart, a number of Jewish leaders and the resignation at the end of 1988 of the head of its Legislative d that they had not been consulted Division. .ch was made after Secretary of State xecutive director Tom Dine and some Dual Loyalties. Divided Loyalties and Single Loyalty .dministration woulO attempt no further :abia that year. These problems of Another aspect of policy coordination is the process of Id of policy differences were aired in consultation and cooperation with representatives of Israel, both :0 the head of AlPAC from the three in Washington and in Jerusalem. Contact with official Israeli lOS agencies, the American Jewish representatives ensures that, in seeking and maintaining American n Jewish Congress, and the Anti- support for Israel and in lobbying for strong relations between the two countries, American Jews and their organizations -­ years, extended its formal and informal particularly the Presidents' Conference and AlPAC .- know the n, particularly with the Departments of views of the Israeli government. It is simply self-defeating for e National Security Council. Meetings American Jews to promote policies that conflict with those of , AlPAC, but by government officials: that country. ewry making representations to the Of course, there may be differences between the two tacy of State might meet with the communities, particularly in regard to what is feasible on the in an attempt to persuade him to American political scene. But these must be worked out first, m to certain Administration proposals, before action is taken, through dear and frank discussion, so s of congressional approval. Similarly, that American Jewish organizations and Israel know where each use the promise of significant foreign other stands. The American Jewish input into this process is larger overall foreign aid bill to help considerable, and Israel has learned a lot from the professional »position to unpopular aspects of the practitioners of the new Jewish politics about the realities of American politics. Thus American Jewry makes an independent trade, communications and other contribution, exerting influence upon the Israeli government at

19 both the substantive and the tactical levels. American Jewish concern for strong American-Israeli relati() organizations are not, as they are sometimes perceived, simply The Pluralist Politics of Group S­ another conduit for the Israeli government. A recent example that upholds democratic and moral Vall was the question of Israel's relations with South Africa, where States. If that assumption is ever perc American Jewish views had a significant impact on Israel's capacity of American Jews to weld the decision to cut back its ties with that country. be undermined. A distinctive characteristic of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival is that its practitioners are less sensitive to the fear of 1be Broader Agenda, Coalitions and Issue being charged with dual loyalty than were Jewish leaders in the 1950s, so that contacts with Israeli officials have become routine Although Israel and other international and open.23 This largely reflects a greater overall receptivity of most prominence, the agenda of the F the American political system to the involvement of foreign Survival is as much concerned with governments and their diplomatic representatives in the policy­ group survival. This is based on the making process. Officials of many countries, particularly allies of democratic pluralism in the United SI the United States, commonly discuss issues of common interest security. In addition, involvement with members of Congress and their staffs. Similarly, it is not political issues creates relationships uncommon for American citizens -- especially those with ethnic understanding with other groups that ca ties -- to promote concerns that involve their ethnic homelands. support .for Jewish group concerns, Neither is it uncommon for American citizens to be retained as issues. Such activity also provides ave paid lobbyists on behalf of foreign governments. and individuals otherwise relatively inacceS! Thus issues necessitating a choice between the interests of Many Jewish organizations actively two countries friendly to the United States may pit groups of agenda in the national capital, and in Americans against each other, as in the Administration proposal cities as well. Prominent among these to supply AWACs to Saudi Arabia in 1981. The battle to gain Committee, the American Jewish Cong: congressional approval put the White House and the League, NJCRAC, the Council of Je\1 Administration, paid lobbyists for Saudi Arabia, oil companies, major synagogue and religious bodies, other major corporations and Arab-American groups on one side, Washington offices in addition to their with AIPAC and the major Jewish organizations on the other. usually situated in New York. What is clear in the case of the AWACs -- and in other Thus the organized Jewish commur proposed arms sales to Arab countries -- is that for the Jewish that are not directly related to Jewish = practitioners of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival there is a December 1988 publication of the Am clear distinction between dual loyalties and divided loyalties. describes that agency's "multi-issue 0 American Jews, concerned for their ethnic homeland, act to testimony to the Democratic and Repul: promote its interests by securing it American support, in the in 1988. It includes specific policy ree belief that America's foreign policy and defense requirements are rights, South Africa, separation of chul best served by such support. Ties to Israel do not create divided and civil liberties, poverty, family policy: loyalties that set off American Jews from America: to the acculturation, public education and c contrary, they provide American Jews with an opportunity to Even more detailed positions are presen weld these two loyalties into one. In the new pattern of Jewish Joint Program Plan on these matters, a politics, dual loyalty has been replaced by a single integrated crisis, long-term care for the elderly,

20 the tactical levels. American Jewish concern for strong American-Israeli relations. they are sometimes perceived, simply The Pluralist Politics of Group Survival assumes an Israel sraeli government. A recent example that upholds democratic and moral values shared by the United I's relations with South Africa, where States. If that assumption is ever perceived to be mistaken, the lad a significant impact on Israel's capacity of American Jews to weld the two loyalties together will ith that country. be undermined. istic of the Pluralist Politics of Group oners are less sensitive to the fear of 1be Broader Agenda, Coalitions and Issue Networks )yalty than were Jewish leaders in the h Israeli officials have become routine Although Israel and other international Jewish issues capture the reflects a greater overall receptivity of most prominence, the agenda of the Pluralist Politics of Group stem to the involvement of foreign Survival is as much concerned with pluralist politics as with 'lomatic representatives in the policy­ group survival. This is based on the assumption that healthy of many countries, particularly allies of democratic pluralism in the United States will advance Jewish nly discuss issues of common interest security. In addition, involvement in a host of domestic and their staffs. Similarly, it is not political issues creates relationships of mutual support and :itizens -- especially those with ethnic understanding with other groups that can be later utilized to gain ;s that involve their ethnic homelands. support for Jewish group concerns, particularly the survival tr American citizens to be retained as issues. Such activity also provides avenues of access to groups ~eign governments. and individuals otherwise relatively inaccessible to Jews. ng a choice between the interests of Many Jewish organizations actively pursue a broad political the United States may pit groups of agenda in the national capital, and in state capitals and major her, as in the Administration proposal cities as well. Prominent among these are the American Jewish Ii Arabia in 1981. The battle to gain Committee, the American Jewish Congress, the Anti-Defamation put the White House and the League, NJCRAC, the Council of Jewish Federations and the ists for Saudi Arabia, oil companies, major synagogue and religious bodies, many of which maintain nd Arab-American groups on one side, Washington offices in addition to their national offices, which are ::wish organizations on the other. usually situated in New York. case of the AWACs -- and in other Thus the organized Jewish community addresses many issues ~ab countries -- is that for the Jewish that are not directly related to Jewish survival. On the Issues, a .t Politics of Group Survival there is a December 1988 publication of the American Jewish Committee, dual loyalties and divided loyalties. describes that agency's "multi-issue agenda" based on AlC I for their ethnic homeland, act to testimony to the Democratic and Republican platform committees securing it American support, in the in 1988. It includes specific policy recommendations on human :n policy and defense requirements are rights, South Africa, separation of church and state, civil rights t. Ties to Israel do not create divided and civil liberties, poverty, family policy, energy, immigration and _erican Jews from America: to the acculturation, public education and campaign finance reform. nerican Jews with an opportunity to Even more detailed positions are presented in NJCRAC's 1988/89 to one. In the new pattern of Jewish Joint Program Plan on these matters, as well as on the housing been replaced by a single integrated crisis, long-term care for the elderly, the minimum wage, the

21 right to reproductive choice, broadcast deregulation, and AIDS. solving those of all individuals. There 1 There are regular informal consultations among the "Is it good for Jews?" While Jews had professionals working for Jewish organizations in Washington at were to be promoted in terms of which they discuss ideas and tactics. These sessions are helpful Americans, and not in separate group term in keeping the major organizations and leaders in touch with The rise of ethnic pluralism led tc developments in the capital and making them aware of the protection of ethnic concerns was a ma positions of their sister organizations, thus helping build and is more, would be determined by 1 strengthen community consensus. On particularly complex or competition between them. Ethnic pt critical issues, these informal discussions are widened to' involve expectation of group conflict rathel others on the Washington political scene. resolution of concerns in terms of i One result, then, of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival general interest. American Jews, in c­ has been the formation of loose but extensive issue networks on groups, began to pursue their cone major Jewish group concerns, and their integration into the particularistic manner. "Is it good fo larger issue networks that have recently become significant legitimate and realistic question, one features of American politics.24 An issue network cuts across all inescapable when Israel and Jewish s the formal structures to bring together individuals and groups points of the Jewish political agenda. that are particularly concerned with an issue area. Involvement As a result, while forging an impi in such a network constitutes participation in the policy-making major ethnic concerns, American Jews process and represents insider status. more divided on other political questior Thus the pro-Israel community includes members of Congress, are still to be found on the liberal an their staffs, some White House and Administration officials, political divide, there are now signifi, leaders and professionals in Jewish organizations, academics, active Jews who express ideological sup journalists, policy planners who work for think tanks like the the Republican party on Jewish groun Washington Institute for Near East Policy, lobbyists, PAC grounds. officials, party-affiliated bodies such as the National Jewish Particularly prominent is a small Coalition, and more. They intersect, in turn, with independent Jews, mainly academics, intellectuals ani bodies such as the Brookings Institution, with those promoting a leading role in the formulation of pro-Arab policies, and with groups concerned with general foreign neoconservatism is the mirror image policy and security questions to form a Middle East network. seeks answers for Jewish ethnic CO! Similarly, one can identify a Soviet Jewry issue network. Both it political principles that are applied tc and the pro-Israel network will intersect or overlap at one time issues on the American political agenda. or another with networks concerned with U.S.-Soviet relations, Neoconservatives are generally char. human rights, and South Africa, to name but a few. and a continuing allegiance to older I their view, have been radicalized Ideological Differentiation neoconservatives oppose affirmative ac­ discrimination; take a hard line toward c Somewhat paradoxically, the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival Union; advocate increased American has encouraged the ideological differentiation of American Jewry. support monetarist economic policies. The older Liberal Politics of Individual Rights was believed to sympathize with the Reagan Administr provide answers to the problems of the Jews as a group by they are particularly disturbed by anti

22 broadcast deregulation, and AIDS. solving those of all individuals. There was, then, no need to ask, informal consultations among the "Is it good for Jews?" While Jews had collective concerns, these Jewish organizations in Washington at were to be promoted in terms of what was good for all md tactics. These sessions are helpful Americans, and not in separate group terms. ~anizations and leaders in touch with The rise of ethnic pluralism led to the recognition that the ital and making them aware of the protection of ethnic concerns was a matter for groups, and, what organizations, thus helping build and is more, would be determined by the outcome of political lsensus. On particularly complex or competition between them. Ethnic politics is based upon the nal discussions are widened to involve expectation of group conflict rather than the harmonious .litical scene. resolution of concerns in terms of individual rights and the :he Pluralist Politics of Group Survival general interest. American Jews, in common with other ethnic . loose but extensive issue networks on groups, began to pursue their concerns in a more openly :ems, and their integration into the particularistic manner. "Is it good for the Jews?" was now a lat have recently become significant legitimate and realistic question, one that became urgent and ics.24 An issue network cuts across all inescapable when Israel and Jewish survival became the focal bring together individuals and groups points of the Jewish political agenda rned with an issue area Involvement As a result, while forging an impressive consensus on their :utes participation in the policy-making major ethnic concerns, American Jews have become more and =r status. more divided on other political questions. Although the majority mmunity includes members of Congress, are still to be found on the liberal and Democratic side of the House and Administration officials, political divide, there are now significant groups of politically in Jewish organizations, academics, active Jews who express ideological support for conservatism and who work for think tanks like the the Republican party on Jewish grounds as well as on general Near East Policy, lobbyists, PAC grounds. lodies such as the National Jewish Particularly prominent is a small but influential group of ey intersect, in tum, with independent Jews, mainly academics, intellectuals and writers, who have taken dngs Institution, with those promoting a leading role in the formulation of neoconservatism. Jewish I groups concerned with general foreign neoconservatism is the mirror image of Jewish liberalism: it ons to form a Middle East network. seeks answers for Jewish ethnic concerns in broad general a Soviet Jewry issue network. Both it political principles that are applied to the whole spectrum of { will intersect or overlap at one time issues on the American political agenda ; concerned with U.S.-Soviet relations, Neoconservatives are generally characterized by a liberal past ica, to name but a few. and a continuing allegiance to older liberal principles which, in their view, have been radicalized and betrayed. Thus, neoconservatives oppose affirmative action programs as reverse discrimination; take a hard line toward communism and the Soviet he Pluralist Politics of Group Survival Union; advocate increased American defense expenditure and :a1 differentiation of American Jewry. support monetarist economic policies. Overall, they tend to lics of Individual Rights was believed to sympathize with the Reagan Administration. On Jewish issues, Jroblems of the Jews as a group by they are particularly disturbed by anti-Semitism and anti-Israeli 23 feeling on the Left, among some Democrats -- mainly blacks and values, have joined like-minded a opposition to the liberal position on other minorities -- and among pro-Arab and pro-Third World constitutional protection of pornograp: groups. They anchor their concern for Israel's security and support for silent prayer in public sc: survival in a strong American defense posture and in hardline religion in general has positive effect policies on arms limitation agreements with the Soviet Union group has sought to use public proI which they see as the enemy of the free world, and particularl; religious symbol, the Hanukkah menOE of Israel. with the major Jewish organizations A very different conservative trend has affected Orthodox c= Jews, particularly the ultra-Orthodox of New York City. Here displays of religious symbols. The the catalyst is opposition to liberalism in personal morality -­ what is the Jewish interest on such abortion, homosexuality, pornography, the sexual revolution, the decision of the American Jewish Cc permissive society which threatens fundamental Jewish Jewish Committee to litigate against religious values. Indeed, it may also stem from a deep-seated public property. rejection of modernity and secularism as a whole. The massive Quite aside from Orthodox/nO! electoral support in these circles for Reagan in 1980 and 1984 conflicting perceptions of Jewish was more a matter of religious conservatism than of Republican differences over affirmative action. D. partisanship; in congressional, state and local politics, these Jews lie in support for equality of opportun merit~ generally remain Democrats. liberal standard of individual Jewish Republicanism took root institutionally in the 1980s overcome discrimination and quotas t: with the formation of the National Jewish Coalition. It sought to should Jews react to programs that : channel Jewish conservatism -- and President Reagan's against minorities and undo the ac popularity -- into steady ideological, financial, organizational and wrongs by departing from individual preference on the basis of group meml ~Iectoral support for the Republican party, in the hope of making It the majority party within the Jewish community. Its leaders react to the possibility that preferenc: expected, as a result, to increase support for Jewish concerns on group grounds in the name of socic among Republican politicians and cement Jewish links with the disadvantage some Jews personally ar Reagan Administration. individuals are disadvantaged in the sl The current ideological differentiation within American Jewry programs be supported because of a has also led to conflicting perceptions of Jewish political interest. in a society free of all discrimination For example, does strict separation of church and state continue resolving the social and economic pfl to serve Jewish interests? Although Jews generally oppose anti-Semitism? attempts to Christianize America, the Orthodox community, which Most Jews respond by suppor runs an extensive network of Jewish day schools, supports various economic and social justice through c forms of government aid to parochial schools, such as tuition tax but not quotas. Some on the politica credits. Their spokesmen argue that a rigid interpretation of the programs including quotas, while otl establishment clause banning direct and indirect governmental rigidly to the standard of individual financial assistance to private religious schools conflicts with the affirmative action initiatives. Each of constitutional guarantee of free exercise, since it makes the in terms of both what is good for Ar provision of traditional Jewish education extremely difficult. good for Jews. Ultra-Orthodox groups, motivated by traditional Jewish

24 g some Democrats -- mainly blacks and values. have joined like-minded Christian groups in active among pro-Arab and pro-Third World opposition to the liberal position on abortion, gay rights, and heir concern for Israel's security and constitutional protection of pornography. Some have expressed support for silent prayer in public schools, on the ground that ~rican defense posture and in hardline ,n agreements with the Soviet Union, religion in general has positive effects on society. One Hasidic emy of the free world, and particularly group has sought to use public property for the display of a religious symbol, the Hanukkah menorah, thereby breaking ranks .servative trend has affected Orthodox with the major Jewish organizations that oppose such public .a-Orthodox of New York City. Here displays of religious symbols. The extent of disagreement over to liberalism in personal morality -­ what is the Jewish interest on such issues is illustrated by the )ornography, the sexual revolution, the decision of the American Jewish Congress and the American which threatens fundamental Jewish Jewish Committee to litigate against displays of menorahs on it may also stem from a deep-seated public property. ::t secularism as a whole. The massive Quite aside from Orthodox/non-Orthodox disagreements, circles for Reagan in 1980 and 1984 conflicting perceptions of Jewish interest also figure in Iigious conservatism than of Republican differences over affirmative action. Does the Jewish interest still nal, state and local politics, these Jews lie in support for equality of opportunity as measured by the old liberal standard of individual merit, which enabled Jews to took root institutionally in the 1980s overcome discrimination and quotas that excluded them? How National Jewish Coalition. It sought to should Jews react to programs that seek to end discrimination ..atism -- and President Reagan's against minorities and undo the accumulated effect of past ideological, financial, organizational and wrongs by departing from individual merit criteria and giving ~epublican party, in the hope of making preference on the basis of group membership? How should Jews rin the Jewish community. Its leaders react to the possibility that preference for less qualified people increase support for Jewish concerns on group grounds in the name of social justice and equality might ans and cement Jewish links with the disadvantage some Jews personally and directly? Yet, even if individuals are disadvantaged in the short term, might not these al differentiation within American Jewry programs be supported because of a longer-term Jewish interest perceptions of Jewish political interest. in a society free of all discrimination and the benefit to Jews of ;eparation of church and state continue resolving the social and economic problems that produce much ;? Although Jews generally oppose anti-Semitism? merica, the Orthodox community, which Most Jews respond by supporting what they consider of Jewish day schools, supports various economic and social justice through affirmative action programs, :0 parochial schools, such as tuition tax but not quotas. Some on the political left support more radical argue that a rigid interpretation of the programs including quotas, while others on the right adhere ling direct and indirect governmental rigidly to the standard of individual achievement, opposing all 'ate religious schools conflicts with the affirmative action initiatives. Each of these responses is framed ,f free exercise, since it makes the in terms of both what is good for American society and what is •h education extremely difficult. good for Jews. )s, motivated by traditional Jewish 25 New Threats, New Allies, Split Coalitions the prominence and political success American blacks, the Rev. Jesse Jac: The new pattern of Jewish politics makes relations with other quoted remarks, and his refusal to groups more complex. When the Liberal Politics of Individual himself from the outspoken anti-Sen Rights prevailed, American Jews participated in broad liberal Farrakhan and other blacks, have let coalitions sharin~ common goals and aspirations with other groups perception that he is anti-Semitic. H: on a range of Issues; those who opposed any of their concerns of Soviet Jewry, dialogues with Jew: were generally on the other side of the political divide on most presence of Jews on his campaign st other issues, too. But the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival dispel this image. In the 1984 Nationa has generated internally conflicted, or split, coalitions. On some 74 percent thought "that Jesse JacksOi issues, American Jews find themselves in partnership with groups 8 percent said that he was not. 1bis, that, on other issues, reject basic Jewish ethnic concerns. views and widely publicized meetings Managing such split coalitions poses constant tensions and understood by Jews as a direct thre di~em~as. It is one thing to disagree with others, but partial American Jews are extremely uneasy rejection by coalition partners is an entirely different political within the Democratic party at the h experience. This has occurred recently in Jewish relations with liberal coalition of blacks, other minoritie~ blacks, Protestants and Catholics. In seeking, nevertheless, to main. Since the mid-1960s, black-Jewish relations have deteriorated old alliance with blacks by supporting signific~tly.. Growing black anti-Semitism has found public economic justice, American Jews act I= expressIOn 10 statements by some black leaders. A 1982 survey but also out of the need for defense of American anti-Semitism found that the mean level of anti­ anti-Semitism threatens Jews from be Semitism among blacks had risen since 1964 -- it had fallen disadvantage makes blacks available for among whites -- and in 1981 was 20 percent higher than among political leaders if economic and soci whites.25 Studies of Jewish opinion indicate that American Jews the Jews as targets for outbreaks of urban are keenly aware of black anti-Semitism. Alliances with some major Ameri . Nevertheless, the vast ~ajority of American Jews support also been impeded by the latter's Vigorous enforcement of ciVil rights and antidiscrimination laws concerns. Any lack of sympathy for social welfare programs to improve the situation of blacks and the part of Christians is, for many J other minority groups, and initiatives to improve black-Jewish anti-Semitic prejudice. Thus relation relations. The efforts of a number of major Jewish organizations and American Catholics are affected ­ to accomplish these objectives are made difficult by grant Israel diplomatic recognition. overwhelming Jewish opposition to quotas and preferential hiring have since 1967 been disturbed by policies supported by most blacks.26 ' leading mainline liberal Protestant be Jewish-black cooperation is further set back by the survival, which recall for these Jews C widesprea~ Jewish perception that blacks are not particularly Holocaust. sympathetic to Israel, and are much more likely than whites to A second complication in Christi think that Israel is not a reliable ally and that American Jews comes from the pressure for a Christi are more loyal to Israel than to the Israel's relations u.s,27 Evangelicals associated with this m with South Africa also hurt its standing in the black community. Israel, seeing it as part of an overa Jewish apprehensions about blacks have been reinforced by very Christians are among the most d. 26 it Coalitions the prominence and political success of the symbolic leader of oil politics makes relations with other American blacks, the Rev. Jesse Jackson. His own publicly "hen the Liberal Politics of Individual quoted remarks, and his refusal to denounce or disassociate himself from the outspoken anti-Semitism of the Rev. Louis :l Jews participated in broad liberal goals and aspirations with other groups Farrakhan and other blacks, have led to a widespread Jewish perception that he is anti-Semitic. His denials, actions in favor oC who opposed any of their concerns :r side of the political divide on most of Soviet Jewry, dialogues with Jewish organizations and the _e Pluralist Politics of Group Survival presence of Jews on his campaign staff have not managed to nflicted, or split, coalitions. On some dispel this image. In the 1984 National SUlVey of American Jews, themselves in partnership with groups 74 percent thought "that Jesse Jackson is anti-Semitic" and only =ject basic Jewish ethnic concerns. 8 percent said that he was not This, together with his pro-PLO litions poses constant tensions and views and widely publicized meetings with Yasser Aratat, are g to disagree with others, but partial understood by Jews as a direct threat. The vast majority of ners is an entirely different political American Jews are extremely uneasy about Jackson's influence Irred recently in Jewish relations with within the Democratic party at the head of a potentially broad ,lics. liberal coalition of blacks, other minorities and whites. ·lack-Jewish relations have deteriorated In seeking, nevertheless, to maintain what they can of the _ack anti-Semitism has found public old alliance with blacks by supporting their claims to social and economic justice, American Jews act partly out of shared values, r some black leaders. A 1982 sUlVey found that the mean level of anti­ but also out of the need for defense and self-protection. Black id risen since 1964 -- it had fallen anti-Semitism threatens Jews from below. Their socioeconomic 81 was 20 percent higher than among disadvantage makes blacks available for mobilization by demagogic political leaders if economic and social conditions worsen, with 1 opinion indicate that American Jews i-Semitism. the Jews as targets for outbreaks of urban disorder and violence. majority of American Jews support Alliances with some major American Christian groups have ivil rights and antidiscrimination laws, also been impeded by the latter's approach to basic Jewish improve the situation of blacks and concerns. Any lack of sympathy for Israel and its survival on d initiatives to improve black-Jewish the part of Christians is, for many Jews, indistinguishable from number of major Jewish organizations anti-Semitic prejudice. Thus relations between American Jews objectives are made difficult by and American Catholics are affected by the Vatican's refusal to ition to quotas and preferential hiring, grant Israel diplomatic recognition. Similarly, American Jews ilcks.26 have since 1967 been disturbed by the indifference of some ion is further set back by the leading mainline liberal Protestant bodies to threats to Israel's ion that blacks are not particularly survival, which recall for these Jews Christian silence during the are much more likely than whites to Holocaust. A second complication in Christian-Jewish coalition-building reliable ally and that American Jews comes from the pressure for a Christian America. Many of the than to the U.S.27 Israel's relations Evangelicals associated with this movement strongly support sstanding in the black community. Israel, seeing it as part of an overall divine plan. Yet these about blacks have been reinforced by very Christians are among the most determined opponents of the

27 separation of church and state, and of a liberal, pluralist, open privately to Israeli leaders, and whetl and secular society -- all of which Jews espouse. Nevertheless questions would be any different if tht -- as is the case with blacks -- the major Jewish organizations were united rather than divided. seek to maintain a dialogue and form stable alliances with The American Jewish community r Christians. Some Jewish agencies relate specifically to those such problems. How will dissension 31 denominations with political and social outlooks roughly Israeli policies affect the Pluralist Po comparable to their own. Others engage in the pursuit of On the one hand, a variety of Ameri common interests with Christians on such matters as welfare, Israeli actions may signal the further _ housing, and assistance for the poor and aged, thereby avoiding concerns, adding Israel to the list of p areas of disagreement. Jews seek these coalitions not only to Jews can disagree. Indeed, such disser move toward policy agreement, but also in the hope that they greater American support for the Jew: may eventually lead Christians toward greater understanding of American Jews reach their pro-Israel Jewish concerns. But until this occurs, the Pluralist Politics of discussion and persuasion, not automatic, l Group Survival will be characterized by many split coalitions On the other hand, failure to involving only partial and temporary cooperation with other questions could very well undermine groups. Maintaining such arrangements is fraught with the political action to secure. Israel's survi constant tension of avoiding sensitive issues and of handling pattern of Jewish politics is based. COl disappointed expectations. institutions in the United States ma different groups sought to persu. Conclusion: 1be Problem of Politics Without Authority Administration to adopt opposing polici could mean the end of the Pluralist Politics American Jews remain fiercely united around the principle that no single body speaks for the entire community. Thus, while the NOTES Pluralist Politics of Group Survival has somewhat rationalized and unified the top levels of the American Jewish communal structure, 1. According to John Higham, such con. the lines of authority remain more implicit than explicit, and ethnic groups in America. See his "Ie exist more in informal organizational arrangements than in formal Ethnic Leadership," in John Higham, agreements or institutional structures. Furthermore, not only America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkil does American Jewry have no formal authority, but it also lacks p.4. a defined membership, clear boundaries and agreed-upon methods 2. Steven M. Cohen's studies for the jJ for choosing leaders. It has no mechanisms for reaching binding between two-thirds and three-quarters decisions, for setting priorities, or for penalizing dissidents. that "anti-Semitism in America may, So far, this informal and unstructured process for reaching serious problem for American Jews." decisions has held up, largely because of the community's strong 3. Peter Y. Medding, "Segmented Ethni. consensus on key issues such as Israel. But what will happen if in Studies in Contemporary Jewry J disagreements emerge within American Jewry over the policies of University Press, 1987), pp. 26-48. the Israeli government? Already there is controversy over 4. Leon A. Jick, "The Holocaust: Its l whether American Jewish organizations and leaders have a right American Public," Yad Vashem Studies 1· to disagree with Israel's course, whether it is prudent to express J. Whitfield, "The Holocaust and such disagreements publicly in the United States instead of Intellectual," Judaism 28 (1979): 391-401.

28 :state, and of a liberal, pluralist, open privately to Israeli leaders, and whether the answers to these of which Jews espouse. Nevertheless questions would be any different if the Israeli government itself tks -- the major Jewish organizations were united rather than divided. 3gue and form stable alliances with The American Jewish community may not be able to settle agencies relate specifically to those such problems. How will dissension among American Jews over itical and social outlooks roughly Israeli policies affect the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival? Others engage in the pursuit of On the one hand, a variety of American Jewish opinion about 1ristians on such matters as welfare, Israeli actions may signal the further Americanization of Jewish the poor and aged, thereby avoiding concerns, adding Israel to the list of political issues about which ~ws seek these coalitions not only to Jews can disagree. Indeed, such dissent may buttress claims for nent, but also in the hope that they greater American support for the Jewish state by showing that jans toward greater understanding of American Jews reach their pro-Israel position through mutucil il this occurs, the Pluralist Politics of discussion and persuasion, not automatic, unthinking reactions. haracterized by many split coalitions On the other hand, failure to resolve this and similar j temporary cooperation with other questions could very well undermine the capacity for united h arrangements is fraught with the political action to secure. Israel's survival upon which the new ing sensitive issues and of handling pattern of Jewish politics is based. Could the network of Jewish institutions in the United States maintain its effectiveness if different groups sought to persuade Congress and the Politics Without Authority Administration to adopt opposing policies? Such a development could mean the end of the Pluralist Politics of Group Survival. -cely united around the principle that :he entire community. Thus, while the NOTES Survival has somewhat rationalized and ~ American Jewish communal structure, 1. According to John Higham, such concerns are common to most nain more implicit than explicit, and ethnic groups in America See his "Introduction: The Forms of .nizational arrangements than in formal Ethnic Leadership," in John Higham, ed., Ethnic Leadership in _ structures. Furthermore, not only America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), no formal authority, but it also lacks p.4. r boundaries and agreed-upon methods 2. Steven M. Cohen's studies for the AJC consistently show that is no mechanisms for reaching binding between two-thirds and three-quarters of American Jews believe S, or for penalizing dissidents. that "anti-Semitism in America may, in the future, become a and unstructured process for reaching serious problem for American Jews:' ely because of the community's strong 3. Peter Y. Medding, "Segmented Ethnicity and the New Politics," ch as Israel. But what will happen if in Studies in Contemporary Jewry III (New York: Oxford n American Jewry over the policies of University Press, 1987), pp. 26-48. Already there is controversy over 4. Leon A. Jick, "The Holocaust: Its Use and Abuse within the Jrganizations and leaders have a right American Public," Yad Vashem Studies 14 (1981): 303-318; Stephen .urse, whether it is prudent to express J. Whitfield, "The Holocaust and the American Jewish Iy in the United States instead of Intellectual," Judaism 28 (1979): 391-401.

29 5. For a more detailed analysis of the development of Holocaust 18. This was conducted by the present consciousness and the question of Jewish survival, see Medding, of the Center for Modern Jewish Stud "Segmented Ethnicity," pp. 26-45. A mail questionnaire was sent to all Je 6. Joint Program Plan, 1953, pp. 3, 21. This is the annual Congress in December 1986, with follO\1 statement by NJCRAC setting out the full spectrum of political of electoral defeat, retirement and and social issues confronting American Jews, with guidelines and return was 34. Of these 19 respondec recommendations for action. It is the most comprehensive and be detected among the nonresponden­ authoritative statement of the political agenda of the organized Jewish affiliations could be ascertained. Jewish community in America, as NJCRAC is the umbrella body of 19. FeueIWerger, Congress and Israel, pp. ~ 11 national and 111 local Jewish community relations bodies. 20. FeueIWerger's survey of all membl Until 1971 it was known as the National Community Relations reached similar findings, emphasi2 Advisory Council. character, the tradition of friendship b 7. Lawrence H. Fuchs, The Political Behavior of American Jews shared foreign policy interests, and public ii (Glencoe: Free Press, 1956), ch. 6. 21. See AIPAC 1986 Legislative Repon 8. Joint Program Plan, 1984/5, pp. 3, 29. analysis of the long congressional batt 9. Unpublished typescript made available by the speaker, Arthur down by AIPAC of the size of the Chotin, who was then a key AlPAC official. continuing congressional opposition to 10. See I. L. Kenen, Israel's Defense Line: Her Friends and Foes even after they had been whittled do.... in Washington (Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1981) for a personal (backed by the Presidents' Conference, N history of AlPAC's early years by its founder and long-time not to fight because "Israel would not executive officer. by the proposed package," a "major I 11. AlPAC Policy Statement, Near East Report, April 29, 1985. not worth the expenditure of political 12. AIPAC Congressional Report, May 17, 1987, mimeo. marginal threat of the weapons invol.. 13. See Michael J. Malbin, Unelected Representatives: missiles alone would not be worth ril: Congressional Staff and the Future of Representative Govemment state of U.S.-Israel relations." (New York: Basic Books, 1980) for a critical analysis of the succeeded in overriding the congressio pivot al and growing role of congressional staffs. personal pressure on senators and c 14. Ibid. attempt to get Jewish leaders to lobby 15. On PACs see Larry J. Sabato, PAC Power: Inside the World sale. ofPolitical Action Committees (New York: W.W. Norton, 1984). 22. New York Times, October 12, 1988. 16. All the data in this paragraph are derived from Herbert E. 23. See Ben Bradlee, Jr., "Israel's Lobb: Alexander, "Pro-Israel PACs: A Small Part of a Large April 29, 1984, pp. 8, 9, 64, 66, 70, 72, Movement," paper for International Conference on the Domestic J. Lanouette, "The Many Faces of the Determinants of U.S. Policy in the Middle East, Tel Aviv National Joumal, May 13, 1978, pp. 7· University, 1987, 19 pp. The citation is from p. 6. He also AIPAC Formula," Moment 6 (November 1 indicates that the total number of such PACs is hard to 24. Hugh Heclo, "Issue Network determine, and may be as high as 90. Establishment," in Anthony King, Th. 17. Marvin C. FeueIWerger, Congress and Israel: Foreign Aid System (Washington: A.E.I., 1981), pp. 87-­ Decision-Making in the House of Representatives, 1969-1976 25. See Gregory Martire and Ruth C (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1979), p. 97. United States (New York: Praeger, 1982), I=

30 lalysis of the development of Holocaust 18. This was conducted by the present author with the assistance :stion of Jewish survival, see Medding, of the Center for Modem Jewish Studies at Brandeis University. !6-45. A mail questionnaire was sent to all Jewish members of the 99th ~53, pp. 3, 21. This is the annual Congress in December 1986, with follow-ups in 1987. As a result 1ting out the full spectrum of political of electoral defeat, retirement and death, the total possible llg American Jews, with guidelines and return was 34. Of these 19 responded. No clear pattern could In. It is the most comprehensive and be detected among the nonrespondents as far as their known the political agenda of the organized Jewish affiliations could be ascertained. ica, as NJCRAC is the umbrella body of 19. Feuerwerger, Congress and Israel, pp. 77-90. aI Jewish community relations bodies. 20. Feuerwerger's survey of all members of the 94th Congress as the National Community Relations reached similar findings, emphasizing Israel's democratic character, the tradition of friendship between the two countries, ie Political Behavior of American Jews shared foreign policy interests, and public awareness of the Holocaust. ch.6. 21. See AIPAC 1986 Legislative Report, pp. 13-16 for a detailed 5,pp. 3, 29. analysis of the long congressional battle, the successful whittling made available by the speaker, Arthur down by AIPAC of the size of the arms package, and the ~IPAC official. continuing congressional opposition to the president's proposals !'s Defense Line: Her Friends and Foes even after they had been whittled down and even after AIPAC ~ometheus Books, 1981) for a personal (backed by the Presidents' Conference, NJCRAC and ADL) decided . years by its founder and long-time not to fight because "Israel would not be significantly threatened by the proposed package," a "major fight against this sale was t, Near East Report, April 29, 1985. not worth the expenditure of political capital," "and given the ~rt, May 17, 1987, mimeo. marginal threat of the weapons involved, an effort against the Malbin, Unelected Representatives: missiles alone would not be worth risking the overall favorable Ie Future of Representative Govemment state of U.S.-Israel relations." The president eventually • 1980) for a critical analysis of the succeeded in overriding the congressional veto after tremendous :ongressional staffs. personal pressure on senators and congressmen, including an attempt to get Jewish leaders to lobby senators in support of the Sabato, PAC Power: Inside the World sale. !S (New York: W.W. Norton, 1984). 22. New Yorlc Times, October 12, 1988. laragraph are derived from Herbert E. 23. See Ben Bradlee, Jr., "Israel's Lobby," Boston Globe Magazine, ACs: A Small Part of a Large April 29, 1984, pp. 8, 9, 64, 66, 70, 72, 73, 76, 78, 80, 82; William :::rnational Conference on the Domestic J. Lanouette, "The Many Faces of the Jewish Lobby in America," Jlicy in the Middle East, Tel Aviv National Journal, May 13, 1978, pp. 748-759; Wolf Blitzer, "The The citation is from p. 6. He also AIPAC Formula," Moment 6 (November 1981): 22-28. number of such PACs is hard to 24. Hugh Heclo, "Issue Networks and the Executive ~as90. Establishment," in Anthony King, The New American Political :r, Congress and Israel: Foreign Aid System (Washington: A.E.I., 1981), pp. 87-123. House of Representatives, 1969-1976 25. See Gregory Martire and Ruth Clark, Anti-Semitism in the S, 1979), p. 97. United States (New York: Praeger, 1982), p. 42.

31 '" •...... ~,

'::-;, 26. Steven M. Cohen, The National Survey of American Jews, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1988, published by the American Jewish Committee. 27. See, for example, David Singer and Renae Cohen, Probing Public Sentiment on Israel and American Jews: The February 1987 Roper Po/~ and In the Wake of the Palestinian Uprising: Findings of the April 1988 Roper Poll, both published by the American Jewish Committee.

32