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Chapter 4 the Right-Wing Media Enablers of Anti-Islam Propaganda
Chapter 4 The right-wing media enablers of anti-Islam propaganda Spreading anti-Muslim hate in America depends on a well-developed right-wing media echo chamber to amplify a few marginal voices. The think tank misinforma- tion experts and grassroots and religious-right organizations profiled in this report boast a symbiotic relationship with a loosely aligned, ideologically-akin group of right-wing blogs, magazines, radio stations, newspapers, and television news shows to spread their anti-Islam messages and myths. The media outlets, in turn, give members of this network the exposure needed to amplify their message, reach larger audiences, drive fundraising numbers, and grow their membership base. Some well-established conservative media outlets are a key part of this echo cham- ber, mixing coverage of alarmist threats posed by the mere existence of Muslims in America with other news stories. Chief among the media partners are the Fox News empire,1 the influential conservative magazine National Review and its website,2 a host of right-wing radio hosts, The Washington Times newspaper and website,3 and the Christian Broadcasting Network and website.4 They tout Frank Gaffney, David Yerushalmi, Daniel Pipes, Robert Spencer, Steven Emerson, and others as experts, and invite supposedly moderate Muslim and Arabs to endorse bigoted views. In so doing, these media organizations amplify harm- ful, anti-Muslim views to wide audiences. (See box on page 86) In this chapter we profile some of the right-wing media enablers, beginning with the websites, then hate radio, then the television outlets. The websites A network of right-wing websites and blogs are frequently the primary movers of anti-Muslim messages and myths. -
Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
Jay-Richards-Longer
Jay W. Richards, Ph.D., is author of many books including the New York Times bestsellers Infiltrated (2013) and Indivisible (2012). He is also the author of Money, Greed, and God, winner of a 2010 Templeton Enterprise Award; and co-author of The Privileged Planet with astronomer Guillermo Gonzalez. Richards is an Assistant Research Professor in the School of Business and Economics at The Catholic University of America and a Senior Fellow at the Discovery Institute. In recent years he has been Distinguished Fellow at the Institute for Faith, Work & Economics, Contributing Editor of The American at the American Enterprise Institute, a Visiting Fellow at the Heritage Foundation, and Research Fellow and Director of Acton Media at the Acton Institute. Richards’ articles and essays have been published in The Harvard Business Review, Wall Street Journal, Barron’s, Washington Post, Forbes, The Daily Caller, Investor’s Business Daily, Washington Times, The Philadelphia Inquirer, The Huffington Post, The American Spectator, The Daily Caller, The Seattle Post- Intelligencer, and a wide variety of other publications. He is a regular contributor to National Review Online, Christian Research Journal, and The Imaginative Conservative. His topics range from culture, economics, and public policy to natural science, technology, and the environment. He is also creator and executive producer of several documentaries, including three that appeared widely on PBS—The Call of the Entrepreneur, The Birth of Freedom, and The Privileged Planet. Richards’ work has been covered in The New York Times (front page news, science news, and editorial), The Washington Post (news and editorial), The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Times, Nature, Science, Astronomy, Physics Today, Reuters, The Chronicle of Higher Education, American Enterprise, Congressional Quarterly Researcher, World, National Catholic Register, and American Spectator. -
Conversations with Bill Kristol Guest: Charles Murray, Scholar, American Enterprise Institute
Conversations with Bill Kristol Guest: Charles Murray, scholar, American Enterprise Institute Table of Contents I: 0:00 – 5:55 II: I: (0:15 –) KRISTOL: Hi, I’m Bill Kristol. Welcome back to CONVERSATIONS. I’m very pleased to be joined today again by Charles Murray, scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, author of many important books: Losing Ground – when was that? 1984? – The Bell Curve in the mid-90s, and Coming Apart, about four years ago. I would say, I’m not sure there’s a social commentator who’s written as many important books over the last few decades as Charles so it is a great pleasure and honor to have you here. And you’re going to explain the current moment, right? MURRAY: With that kind of introduction I suppose I’m obligated to. KRISTOL: Exactly right. So what – this is the very beginning of August of 2016. People are – someone wrote something in the New York Times yesterday giving you credit for presciently seeing that Trump or Trumpism, I guess, was going to happen. Did you see it, and what do you make of it? MURRAY: I knew that we were going to have a problem with the white working class, and actually, I guess I’ll blow my own horn and say in 1993 for The Wall Street Journal, I had a long article called “The Coming White Underclass.” If you go back and read that – but this is not rocket science, it simply was the trend lines for out-of-wedlock births among working-class whites at that point had been spiking upward. -
Lgi Newsletter 2017
LGI NEWSLETTER 2017 BENEFIT On September 27th, a benefit to raise money for scholarships to the LGI was held at the home of Kevin Breslin (L73) Professor John Van Sickle of Brooklyn College. Thomas Bruno (G95) Hors d’oeuvres were furnished by M.J. Amy Bush (G93) McNamara (G01), a chef as well as a Ph.D. Rowland Butler (L87) student in classics at The Graduate Center. She Jeffrey Cassvan (L92) explained her choices of food and how she tried Donovan Chaney (G99) to approximate the ingredients the Romans Amy Cooper (G12) used. Dr. Alex Conison, the Brand Manager of Susan Crane (L97) Josh Cellars at Deutsch Family Wine & Spirits, Michael Degener (G84) did his Ph. D. dissertation on Roman wine and Nicholas de Peyster (G85) supplied the wine and explained how it Jeanne Detch (G93) compared with the wines the Romans drank. Joan Esposito (G86) There was a mixture of classicists and non- Michael Esposito (G08) classicists and conversations flowed till late in Isabel Farias (G12) the evening. It was a most successful event. Alison Fields (L07) Earlier in the year, we held a different event for Jeff Fletcher (L88) the same purpose. This was a lecture in lower Thomas Frei (G83) Manhattan followed by a reception. The Robert Frumkin (L82) speaker was Joy Connolly, Provost and John Fulco (L75) Professor of Classics at The CUNY Graduate Peggy Fuller (L85) Center. Her topic was, “Why Autocracy Robert Gabriele (G12) Appeals: Lessons from Roman Epic,” a timely John Gedrick (L90) reflection on the lessons that Lucan’s Pharsalia Richard Giambrone (G81, L82) offers to our current political situation. -
Democracy and Dissent: Strauss, Arendt, and Voegelin in America
Denver Law Review Volume 89 Issue 3 Special Issue - Constitutionalism and Article 6 Revolutions December 2020 Democracy and Dissent: Strauss, Arendt, and Voegelin in America Stephen M. Feldman Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/dlr Recommended Citation Stephen M. Feldman, Democracy and Dissent: Strauss, Arendt, and Voegelin in America, 89 Denv. U. L. Rev. 671 (2012). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. DEMOCRACY AND DISSENT: STRAUSS, ARENDT, AND VOEGELIN IN AMERICA STEPHEN M. FELDMANt During the 1930s, American democratic government underwent a paradigmatic transformation.' From the framing through the 1920s, the United States operated as a republican democracy. Citizens and elected officials were supposed to be virtuous: in the political realm, they were to pursue the common good or public welfare rather than their own "par- tial or private interests."2 Intellectually, republican democracy had premodern roots stretching back to antiquity. 3 As such, republican demo- cratic theorists often conceptualized the common good in objectivist terms, as if there existed a distinct good that could be clearly ascer- tained.4 Equally important, for at least a century, republican democracy seemed to fit the agrarian, rural, and relatively homogenous American society. Thomas Jefferson, for one, insisted that the agrarian economy and widespread rural land ownership promoted a virtuous commitment to the common good.5 And given that, in the nation's early decades, an overwhelming number of Americans were Protestants who traced their ancestry to Western or Northern Europe, the people seemed sufficiently homogeneous to join together in the pursuit of the common good.6 Of course, some Americans did not fit the mold. -
Introduction
NOTES Introduction 1. Robert Kagan to George Packer. Cited in Packer’s The Assassin’s Gate: America In Iraq (Faber and Faber, London, 2006): 38. 2. Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neoconservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004): 9. 3. Critiques of the war on terror and its origins include Gary Dorrien, Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana (Routledge, New York and London, 2004); Francis Fukuyama, After the Neocons: America At the Crossroads (Profile Books, London, 2006); Ira Chernus, Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO and London, 2006); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (Doubleday, New York, 2008). 4. A report of the PNAC, Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, September 2000: 76. URL: http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf (15 January 2009). 5. On the first generation on Cold War neoconservatives, which has been covered far more extensively than the second, see Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1993); Peter Steinfels, The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America’s Politics (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1979); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2005); Murray Friedman ed. Commentary in American Life (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 2005); Mark Gerson, The Neoconservative Vision: From the Cold War to the Culture Wars (Madison Books, Lanham MD; New York; Oxford, 1997); and Maria Ryan, “Neoconservative Intellectuals and the Limitations of Governing: The Reagan Administration and the Demise of the Cold War,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. -
Theoretical Framework
Ascendancy to Power – a Structural Realist Account of the Neo-Conservatives’ Rising Influence Over American Foreign Policy By Elvin Gjevori Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In Partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations and European Studies Supervisor: Professor Erin Kristin Jenne CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2007 (17,238 words) i Abstract Neo-conservatism is a doctrine that has been increasingly analyzed and debated in the last years because of its growing influence on the foreign policy of the United States. Despite the growing body of scholarship on the movement, little or no attention has been paid to the structural causes of the neocons’ success in influencing U.S. foreign policy, with most authors focused on personalities and historical moments to account for their increasing influence on American foreign policy. In contrast to accounts that rely on historically contingent events, this thesis provides a structural realist account of the growing influence of the neo-conservative ideology on American foreign policy in the later part of the twentieth century and at the turn of the twenty-first century. The thesis shows that the ascendancy of neocons to power is best understood by analyzing the permissive structural conditions of the international system after the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the USSR. CEU eTD Collection ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................................................II -
SLS 183ES-72 ORIGINAL 2018 Third Extraordinary Session SENATE
SLS 183ES-72 ORIGINAL 2018 Third Extraordinary Session SENATE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION NO. 7 BY SENATOR CLAITOR CONDOLENCES. Expresses condolences upon the death of Charles Krauthammer. 1 A CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 2 To express the sincere condolences of the Louisiana Legislature upon the death of Charles 3 Krauthammer. 4 WHEREAS, it is with deep regret and profound sorrow that the citizens of Louisiana 5 learned of the death of Charles Krauthammer on June 21, 2018, at the age of sixty-eight; and 6 WHEREAS, Charles Krauthammer was born on March 13, 1950, in New York City 7 to Shulim and Thea Krauthammer; and 8 WHEREAS, his father was from Bolekhiv, Ukraine, and his mother was from 9 Belgium; and 10 WHEREAS, when he was five years old, his mother, father, and older brother, 11 Marcel, moved to Montreal; and 12 WHEREAS, during the school year they resided in Montreal but spent the summers 13 in Long Beach, New York; and 14 WHEREAS, Mr. Krauthammer and his brother were educated at a Hebrew school, 15 and he attended McGill University in Montreal, graduating in 1970 with First Class Honors 16 in both economics and political science; and 17 WHEREAS, at the time, McGill University was a hotbed of radical sentiment, 18 something he says influenced his dislike of political extremism; and Page 1 of 4 SLS 183ES-72 ORIGINAL SCR NO. 7 1 WHEREAS, after graduating from McGill University, he studied as a 2 Commonwealth Scholar in politics at Balliol College, Oxford, before returning to the United 3 States to attend medical school at Harvard University; and 4 WHEREAS, Mr. -
Wertheimer, Editor Imagining the Seth Farber an American Orthodox American Jewish Community Dreamer: Rabbi Joseph B
Imagining the American Jewish Community Brandeis Series in American Jewish History, Culture, and Life Jonathan D. Sarna, Editor Sylvia Barack Fishman, Associate Editor For a complete list of books in the series, visit www.upne.com and www.upne.com/series/BSAJ.html Jack Wertheimer, editor Imagining the Seth Farber An American Orthodox American Jewish Community Dreamer: Rabbi Joseph B. Murray Zimiles Gilded Lions and Soloveitchik and Boston’s Jeweled Horses: The Synagogue to Maimonides School the Carousel Ava F. Kahn and Marc Dollinger, Marianne R. Sanua Be of Good editors California Jews Courage: The American Jewish Amy L. Sales and Leonard Saxe “How Committee, 1945–2006 Goodly Are Thy Tents”: Summer Hollace Ava Weiner and Kenneth D. Camps as Jewish Socializing Roseman, editors Lone Stars of Experiences David: The Jews of Texas Ori Z. Soltes Fixing the World: Jewish Jack Wertheimer, editor Family American Painters in the Twentieth Matters: Jewish Education in an Century Age of Choice Gary P. Zola, editor The Dynamics of American Jewish History: Jacob Edward S. Shapiro Crown Heights: Rader Marcus’s Essays on American Blacks, Jews, and the 1991 Brooklyn Jewry Riot David Zurawik The Jews of Prime Time Kirsten Fermaglich American Dreams and Nazi Nightmares: Ranen Omer-Sherman, 2002 Diaspora Early Holocaust Consciousness and and Zionism in Jewish American Liberal America, 1957–1965 Literature: Lazarus, Syrkin, Reznikoff, and Roth Andrea Greenbaum, editor Jews of Ilana Abramovitch and Seán Galvin, South Florida editors, 2001 Jews of Brooklyn Sylvia Barack Fishman Double or Pamela S. Nadell and Jonathan D. Sarna, Nothing? Jewish Families and Mixed editors Women and American Marriage Judaism: Historical Perspectives George M. -
By Philip Roth
The Best of the 60s Articles March 1961 Writing American Fiction Philip Roth December 1961 Eichmann’s Victims and the Unheard Testimony Elie Weisel September 1961 Is New York City Ungovernable? Nathan Glazer May 1962 Yiddish: Past, Present, and Perfect By Lucy S. Dawidowicz August 1962 Edmund Wilson’s Civil War By Robert Penn Warren January 1963 Jewish & Other Nationalisms By H.R. Trevor-Roper February 1963 My Negro Problem—and Ours By Norman Podhoretz August 1964 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 By Alexander M. Bickel October 1964 On Becoming a Writer By Ralph Ellison November 1964 ‘I’m Sorry, Dear’ By Leslie H. Farber August 1965 American Catholicism after the Council By Michael Novak March 1966 Modes and Mutations: Quick Comments on the Modern American Novel By Norman Mailer May 1966 Young in the Thirties By Lionel Trilling November 1966 Koufax the Incomparable By Mordecai Richler June 1967 Jerusalem and Athens: Some Introductory Reflections By Leo Strauss November 1967 The American Left & Israel By Martin Peretz August 1968 Jewish Faith and the Holocaust: A Fragment By Emil L. Fackenheim October 1968 The New York Intellectuals: A Chronicle & a Critique By Irving Howe March 1961 Writing American Fiction By Philip Roth EVERAL winters back, while I was living in Chicago, the city was shocked and mystified by the death of two teenage girls. So far as I know the popu- lace is mystified still; as for the shock, Chicago is Chicago, and one week’s dismemberment fades into the next’s. The victims this particular year were sisters. They went off one December night to see an Elvis Presley movie, for the sixth or seventh time we are told, and never came home. -
American Jewish Political Conservatism in Historical Perspective
AMERICAN JEWISH POLITICAL CONSERVATISM IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE JONATHAN D. SARNA "Jews are by nature conservative,"the American-trained British chief rabbi, Joseph H. Hertz, writes in his prayer book, completed during World War II. Hertz explains that "loyalty to the State is ingrained in the Jewish character," and that "in all those countries in which persecution has not embittered their life," Jews "are no more radical than the non Jewish members of the social class to which they belong." 1 Hertz's claim surprises us for at least two reasons. First, he attributes Jewish political behavior to "nature" and "ingrained" characteristics, whereas we would surely attribute such behavior to nurture and acquired characteristics. Second, and even more surprising, he considers Jews to be "naturally conservative," whereas the bulk of those who describe Jewish political behavior in the United States assume, if anything, that Jews are "naturally liberal," and, as heirs of the biblical prophets, always have been.2 Hertz's characterization of Jewish politics might be easily explained 3 away on the basis of his having been a well-known apologist , or as a generalization drawn from his experiences in England. There, the Conservative Party enjoyed at various times substantial Jewish support, especially from the Jewish establishment, although the majority of Jews in Hertz's own day actually backed the Labour Party.4 Just to dismiss Hertz on these grounds, however, would be a mistake. For, as we shall see, political conservatism does draw from a deep wellspring of Jewish political philosophy, law, and historical experience. Even in the United States, where traditional Jewish politics was transformed by the Revolu- 1.