DOCSLIB.ORG

Issue Brief Final Version

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Issue Brief Final Version The Declaration of International Safety Meggie Roberts 10 April 2018 What is the difference between a genocide and a mass killing? The difference lies solely with the involvement of the United Nations. According to the Geneva Conventions, the United Nations may only get involved if something is deemed a genocide; anything short of a genocide is not deemed important enough for United Nations’ involvement. By definition, a genocide is the deliberate killing of a large group of people, especially those of a particular ethnic group or nation. A mass killing is the deliberate killing of a large number of people by a person or an organization. Why should these be considered different things? In order to keep everyone safe from becoming the victim of any form of a human rights violation, a group needs to be implemented within the reach of the United Nations that can remain completely internationally unbiased for the purpose of protecting people from events such as a mass killing or genocide no matter what the specifications are. In order to further understand this concept, it’s important to look at the past history or killings and genocides and look at what percentage of those had some involvement from other countries. Another thing to look at is the idea of what this group with the UN would be able to do within a country. The main persuasion behind this idea is the past history of killings of multitudes of people with no help from countries outside those being affected. Past History We Are CAS Meggie Roberts The Declaration of International Safety Throughout history, there have been countless genocides, mass killings, and other human rights violations. The parts that have the most bearing on this topic are the ones that resulted in the deaths of many, even though there have been innumerable human rights violations in history. Looking at genocides by death toll, the worst are The Holocaust, Holodomor, or the Ukrainian genocide, and the Cambodian Genocide. The Holocaust has estimates of around six to seventeen million people killed. The “purpose” of The Holocaust was to eradicate the Jewish race4. But Jewish people accounted for up to six million people3. Soviet Citizens account for about six million3. Soviet prisoners of war account for 3 million. Non-Jewish Polish civilians totaled almost two million. Thousands of others are included in these numbers. These people went from a normal day in Germany to facing an unwarranted and undeserved death. The Holocaust continued for six years. Through those six years there was no assistance to these prisoners of the Nazis. People frequently died of disease and perhaps would have survived with medical assistance. The Holodomor Genocide death toll ranges anywhere from two to fifteen million people1. The most disturbing part about this genocide is that officials say that it is impossible to say exactly or even close to how many people died2. This genocide was carried out by the use of a widespread famine in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic brought about by deliberate political actions1. This genocide only went on for a single year and in that time, millions of people were murdered. With some kind of intervention, the people making the deliberate political decisions that catalyzed the killings could have been stopped. The Cambodian Genocide resulted in the deaths of about two to three million people. This genocide caused the Cambodian population to be reduced by over twenty-five percent. The population went from near seven million to four million6. The genocide included multiple manners of death We Are CAS Meggie Roberts 2 The Declaration of International Safety including war, rebellion, man-made famine, genocide, politicide, and mass murder. This genocide went on for ten years. Throughout that time, the people in power, once again, could have stopped. There is no excuse for allowing deliberate killings to go on for ten years with no punishments. The following graph follows genocides from 1900 to 2005, showing that the current methods are not working to help stop genocides. The graph shows the deaths per 100,000 per year. Rummel has taken these numbers from estimates, but again, records are frequently inaccurate and may not account for the total number of deaths that may have occurred that were unrecorded. This chart tracks the number of active genocides and politicides around the world between 1955 and 2014. Taken from: The Political Instability Task Force. The past history of genocides shows how many died in very disturbingly efficient ways without so much as a record of their death. Already in Place We Are CAS Meggie Roberts 3 The Declaration of International Safety There are things in place that are supposed to prevent things like this from ever happening again. Unfortunately, history has learned nothing from the past and continues to make the same mistakes. After World War I, the Treaty of Versailles was signed by the Allied powers and was imposed upon Germany in order to demand reparations for the war. This was a peace treaty to try and prevent future happenings, like World War I. Obviously it did not work, as World War II occurred and was more fatal by far. After World War II, the Geneva Conventions were a series of agreements concerning the treatment of prisoners of war and of the sick, wounded, and dead in battle. The entire purpose and rhetoric of these agreements was because of The Holocaust. The Geneva Conventions were put into place to protect people; however, they do not immediately come into effect. They detail what a genocide is, however, they do not even begin to explain the difference between a genocide and any other form of violence. They are supposed to protect people from human rights violations, yet they do not define what is included in that, or what any other form of mistreatment is constituted as. Perhaps when they were created, people assumed that a genocide would be easy to identify as a genocide, but now it is not all that clear. In modern Ukraine, parties wish to define the Holodomor as an act of Genocide, however Russia fails to acknowledge that aspect, as do many historians2. This calls into question the idea that the Geneva Conventions may not even be applicable if the death of millions of people by purposeful actions does not constitute a genocide. Why would the Geneva Conventions not protect against a mass killing? There have been mass killings for political reasons, which is one of the big parts of what constitutes something as a genocide. These human rights violations are no longer black and white, and the longer this goes on, the more people die and the more human rights are violated. Along with the Geneva Conventions, documents We Are CAS Meggie Roberts 4 The Declaration of International Safety exist such as The Declaration of Rights of Man and The Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Within both of these exists a list of laws that remain unenforced to this day. Why are there laws that exist without the possibility of being enforced? The reason they are not enforced is because there is no group that has the right to carry out actions in the name of these laws. They are an international set of rules, which in a way would make whatever group enforcing them an almost world dictator in some sense. The Amendment There have been many things put into place that are supposed to protect people from human rights violations such as mass killing or genocide, yet these things are still occurring in the world constantly. Today, there are mass shootings and other horrid events taking place every day. In recent years, over 1.5 million people have been murdered in some form of mass killing5. This is why things need to be changed, but not in the way of getting rid of guns, as things like the Rwandan Genocide were carried out with other weapons like machetes. Solutions such as getting rid of guns are simply inefficient because there are infinite possibilities on how to carry out a mass murder, even without firepower. There are so many things already in place; they simply need to be amended. A group that would remain loyal to the laws outlined in the Geneva Conventions that could be militarized is the proposed amendment. Along with this group would come a list of things necessary to constitute their involvement. Among these would include all the things already required to deem something a genocide, along with a list of steps to prevent a mass killing, severe human rights violation, etc. In order to avoid being naïve to the fact that every human rights violation cannot be accounted for, it is important to realize that this We Are CAS Meggie Roberts 5 The Declaration of International Safety group would serve primarily in situations where a large group of people have the possibility of falling victim to a mass human rights violation. The main purpose is to have this group involved before the organization of the occupying power is complete. As shown in graph two, the number of deaths seem to increase as the occupying power gains strength, organization, and the submission of their victims, which happens the longer they hold power. If the proposed group within the United Nations was able to take action before the occupying power had time to become fully organized, it could mean millions of people’s salvation. This groups’ one and only job would be to observe any unrest anywhere in the world and keep track of it in order to track whether an agenda seemed to be in the process of being carried out.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Everyday Experiences of Cambodian Genocide Survivors in Hidden
    Documentation Center of Cambodia Democratic Kampuchea Regime Survivors and Sites of Violence Savina Sirik Team Leader of the Transitional Justice Program The Khmer Rouge Movement • Khmer Rouge communist movement o 1940s- emerged as struggle against the French Colonialization o 1950- Formed communist-led United Issarak Front or Khmer Issarak • Khmer People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) o 1951- formed with support from Vietnamese communists o Lost the 1955 election to Sangkum Reastr Niyum o 1956 Sieu Heng defected to the Prince Sihanouk government The Khmer Rouge Movement (Cont.) • Workers’ Party of Kampuchea o 1960-Secret congress was held, reorganized the party o Tou Samut disappeared, Pol Pot became the party’s leader o 1965 Visit of Pol Pot to Vietname, China and North Korea • Communist Party of Kampuchea o 1966 changed the party name to CPK o 1966-70 headquarter in Rattanakiri The Khmer Rouge regime, officially known as the Democratic Kampuchea (DK), ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979. The Evacuation of Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. Source: Roland Neveu Collective cooperatives and massive agricultural and irrigation projects were established throughout the country Democratic Kampuchea in 1976 Source: DK Ministry of Education, 1976. Administrative Divisions & Security System • 6 Zones • 32 Regions • District • Sub-district • Cooperatives • Security system is divided in five levels with S-21 as the top level security center, followed by zonal, regional, district, and sub-district prisons. • 196 prisons • Over 388 killing sites containing almost 20,000 mass graves • Labor sites • 81 local memorials Former Khmer Rouge security centers Physical evidence of violence in the landscapes remains After the Democratic Kampuchea • Introduce to an unmarked site of mass violence and its relationship to survivors • Consider how contemporary lives of survivors are informed by memories of the genocide • Until today, many survivors still live and work in the same villages where they experienced starvation, forced labors, and torture during the DK.
    [Show full text]
  • Genocide, Ethnocide, Ecocide, with Special Reference to Indigenous Peoples: a Bibliography
    Genocide, Ethnocide, Ecocide, with Special Reference to Indigenous Peoples: A Bibliography Robert K. Hitchcock Department of Anthropology and Geography University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, NE 68588-0368 [email protected] Adalian, Rouben (1991) The Armenian Genocide: Context and Legacy. Social Education 55(2):99-104. Adalian, Rouben (1997) The Armenian Genocide. In Century of Genocide: Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views, Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny eds. Pp. 41-77. New York and London: Garland Publishing Inc. Adams, David Wallace (1995) Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience 1875-1928. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. Africa Watch (1989) Zimbabwe, A Break with the Past? Human Rights and Political Unity. New York and Washington, D.C.: Africa Watch Committee. Africa Watch (1990) Somalia: A Government at War With Its Own People. Testimonies about the Killings and the Conflict in the North. New York, New York: Human Rights Watch. African Rights (1995a) Facing Genocide: The Nuba of Sudan. London: African Rights. African Rights (1995b) Rwanda: Death, Despair, and Defiance. London: African Rights. African Rights (1996) Rwanda: Killing the Evidence: Murders, Attacks, Arrests, and Intimidation of Survivors and Witnesses. London: African Rights. Albert, Bruce (1994) Gold Miners and Yanomami Indians in the Brazilian Amazon: The Hashimu Massacre. In Who Pays the Price? The Sociocultural Context of Environmental Crisis, Barbara Rose Johnston, ed. pp. 47-55. Washington D.C. and Covelo, California: Island Press. Allen, B. (1996) Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-Herzogovina and Croatia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. American Anthropological Association (1991) Report of the Special Commission to Investigate the Situation of the Brazilian Yanomami, June, 1991.
    [Show full text]
  • Bombs Over Cambodia
    the walrus october 2006 History Bombs Over Cambodia New information reveals that Cambodia was bombed far more heavily during the Vietnam War than previously believed — and that the bombing began not under Richard Nixon, but under Lyndon Johnson story by Taylor Owen and Ben Kiernan mapping by Taylor Owen US Air Force bombers like this B-52, shown releasing its payload over Vietnam, helped make Cambodia one of the most heavily bombed countries in history — perhaps the most heavily bombed. In the fall of 2000, twenty-five years after the end of the war in Indochina, more ordnance on Cambodia than was previously believed: 2,756,941 Bill Clinton became the first US president since Richard Nixon to visit tons’ worth, dropped in 230,516 sorties on 113,716 sites. Just over 10 per- Vietnam. While media coverage of the trip was dominated by talk of cent of this bombing was indiscriminate, with 3,580 of the sites listed as some two thousand US soldiers still classified as missing in action, a having “unknown” targets and another 8,238 sites having no target listed small act of great historical importance went almost unnoticed. As a hu- at all. The database also shows that the bombing began four years earlier manitarian gesture, Clinton released extensive Air Force data on all Amer- than is widely believed — not under Nixon, but under Lyndon Johnson. ican bombings of Indochina between 1964 and 1975. Recorded using a The impact of this bombing, the subject of much debate for the past groundbreaking ibm-designed system, the database provided extensive three decades, is now clearer than ever.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconciliation in Cambodia: Victims and Perpetrators Living Together, Apart
    Coventry University Reconciliation in Cambodia: Victims and Perpetrators Living Together, Apart McGrew, L. Submitted version deposited in CURVE January 2014 Original citation: McGrew, L. (2011) Reconciliation in Cambodia: Victims and Perpetrators Living Together, Apart. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Coventry: Coventry University. Copyright © and Moral Rights are retained by the author(s) and/ or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This item cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder(s). The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. CURVE is the Institutional Repository for Coventry University http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open Reconciliation in Cambodia: Victims and Perpetrators Living Together, Apart by Laura McGrew A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the University’s requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Coventry University Centre for the Study of Peace and Reconciliation Coventry, United Kingdom April 2011 © Laura McGrew All Rights Reserved 2011 ABSTRACT Under the brutal Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979 in Cambodia, 1.7 million people died from starvation, overwork, torture, and murder. While five senior leaders are on trial for these crimes at the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia, hundreds of lower level perpetrators live amongst their victims today. This thesis examines how rural Cambodians (including victims, perpetrators, and bystanders) are coexisting after the trauma of the Khmer Rouge years, and the decades of civil war before and after.
    [Show full text]
  • Overview: Cambodia
    Overview: Cambodia In merely a few years during the 1970s, perpetrators of the Cambodian Genocide murdered up to 3 million of their fellow countrymen and caused unimaginable suffering to a great number of others. Members of the Khmer Rouge, the radical political regime behind the terror, invoked a dubious justification of their crimes by alleging that such actions would ultimately improve everyday people’s quality of life through the establishment of a more egalitarian society under communist rule. This purportedly utopian pursuit has left the Cambodian people with a painful legacy, one that they are still struggling to overcome. Cambodian history was not always so mired in atrocity. In fact, for a long time, visitors recorded being favorably impressed by the region’s promise of an affluent lifestyle to its residents, known as the Khmer. From the 9th through 15th centuries, the Khmer Empire was based in Cambodia and ruled most of southeastern Asia. Its capital city of Angkor boasted a population greater than one million residents, making it for hundreds of years the largest city in the world. Angkor boasted a reputation for prosperity, but was finally sacked in the 15th century, an event that helped usher in generations of hardship. By the 1800s, the region of Cambodia was locked in a power struggle between neighboring Siam and Vietnam. The French entered at mid- century, and a colonial system soon emerged. While never genocidal, French encroachment was for the people of Cambodia but one more marker on their recent historical downslide. The Japanese invasion during the Second World War saw the weakening of French forces in Cambodia and the installation of Cambodia’s King Sihanouk, whose reign began in 1941.
    [Show full text]
  • Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide
    Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide Abby Coomes, Jonathan Dean, Makinsey Perkins, Jennifer Roberts, Tyler Schroeder, Emily Simpson Abstract Indochina Implementation In the 1970s Pol Pot devised a ruthless Cambodian regime Communism in Cambodia began as early as the 1940s during known as the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge adopted a strong the time of Joseph Stalin. Its presence was elevated when Pol Pot sense of nationalism and discriminated against the Vietnamese and became the prime minister and leader of the Khmer Rouge. In 1975, other racial minorities in Cambodia. This form of radical Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge implemented their new government communism led to the Cambodian genocide because the Khmer the Democratic Kampuchea. This government was meant to replace Rouge cleansed the minorities of their culture and committed mass the existing one in every way possible by any means necessary. murder amongst their people in order to establish power. Pol Pot The Khmer Rouge imposed a forced cleansing of Cambodia, both in established the Democratic Kampuchea which forced what he culture and race. This meant that the Cambodian minorities were to called the “New People” to work on the farms and in the factories. be weeded out, tortured, and murdered. This was called the Four The Khmer Rouge went as far as to convert the schools into Year Plan. prisons and destroyed all traces of books and equipment to rid The Khmer Rouge started by separating the minority groups Cambodia of their education system. This project will analyze how within the country. The Khmer Rouge wedged a division between Pol Pot’s regime created systematic racism amongst the the urban and rural populations, categorizing between the “New Cambodian minorities and developed a social hierarchy.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    RICE UNIVERSITY Tracing the Last Breath: Movements in Anlong Veng &dss?e?73&£i& frjjrarijsfass cassis^ scesse & w o O as by Timothy Dylan Wood A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE Doctor of Philosophy APPROVED, THESIS COMMITTEE: y' 7* Stephen A. Tyler, Herbert S. Autrey Professor Department of Philip R. Wood, Professor Department of French Studies HOUSTON, TEXAS MAY 2009 UMI Number: 3362431 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3362431 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT Tracing the Last Breath: Movements in Anlong Veng by Timothy Dylan Wood Anlong Veng was the last stronghold of the Khmer Rouge until the organization's ultimate collapse and defeat in 1999. This dissertation argues that recent moves by the Cambodian government to transform this site into an "historical-tourist area" is overwhelmingly dominated by commercial priorities. However, the tourism project simultaneously effects an historical narrative that inherits but transforms the government's historiographic endeavors that immediately followed Democratic Kampuchea's 1979 ousting.
    [Show full text]
  • Justice for Genocide in Cambodia - the Case for the Prosecution
    Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 12 Issue 3 Justice and the Prevention of Genocide Article 7 12-2018 Justice for Genocide in Cambodia - The Case for the Prosecution William Smith Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Smith, William (2018) "Justice for Genocide in Cambodia - The Case for the Prosecution," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 12: Iss. 3: 20-39. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.12.3.1658 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol12/iss3/7 This Conference Proceeding is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Justice for Genocide in Cambodia - The Case for the Prosecution Acknowledgements This address was prepared with the assistance of Caroline Delava, Martin Hardy and Andreana Paz, legal interns in the Office of the Co-Prosecutor. The opinions in this address are those of the author solely and reflect the concepts and essence of the address delivered at the Conference. This conference proceeding is available in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol12/iss3/7 Justice for Genocide in Cambodia - The Case for the Prosecution William Smith Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia Phnom Penh, Cambodia The Importance of Contemporaneous Documents and Academic Activism* Figure 1.
    [Show full text]
  • 6 Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea
    Article by John CIORCIARI and CHHANG Youk entitled "Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea" in Jaya RAMJI and Beth VAN SCHAAK's book "Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice. Prosecuting Mass Violence Before the Cambodian Courts", pp.226-227. 6 Documenting The Crimes Of Democratic Kampuchea John D. Ciorciari with Youk Chhang John D. Ciorciari (A.B., J.D., Harvard; M.Phil., Oxford) is the Wai Seng Senior Research Scholar at the Asian Studies Centre in St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford. Since 1999, he has served as a legal advisor to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) in Phnom Penh. Youk Chhang has served as the Director of DC-Cam since January 1997 and has managed the fieldwork of its Mass Grave Mapping Project since July 1995. He is also the Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of DC-Cam’s monthly magazine, SEARCHING FOR THE TRUTH, and has edited numerous scholarly publications dealing with the abuses of the Pol Pot regime. The Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime was decidedly one of the most brutal in modern history. Between April 1975 and January 1979, when the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) held power in Phnom Penh, millions of Cambodians suffered grave human rights abuses. Films, museum exhibitions, scholarly works, and harrowing survivor accounts have illustrated the horrors of the DK period and brought worldwide infamy to the “Pol Pot regime.”1 Historically, it is beyond doubt that elements of the CPK were responsible for myriad criminal offenses. However, the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of that period have never been held accountable for their atrocities in an internationally recognized legal proceeding.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Context of Khmer Krom in Soc Trang and Can Tho, Vietnam Toquyen T
    Clark University Clark Digital Commons International Development, Community and Master’s Papers Environment (IDCE) 5-2017 Physical and Theoretical Notions of Home: In the Context of Khmer Krom in Soc Trang and Can Tho, Vietnam ToQuyen T. Doan Clark University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.clarku.edu/idce_masters_papers Part of the Environmental Studies Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, and the Urban Studies and Planning Commons Recommended Citation Doan, ToQuyen T., "Physical and Theoretical Notions of Home: In the Context of Khmer Krom in Soc Trang and Can Tho, Vietnam" (2017). International Development, Community and Environment (IDCE). 151. https://commons.clarku.edu/idce_masters_papers/151 This Research Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Master’s Papers at Clark Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Development, Community and Environment (IDCE) by an authorized administrator of Clark Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Physical and Theoretical Notions of Home: In the Context of Khmer Krom in Soc Trang and Can Tho, Vietnam ToQuyen Thi Doan May 2017 A Master’s Research Paper Submitted to the faculty of Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Development and Social Change in the department of International Development, Community, and Environment. And accepted on the recommendation of Anita Häusermann Fábos, Ph.D., Chief Instructor ABSTRACT Physical and Theoretical Notions of Home: In the Context of Khmer Krom in Soc Trang and Can Tho, Vietnam ToQuyen Thi Doan Is “home” where your family currently resides or where you were brought up? Is it where you were born or where you have been in the past ten, twenty, or thirty years? This paper will draw upon the complex and contested nature regarding the notion of “home” for Khmer Krom in Soc Trang province and Can Tho city in southern Vietnam.
    [Show full text]
  • THE UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE/HOLODOMOR, 1932-1933 Educational Materials on the Holodomor, the Famine-Genocide Carried out by Stalin'
    THE UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE/HOLODOMOR, 1932-1933 A CURRICULUM and RESOURCE GUIDE for EDUCATORS* Educational materials on the Holodomor, the Famine-Genocide carried out by Stalin’s Communist regime in Ukraine. Image: Roman Zavadovych *Prepared by Professor Myron B. Kuropas, Ph.D., public member, Ukraine Famine Commission, with the assistance of the Ukraine Famine Commission, Dr. James Mace, Director, and the cooperation of the Ukrainian Genocide Foundation, Mr. Nicholas Mischenko, President. Illinois School Code Holocaust and Genocide Study * (105 ILCS 5/27-20.3) (from Ch. 122, par. 27-20.3) “One of the universal lessons of the Holocaust is that national, ethnic, racial, or religious hatred can overtake any nation or society, leading to calamitous consequences. To reinforce that lesson, such curriculum shall include an additional unit of instruction studying other acts of genocide across the globe. This unit shall include, but not be limited to, the Armenian Genocide, the Famine-Genocide in Ukraine, and more recent atrocities in Cambodia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Sudan.” *House Bill 312 Amends the Illinois School Code to mandate study of the Armenian Genocide, Famine-Genocide in Ukraine, and the genocides in Cambodia, Bosnia, Rwanda and Sudan. HB 312 was passed by the Illinois House on 3/1/2005 and by the Illinois Senate on 5/11/2005. The changes are expected to take effect on 8/9/2005. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Illinois School Code 2 Overview 4 An Educator’s Curriculum Guide Rationale 5 Goals & Objectives 7 Course Outline 8 Soviet Policy and The Ukrainian Genocide/Holodomor 9 Organizing the Ukrainian Genocide/Holodomor 12 The Ukrainain Genocide/Holodomor in Perspective 15 Press Cover-Up of the Ukrainian Genocide/Holodomor 21 The New York Times Covers Up! 23 The Soviet Government Was to Blame 24 Soviet Denials 25 Was Ukraine’s Holodomor Really A Genocide? 26 Food as a Political Weapon 29 Ukrainian Genocide/Holodomor Vocabulary 30 Suggested Student Activities 32 Teacher Resources 38 Bibliography 39 3 OVERVIEW The 20th century was a time of great human tragedies.
    [Show full text]
  • "Currency Is a Most Poisonous Tool": State Capitalism, Nonmarket Socialism, and the Elimination of Money During the Cambodian Genocide
    Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 14 Issue 1 Article 11 5-7-2020 "Currency is a Most Poisonous Tool": State Capitalism, Nonmarket Socialism, and the Elimination of Money during the Cambodian Genocide James A. Tyner Kent State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Tyner, James A. (2020) ""Currency is a Most Poisonous Tool": State Capitalism, Nonmarket Socialism, and the Elimination of Money during the Cambodian Genocide," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 14: Iss. 1: 143-158. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.14.1.1710 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol14/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Currency is a Most Poisonous Tool”: State Capitalism, Nonmarket Socialism, and the Elimination of Money during the Cambodian Genocide James A. Tyner Kent State University Kent, Ohio, USA Introduction On April 17, 1975, the revolutionary army of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK; better known as the ‘Khmer Rouge’) entered Cambodia’s capital of Phnom Penh. Their victory marked the culmination of years of political turmoil and armed conflict but not the cessation of violence. Upon assuming power, senior officials of the CPK initiated a series of economic and political programs that resulted in the death of approximately 1.7 million men, women, and children.
    [Show full text]