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Home , Alalu, Allani, Anatolian peoples, Antu (goddess), Arma (deity), Combing (torture)

Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie Piotr Taracha Herausgegeben von Johann Tischler of Second Millennium Band 27

2Q09 2009 Harrassowitz Verlag Wiesbaden Harrassowitz Verlag Wiesbaden I

The illustration on the cover page 4 shows a drawing of the Hieroglyphic Luwian seal ZN 1769 stored in the Skulpturensammlung of the Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden.

CONTENTS

Preface vii Abbreviations ix

Introduction . 1

1. Prehistoric Anatolia . 7 1.1. 8 1.2. and Early 18 2. The Old Assyrian Colony Period 25 2.1. Kanesite in the light of the Cappadocian tablets 27 2.2. Iconography of Cappadocian 31 3. Hittite Anatolia 33 3.1. The Old Hittite Period 36

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbihliothek 3.1.1. of the state and the capital city 38 Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek serceichnet diese Puhlikation iu der Deutschen 3.1.2. Local beliefs 50 Natioualhihliograhe; detaillierte hihliografische Daten siud ito Internet uher http://duh.d-nb.cle ahrufhar. 3.1.3. Cult 59

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationaihibliothek 3.1.4. and the nascency of 74 The Deutsche Natiooalhihliothek lists this puhlicatiou in the Deutsche 3.2. The Empire Period 80 Nationalbihliograhe; detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet at http://dnh.d-ttb.de. 3.2.1. State pantheon 84 3.2.2. Dynastic pantheon 92 3.2.3. Local pantheons in central and northern Anatolia 95 For further information about our publishing program consult our wcbsite http://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de 3.2.4. Luwian beliefs 107 © Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wicsbaden 2009 3.2.5. Beliefs of the of Anatolia 118 This work, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Cult 128 Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission 3.2.6. of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies 3.2.7. 141 particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage 3.2.8. Omen and divination 144 and processing in electronic systems. Printed on permanent/durable paper. 3.2.9. Magic and mythology 149 Typesetting: Piotr Taracha 3.2.10. Eschatology, burial customs and the ancestor cult 158 Printing and binding: Hubert & Co., Göttingcn Printed in Germany Bibliography 169 ISSN 1619-0874 Indexes 215 ISBN 978-3-447-05885-8 I

PREFACE

My studies on Hittite have brought to the conclusion that discrepan cies existing between earlier views concern not only the identity of particular de ities and the nature of their cult, but also the rather more fundamental question of why Hittite religion changed so radically under the Empire. Several issues remain to be analyzed for a better understanding of the religions of Hittite Anatolia and their development, but even so. recent progress in the field merits a review of the extended source base, which includes relevant, newly published texts and fresh studies on specific issues. I have put it to myself to evaluate the new propositions and to offer a synthesis of my own views on the subject. The present book is the effect of that work. I am fully aware that definite answers to many questions are still lack ing. Neither can I presume to gain full approval of most Hittitologists for all the views presented here. In particular, the opinion that a new dynasty originating from a strongly Hurrianized Kizzuwatnean milieu seized power in Uattuia at the outset of the Empire period still finds many opponents. In my view, however, it was this fact that determined the new cultural image of Hittite Anatolia and with it the change that occurred in the official pantheon and cult of the Hittite state. I am indebted in various ways to many persons and institutions, whose kindness and generous assistance have permitted this book to germinate. The Rector and the Faculty of Oriental Studies of the University of Warsaw, my academic base, have provided generous assistance for the publication of this book. Prof. Doris Prechel twice (2004 and 2008) graciously invited me to work as a visiting professor at the Institut für Agyptologie und Altorientalistik of the Universitdt Mainz. Prof. Gernot Wilhelm kindly and generously allowed me the use of the files of the Boazkoy Archiv in Mainz. On these occasions, I benefited from the kind assistance of Dr. Silvin Koèak and Prof. Jared Miller. A special word of thanks goes to my Teacher, Prof. Maciej Popko, who kindly read through an earlier draft of the manuscript. I have profited much from his valuable suggestions and insights relating to the schol arlv substance of the book. Dr. Guido Kryszat has also given me very welcome help viii PREFACE by reading and Commenting on parts of the manuscript. Needless to say. I alone am responsible for the views expressed here. Prof. Johann Tischler kindly agreed to publish the book in the Dresdner Bei trhge zur Hethitologie series. I am indebted to Ms. Iwona Zych for translating the ABBREVIATIONS Polish text, to my colleague, Prof. Krzysztof Nowicki. for looking through the script and for his useful editorial suggestions and corrections, and to Ms. Alma Nowak la/b, etc. Inventory numbers of Bogazköv tablets excavated 193 1—1967 for preparing the camera-ready version. AS Archaologischer Anzeiger. Jahrbueh des Deutschen Archaologischen Institute. Berlin buluoan Bogazkoy Tab letleri, 1948 Last of all, this book would not have been written without the constant support ABoT Arkeoloji Mdzesinde AcAn Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. Budapest ‘ V 01 m wile Jolanta. It is dedicated to her. Aria Iramca. Acta Iranico.V Encyclopedic pernianente des etudes iranzennes puhliee par Ic Centre Hommages et opera Ininora. Piotr Taracha internotionole dktude,c indo-ironiennes. Troisièmc série: Louvarn-la.Neuve September 2008 Acts ITCH Lluslororasi 1. Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri (19-21 Temmuz 1990). .Ankara E1992J Internaztonale di Hit — Congresso Acts II ICH 0. Carruba — M. Giorgeri C. Mora (eds), Atti del II

titologia: Pavia, 28 giugno — 2 luglio 1993. Studia Mediterranea 9, Pavia 1995 Kongresi Bildirileri: coruin 16- Acts III ICH S. Alp — A. SueT (eds). Iii. Uluslararasi Hititoloji 22 EvIdl 1996 = Acts of the illrd international Congress of Hittitologv: (‘oruln, September 16-22, 1996. Ankara 1998 Acts IV ICH Ii. Wilhelm led.). Akten des Il’. Interoationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie: Whrzburg, 4.-h. Oktobcr 199.9. SiBoT 45, Wiesbaden 2001 Acts V ICH A. Süd (ed). V. Uluslararasi Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri: coruin 02-08 EylOl 2002 =Acts of the Vth international Congress of Hittitology: carom, September 02-08, 2002. Ankara 2005 Iiitcrnoztona?e di ittitologio: Room, Acts VI ICH A ..Archi — H. Francia (eels). VI Congrcsso 5-9 settembre 2005, vol. I = SMEA 49. 2007: vol. II = SMEA 50. 2008 AfO Archiv für Orientforschung. Internazionale Zeitschrift für die Wissenschaft

— Vorderen Orient, Berlin — Graz Wien AION Annali dellIstituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli

AION-L Annali deflistituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli — Sezione Linguistica

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Antiquity Antiquity. A Quarterly Review of Archaeology. London — Tonbndge AOAT Alter Orient nod Altec Testament AoF Altorientalische Forschungen. Berlin AOS American Oriental Series I r x ABBREVIATIONS ABBREvIATIoNs Xi

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— für Orientferschung. Berlin — Instituts — des L. Agestiniani . Arcamnne 0. Carruba F. Imparati — R. Rizza ledst. da--qe 5110 Mitteilungen pc-re: srorici Studi in meinerie di Adriena Quetterdie Meresehini. Pisa — Rema 1998 Miscellanea di studi di fanti e studi, Geneva — Os Saehs U Leiehty M. de J. Ellis — P. Oerardi (eds), .4 Seienti/ie Humanist: Studies in Menierv Miscellanea di studi sterici. Cellana stertea of .4 brahein Serbs. Oerasinnal Puhlieanens of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 9. Phila SIsk. Inventory numbers of Meskene tablets delphia 1988 Musdon Muséon. Revue détudes erientales, Lnuvain HdO Bandhnch dee Orientalistilc MVAeO Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Agyptischen fiesellschaft HED assyrinlegiques beeves et utilitaires, Paris J. Puhvel, Hittite Etmelngieel Dictionary, Berlin — New York 1984ff. NABU Neuvelles Kultur im Altertum, Hildesheim Hethitica Bethiriea, Leuvain-la-Neuve — Paris Nikepharos Nikepheros. Zeitschrift für Sport und HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Cambridge, Mass. Numen Nunsen. International Review for the History of Religions, Leidan HT Hittite Texts in the Cuneiform Character in the British Museum, London 1920 OA Oriens Antiquus. Rivista del Centre per l’antichith e la storm dell’arte del Vicine

HW2 J. Friedrieh — A. Kammenhuher at al., Hethitisehes Werterbueh. Zwvite. vdllig neube Oriente, Rema arheitete Auflage auf dee Orundlage der edierten hethitischen Texte. Heidelberg 1975ff. OA.AS Old Assyrian Archives Studies IBeT IstanhulArkeelejlMuzejvnnih’ buluaan Bekazkiii- Y’abletleri 1-4. istanbul 1944. 1947. OAM Orientis Antiqui Miscellanea. Roma 1954, Ankara 1988 OBO Orbis Bihlieus at Orientalis lBS Innshrueker Beirriige zur Spraehwissenschaft ohv. obverse ICK I B. Brozn4. Inseriptiens euitiJiforms do Kfiltdpl. vol. I. Praha 1952 OIP The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Oriental Institute Publications IF lndngermanische Fersehungen. Zeitsehrifr für Indegermanisrik und allgemeine Sprach O1S The Oriental Institute of the University of Chiragn. Oriental Institute Seminars

— Analecta wissenschaft. Strassburg Leipzig — Berlin OLA Orienralia Levaniensia Orient IJDL International Journal of Diachrenic Lingustics and Linguistic Reconstruction. München OLZ Orientalisrische Literatrirzeitung. Monarsrhrift für die ‘A’issenschaft vem ganzen 105 Israel Oriental Studies. Tel .Aviv University und semen Beziehungen zu den angreuzenden Kulrtmrkretsen. Berlin — Leipzig IstSIitI Istanhuler Mitteilungen, Tühingen Or Inventerv numbers of Ortukdv tablets JAC Journal of Ancient Civilizations, Changchuu Or NS Orientalia. Consmentarü rrimestres a Facultate Studieruni Orientis Antiqut Puntifici JANER Journal of Ancient Near . Chicago Instituti Bihliei. Nova Series, Ronia JANES The Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University, New York Oriens Oriens. Journal of the International Society for Oriental Research, Leiden JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society. New Haven, Cnnn. Orient Orient / Nippon Orient Gakkai. Reports of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies, New Haven, Conn. Japan, Tokyo JEOL Jaarhericht van hat Vooraziatisch.Egyptisch Oeneerschap “Ex Oriente Lux”. Leiden Orientalia et Classica JFA Journal of Field Archaeology. Boston Orientalia at Classica. Papers of the Institute of Oriental and Classical Studies of the JIES The Journal of Indn-Eurepean Studies, Hattiesburg Russian State University far the Humanities JKF Jahrhurh fur kleinasiatische Ferschungen 1= Anadelu Aratirmalari). Heidelberg PalCiirieot PalCerient, Paris I stanh ul PdP La Parela del Passato. Rivista di strmdi aistiehi .Napoli JSIC Journal of Material Culture. Journal of the SAGE PIBANS Publications de linstitut historique-ai’ehCologique nCderlaisdais de Stamboul I xvi ABBREVIATIONS

RA Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale, Paris RANT Res Antiquae. Bruxelles rev. reverse RGTC Repertoire GCographique des Textes Cundiformes RHA Revue Hittite et Asianique, Paris RHR Revue de l’histoire des religions, Paris RLA Reollexihon der INTRODUCTION Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischeo Archdologie, Berlin — New York RO Rocznik Orientalistyczny, Warszawa RS Inventory numbers of Ras Shamra tablets RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali, Roma For the scholar of antiquity Asia Minor, also called Anatolia, is a fascinating SCCNH Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, Winona Lake, Indiana region. Civilizations have been born and have flourished here since the Neolithic SCO Studi Classici e Orientali, Pisa Age. Their expansion, resulting from migrations and the transfer of cultural values, SEL Stndi epigrafici e lingustici sul Vicino Oriente antico. Verona has contributed to the Neolithization of and has had an over Slavica Hierosolymitana Slavica Hierosolymitana. Slavic Studies of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem whelming impact on the formation of Bronze Age culture in Crete, as as the SIeIEA Studi micenei ed egeoanatolici. Boma Mycenaean and Greek world which grew out of it. later determining the cultural Sprache Die Sprache. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft, Wieshaden — Wien StBoT Studien zu den Boazkd.Texten face of Graeco-Roman antiquity. In the first millennium BC. the greatest accom Sumer. A Journal of Archaeology in Iraq, Baghdad plishments of Babylonian civilization followed the road from to the Syria. Revue d’art oriental et d’archéologie, Paris Tel Aviv Tel Aviv. Journal of the Tel Aviv University Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv Aegean to ceach the . Asia Minor. which lay on this route, did not just act as THeth Texte der Hethiter an intermediary in the process of transferring the ideas of the East; it actually TM Inventory numbers of Tell Mardikh tablets TTKY Turk Tarih Kurunin Yavinlari shaped this process, contributing much of its own. Not the least in the sphere of TUAT 0. Kaiser led.), Texte ous dcr tTniicelt des .4lten Testonicnts. Gütersloh religion.

TUAT NF B. Janowski — 0. Wilhelm (eds). Trite ous der Uniter/I des .4lten Testooients. Acne Fo/ge. COtersloh This presentation of the most ancient Anatolian beliefs needs a brief introduc TUBA.AR Turkiye Bilimler Akademisi Arkeoloji Dergisi, Ankara tion. The religions of Asia Minor were formed in the realm of the Ancient Near East UBL UgaritischBiblische Literatur where the personification and anthropomorphization of divinities had been going on UF UgaritForschungen. Internationales Jahrbuch für die Altertumskunde Syrien.Palasti.

nas. Kevelaer — Noukirchen-Vluyn ever since the Neolithic. Beliefs typical of primitive societies, characterized by VBnT A. Gotze (ed), Verstreute Boghozkoi.Texte, Macburg 1930 mism, , totemism and primitive magic, were transformed as a result of these VO Vicino Oriente. UniversitC di Roma, Istituto di Studi del Vicino Oriente, Roma

VOQ Vicino Oriente — Quaderno processes into a polytheistic religion. Being one of the important regions of Neolithic VS NF Vorderasiotische Schiftdenkmdler der Stootlichso Museen zu Berlin. Neue Folgc development, Anatolia played a significant role in this process, the origins of which WAW Writings from the Ancient World WdO Die Welt des Orients. Wissenschaftliche BeitrSge zur Kunde des Morgenlandes, can be perceived in the way Neolithic communities grasped the essence of divinity, Gottingen still far distant from the might of the later gods. Social changes were of intrinsic WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Verdffentlichungen dec Deutschen OrientGesellschaft WZKI\I Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Wien importance for the development of this process, as much as the ever strong of XENIA XRNIA. Konstanzer Althistorische Vortrage nod Forschungen ancient man, deriving from prehistoric magic, in the uniformity and interrelation of ZA Zeitschrifr fur Assriologie nod verwandte Gehiete — Vorderasiatische Archdologie, everything exists. The question is, however, why man created gods in his own Berlin — New York that ZABR Zeaschrift fur Aliorieotalische nod Biblische Rechtsgeschichte. Wiesbaden image. Mainly because it was a way of taming the incomprehensible and dangerous ZAW Zeitschrift fur die alttestameotliche Wissenschaft, Berlin in the world around him. Man sought in the gods a partner to negotiate with, ac ZVS Zeitschrifi fur Vergleichende Sprachforschung (“Kuhos Zeitschrift’). Gdttingen

cording to the do nt des principle — influence their decisions with appropriate gifts. curry favor and protection. appease anger. The do of des principle lies at the root of I r 2 INTRODUcTION INTRODUcTION 3 the practice of offering to the gods. Ancestor cult also goes back to the included in magical rites. Summoned by appropriate spells and practices, they were earliest times. Undoubtedly derived from pre-Neolithic tradition, this cult drew from present physically, often in the shape of figurines made for a given occasion. Mytho a belief in the afterlife and was expressed in part by special treatment of mortal re logical incantation brought them onto the stage of events and involved them in the mains of the dead members of a community or family and the burial place. Images of action. The psychological factor was undoubtedly of considerable importance. In the the deceased were prepared and rites, including sacrifices, celebrated in their honor. participants’ view, magic done parallel in the world of the gods reinforced the effec Contact with the gods was facilitated by their humanized appearance. Divinities tiveness of the rites. Under such circumstances, new mythological themes tended to

were given material form — as an idol, figurine or statue — and they had need for emerge ad hoc. The Anatolian myths of which we have knowledge were inextricably

a — a shrine. Later (but not before the developed Chalcolithic), the gods took connected with and their development into literary compositions had only just power over man and the world. They began to be perceived as creators and guard began. ians of the cosmic order, determining the course of events in nature and in the life In the Ancient Near Eastern attitude to the gods, cult and magic are not always of every man. Like the earthly rulers, they demanded daily service provided by priests exactly distinguishable. The respective were complementary and were intended within the frame of a regularly celebrated cult, as well as homage expressed in hymns as a means and a way of contacting the gods and influencing their decisions. Cel and prayer. The latter, frequently enriched with a hymnal part, was intended as ebrating divine cult was tantamount to regular service, both everyday and during a means of persuading the gods to man’s point of view and inducing them to fulfill festivals taking place in accordance with a calendar cycle or being addressed to his or her needs and expectations. a given divinity. Magical practices, bolstered by the power of incantations which were The anthropomorphization of divinities is a trait characteristic of civilizations of ordinarily accompanied by sacrifices to the gods, were kept for emergency situations, the Ancient Near East. Consequently, the appearance of anthropomorphic cults in in the face of danger or disaster, when appropriate magic techniques and insistent Europe should be considered the effect of Near Eastern influence. At the same time, persuasion in the form of spells, appropriate ‘compensation’ and sacrifices were sup the anthropomorphization determined the polytheistic nature of religion. The gods posed to induce and even force the gods to change their decision or to take a posi divided among themselves power over the cosmos, underworld, elements and forces tive one in specific matters. It is natural that magic played a particularly signifi of nature and the various spheres of man’s life. This was also reflected in the hier cant role in everyday life. archic pantheon structure modeled on contemporary social relations. With the emer gence of bigger political entities in the Ancient Near East, the position of a divinity was often decided by the political situation. Anatolia in Hittite times is an excellent Much has been written on the subject of Hittite religion. Pioneering studies appeared example. The pantheon of the capital Uattua, which also incorporated the divin in the 1930s.2 Emanuel Laroche’s Recherches sur les norns des dieux hittites was of ities of the traditional ‘holy cities’ and more important local centers, became the state prime importance for further studies.3 Later discussions of Hittite religion range from pantheon and the gods standing at its head were charged with protection of the king brief encyclopedic items to comprehensive monographs.4 and kingdom. In the earliest, pre-religion times, man’s attitude to phenomena of nature and forces was expressed primarily in magical thinking. It does not mean 2 Gdtze 1933; 122ff.; Delaporte 1936; 241ff.; Furlani 1936. Cf. also R. Dussaud apud Dhorme — Dussaud 1945: 333ff. that magic lost importance with the emergence of polytheistic religion. The gods were 1 Laroche 1946-1947. 4 See. e.g., GOterbock 1950; 1964b; Gurney 1952; 132ff.; 1977; Otten 1964; Vieyra 1970; di Nola 1971; Hartmann 1972; KOmmel 1973a; Ringgren 1979; 185ff.; Oelsner 1984; Ebarh 1986; Hoffner

1 The concept of personification and anthropomorphization of the gods in the Ancient Near East 1987a; 1989; Beckman 1989; Laroche 1991; Gonnet 1992; Pecrhinli Daddi — Polvani 1994; Bryre has been propounded by M. Popko, whom I am grateful to for inspiring scholarly discnssion. 2002; 134ff’.; Beckman 2003-2005b; 2005a; 2007; Collins 2007; 157ff.; Taracha 2008c. I r

4 INTRODUcTION INTRoDUcTIoN 5

The 1990s saw two monographic studies on Hittite religion written by eminent emergence of anthropomorphic cults and the beginnings of . The author scholars. In 1994 Volkert Haas published his monumental Geschichte c/er hethitischen has deliberately avoided discussing developments in Anatolian religions after the Religion. This exhaustive study collected valuable information on different catego fall of the Hittite Empire (their presentation in Popko’s monographic study has lost ries of gods, pantheons and cults, but it was criticized by reviewers for what seems nothing of its value), even though he has on occasion included information concern to be a lack of clear focus on the Hittite sources themselves for an understanding of ing the of particular gods at a later time, well in the first millennium BC. Hittite religion and its temporal development.0 Maciej Popko’s Religions of Asia In this book, he has himself the primary purpose of painting the complexity of Minor, which came out in 1995, presents an innovative approach, discussing the the beliefs in the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural environment of Hittite Anatolia changes in Hittite religion from a historical point of view, according to the common and tracing the interpenetration and translatability of different religious and cult division into three main periods: Old Hittite, Middle Hittite and Empire.6 These two traditions. Finally, he has sought the principles determining the structure of both monographs have remained a principal source of knowledge on Hittite religion for the the official and local pantheons and analyzed the impact that the religious policies past decade or so. Meanwhile the past ten years have seen a rapid flow of studies of a new dynasty of kings in the Empire period had on their emergence and subse on specific issues.’ as well as further monographs. the most important one being quent development. Ben van Gessel’s richly informative Ooornasticon of the Hittite Po,ttheoo,b an indis pensable for present and future scholars of Anatolian religions in Hittite times. Synthetic approaches to a study of Luwian9 and Hurrian10 beliefs should also be noted. Any religious development, whether of local or state pantheons, as well as changes of cult, should be perceived as a dynamic process and as such, treated from a chronic point of view. This book has therefore been structured after Popko’s Relig ions with the reservation that the only break that exists in Hittite history and the history of Hittite religion in particular is the break between the Old Hittite and the Empire period.” Chapter one, which essentially expands on this Introduction, sketch es the roots of Anatolian beliefs and religious systems from the earliest times through the beginning of the historical age at the outset of the second millennium BC. There by, it was deemed necessary for a better understanding of the later religions of Hittite Anatolia to outline in brief the processes of the embodiment of the gods, the

5 Haas l994a. See also reviews of Haass hook by Popko 1995h: Beckman 1997a: Hoffner 3997h. 6 Popko 1995a. 7 All new literature could be incorporated into the text of this book until April 2008. S vao Gessel 1998. 9 Hotter 2003. 10 Trdmotulle 1999a: 2000a. ii A further division of the Empire period into Middle and New Hittite is based on linguistic periodization and changing graphic customs: hence it does not conirihute to defining historical periods. See. e.g.. Archi 200:3. I

I. PREHISTORIC ANATOLIA

For the period before the beginning of the second millennium BC we have to deal solely with archaeological and iconographic sources. The cognitive possibilities of the archaeological study of religion, its theory and methodology, have excited much dis cussion among anthropologists, sociologists and historians of religion.’2 A cautious approach has predominated in the contemporary archaeology of cult. Without the testimony of written sources to support it, the archaeological record is treated as little more than a base for understanding the ritual and symbolic aspects of terial culture, even when the religious implications of analyzed objects appear self- evident. The material finds presented in this chapter concern cult practices or, to put it more generally, magic and ritual behaviors which leave no doubt that already in the Neolithic the inhabitants of Anatolia were worshiping their ancestors and later also hosts of nameless divinities who would keep their anonymous status until the beginning of the second millennium BC. The current state of research is far from satisfactory. The archaeological map of Anatolia in this period still has many gaps, especially in the Pontic region. Even so, we are entitled to assume that the belief systems which emerged in prehistoric times were principally the same as the later religions of Hittite Anatolia, despite undoubted development and gradual change over the ages. In this sense, there is every reason to speak of a continuity of religious tradition in this region beginning from at least the later Chalcolithic.

12 Renfrew 1994; Renfrew — Bahn 1996; 388ff.; and now Insoll 2004 for the relationship between archaeology and religion, the history of relevant scholarship, and existing definitions of religion and ritnal. A new approach to the archaeological stody of religion is soggested. I

8 1. PREHISTORIC ANATOLIA 1.1. Nouimc 9

1.1. Neolithic descendants. There is archaeological evidence of funerary rituals and feasts during the Pre- Neolithic B of the and southeastern Anatolia.21 Even so, poor The Anatolian Neolithic demonstrates ties with the early agricultural Cultures which and little diversified are proof that the Neolithic social ranking process developed already in the tenth millennium BC in part of the ‘,’ that es had not yet taken on momentum.22 The dead appear to have been treated as is, in Palestine and central Syria. Two groupings of Neolithic sites are evidenced a community of all the ancestors of the village’s inhabitants. At çatalhoyuk it was from Asia Minor. The finds at Göbekli Tepe,’3 which lies 15 km northeast of , observed that the same divisions which existed among the living concerned the dead. are dated to the tenth-ninth millennium BC (Pre-Pottery Neolithic A). The presence Ian Hodder and Craig Cessford have noted that “different types of people were in this region of wild einkorn wheat (Triticum monococcum), the earliest domesti buried beneath certain platforms, that different plasters were used for different plat cated species of grain, highlights the role played by hunter-gatherer societies of forms. ... Because of the burial associations between different types of people and southeastern Anatolia in the process of abandoning an intensive gathering economy different parts of the house, it seems reasonable to assume that different people may in favor of grain cultivation. The early farming settlements which appeared slightly have sat, eaten, and slept in different parts of the house.”23 later, in the ninth millennium BC, in the Taurus piedmont and the river valleys of The secondary form of burial, typical of the period and shared by the early Neo the Upper Euphrates and tributaries (Nevali con,14 çayonu Tepesi,’5 Cafer lithic cultures of the Near East, must have had its origins in the pre-Neohithic tradition. Hdyuk16), grew from this local tradition evidenced by the discoveries at Gobekli Tepe. The skeleton or just the skull was buried after the excarnation. which may have Very early, Neolithic settlement spread also to the southern part of the Anato taken place outside the village, possibly with the aid of vultures. One of the reliefs han Plateau as indicated by Pre-Pottery Neolithic material in the oldest layers (IX— from Gbbekli Tepe depicts a headless man who is associated with a bird (vulture?) VIII) at some 25 km southwest of Burdur,17 Aikli Hdyük about 25 km south directly to his left. A stone statue of a vulture (?), 50 cm long, was discovered in the 18 east of Aksaray, and in the five earliest Pre-XIIE-A levels at the most famous of village of Nevali con, which is a few hundred years younger. The tradition appears Neolithic sites in the region, catalhoyuk, lying 37 km southeast of .19 Later to have lasted a few millennia, into the ceramic Neolithic. Murals from house 8 at catal layers, however, are from the ceramic phase which is dated in çatalhoyuk from the hoyuk. represented in successive layers VIII and VII, depict vultures tearing apart 24 , beginning of the seventh millennium through c. 6200 to 5900 BC.28 headless bodies. The vultures role in the burial rites must have accorded them The strong bond between the living and the dead was expressed in burial rites. special treatment and they must have been undoubtedly connected with magic symbol The hunters and gatherers from Gobekli Tepe built stone structures for their dead ism. It cannot be excluded that these birds had their place in the beliefs of the times. (see below), while in the later Neolithic villages the dead were buried beneath house floors, evidently indicating a continued and important presence in the life of their 21 Cl’. Goring-Morris 2000; Verhoeven 2002: Goring-Morris 2005; Goring-Morris — Kolska Horwitz 2007 with references. 22 For the Neolithic, there is common acceptance of some degree of social ranking, if often

ii Schmidt 1998; 2000: 2001: 2004: 2006a: 2006b: cf. also Yildirim — Gates 2007: 282. cut by strong leveling or egalitarian processes, see Koijt (ed.) 2000 for a full review of the debate. 14 Hauptmann 1988: 1991—1992: 1993; 2002; 2007. Recently, however, Ozdoan 2002 has pointed to several social differences between central

13 çambel — Braidwood 1983: Ozhek 1988: M. Ozdoan —A. Ozdoan 1990: 1998. Anatolia, inclnding atalhdy0k. and sites to the east in southeastern Anatolia and Upper 16 Cauvin et al. 1991. Mesopotamia. He states that in central Anatolia there is less craft speciahzation and little in 17 Mellaart 1958; 1959a; 1960; 1961: 1970. The Pre-Pottery Neolithic phase at Hacilar is very the way of specialized ritual. uncertain, however: see Duru 1989. and now Schoop 2005: 174, 17Sf. For other Pre-Pottery 23 Hodder — Cessford 2004: 30. Neolithic sites in central Anatolia. see Gerard 2002. 24 Mellaart 1964: 61ff.; 1967: 169. So far, only two headless skeletons have been excavated by the 18 Esin et al. 1991: Esin — Harmonakaya 1999. Aceramic levels dated from c. 8400 to 7400 BC. Hodder project at çatalhoyok: skeleton (1466) in grave F.29, Building 1, and skeleton (4593) in 19 Mellaart 1962; 1963a; 1964: 1965; 1966; 1967. Renewed fieldwork began in 1993: Hodder (ed.) grave F.492. Building 6. In both decapitation burials it is inferred that the heads were removed 1996: 2000: 2005a; 2005b: 2005c; 2007. after burial. See Hodder — Cessford 2004: 35; Andrews — Molleson — Boz 2005: 267ff.: Cessford 20 For ahsolote dating at çatalhoyuk. see Cessford et al. 2005. 2007: 504ff.: Farid 2007: 274f. I r 10 1. PREHIsToRIc ANATOLL4 1.1. NE0LITrnc 11

The head was identified with a man’s personality, hence the special treatment of kauri shells in the eye sockets, bring to mind the skulls with faces modeled in plas the skull. In one such burial from Cafer Hoyuk, the facial part of the skull was coated ter from several sites of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B period in Syro-Palestine, in- 32 33 . 34 35 with plaster. The custom of whitewashing the bones or painting them with red ocher cluding Jericho, Beysamoun, Am Ghazal, Tell Aswad, and Tell Ramad. At and more seldom with green or blue perhaps the strongest evidence for the last mentioned site (layer I), clay figurines of headless bodies had been secondary burial has been recorded at many Neolithic sites. During excavations deposited together with the skulls, possibly intended as supports for mounting the at catalboyuk in 1961—1963 and 1965, found 21 skeletons painted skulls.36 Similarly at Tell Aswad and Mureybet, the skulls were placed on clay sup with ocher, mainly in the older layers (XI—VI) of the settlement from the first half ports.37 Links with the Levant (Nahal Hemar) are also evidenced by the stone face of the seveath millennium BC (out of a total of 480 burials discovered in layers XI masks known from Gobekli Tepe and Nevali con.38 The Anatolian finds are un I). Kauri shells were placed in the eye sockets of one of the female burials.25 There doubtedly part of the same ancestor ritual tradition sometimes referred to as ‘skull ,39 is no doe so far as to why only selected individuals were accorded special treatment worship. after death. The Skull House from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic site of ayonu Tepesi is coin •The skull separated from the rest of the skeleton played an importaat role in monly believed to be a sanctuary of this kind of cult.40 It functioned for a long time ancestor cult.26 Skulls could be buried separately or else they could literally accom and was rebuilt a number of times in successive phases of the village. In one of the pany the living villagers in their everyday existence. Similarly as in the Levant. in phases. the house measured c. 10 by 8 m and consisted of a row of three rooms Nahal Hemar2’ or Jericho for example, they could be deposited a few or a dozen or preceded by a paved yard. In the rooms, more than 70 skulls had been deposited. so together. In the Skull House at cayonu Tepesi (see below) some scores of skulls A large flat stone in the corner of the yard may have acted as an altar; the excava placed together stand in confirmatioa of the dead beiag treated as if they consti tors reported evidence of blood sacrifices which took place on this stone.41 It was tuted a community. Eight skulls were buried under the floor of one of the houses in also thought to be the place where the corpse was prepared. The context of the find layer 3 at Nevali con. Also from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic layers at Hacilar there suggests a form of worship addressed to a community of the villagers’ ancestors. are skulls buried beneath the floors or else placed on the floor, often nearby a . At other Neolithic sites, too, the findspots of skulls and their position leave little At catalhoyuk. a grave in house 42 from layer V, discovered in 2004. contaiaed doubt as to a ritual context of the finds. One noteworthy discovery is a set of four a complete skeleton ‘holding in its arms’ a white-plastered skull.28 At Kdk Hoyuk skulls found in situ on the floor of room E VII 21 in catalhoyuk. Two had been aear Bor southwest of Nide. five plastered skulls were found to date in layer 3 of placed. one each, below bucrania mounted on the east and west walls of the room, 42 the late Neolithic.29 including a child’s skull covered with white plaster and painted and the remaining two were found under a wall painting of vultures. Detached red,30 which was buried under the floor of one of the houses, and another one cover

32 Strouhal 1973: Goren — Segal 1995. ed with red plaster which lay on the floor; its eye sockets had been inlaid with 13 Ferembach Lechevallier 1973.

black stones.31 These finds, as well as the said female burial from atalhoyuk with 34 Rollefson 1983; Simmons — Boulton — Butler — Kafafi Rollefson 1990: Griffin — Grissoni —

Rollefson 1998; Rollefson — Schmandt-Besserat — Rose 1999.

35 Stordeur 2003; Stordeur — Khawam 2007. 25 For another secondary burials from catalhdyuk, excavated by the Hodder project in Bnilding I, 36 de Contenson 1992: 187f.: 2000: 56. see Cessford 2007: 449, 469. 37 de Contenson 1992. According to Cauvin 2000b: 247, “these are a kind of cult object intended to

26 See now Meskell 2008: 375ff. with references. be visible ... to the living.” 2003. 27 Bar-Yosef 1985; Bar-Yosef — Alon 1988. 38 Bar-Yosef 28 Cf. Meskell 2008: 380. 39 Bienert 1991: cf. also Cauvin 2000b: 247, and now Kuijt 2008. 29 Oztan 2002: 57: Srhoop 2005: 116. 40 Cf. Baas 1994a: 46; Sharp Joukowsky 1996: 78: Cauvin 200Db: 246.

30 Silistreli 199 Ia: 1991h. 41 Ozbek 1988: Loy — Wood 1989. ii Silistreli 1991a. 42 Melloart 1967: 103. Fig. 83. I 12 1. PREHIsToRIc ANAT0LIA r 1.1. NEoLITHIc 13 human skulls were found also in Building 17 and Building 3 during Ian Hodder’s A building uncovered at Nevali con appears to refer to the same tradition. It recent excavations at the site.43 stood in the same spot during three successive phases of the early farming village. Forms of ancestor cult changed in later periods due to social transformation lead In the middle phase, a bench ran around the walls of the almost square room which ing to the breakup of the original community into smaller tribes and families, fur covered an area of 81 m2. The bench, which had a topping of stone slabs, was one ther differentiated by rank and economic status. It is still too early to say whether meter wide and had monolithic piers decorated with scenes incorporated into these changes started already in the later Neolithic or did not begin until the Chal it at regular intervals. The back wall held a niche which was c. 2 m wide and con colithic and the Early Bronze Age (see 1.2). tained a platform for the statues that were found reused in the walls of the building In speaking of the earliest cult places from Asia Minor, it is inevitable to men from the last phase. The interior of this building was not unlike that from the earlier tion the rectangular stone structures with rounded corners which the societies in period. Ten stone piers stood alongside the bench which ran against the walls of habiting the limestone plateau in the vicinity of modern Urfa were continuously the chamber with two additional pillars standing in the entrance. A limestone statue constructing on Gobekli Tepe for more than fifteen hundred years. from the middle was erected in the niche opposite the door: the body of this statue, some 40 cm high. of the tenth through the beginning of the eighth millennium BC. The excavators has been preserved along with the nose, eyes and necklace. Other appear interpreted these structures as the earliest known sanctuaries of ancestor cult. They to have represented a man-bird, vulture (?). bear and predatory cat (leopard 7). used to he built at a time when grain had yet to he domesticated and animals had A few stone heads found in this room are to be interpreted in the context of similar not yet began to be herded; the economy of the people who built them depended finds from the PPNB in Syro-Palestine, including ‘Am Mallaha and the -Wad mostly on hunting and intensive selected gathering of wild cereal grasses. Of the on Mount Karmel.40 They are presumed to have a connection with the skull wor 24 structures identified to date, four have been excavated, their diameters ranging ship described above. from 10 to 30 m. The outer walls incorporated monolithic pillars, each 10—20 tons in There were at least three rectangular stone stelae inside the room. They were weight. Inside there were free-standing T-shaped monoliths. Some had hands marked about 3 m tall originally and like the T-shaped monoliths from Gdbekli Tepe and on them, indicating that they were supposed to represent stylized human figures. Karahan Tepe. they must have been symbolic images of either men or gods. The The biggest monoliths were 7 m tall and one, found unfinished in a nearby quarry. best preserved one was decorated with a flat relief depicting arms terminating in weighed 50 tons. The moving of such huge blocks for any distance required concerted hands with well marked fingers. According to the excavators, a head of limestone effort of a whole community. The monoliths were carved in flat relief with images of had once graced the top of this stela. A similar discovery was made in the so-called lions, bulls, foxes, gazelles. serpents and birds, all of which have parallels in the channel house with a terrazzo floor at cayonu Tepesi (layer II). One of the two ste relief depiction of scorpions and serpents. dated to the same period. from Jerf al lae from this structure had a human face carved in it in flat relief. Three big slabs Ahmar on the eastern bank of the Euphrates already on the Syrian of the modern were set up as stelae also in the so-called flagstone-building. border.44 Moreover, the excavations at Gobekli brought to light a sculpted image of Research at Gobekli Tepe, Nevali con and ç’avonfl Tepesi has contributed the a boar carved in stone. Another statue showed a predator with a human head be earliest evidence of stela worship, a form of cult widespread in Palestine, Syria, tween its paws. Nonetheless, it will take more digging and study before it becomes northern Mesopotamia and Asia Minor until the first millennium BC. Finds from clear whether the dead were buried inside these structures. southeastern Asia Minor have brought new light to hear on the origins of this cult. The sculptures recovered at Gobekli Tepe, Nevali con and cayonu Tepesi are part

1.3 Stevanovir — Tringharn 1999.

14 Stordeur — Helmer — Wilcox 1997. 45 Cf. Haas 1994a: 52. I r

14 1. PREHIsToRIc ANATOLIA 1.1. NEoLITHIc 15

of a wider cultural phenomenon during the PPNB. More limestone statues have now frequent motifs, either present in the wall decoration or mounted on clay benches. turned up in the Taurus foothills, e.g.. in Kilisik in the vicinity of Adiyaman.46 and The heads were painted red at times in symbolization of the vital forces. Prevalent in Urfa.1’ Their counterparts in the Levant are the plaster-and-reed large-scale sta among the moulded decoration are representations of animals, mostly bulls, but also tues, mostly busts and standing figures (sometimes with two heads). like those from leopards depicted antithetically, she-bears(?),55 mountain goats. and deer. The male Jericho48 and ‘Am Ghazal,49 solidly dated to the seventh millennium BC. The model figure is not present in the mouldings. but female motifs have been recorded. In one ing and manner of decoration of the heads resemble the skulls with faces model of the ‘shrines,’ a woman giving birth was depicted above three bucrania. Female ed in plaster. It is not known whether the cult of stelae was connected with ances breasts are accorded the same symbolic meaning. Some had boai”s mandibles or the tor worship in this early period, as is commonly assumed; perhaps the stelae and skulls of vultures, foxes and weasels concealed under a layer of stucco, obviously statues are a witness to the birth of the gods and early forms of their anthropomor bearing a magic-symbolic import in this context. Mellaart was of the opinion that phization reflected in these statues and relief stelae.°0 The answer to this question neither the themes nor the position of particular motifs on the walls were acciden does not lie, unfortunately, with yet another stela with schematic facial features in tal.06 He found that scenes connected with death were always on the east and north relief, discovered in one of the houses at Hacilar layer VI of the late Neolithic.51 walls where the dead were buried, while motifs connected with birth occupied the Significantly, excavators have been unable to identify any places for making sacri opposite, west wall. Bulls were presented solely on the north wall.°7 fices in the above-described structures. Numerous murals depicting ritualized hunting by a large group of can Neither have they discovered such places in any of the more than 40 units from be linked to hunting magic. The painting from the north wall of room V 1 shows layers VII and VI of the village in çatalhoyuk. which James Melluart interpreted as a dominant figure of a wild bull surrounded by hunters and dancers dressed in ani ‘shrines.’ distinguishing them from ‘houses.’ in view of their interior architecture and mal skins.°8 The small figure of a jumper on the bull’s hack immediately brings to the small finds.°2 The point is that they were architecturally no different than the mind numerous bull-leaping scenes from Crete. Syria and Egypt of the second neighboring houses. Moreover, there is clear evidence that even the most elaborate millennium BC. A representation on an Old Hittite relief vase discovered at Hu of ‘shrines contained a wide range of activities associated with food preparation. seyindede in 1998 indicates that hull-leaping was known also in Anatolia; consumption. obsidian working, production. etc. All buildings acted as moreover, it testifies to a later connection of bull games with the cult of storm-gods domestic houses with varying degrees of symbolic elaboration.DS (see 3.1.3). The houses were the foci of art and ritual.°4 The walls of the dominant, more As said above, paintings of vultures and headless bodies were connected with elaborate houses had gypsum plaster mouldings and paintings, both of which were burial rites and ancestor cult, in similarity to the human skulls found in some of refreshed on several occasions. Bull’s and ram’s heads with prominent horns were the rooms. Other images. like the scene of a volcano erupting,°9 probably refer to real events, although a mythological implication cannot be ruled out. 46 Hauptmann 2000. 47 Hauptmann 2003.

48 Gorui — Segal 1995.

— 49 Grissom 2000 with references. 55 Hodder 2005: 20: TOrckan 2005; ci. also Meskell — Nakamura — King Farid 2008: 141. 50 Cf. Cauvin 2000a; 2000h: 240ff. 56 Cf. Last 2005: 200: “The relotive scarcity even of simple designs suggests that paintings were of 51 Mellaart 1961: P1. Vd; cf. Haas 1994a: Fig. 20. great symbolic importance. appropriate only to certain occasions or spaces.”

52 Meflaart 1967: 77ff. See, however. Cutting 2005: 164: “Recent excavations have shown that Mel 57 Mellaart 1967: 108; cf. also Nodder — Cessford 2004: 23f. laart’s inteciors were likely to have been composites of several occupation stages rather than 58 Mellaart 1966: Pls Liv, LVIIh, LVIII; 1967: Fig. 171. snopshots in time, making the ranking of buildings hy richness of decoration unreliable.” 59 It was claimed to show Hasau Da, the distinctive double-peaked volcano. Melloart 1967: 177.

53 Flodder — Cessford 2004: 21. Pls 59—60. According to Meece 12006). however, the painting depicts no volcano, a leopard 54 Lost 199$: 2005. skin above a panel of geometric design. I 16 1. PREHISTORIC ANATOLIA 1.1. NEoLITHIC 17

65 The mouldings and wall paintings from catalhoyuk emphasize the female depicted through diagonal scoring. Two other figurines show the Mistress of

(woman’s figure, breasts) and male (bulls, bull’s and ram’s heads) elements in the Animals standing next to a leopard. Similar images of women of various age — giv context of birth, life and death. At the same time, they refer to the world in the wild ing birth, supporting breasts, sitting on a leopard or between two cats, cuddling child

(leopards, she-bears(?), deer, mountain goats, hunting scenes).60 Their symbolism ren or small leopards — were discovered at Hacilar layer VI, which was contempo lies undoubtedly in the sphere of protective magic, which is even more recognizable rary with the fall of the village at çatalhoyuk.66 All the Hacilar anthropomorphic in the case of some other symbols and signs, like the red or black hands on the figurines were made of baked clay. reliefs and the bull’s and ram’s heads, occasionally arranged in a few regular rows Female figurines underwent schematization already in the terminal phases of on the walls of a house.61 the Neolithic. Simplified representations of females holding up their breasts, seat Clay and stone figurines representing animals and humans, mostly women, have ed. kneeling or squatting, known from, among others, Hoyücek near 62 been found in large numbers at many Pre-Pottery Neolithic sites, but iconographic west of Bucak67 and çamharman aear Yalvaç, are recognized as prototypes of the types were first recognized among the stone and clay anthropomorphic figurines ex violin-shaped idols of the Chalcolithic and the Early Bronze Age (see 1.2). cavated at catalhoyuk.63 The bulk of the figurines represent steatopygous females, While much less frequent in the plastic arts of çatalhoyuk, male figures also among which two iconographic types can be distinguished: a young woman and represent a few iconographic types: a bearded man sitting on a bull, a youth riding a mature matron giving birth. Some hold up their breasts in a gesture known from a leopard, an enthroned male figure with a headdress that appears to have been later representations of a naked from various regions of the Ancient Near made of a leopard skin. East. The type representing a woman giving birth, shown either squatting or sit Unlike the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age anthropomorphic figurines which ting, is evidenced in various iconographic variants: either holding the breasts or frequently made up the grave goods inventory, the figurines from çatalhoyuk and placing hands on thighs, while the body is decorated with a painted ornament which Hacilar were found inside rooms, occasionally near . Indeed, at çatalhoyuk sometimes resembles a leopard skin. only one marble figurine of a woman holding up her breasts, discovered in 2004 in The best known is a figure of a woman giving birth, seated on a throne between Building 42 of level VII, appears to have been placed intentionally in a grave.68 The two leopards and resting her feet on a skull.64 By this, she is revealed as a mistress use and meaning of these figurines is not clear as yet. Some scholars are even apt of life from birth to death, ruling over the wild beasts as well. Worthy of notice is to interpret these pieces as representations of deities,69 while others attribute to also a unique female figurine, holding up full breasts and with a prominent belly them a solely magic function. There is a number of possible interpretations. hut (pregnant?), while the back depicts an articulated skeleton with a modeled spinal column, a pelvis and scapulae that project above shoulders, and individual ribs 63 Cf. Hodder 2005; 21: “Perhaps the importance of female imagery was related to some special role of the female in relation to death as much as to the roles of oiother and nurturer.” See also Meskell 2008; 382f. 66 See now Schoop 2005; 154 with references. 67 Excavations at Hoyucek yielded a considerable assemblage of “ figurines and 60 For animal represontations, see Russell Meece 2005: 211. Table 14.1 (paintings). 215. Table idols of baked clay,” Duru 1999; 178f. & Figs 22ff’. Cf. also Sharp Joukowsky 1996; 103; Schoop 14.2 (mouldings), 219. Tables 14.3 & 4 (animal-part installations). 2005; 168. 61 Mellaart 1967: 91. 68 Yildirim — Gates 2007: 280. 62 Cf.. e.g., stone figurines from Mezraa-Teleilat. Ozdofan 2003. 69 Mellaart 1962; 57; 1963a; 82ff.; 1964; 73ff.; 1967; 76ff.; 1990. Mellaart (1970; 170) speculated 63 Hamilton (1996) identified 254 figurines from Mellaart’s old excavations; cC also Voigt 2000: that the female statuettes from gatalhiiyuk and Hacilar VT show the full range of aspects of the 276ff. 526 figurines came from Hodder’s current excavations until 1999; see Hamilton 2005. goddess worshiped in Neolithic Anatolia: “... the maiden, the mature matron, the pregnant mother,

— Meskell Nakamura — King — Fond (2008: 143) mention some 1966 examples found up till the a full-breasted nursing mother, the mother with her child and the Mistress of Animals, the end of the 2006 season, of which 61 are stone, only 3.1 per cent. goddess of nature and wild life.” Mellaart’s ‘deity’ interpretation met with broader acceptance; 64 Mellaart 1964: 93, 95, Fig. 31f.; 1967: P1. IX.67—68. see, e.g.. Urbin-Choffray 1987; Voigt 199i; 2000. r

18 1. Pinis’romc ANAT0LL4 1 1.2. CHALG0LrrHIc AND EAaLY BRoNzE AGE 19

I agree with Naomi Hamilton that “these do not include their use in organized a long period of time, would differentiate and split up into three separate ethno religion. Rather, the anthropomorphic figurines are likely to have been used for linguistic entities: Hittites, Palaians and ’3) changed the ethnic situation magical, non religious ritual and/or votive sources.” Their depositional context sup in the western, southern and central part of the peninsula, but without written sour ports the idea that all figurines, including the anthropomorphic ones, “were circu ces it is impossible to say anything about the gods worshiped during this period. It lated rather than kept and guarded (...) they may have operated not in some sepa can be assumed, however, that many of the divinities known from Cappadocian (2.1) rate sphere of ‘religion’ or ‘ancestor worship’ but, rather, in the practice and and Hittite (3.1 & 2) texts from the second millennium BC made up the local negotiation of everyday life.”71 Some of them could also have been used as amulets, pantheons of central and northern Anatolia already in the later phase of the Early a suggestion borne out by the later development of anthropomorphic art in the Bronze Age. Chalcolithic and the Early Bronze Age. Social stratification was reflected also in a differentiated status of the dead. A community of ancestors stopped being worshiped by all inhabitants of the village. The dead became instead part of the family whose living members were required to 1.2. Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age officiate at their cult. The fates of the ruler and the ordinary person after death In the last 3500 years of its , archaeologically subdivided inte the Chalco were different. These changes were reflected in the funerary rites and forms of lithic (c. 5700—3100 BC) and the Early Bronze Age (c. 3100—2000 BC),’2 Asia Mi burial. Cemeteries located outside the settlements, veritable ‘towns of the dead’ with nor witnessed important social changes, undoubtedly reflected in the inhabitants’ social stratification occasionally reflected in their topography, appeared in western beliefs and their attitude toward the dead. Progressing social stratification led to Anatolia as early as the Chalcolithic. They are also known from central and north a gradual development of a ruling class which included priests. Architecturally dis ern Anatolia starting from EB III (c. 2300/2200—2000 BC), although in these regions tinct ruler’s residences started to be located, like temples as houses of the gods. on the custom of burying the dead beneath house floors lasted uatil the beginning of hills in the highest part of a town. It seems, however, that in western, southern and the second millennium BC. The dead therefore stopped being present among the central Anatolia. unlike the centers on the Upper Euphrates (Arslantepe-, living. Differences in grave goods also became more pronounced. Very wealthy see below), in Mesopotamia and Syria. sanctuaries traditionally formed part of ‘royal tombs’ are evidenced on the Upper Euphrates already in the final phase of a dwelling complex until the end of the third millennium BC. Separate sacral build the late Chalcolithic, while in western and central Anatolia they occur but in the ings did not begin to be erected before the second millennium BC. Among the EB III period. earliest are two temples from the Assyrian Colony period in , excavated One of the houses from the Chalcolithic village of layer II at Hacilar was recog in the palace complex at Kültepe/KaneS, 21 km northeast of Kayseri (see 2.1). nized as a sanctuary because of the rich equipment composed of clay figurines and Intensified urbanization processes in Anatolia during the Early Bronze Age led pottery decorated with motifs of ritual significance. A stone stela, placed in a paint to the emergence of a system of city-states governed by local rulers and this caused ed niche in the wall of the main room. may have been an object of cult.71 The inter in poses more — Cozlukule near change in the local pantheons. New population groups — the Indo-Europeans pretation of a find from Chalcolithic may have started streaming into Anatolia from the already in the Chalco difficulties. A piece of a stone pillar (stela’?) lay on the floor of one of the rooms and lithic. The arrival of the native speakers of Common Anatolian (who afterwards, over next to it was a pair of deer antlers and pottery fragments.’°

70 Hamilton 2005: 208. For a broader discossion, see Lesore 2002. 73 See, e.g.. Stefanini 2002: 787 with n. 7. and Carruba 2003 for a review of the debate. 1996: 121. 7i Moskell — Nakamura — King — Farid 2008: 144. 74 Mellaart 1960: 100ff.; rf. Popko 19f5a: 36: Sharp Joukowsky 72 For the chronology of Early Bronce Age Anatolia, see now Becker 2007: 93 Fig. 43. 73 Goldman 1936: Sf. I

20 1. PREHIsToRIc A1cAT0LIA 1.2. CaALc0LITHIc AND EARLY BRoNzE AGE 21

An imposing ‘ceremonial’ building XXIX from Period VII at Arslantepe-Malatya, in any way from the surrounding architecture. In most cases, they presumably rep c. 3600—3500 BC, measured on the whole 20.7 by 19 m. It has a tripartite plan resented domestic cults. with a large central room (17.6 by 7 m) resembling Mesopotamian temples, although The best evidence of cult has been recorded in the shrines which constituted an its cultural context shows no links to the southern Mesopotamian world.77 The build integral part of the village architecture from layers XVII—XIV at . Two ing stood in isolation on a raised platform, about fifty centimeters high. Two later twin shrines were discovered in successive phases.86 Each was composed of a main temples, forming part of a palatial complex (Building IV) from Period VIA, are dated chamber and a small adjacent room. The most important element of the altar on to the end of the late Chalcolithic. Both display very similar floor plans. Temple B, the east side of the room was a double clay stela covered with a layer of plaster. In measuring 12 m in length, has a large extended rectangular room flanked by small front of it there was a hearth with a characteristic pot-stand in the form of horns rooms along one side. It was windowed with wooden frames still preserved. In the and behind it, vessels or clay basins sunk into the floor. The excavators interpreted cella there was a niche with wall paintings in red and black, which represented a hole in the floor in front of the stelae as a place for a wooden pole. The structure a frontal figure with a stylized triangular human face, eyes and a rectangular body. with an outlet channel, situated by the north wall, was interpreted as an altar for seated on a bench or throne below what appears to he a canopy of branches. In front blood sacrifices. The shrines yielded numerous violin-shaped idols of stone and of the figure was a so-called fruit stand with a perforated base, which in this con votive vessels. But contrary to what can be read in the literature,’ ‘ there is abso text might be interpreted as a cult object. Moreover, an altar was identified for the lutely no evidence for a pair of deities, a goddess and her male partner, having been

first time with certainty in this temple. ‘ worshiped here. Many structures discovered at Early Bronze Age sites have been interpreted as The most important testimony of domestic cult found at many sites are natural shrines, based foremost on the equipment which consists of anthropomorphic figu istic and schematic female statuettes. as well as anthropomorphic and zoomorphic rines and vessels. Mentioned most often in this context are tower R in the southern vessels known already from the late Neolithic. e.g.. from layer VI at Hacilar and gate of I (where stone stelae were discovered, one with a carved human face), Kdk HdyUk. Vessels of this kind fi’om the Early Bronze Age have been recorded the ‘shrines’ from successive phases of Troy (II. Ill and Vb),80 from phase B in at Troy starting from layer II, as well as Demircihdyuk near Eskiehir, Karahoyhk Kusura81 and layer 9 M at Aliar Hoyuk,82 the megaron from layer 12 of the Kultepe in the Konya Plain,90 and Aliar Hdyuk near Yozgat. Mentions of similar vessels in mound,83 and the shrines from layers XI and X—VIII at Pulur on the Upper Euphra Hittite texts from the second millennium BC lead to the assumption that they were tes54 (where altars were identified, as in the Hall Complex at nearby Korucutepe8°). used in cult practices also in earlier times. But unlike the Mesopotamian and Syrian temples from the same period, the Anatolian The tradition of small anthropomorphic statuary in Anatolia goes back to the ones (possibly with the exception of the megaron in Kultepe) were not distinguished Neolithic. Female imagery predominates; male figures do not occur before the EB III period. Among nearly 1000 anthropomorphic statuettes known to date fi-om the Chal typical 76 Frangipane 2003: 154ff.. Figs 1 & 3. colithic and Early Bronze Age,9’ the biggest number is schematic, the most 77 Cf. Frangipane 2003: 137: ‘Arsiantepe period VII pottery, for example, has its owo formal shape being the so-called violin-shaped idols fi-om western Anatolia and the EB III features, with nothing in common with Early or Middle Urnk pottery.’ 78 Gates 1994: 234f.: Frangipane 1997: 2003: 134. 158, Figs 4 & 6: rf. also Sharp ..Joukowsky 1996: 178.

79 Cf. Mellaart 1939b: 134: Sharp Jookowsky 1996: 149. 150 Fig. .5.5. 86 Lloyd — Meliaart 19.37: 1962: 37: Yakar 1974: cf. also Sharp Joukowsky 1996: 13Sf. 80 Mellaarc 1939h: 152: rf. also Popko 1993a: 11. 87 See ii. 86.

St Lamh 1936: 89, P1. Va: 1973: 28. 88 Greaves — Helwing 2003: 80 (vessel in the shape of a deer’s head): Schoop 2003: 118: Ytldirim

82 Schmidt 1932: 33ff.. 911. — Gates 2007: 280 (an anthropomorphic pot). 83 Cf. Lloyd 1967: 10. Fig. 34. See also Mellink 1958: 93f.: 1963: 17Sf. 89 Cf. Sharp Joukowsky 1996: 154ff. 84 Koav t970: 1971. 9)) Slellaart 1963h: 216. fig. 10.

8.5 van Loon — GOcerbock 1972: van Loon led.) 1978: 20ff. 91 Bilgi 1972. See now Makowski 2003 with references. r

22 U PREHISTORIC ANAT0LIA 4 1.2. CHALc0LImIc AND EARLY BRONZE AGE 23

Cappadocian alabaster idols with discoid bodies and with one to four heads set inhumation graves.99 In the second millennium BC, spread throughout on long necks. The figurines are found usually in houses, also in buildings inter Anatolia. never however superseding completely inhumation burials. In many cul preted as shrines, e.g. at Beycesultan and in the megaron at Kultepe, often in as tures, cremation was understood as a way of moving the dead and his or her prop semblages counting from a few to a dozen or so objects, which could suggest their erty to the other world. Even so, a difference in burial rites does not mean change magic function or role in domestic cult. There is no evidence, however, to indicate of eschatological beliefs or forms of ancestor cult. Neither is it testimony for the that they represented the mother goddess. The arms of some of the naturalistic statu coexistence of various ethnic groups. Cases of cremation burials being added to earlier ettes could be interpreted as raised in adoration. Schematic figures were also in inhumation graves of the second millennium BC in the cemeteries of Panaztepe cluded among the grave goods, perhaps as amulets. It is possible that the Cappado near Izmir. Begiktepe in Troas and Demircihoyuk-Sariket near Eskiehir make it cian idols with a number of heads were meant to replace a number of figurines. clear that the dead were members of the same community. distinguished from other There is nothing to substantiate the claim that represented they family groups. On members by the ritual of cremation, thus ensuring a special, privileged position also

the other hand, relief figural representations on the bodies 100 . of some of the idols, like after death. Ethnographic parallels from different cultures and regions point to a man with a tame lion, suggest that this category of finds represents divine imag very different criteria existing in this case, most often, however, cremation was in es. Bronze figurines from wealthy graves in Kultepe, Hasanolan and Horoztepe are tended as a form of distinction for rulers. priests, the rich and the elders. In the also believed to represent a goddess. The custom of placing anthropomorphic statu light of this it comes as no surprise that cremation was the practice of choice for the ettes in graves ended in the first centuries of the second millennium BC. Hittite royal family of the Empire period (see 3.2.10). Burial rites are significantly different between regions in the Early Bronze Age. A Late Chalcolithic from Arslantepe-Malatya with a rich collec In central Anatolia the tradition of burying the dead beneath the floors of houses tion of metal objects, jewelry, weapons, and vessels made from copper, silver, and lasted until the end of the discussed period even while cemeteries outside the towns gold.101 as well as two ES III ‘royal tombs’ in Dorak, on Lake Ulubat west of Bur sprang up in other areas of the region. Burial forms also 10° demonstrate considerable sa. and another thirteen single and double burials from Alacahoyflk. c. 25 km differentiation. In the west and southwest Yortan.92 Babakoy.93 Bapinar. Kusma, Gor north of the Hittite capital Hattuèa (modern Boazkale).’03 show social and politi dion, Demircihoyuk-Sariket,94 Karata Semayuk9°), well as as on the Upper Euphrates cal transformation in Anatolia of the discussed period. The wealth of the equipment (Korucutepe), the prevailing form of burial was a large storage vessel. In many cem in these graves of local rulers is in contrast with the paucity of grave goods accom eteries these vessel burials occurred together with graves, which dominated in panying ordinary burials from the same period, indicating that the ruler’s fate after the estuary of the Kizthrmak (Ikiztepe96) and on the Aegean coast of Karia (Iasos9’). death was different from that of the subjects. Yet, nothing in the grave goods inven While disregarding the two earliest examples of cremation fi-om Chalcolithic layers tory can be interpreted as actually connected with cult practices. The so-called stan at Mersin in Cilicia. which are explainable as influence of the Mesopotamian Halaf dards from Alacahoyük have been mentioned in this connection: these are metal fin culture,98 one should note numerous cremation burials in urns in the Early Bronze ials in the form of disks and openwork elements bearing ornamental motifs, as well Age cemetery of Gedikli in where they occurred side by side with as animal images — bulls, deer and leopards. Similar standards have been found

92 Kamil 1982. 93 BiIiel 1939—1941. 99 Alkim 3966: 1968: 94ff. 94 Seeher — ,Jansen — Pernieka — Wittwer-Backofen 2000. 100 Seeher 1993. 93 Wheeler 1974: ef. Sharp Joukowskv 1996: 163. 101 Greaves — Helwing 2001: 477. 98 B. Alkim — H. Alkim — Bilgi 1988; ef. also Mellink 1987: 4; 1988: 107. 101 Seharhermeyr 1959—1960; Lloyd 1967: 29ff. 97 Pecerella 1984. 103 Lloyd 1956: 96ff.: Mellink 1956: 39ff.: Sharp Joukowsky 1996: 167f. See now also Ozyar 1999; 98 Akkermans 1989: 81; cf. Popko 1995a: 37. Gerber 2006a; 2006b. r

24 1. PREHIsToRIc ANATOLIA also in tombs from other sites in central Anatolia (Baltbai near cankiri, Horoz 104 - 105 106 tepe, Oymaagaç near çorum. Mahmatlar near ). Their function con tinues to be unclear. According to Maciej Popko, “the standards were indeed the finials of cult staffs which are well attested in later Hittite texts, both as symbols of 2. THE OLD ASSYRIAN COLONY PERIOD deities belonging to the northern, Hattian religious tradition and as cult objects.”0’ If so, the dead buried in the graves at Alacahoyuk would not be local rulers, but rather representatives of the local priestly aristocracy from the holy town of Zip 108 landa. The theory, however, cannot be verified for lack of written sources from From the outset of the second millennium BC Anatolia (or at least its central and this period. southeastern parts) enters upon historic times enlighten by written sources. Much Archaeological testimony of burial rites and sacrifices made to the dead is rare. more is known about the beliefs of this period: the origins and names of prominent Pairs of skulls and hooves of oxen, lying originally on the beams covering the graves deities, their nature, the pantheon structure and its development, and the forms of at Alacahoyuk, can be traces of the former.109 One should also mention in this con cult. Most of the information conies from written sources, much less from archae text a few burials of pairs of oxen from the cemetery at Demircihoyiik-Sariket near ological evidence. Eskiehir.t0 Local burial customs are proven for the region around modern-day The arrival of Mesopotamian merchants in Anatolia is confirmed by their docu ANkara. as indicated by round structures with a rectangular vestibule known from the ments in the first half of the twentieth century BC. A settlement of Assyrian trad cemeteries in the region (Polatli, Etiyokuu), possibly acting as funerary shrines.1 ers (hO rum) appeared in the lower city of KGltepe/Kaneè and functioned in two phases: Early Bronze Age chamber tomb complexes at Gre Virike, c. 10 km to the north of Kar harttm II and Tb.”4 Corresponding occupation on the hill (hOyuh), where the local

- - 115 kami, with chamber rows attached to them indicating a complex structure for the ruler resided, included layers 8 ( II) and 7 (r karum Tb). Of nearly 23,000 cult of the dead,112 should be considered in the context of similar tomb complexes tablets found to date in the harum of Kaneè, only some 400 caine from Level Ib, on the Middle Euphrates and in northern Syria from the second half of the third while the rest were excavated in Level IT.”6 The texts confirm that the network of millennium BC (Jerablus-Tahtani. Tell Banat, Tell Ahmar, Tall Bi’a, Tell Chuera).’13 Assyrian colonies (harum) and stations (wobartum) covered all of central Anatolia. reaching as far as the region of modern Ankara. One such Assyrian trading colony was situated at Uattua. later capital of the Hittite kingdom (modern Boazkale.

101 T. Ozguç — Akok 1958; Tezcan 1960; 1. Ozgtiç 1964. c. 150 km as the crow flies east of Ankara).tt’ The timeframe for this period at Kultepe/ 105 T. OzgUç 1980. Kane the Old Palace (Eski Saray) built on the South after 106 Koav — Akok 1950. is set by 107 Popko 199-la: 4Sf. 2024 BC. which can be taken as a terminus post qneio for Level II in the haruoi)’9 108 Foi the identification of Alacahdvok with Ziplanda, see Popko 1994: 13. 29ff.. 90f.: 2000: cf. also Haas t994a: 591ff. However, a location of Ziplanda farther to the north or northeast, closer to the hasin of the Zuliya/çekerek river, appears more likely. The testimony of Hittite texts con 114 T. Ozguç 2003. Cf. also Wilhelm 1998—2001c. firming a small distance between Ziplanda and centers in the Zoliya basin, snch as Katapa 115 T. Ozguç 1999: 77. (cf. 3.2.3) prohably not too far to the northeast from Ortakdy I apinuwa, argues against the 116 Michel 2003. identification of Ziplanda with Knakli Hdyuk, Yozgat (Gorney 1995: Forlanini 2002: 261 with 117 More recent research has demonstrated that already at this time the town had extended beyond n. 18), or with adir HdyOk near Aliar (Gorny 2006: 30). the limits of the Lower City. On the probable settling of the western part of the Upper City in 109 Cf. Haas 1994a: 234. Boazkoy/Hattu1a in the kdru,o and early Old Hittite times, sec. e.g.. Seeher 2004: 72. In 2007

110 — — Seeher 1991: Seeher Jansen Pernicka — Wittwer-Backofen 2000; cf. also Willoitner 1992: 314. a cylinder seal of the later Sara iii phase was fonnd at the foot of Sarikale, confirming the existence

111 Lloyd — GOkçe 1951; cf. Popko 1995a: 43f. of a settlement in this area in the discossed period (pers. comm. A. Scharhner). tt2 Okse 2006a: 2006b: 2006c: 2007. 118 T. Ozgtiç 1999: 106ff.: 2003: l33fL 113 Cf. McClellan 2004. 119 Newton — Kuniholm 2004: 167. 26 2. THE OLD A55YRIAN CoLov PERIOD 2.1. K&NEsITE GODS IN THE LIGHT OF THE CAPPAD0cIAN TABLETs 27

The karum II period is currently dated between c. 1974 and 1837 BC (or c. 1958 and 2.1. Kanesite gods in the light of the Cappadocian tablets 1821 BC in the so-called “lowered” middle chronology120) based on limd lists which have shown that this phase lasted 138 years.121 The end of the karum Level II has The theophoric names of the native inhabitants of Kaneè indicate that they worship been attributed to the reign of the Assyrian king Naram- on the evidence of the ed gods of different origin: Luwian, Hittite, Hattian, and perhaps also from a local 126 latest attested bullae with the name of this king found in this level.122 The revival (pre-Indo-European) substrate. There are among them storm-gods Hattian Taru of the city and kdrum at the beginning of the Level Tb period, presumably after the and Hittite Tarhuna, mar (who was the goddess of ) together with her com erection of the so-called Warèama Palace (WarSama Sarayi) in 1832 (+41-7) BC,123 Uaba(n)tali (see 3.1.1), the sacred mountain Daha(ya) connected with Zip is usually dated to c. 1800 BC, or c. 1785 BC in the “lowered” . landa, the river Nakiliyat, the deities IJeta, Huzziya and Tameèiet, Cappadocian 127 The end of this period came in c. 1720 BC.124 Substantial architectural remains from and Kizzuwatnean mountains Lthsa, Sarpa and Tuthaliya, the Luwian Sun- Acemhdyuk on Lake Tuz are contemporary with Level Tb of the karum in KaneS. Tiwad, the god anta and goddess Ala worshiped in the same cultural milieu, and Two major buildings, the Sarikaya palace and the Hatipler Tepesi building, were a group of deities occurring in later Hittite texts among Kanesite gods (see below): constructed in the same year: 1774 (+41-7) BC.’2° Uanabana ‘Great Grandmother,’ Peruwa (Pirwa), Halki ‘Grain,’ Aiet, Ilali(ya), and

A vast majority of the Cappadocian tablets — records of Assyrian merchants who Hazamil (HaSam(m)ili).128 ran trading colonies and stations in the largest towns of central Anatolia during the The Assyrians worshiped their own gods. In their social interaction with the mutually respectful of gods of the different com first quarter of the second millennium BC — come from Kü1tepe/Kane, which was Anatolians they remained open and at that time the capital of one of the most important states in the region. These munities. Contracts between the Assyrians and the Anatolians, often sworn before texts speak of gods worshiped in Kaneè and, indirectly, of central Anatolian beliefs. the ruler, used to call on both ASèur and a local deity as witness gods. The pantheon of the Assyrians living in Kane was no different from that known

129 . . from Assyria. The deities occurring most often in the texts are: Assur, the Storm-

130 - god Adad, the goddess Istar, the Moon-god Sin, Amurrum, Anum, En, and Sa mae; more seldom ACCuritum, Belum, and the goddess IChara. These deities must have had shrines in KaneC and the other Assyrian colonies in Anatolia. It was the

126 Goetze 1953; 1954; Laroche 1966a: 281ff., 298ff.; cf. also Popko 1995a: 55. On the (pce-)lndo European substrates in Anatolia, see Cacruha 1983 with references. Cf. also one interesting speech in an unknown language at the end of a ritual of the woman Anna of Kaplawiya, KLIB 12.44 + KBo 27.108 iii 31ff. (Haas 1988d: 141 n. 64; Hutter 2003: 250), which shows that the Lower Land was inhabited not only by the Luwians, but by other people, too, also in the times

of the Hittite Empire. - 127 Arisama DaC near the village of Emicgazi. cf. Hawkins 2006: 57f. For the mountain Sarpa, see

120 Michel — Rocher 1997—2000; Michel 2002; cf. also Blocher 2003: Pruzsinszky 2006: Veenhof 2007. Forlanini 1987; Lombardi 1998. 121 Veenhof 2003. 128 1 wish to thank Dr. Guido Kryszat for making me available his list of personal names in Old 122 Ozkan 1993. Assyrian texts from Anatolia. 123 F. Ozguç 1999: 79ff: 2003: 120ff. For the date of the construction of the WarSama Palace, see 129 Hirsch 1972. (2006h: however. ,,es ist unklar, Newton — Kuniholm 2004: 168. 130 Kcyszat 2006b; see also Beaulieu 2005. According to Kryszat 53), 124 Cf. Gunbatti 2008: 118. oh ‘Amurrum” hiec (i.e. in Old Assyrian texts) wirklich aus gleicher Sicht gesehen wird wie

125 Newton — Kunihoim 2004: 168. etwa in den sodmesopotamischen Quellen.” r

28 2. THE OLD AssyiuxN CoLONY PERIOD 2.1. KANE5ITE Goos IN THE LIGHT OF THE CAPPAO0cIAN TAaLET5 29

harnrum’31 by the gate of the temple of Mèur in Kane where courts were held and was Nipa13 (missing in Hittite texts), whose festival came some time after that of official oaths taken on the sword of the god called .fizgorrid’um or patrum. Anna and was similarly celebrated by the ruler visiting the temple. Parka had her The local Kanesite pantheon cannot be fully reconstructed due to the restricted own festival which, assuming her nature in this period was like that in Hittite times, character of the preserved documents, mostly trade contracts of Assyrian merchants. was celebrated presumably in the fall, after the harvest.’38 However, the texts show differences between the pantheons of Level IT and Tb which Saribari and Tuhtuhani also had their festivals)39 The former is probably to be most likely reflect actual changes in the structure of the Kanesite pantheon during identified with the deity Halebare/Halihari who had a ritual celebrated in her name the two periods. The reasons for these changes cannot be determined: they might in Old Hittite times during the great festival at Ziplanda (3.1.3). During the winter represent a natural development of the city-state pantheon, but they also could have festival celebrated for the Sun-goddess of in Uattuèa, the queen, in the pres derived from the changing political situation. ence of the king, poured a libation to Ualibari by the sacred bed in the Sun-god The following divinities are mentioned in texts from Level II, thus providing con dess’s bed chamber.140 This leads to further associations between Uaribari and the firmation of their worship in this period: a concealed under the domestic deity UariètaH of Hittite texts, who was a guardian of the and DUTU most probably the Sun-god Tiwad, Anna, Nipaè, Higièa, , Haribari, alcove and whom the queen sacrificed to sitting on the bed in her bed chamber.141 132 Ilah, Kubabat, Parka, Per(u)wa, Tuhtulani. While there is no influence of the The Grain-goddess, whose Hittite name Halki is evidenced in theophoric names, northern, Hattian tradition to note in this pantheon, it apparently reveals ties with was worshiped in Kaneè throughout the Old Assyrian Colony period under the southern Anatolia and even northern Syria (Nisaba, Kubabat). Most of the listed Mesopotamian name Nisaba (assuming it is not just a question of notation).142 This deities, however. (Anna?, Nipa, Higia, Parka, Per(u)wa, Uaribari, Tuhtuhani) must could testify to early influence of Syro-Mesopotamian beliefs, similarly as in the case have been connected with an early central Anatolian substrate.t3’1 Some of them of the cult of the ‘Storm-god of the Head’ (0ISKUR A QAQQA/IDIA&43 Ièhara, were worshiped in the land of Hatti as early as the Old Hittite period (Harihari). and Kubabat who is identified with Kuhaba. the goddess of the Syrian city of Kar but they were more frequently the object of veneration in Luwian circles in Hittite kamik times (Anna. Parka, Perwa). The Kanesite pantheon that is revealed in the texts from Level Tb obviously Anna was the main deity of the city of Kane,134 appearing next to Aèèur as underwent transformation during the period between Level TI and lb. A Storm-god a divine witness in contracts between Assyrian merchants and their Anatolian part absent from the Level II documents stands at its head, eclipsing Anna in impor ners.’3° She is presumably the bearer of epithets like ‘goddess of the city’ and ‘god tance114 and replacing her also as a witness god to contracts between Assyrian dess of Kanek’ The king visited Anna’s temple on the day of her festival which took chants and the local ruler.’4° The appearance of the Storm-god in the pantheon of

- . . 136 - place early in the year. Anna is mentioned in later Hittite texts (like Perwa, whose Kane in the nineteenth-eighteenth century BC coincided with the development of sacred animal was a horse, and the harvest and fertility deity Parka) in connection worship of this category of gods in northern Mesopotamia and Syria, where they with Luwian cults, among others, in the cult of Uuwaèanna of Uubena (Classical Kybistra in , modern Ereli) (see 3.2.4). Another important god of Kaneè 137 Kryszat 2006a: 1131’. There are no reasons, lingoistic or otherwise, for linking the god’s name with Hittite nepil- ‘sky.’ 138 Cf. Otten 1959a: 1992: 34ff. 139 Kryszat 2006a: 110, 116. 131 For the homrom, see Schwemer 2001: 245ff,: Prechel 2008: 127f. 140 KUB 2.6 0 40f. Cf. Popko 2003b: 14f. 132 Kryszat 2006a: 106ff. 141 KBo 20.51 i 7—9’, Haas 1994a: 261f. Cf. also Otten — von Soden 1968: 32: Otten 1972—1975a. 133 See ahove, with n. 126. 142 Kryszat 2006a: 114f., 121. 134 Kryszat 2006a: 108f., 117ff. 143 Kryszat 2006a: 120.

135 ICK 1 32 lOfi, Hecker — Kryszat — Matons 1998: 1 651 12ff. See Kryszat 2006a: 109, 118. 114 Kryszat 2006a: 106f. 136 Unless it is a hornonvmy. 145 kt 00/k 6 1. GOnbatb 2004: 251ff. r

30 2. THE OLD Assi1IAN CoLONY PERIOD 2.2. Ic0N00RAPHY OF CAPPA00cIAN DEITIES 31

took over the leading role in the official pantheons.’46 The prominent position of the and Darawa (see also 3.1.2 & 3.2.4). The Storm-god Tarbuna stood at the head of the Storm-god and Anna, divine guardian of the city, brings to mind the structure of Kanesite pantheon, in which the Sun-god and the goddess Uan(n)aban(n)a also held the pantheon of Hattuèa, where Anna’s place is taken by the goddess mar (see 3.1.1). an important position. In spite of the fact that not all these gods are evidenced in

-. 147 . The new dynasty from Kussar (of and ), which seized power in the Cappadocian tablets and some appeared only in theophoric names, the tradition of Kaneè toward the end of the Level Tb period, imposed its own royal ideology, best ex Kanesite beliefs recorded in later texts from the Hittite Kingdom period allows re pressed in Anitta’s building of a temple for the Throne-goddess Ualn1auit. The rule of constructing the pantheon functioning during the karum Level lb phase at Kane. the later Old Hittite dynasty was based on similar ideology. Anitta erected another This pantheon has preserved the oldest form of Hittite religion known to us, demon two temples, the first for the Storm-god of with the Hittite name Tarhuna, strating clear ties with the beliefs of other , the Luwians and the divine patron of the king and dynasty, and the second for a deity of Kane, con Palaians. cealed under the designation iud-Ao,nmid ‘Our Deity.’148 whose statue, lost during an earlier conflict with Zalpa. he won hack and brought to Kane. It cannot be excluded 2.2. Iconograph of Cappadocian deities that the ruins of two temples excavated on the palatial hill in Kultepe/Kane and con temporas-y with Level lb in the karum, are actually the remains of Anitt&s buildings.’49 Cult scenes on cylinder and stamp seals from Kultepe/Kane)a4 Acemhöyuk1°° and The distinct character of the Kanesite pantheon continued to be perceived even in KarahbyGk1°6 contain representations of different divinities, among which one re Hittite times.1°0 Kanesite gods received sacrifices during religious ceremonies cognizes specific iconographic types. Some of these types are known also from Meso and the ‘singer of Kaneè/Nea’ sang for them in Nesite,1° which is how the Hittites potamian and Syrian glyptic art, giving the opportunity for identifying images of referred to their own language. The deities whose names appear in this context in EamaS, Iètar, Adad,1°’ Ea. Amurrum, and Umu.tCS Others, appearing on the stamp clude: Kamruèepa, Pirwa,152 Haèèuèara ‘Queen,’ Mkaepa ‘Genius of the Gate,’ uwa and cylinder seals of the so-called Anatolian group, depict local deities, but without liyat, Halki, Haèam(m)ili, Siwat ‘Day,’ Ièpant ‘Night,’ Aèiyat, Ilali(yant),153 Maliya, any legends to help identification of particular figures. In iconography, these deities are usually connected with animals, bringing to mind associations with the god’s 146 For a new discussion of this phenomenon, see Giorgieri 2005: 83ff. with references to earlier animals and images of gods standing on animals, both known from Hittite sources. literature. The shift in imporianre of deities of the official pantheon. which iook place in Rand Nonetheless, any identification of the Cappadocian deities with Hittite ones based (and prohahlv also in other Anatolian ceoters. including Hattula( in the early second millennium BC. places now the discussion in a hroader context. Matthiae (2003). for instance. discosses the on iconographic similarities should be treated with due caution. prominent position of Iltar in the pantheon of Ebb and her close connection with kingship before A goddess shown on many seals from Kultepe and Acemhdyükt must have held the ktng of Ehla recognized the predominance of . around 1770 BC. Consequently, the political predominance of Yambad would have heen “at the origin of the strong presence of the an important position in the Cappadocian pantheons.160 The iconographic type places figure of of Aleppo in works of related with kingship, dating from the 17th century her among the nature . Her animals were a goat and a bird. She is depicted BC.” (Slatthiae 2003: 385). See also below, 3.1.1 with n. 236. 147 The Old Assyrian texts suggest an easterly location for Kullar(a), in the proximity of Hurrama. Luhuzattiya. and Samuha: see Barjamovic 2005: t39ff. 148 Otten 1959a: 180: 1973: 35: Singer 1995. A recurrent assumption in the literature that Siel-lurn 154 N. Ozgdc 1959: 1965; 1965: 1979; 1989. oi(l from the text of Anitta would have been the early Hittite Sun-god SinS (e.g., Neu 1974: 119ff.: 155 N. Ozguç 1980: 1983. Gurney 1977: 9ff.: Haas 1994a: 18Sf.: Kliager 1996: 144 n. 62; Lombardi 1996: 69f.; Hutter 2006: 156 Alp 1968; 1974. 82: Kryszat 2006a: 107) has no grounds in the preserved sources. See now also Kutter 2008: 88. (57 For two types of storm’gods on cylinder seals froia Kdltepe, see Leiowand 1984: 33ff.: 1992: 149 T. Ozgdç 1993: 1999: 117ff. 158ff. There are no grounds, however, for identifying any of the two with Tellub, cf. Sthwemer 159 Haas 1994a: 613f.; Popko I9fSa’. 8Sf. 2001: 244f. lot Archi 2004a. 158 See. e.g.. N. Ozgdc 1965: 5911’.: 1968: 6Sf. 1.52 Otten 1952—tf.53 voo Schuler 1965: t9ofz Haas t994a: 4t2ff.: t994b: 79ff. 159 Ct’. N. Ozgdç 1983: list’.: 1986: Sit’. 15:3 Otten l9761950a Hutter 1988: t2Sf’. 160 Taracha 1967: 26Sf.: 1988: 115ff. with a list of representations on p. 116.

A I r

32 2. THE OLD AssyRlAJl CoLoNY PERIoD

with a long robe and in a headdress typical of the later Hittite goddesses, sitting under a tree, on a backless stool or the back of a goat, and holding an offering bowl and bird or branch in her hands. The goddess is often accompanied by a numerous animal cortege, emphasizing her bond with wild creatures. In some scenes she is 3. HITTITE ANATOLIA also associated with sphinxes.’61 In other representations, the object of veneration or the main god receiving a procession of other divinities is a male figure in his prime, dressed in a long robe, 162 seated on a lion or enthroned with a lion at his feet. His headdress is a conical or Around the middle of the seventeenth century BC the Hittite kingdom encompassed semi-round cap, with or without horns, and his attribute is an . He is occasionally the territory in the bend of the Kizilirmak (Classical Halys), from the river’s estu shown sitting opposite the goddess described above. The nature of these representa ary on the to Cappadocia. By this time, Kane had lost importance in tions bears out the importance of this pair of divinities in the local pantheons of the favor of Uattua, where all the processes of the emerging Hittite state were cen time. tered. Hattuili I (c. 1625-1600), who is believed to have been the founder of the In the procession of gods standing on the back of an animal there is a suggestion state, is the first ruler to be cited more frequently in Hittite sources. The names of of hierarchy. The god on a lion is third in line, behind two gods on bulls but before his two predecessors, Huzziya and Labarna, are also known.167 a god on a stag. The latter is depicted next to a youthful god in a short robe and Hittite history is divided principally into the Old Hittite and the Empire period, with a curved weapon in outstretched hand, standing on a bridled lion or bull,163 the caesura corresponding to the emergence of a new dynasty originating from Kum for instance, in the adoration scene of a bull mounted on a pedestal and with a cone mani in , which seized power in Uattuèa in the first half of the fifteenth 164 on its back. century BC.168 These were the kings who built the greatness of the Hittite Empire 1360_1332)169 In Hittite times, bulls were attributed to storm-gods, lions to gods of war and which under uppiluliuma I (c. and his successors extended from the plague, and deer to tutelary gods. We are unable, however, to identify the specific Aegean coast on the west to northern and central Syria on the east. Next to Egypt deities in the local Cappadocian pantheons. Several storm-gods were worshiped for and Cassite , the Hittite kingdom was one of the mightiest powers in the sure. Texts from karum Level Tb in Kaneè bring mentions of two: the Storm-god Ancient Near East, a position it kept until its ultimate decline in the first decades (DISKUR) and the ‘Storm-god of the Head’ (‘TKUR A QAQQA/IDIM).’6° Icono of the twelfth century BC. graphic differences between the gods on a lion depicted on the Kultepe seals are con The cuneiform texts from Uattua, mostly concerning magic and cult, have con vincing proof that the two did not belong to the same category. Neither should the tributed extensively to an understanding of religions in Asia Minor under the Hit god on a stag be associated with the tutelary LAMMA god from Hittite texts (see tites. The picture, while definitely richer for this period than for the previous one, is 166 3.2.1 & 4). Some scholars would like to interpret this deity as a god of the hunt.

— 167 On the evidence of the Cruciform Seal, A. Dinçol — B. Dinçol Hawkins Wilhelm 1993: 104ff. See, however, KBo 11.36 iii 9ff. (Otten 1958b: 111) which gives the following (reversed) sequence 161 N. Ozguç 1991: 297f. of early Hittite kings: Hatiulili, Labarna, Pimpirit/Pimpira, Huzziya. For Pimpira, see now Cam 162 Taracha 1987: 265; 1988: 113ff. maresano 2006: 47ff. with references to different interpretations of the list in KBo 11.36 oi 9ff. i61 Taracha 1987: 264f.; 1988: 1 12f. en p. 61f. Soggestiens that PU-Sarroma and Tuthaliya I would have been the direct predecessors 164 N. Ozguç 1965: no. 69. For tho boll with a cone on its hack, see Taracha 1988: 118f. with a list of Labarna and Hattolili I, or just Tothaliya I who allegedly ruled before Hozziya “0” (e.g.. of representations, and N. OzgOç 1991: 309f. Casahonne’s (2007) proposal to identify ihis hull Forlanini 1995: 129f.: SOrenhagen 1998: 82f.; Beal 2003a: 16ff., .34f.), most new be discarded, cf.

with Perwa is most unlikely. Forlanini 2004: 374, 379ff.; Taracha 2004a; Freo — Mazeyer 2007a: 25, 37ff. with n. 35. 165 Kryszat 2006a: 106f., 120: cf. also Schwemer 2001: 243f. 168 Cf. Taracha 2008a. i66 Cf. Popko 1995a: 58. 169 For the chronology ef oppiloliuma’s reign, see new Miller 2007: 282ff.; Taracha, 2008h. r

34 3. Hinin ANAT0LIA 3. Hirrrrs ANAT0LIA 35

not entirely clear by any means. Much attention in the texts was focused on official In Old Hittite times, the state cult in the capital and the local beliefs in central and religion which was influenced by the policies of Hittite kings, who were responsible northern A.natolia both grew from the indigenous Hattian tradition. It is quite likely, for establishing the state cult. With regard to local beliefs and popular religion, the however, that Hittite-Luwian deities were worshiped by the royal family and prob problem is more complex. It is not merely because of the state of preservation of the ably also by some part of population of the Hittite heartland, especially toward the texts but, first of all, due to their nature as documents recorded foremost for the Zuliya/cekerek basin (see also 3.2.3). needs of the ruler, court, and state administration. The coming to power of the new dynasty of Kizzuwatnean origin meant funda Anatolian religions of the second millennium BC never constituted an isolated mental change in the religious sphere. Its rulers worshiped their own gods as part system which could be attributed to specific ethnic groups. During the nascency of of the dynastic cult, introducing into the Hittite state pantheon the deities vener the Hittite state, in the first half of the second millennium BC, central and north ated by the Hurrians from southeastern Anatolia and northern Syria, including Meso ern Anatolia was inhabited by peoples of different origins. In the northern terri potamian and Syrian gods. These cults took root in the capital and gradually pene tories on the Lower Kizthrmak, the most numerous or even the sole ethnic group were trated into the local pantheons, especially in centers where the king used to reside the , the natives of this part of Anatolia. Judging by the relics of their lan on occasion. In other provincial towns, local deities continued to be worshiped, al guage, they appear to have been related with the inhabitants of northwestern Cau though there, too, the state cult had a growing impact. The Empire period also wit casus. Existing Hittite texts have little to say, unfortunately, on Hattian beliefs in nessed a process, stimulated by the kings’ religious policies, of transferring Luwian, the northern territories in this early period. The ethnic situation was more compli Hurro-Kizzuwatnean, Syrian and Mesopotamian cults to towns in the north and cated farther to the south, in the middle section of the Kizilirmak great bend and northeast. In the thirteenth century BC, this process was presumably partially con around the Hittite capital. In this area, the Hittites and Luwians appear to have nected with the mass resettling of the Luwian population from western and south formed a significant share of the population, next to the Hattians, already presum ern Anatolia into territories located in the Kizilirmak bend.171 Kizzuwatna, the home ably in the third millennium BC.’70 The Hittites remained under the strong influ of the ruling dynasty of the time, played an important role in this movement. ence of Hattian culture, a process that was also reflected in the religious sphere. Yet, the preserved texts give us almost no information about the popular beliefs of the inhabitants of the Uattuèa region. Hattian influence does not seem to have reached far south of the Hittite capital. As we have seen (2.1), Anatolians living in Kane in the times of the Old Assyrian colonies seem to have merged Hittite Luwian traditions with the influence of the local (pre-Indo-European) substrate. Despite different religious traditions in a multi-ethnic cultural society, the local pantheons of Hittite Anatolia demonstrate many structural similarities, in keeping with the principles governing the organization and development of pantheons of the early city-states.

170 Taracha 1991. My pesition on this problem is a compromise between P. Garelli, whe extended the ethno-hnguistic conditions of Kanel to the overall Anatolian picture, with the consequent Hittitization of the entire milieu, and Singer’s opinion (1981: 131) that, before the conquest of Anitta, the land of Hatti had not been largely Hittitized. See now also Stofanini 2002: 793: Goode gebuure 2008. 171 van den Hout 2007a: 240f.

A I r 36 3. Hirrim ANAT0LIA 3.1. THE OLn HITTITE PERIOD 37

3J. The Old Hittite Period In the Old Assyrian Colony period, Uattuèa was already the capital of one of the most important states in central Anatolia, encompassing a considerable territory in During this period Hattian divinities were in the majority, both in the Hittite state the Kizilirmak basin, especially the region north and northeast of the capital. Simi pantheon and in the local pantheons of central and northern Anatolia. An impor larly as in the case of Zalpa, located in the estuary of the Kizilirmak on the Black tant criterion for attributing a given deity to a specific ethnic tradition is the lan Sea,1’° the state with the capital in HattuSa grew from the Hattian cultural tradi guage of her cult. A rule well known and abided by in different regions and cultures tion. Upon taking power in Hattuèa, the Old Hittite dynasty took from the Hattians of the ancient world was to address a deity in her own language.’72 The criterion of the name of the land, ideology of kingship, and most probably the state institutions. cult language is even more important than the god’s name, especially in the case of It was only natural that Hattian gods, especially those belonging to the pantheon of sources from the Empire period in which foreign gods tended to be given the appel the capital city, filled the state pantheon. Indeed, it is difficult to point out any lations of their Anatolian counterparts.1’3 It seems that already in Old Hittite times, elements of the official Hittite religion that could be derived from the common Indo Hittite-Luwian or Palaic deities occasionally received Hattian names in the Hattian European heritage of the Anatolians. Yet, elements of this tradition were present in cultural milieu (see 3.1.2 on the Hattian name/epithet of the Palaic Storm-god Zi the domestic cult celebrated by the royal family venerating deities that demon parwa and the status of the goddess Katahzipuri in the Palaic pantheon). A deity strated ties with the Kanesite pantheon. Some of these gods had Luwian names (see could become common in a new cultural milieu where she had no counterpart and it 3.1.2). It can be concluded from the above evidence that the ruling family had Hit was common then for her to be venerated in this new ethnic environment under her tite roots. It also seems justifiable to assume that a considerable part of the popu old name. One example from the early period is the Hattian god Ua5am(m)ili wor lation of the land of Hatti in this period was of Hittite and Luwian origins.’76 In his shiped in Hittite-Luwian circles, appearing also among the Kanesite deities (2.1); Annals, Hattuili I calls himself a ‘man of Kuè5ar,’ which was where the earlier rulers the same is true of the Mesopotamian god Ea who was worshiped in Hittite Anato of KaneS, Pithana and Anitta, had come from. The Hittites must have been well ha during the Empire period (3.2.5). aware of their ethnic ties with Kane/Ne5a, considering that they called themselves As far as a study of Old Hittite religion is concerned, the methodological prin Nesites and their tongue Nesite. Later on, during the Old Hittite period, Hittite ciple is that the religious texts of the period, the cultic and the magic both, demon (Nesite) also became the official language of the royal chancery. strate no trace of any Mesopotamian or Syrian influence so heavily present in texts Hattian influence has also been noted in the religion of the Palaians who lived from the Empire period.1 i4 One should bear this in mind when considering scholar vest of the lower run of the Klzlllrmak, in a region called later .’’8 The ly opinions on the Old Hittite origins of particular rituals, rites and mythological Palaic pantheon (3.1.2), however, reveals stronger bonds with the ancestral Indo themes which are evidenced solely in the late texts. Many of these opinions are in European religious traditions which also predominated in the beliefs of the Luwians. need of verification, but it does not mean that the late sources which can document Compared to sources from the Empire period, the Old Hittite texts provide little an earlier tradition should be rejected in a reconstruction of Old Hittite beliefs and information on religious matters, and limited to the region of central and northern cults. The present chapter discusses only those elements of Hittite religion which Anatolia. Not much can be said about Luwian beliefs from southern Anatolia and are undoubtedly derived from an earlier Anatolian tradition. 175 For the history of Zalpa, see Otten 1973: 58ff.; Haas 1977; Forlanini 1984: 253ff.; Klinger 1996: 112ff.; Beal 2003a: 21ff.; Forlanini 2004: 374ff., 379ff. 176 Goedegeboure (2008) comes to a similar conclusion on the socio-linguistic analysis of Hattian. 177 Initially, Akkadian was the language of the royal office in HattuSa. The first Hittite texts were i72 Cf. Ooeize 1953: 263. See now also Archi 2004a. written presumably in the reign of Ic. 155 0—1530) or one of his successors. cf. Popko i73 ‘faracha 2004h. 2007c:.579: van den Hoot, in press. 174 Cf. Popko 199.5a: 68. 80. iTS See now van den Hout 2003—20056: Popko 2008: 60f. r

38 3. Hinn’r ANATOLIA 3.1. THE OLn HITTITE PERI00 39

nothing about the religion of the inhabitants of the western stretches of the region. emerged, giving a more pronounced role to the religious policies of the rulers. The For this reason, Luwian beliefs will be discussed in the chapter devoted to the Empire outcome of this process was a veritable political serving to strengthen the period (3.2.4). state and protect its territorial integrity (see 3.2.1). The sources of key importance for a study of cult practices and state pantheon 3.1.1. Pantheon of the state and the capital city structure are descriptions of religious ceremonies with the participation of the king, the royal couple and/or the princes, during which sacrifices were made to the gods. The state pantheon included gods worshiped in Uattuèa and divinities heading the The sequence of offerings was never accidental and it reflected the divine hierarchy. local pantheons from the most important religious centers of the state. The cult was Differences in the lists of gods worshiped during ceremonies celebrated as part of celebrated by the king, the royal couple or the crown prince.179 Most of the gods the state cult beyond the capital city, appearing in texts from the Empire period, worshiped in the state cult of the Old Hittite period belonged to the Hattian sub are a good starting point for a detailed study of the forms of state cult and its changes strate. The gods of Hattua and the holy cities of Arinna. Ziplanda and (the over time. It should be kept in mind, however, that the texts, although prescriptive. latter lying far to the north, possibly modern Ovmaaaç near Vezirköpru) held the refer to particular festivals celebrated in the capital or another religious center, most important position. The location of these cities, in the bend of the Kizilirmak. attended by nobles and priests coming from neighboring cities, too. Therefore, if marked the territorial extent of the Hittite state at an early stage of its history. The a deity is missing from a list, but is known from other sources to have held a high territory earlier controlled by Zalpa on the Black Sea, where the holy city of Nerik position in the state pantheon, it may indicate only that this deity was not taking lay, was conquered by the kings of Uattua two generations before Uattuili 1.180 part in this ceremony because the center of her cult was situated far from the Also incorporated into the state cult were the deities of other cities in the capital. It is likely also that she did not have her cult at the time in Hattuèa. Hittite heartland. e.g. Ankuwa, Tawiniya and Katapa. as well as the chief god of This is in my opinion the reason why the Storm-god of Nerik is missing from the the Palaians named Zaparwa/Ziparwa. along with a group of associated divinities list of gods worshiped during the .LAM festival held in Hattua.182 The first to (see 3.1.2). receive offerings were the mysterious Tauri(t)’1 and the chief divinittes of the Hit The hierarchy of particular cult centers was decided by tradition. In the Old tite pantheon: the Storm-god (of Satti) with Waèezzili. and the Sun-goddess (of Hittite period, the structure of the state pantheon was built on the religious back Arinna) with Mezzulla, who is referred to in other texts by the epithet Tappinu 181 grounds of Hattuèa and nearby Arinna. and on the ideology of kingship of the ‘Daughter.’ The next round of offerings included the gods of Uattuèa and Arinna time. This early Hittite pantheon drew directly on the local beliefs. The state cult followed, among others, by the gods of Ankuwa. Ziplanda. and center(s) lying in the was focused on the capital which was traditionally the seat of the main gods of Hatti. basin of the Zuliya/çekerek river. This new list of deities is opened again by the It was under the Empire that a new geographic organization of the state pantheon Storm-god and Waèezzili, followed by mar and Habandali / Moon and the Hearth-goddess Kuzaniu / Mount IJulla / Teltpinu / the War-god

179 For the role of the prince in the state cult, see Jasink 1977; 1981; Torn 2004b; Taracha 2005h, and forthcoming. 180 accordance — In with the atribution of the Tale of Zalpa, CTH 3.1 (Otten 1973: Holland Zorman 182 Singer 1983: 101ff.: Yoshida 1996: 77ff’. Reconstructing the hst of gods worshiped during the ‘great and ritual 2007). a composition CTH 3.2 (Sevsal 1989: 75ff., 108ff., 143f.: (2orti 2002: 172ff’.) to assembly.’ Singer. and af’ter him Yoshida. teined two separate rounds of offertngs together. Actu reign the of Hattnlili 1. see, among others. Pecchioli Daddi 1994. 8Sf.. 91: Cord 2002: 176: Heal ally. the Storm-god with Walezzili should net appear twice at the beginning of the list. For 2003a: 22ff. For a different interpretation, see Seysal 1989: 143f.: 2005h: 130f. C)’. also Helck a similar list helonging to the festival of ‘the thunder and the Moon’ (CTH 630). see Laroche Bayun 1983: 1994: Klmger 1996: 117ff.: Corn 2005: Heas 2006: 2Sf.: Odan 2007h: Zorman 1973a. 2008. :52 Soysal (2004: 183. 319: 2005: 195) interprets this Hattian name as the ‘vigorous one (marked as 181 Popko. in press. feminine).’ I r

40 3. Hi’n’im ANAT0LIA 3d. THE OLD HITTITE PERIOD 41

(rWurunkatte)’84 I [‘Day’] / GAL.ZU / [Zayuj’85 / Tuhaèail, [(Wa-)Zizzaèuj, Zuliya appearing toward the end of the list remains obscure. Some of them are present river186 / Auèumittu / ‘Lady of the Palace’ (DNIN.E.GAL) / K[atahhij of Ankuwa (Ha among the fourteen deities whom the king made sacrifices to earlier in the temple nikkun K[atahhi]) / Zilipuru / Kattimu / Halki / Zilipuru and [] / Wahii / Uallara of the Sun-goddess: Sun-goddess, [Mezzullaj, Storm-god, Waèezzili, mar, [Haban 187 / Uasamsh / Teteshapi of Battusa (Hattus Teteshapi) / Mount Puskuruna, Ta dalii’l, ‘Lady of the Palace,’ ZABABA, Ta[hampiw/pu?, Wahzaèu, Katahhi, [1 paihuna / Storm-god of Ziplanda with Katahhi / Ulza, Uliw/paèu, Katarzaèu / Su Uaèammiu QrHaèam(m)ili), Haratèi;192 others belonged to the group of gods charged

V.188 . 189 sumahi, Simmisu, Haratsi / Sitarzuna, Tahampiw/pu, Wahzasu (in another text with caring for the harvest, fertility and the household, who received offerings in 190 Wawabsu), Takkthau Lion / [Wap?]uttasu (in another text [W]aputet ), Kuzan another temple, perhaps the House of the kur.a (here the text is damaged), situated iu, Tahpillanu. like the temple of the Sun-goddess on the acropolis Buyukkale, near a place called With rare exceptions (e.g. Moon, ‘Day,’ Halki, Babandali), these are all Hattian ‘silver trees’ and a huwai(-precinct?) of the Storm-god. These gods are: [ ], deities or ones with Hattian names.191 The nature of many of the lesser gods Telipinu, Tapil[la]nu, [1’ [Tapalhjuna, Katabhi, [Ulz]a,193 [], and ‘Lady of the Palace.”94 A later text written in the New Script from the Empire period confirms

184 In similar lists, the War-god is often accompanied by the Throne-goddeis Halmaluit. the connection between this group of divinities and the House of the kura.19° The 185 Pecchioh Daddi (1995) interprets Zayu as an epithet of a local Storm-god. For Hattian *ioju/ text has a similar list of gods carried(?) to the House of the kur4a: Telipinu, zoiu/.loil ‘lord?, see Soysal 2004: 306. [1 186 For this group of deities, see a restored list of gods: [IJulla?], [Telipinu?], [ZABABA]. [‘Day’], Tahpill[], [ ], Tapalhuna, Zilipu[ru/ij, [Katahb]i?, Ualzukki, and ‘Lady of the [GAL.ZU], (KBo 21.83 rev, if.:) Tuhalail, [(Wa-)Zizzalu?], Zuliya, Yoshida 1996: 114, 297. Palace.’ Among the divinities coming from other cities one should note the Storm- McMahon (1991: 249 with n. 16) suggested that the last mentioned deities are named in the next paragraph (rev. 3’) “three hipikkiidus of [the Sun-goddess and Mezzulla?].” Other contexts god of Ziplanda, Katahhi of Ankuwa, and Teteèhapi, whose main cult center was 196 contradict this idea. Some texts (Yoshida 1996: 176ff., 296) mention Karmahi(li) after Tuhaèail, I’awiniya. see Otten 1976—l980b. KBo 21.85+KBo 8.109+ iv! 19ff. adds further divinities to this group: Zizzaiu, Zuhya, Kahopput, Tahangulla, Halmaluiddu, Kattahhi, [Zuw]uru/Sipuru. In other texts A group of gods mentioned at the beginning of the list and ending with the (Yoshida 1996: 109ff., 297) Sipuru is followed by (three) kipihki/o,idus (of?) the Sun-Goddess mysterious GAL.ZU constitutes the basic Hittite pantheon which was tantamount and Mezzulla; cf. KBo 20.70+KBo 21.88 ii 1ff. Also evidenced are six deities presented in pairs: to the pantheon of itself. This group appears in many cult ceremonies, also Zizziiu—Zuliya, Tehpinu---ipuru, Katahha—Tahankulla (Haas 1994a: 476 with n. 68). Cf. also Uattuèa KBo 37.157 s’ff.: Tuwala[il?], [Karmahil]i? / Telipinu I ZA[BABA], [Halmalui]ddu I iwuru, [Ka in the Empire period. The Sun-goddess of Arinna, ‘Lady of the land of Hatti,’ is listed tahhi?] I [Ueriya[du, Iltanu (Alp l9S3a: 362f.; Yoshida 1996: 237). In the KI.LAM list the said before the Storm-god as a rule. In its classical form, the group of the most import group of gods precedes the deities of Ankuwa and Ziplanda. Presumably we are dealing with the local pantheon(s) from the Zuhyalçekerek basin. On the importance of early Hittite centers ant Hittite divinities includes six (or seven) deities who received offerings in the in the Zuliya basin, see Forlanini 2002: 260f. Katapa is one of the high-ranking centers to be following sequence: Sun-goddess (of Arinna), Storm-god, Mezzulla, mar, Hulla, Teli located in this region (cf. 3.2.3). For Zuliya, see also Laroche 1946-1947: 41; 1973a: 87; Klinger 197 1996: 166f. Sep/wuru was a deity connected with . At Ziplanda she received offerings pinu (and GAL.ZU). The king drank a ritual toast to these gods standing on the together with Telipinu on a threshing floor, see Popko 1994: 43, 56. ceremonial throne halmauit. The adding of the War-god ZABABA/Wurunkatte to i87 URUHoflta DTete4hopi in the KI.LAM list corresponds to DHottuion(.)tewo,Ihop (KBo 21.85+KBo 8.109 i 24’) = URUHottu4oa DINGIRMES ‘gods of flattula’ in the list of gods of CTH 630 (see this group of divinities in the list belonging to the KI.LAM festival drew from his n. 182). cf. Singer 1983: 102; Soysal 2004: 459. role played in the ideology of kingship (see below). i88 uIumahi (Popko 1994: 44), Simmilu(n) (cf. KBo 47.81 rev.? 3’f.: [‘]SANGA Diintni,4an) and Haratli, a deity connected with agriculture (Ottcn 1972—1975h; Popko 1994: 43; 1995a: 72), are also evidenced in the cult of Ziplanda. 189 Sitarzuna is also mentioned among the gods, ‘holy places’ and other cult objects in ceremonies 192 ABoT 5-i--i- i 5ff., Neu 1980: 29L (no. 12); Singer 1984: 32f.: Yoshida 1996: 76. held in the heãto-house. see below with n. 247. It can be therefore assumed that this is one of 193 Cf. Yoshida 1996: 76. the chthonic deities. 194 ABoT 5++ i 15ff. 190 KBo 23.79 iii 6’, Yoshida 1996: 81. 195 KUB 57.59 ii 9ff., Yoshida 1996: 77. i9i One cannot exclude Hittite-Luwian divinities being concealed under some Hattian names, see 196 de Martino 2006. For the location of Tawiniya northwest of Sattula, see Barjamovic 2005: 303ff. below. 197 Cf. Yoshida 1992: 148ff.: 1996: 88ff. F 42 3. Hirnm ANAT0LJA 3.1. THE OLD HrrTITE PERIOD 43

should be Luwian shepherd The pantheon of the capital originally comprised solely the gods of Uattuèa and companion, Habandali(ya), interpreted as a goddess; Haas nearby Arinna. This stage of the pantheon development is documented by the list sees her cult in Uattua as yet more proof of early contacts between the Luwians from the KI.LAM festival cited above. The first place held by the Storm-god (along and the Hattians.202 In myths, Hapantali appears beside the Luwian goddess Kam 3.2.4);203 with his companion Waèezzili) indicates that the KI.LAM festival was actually ruèepa (called Katazip/wuri in the Hattian milieu, see also also in a later celebrated for the Storm-god of Hatti. the main divinity of the capital. Descriptions version of the about the disappearance of Telipinu (3.2.9) it is Kamruèepa who of other ceremonies confirm this conclusion, gods for whom a given festival was cel established the ritual and Habandaliya, again, as in other myths, stays in the sha ebrated always received sacrifices first in line. As far as the KI.LAM festival is con dow of Kamruepa.204 cerned, the tradition probably goes back to the obscure time of the foundation of the Inar was mistress of wild nature, while the Moon and Hearth, mentioned right city-state of Hattua, when the Storm-god and the Sun-goddess from the holy city of after her, were charged with fertility and the prosperity of the royal house. The Moon, 205 . . . Arinna became the superior divine couple of the pantheon.198 The circumstances and Kasku in Hattian, was not prominent in Hattian beliefs and it is not even clear chronology of the changes that made the Storm-god in effect the supreme divinity of whether it was personified. Also the Hearth was of rather secondary importance as 206 Uattuèa remain elusive for lack of written sources referring to this early period. It a domestic deity. Therefore, one should assume that their presence among the is not unlikely that these changes took the same course as in Kane where Anna, gods worshiped during the K.l.LA1VI festival derived from the nature of this ceremony goddess of the city from the kdrum Level II, was replaced in this role by the Storm- which was designed to ensure a good harvest in the land and prosperity for the city god in the /sdrom Level Tb period (see 2.1). and the royal house. Characteristically, singing in the cult of the Moon and Hearth

207 . . mar, goddess of Uattua, presumably belonged to the category of tutelary god was in Hittite. The in the writing of the Moon-god s name 0 °08 ‘JOg desses connected with the realm of nature, the countryside and wild fauna in par in the accusative ( XXX-onY shows that it is not Kaèktm. ‘ but rather the Hittite ticular.199 This brings to mind an anonymous goddess of the same category, who is Luwian Moon-god Arma210 (see 3.2.4). Thus, the Moon and Hearth are not Hattian known from representations on Cappadocian seals (see 2.2). indicating her promi divinities, even though the latter (Haauwanza in Hittite) bears the Hattian name nent position in the local pantheons. During the KI.LAM festival a procession left the temple of mar carrying images of wild animals made of precious metals: silver 202 Haas 2002a: Uapancali/Ua’anIali from Luwian Sd/co/i ‘sheep: Earlier, some scholars had de leopard. golden lion, boars of silver and lapis lazuli. and silver bear.200 Cult sing rived the name Hapa(n)iali from Hiitiie and Luwian hipe/i- ‘river,’ ct’. Laroche 1966a: 59. 287: ing was in this case in Hittite.201 suggesting that the Hittites of Uattua considered Cai’ruba 1983: 89t’,: Hans l994i: 441: Archi 1995a: 15 n. 13: 2004a: 13: oihers. however, have considered Sahantali a Hattian deity, see Soysal 20tl1: 141 with references: ct’. also MeSlahon mar their own divinity. Volkert Haas argued, on the basis of the name, that mar’s 1991: 14ff. 203 Cf. Arehi 1995a: 15ff’. 204 Hoffner 1998: 16. 198 For a possible early Anatolian tradition of the KI.LAM festival, see Kryszat 2004: 21f., who 201 Klinger 1996: 153ff. also 1994a: suggests a connection between the festival’s name and the market-plare (Akkadian MAF-JIRUM 206 Archi 1975; Popko 1978: 48ff.: ef. Haas 267ff. 207 KBe 17,9+ABoT 5(+) h 2ff.. Neu 1980: 32 (no. 12); Groddek 2004a: 44f.; Arehi 2004a: 14: KBo = K1.LAlvI) which is mentioned in Old Assyrian texts in association with the sikkdtuni ceremonies celebrated in Kanel. 21.68++ i 7”, (iroddek 2004a: 161’., 32f. On music and singing in Hittite cult with the participation also Yoshida 1999: 250f. 199 Kammenhnber 1976a; 1976—1980a; Haas 1994a: 436ff.; Klinger 1996: 159ff. Cf. also Archi of the men/singer of Kanel, see 2004a: 13. 208 KBo 25.154+KBo 21.68 i 7’, f}roddek 2004a: 16f. 209 18 (“surely the Hattie Kalku”); 2004a: 14, 23. 200 Singer 1983: 90ff. On the role of Inar and the procession during the KI.LAM festival, see also Contra Arehi 1995a: 210 myth “The Moon that Fell from Heaven” (CTH 727), which is preserved in Archi 1988a: 29ff.; 1993a: 408f. For the animals: Collins 1989: 298ff.; 2002a: 328 n. 70. Also in the known as bilingual version 1969b: 13ff,; translated by Hoffner 1998: 34ff.), the Hattian Kalku 201 KUB 20.10+ i 17. ii 14, Neu 1980: 132 (Lie. 591: Alp 1983: 244: Yeshida 1996: 67: KBo 21.70 a (Laroche corresponds to (0XXX-o5) in the Hittite version. KUB 28,4 ohv. iSa = 16b; ef. Klinger i 24’, Yoshida 1996: 122; KBo 17.8311 iii 17’f., Yoshida 1996: 142. Cf. also Yoshida 1996: 1996: 153 with n. Soysal 2004: 535. The preserved version of the niyth reveals many features 328 tLU.iiEspqeiiioieiie/LIJcME NAR 17Ko,ii4 SiR) Klinger t996: 9f.. t6Of.; Arehi 2004a: 103; 12 with n. 4. of a late redaction.

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44 3. Hincrt ANAT0LIA 3.1. THE OL0 HITTITE PERIOD 45

Kuzanièu.211 The Hattian divinities connected with the hearth, [Wap?juttau (Wa also in an extended version, in which the name of the Storm-god of Nerik is repeated putet)—Kuzaniu—Tahpillanu, appear at the end of the quoted list.212 The Moon and twice — once after Telipinu among the most important gods of Uatti, and a second Hearth are no longer present in later lists of gods of the capital’s pantheon, but time after GAL.ZU with the accompanying divinities: Zilipuri, [ j, ‘Lady of the Pa 222 they are summoned together with a group of Hittite-Luwian deities in domestic cult lace’ (DNIN.E.GAL), kipek(k)i/addu(s) This circle of gods cannot be fully re ceremonies213 (see 3.1.2). constructed due to textual damages. but it seems to have come down from the early Presumably already in the Old Hittite period, the Storm-god of Ziplanda, who is cult tradition of Nerik. Kipik(k)i/a.idus are evidenced also in descriptions of the also called Ziplanti(l).214 being one of the great gods of the indigenous territory of festival of the month from the Empire period; during this ceremony the queen (in the Hittite state, appeared regularly next to the Storm-god of Hatti in lists of gods another version the royal couple) raised a ritual toast to (three) kipikkoãdus of the state pantheon worshiped in the capital. (of?) the Sun-goddess and Mezzulla.22’1 One text mentions two kipik(k)addus of the gods,2i0 224 In some lists of the deity mentioned right after the Sun-goddess of Arm Storm- god. na and Mezzulla, and the Storm-gods of Hatti and Ziplanda, is the Mountain-god The lists of gods including Zaliyanu belong to descriptions of various ceremonies Zali(yan)u from the city of Tanipiya, similar in nature to Ziplanti(l). He appears as which took place in Kaètama with the participation of the king or prince. Other texts, a rule together with his concubine (Ta-)Zuwaèi, perhaps a deified spring. Zali already from the early Empire period, confirm that during state cult festtvals yanu was also worshiped in Katama, where the local city goddess Za()hapuna celebrated outside the capital, offerings were made to the prominent deities of a given became his consort.21’ This can be good evidence for the gods of Kataina being city immediately after the supreme gods of the land — Sun-goddess of Arinna (with included in the state cult, which may refer to the fact, of which we learn from Mezzulla) and Storm-god (in these texts he appears already in the disguise of the a later prayer of Muwattalli II (CTH 3S1).21 that Katama had become a new seat Hurrian Teub with his companion Suwaliyat/Taèlnidu) — and before the tutelary and cult place of the Storm-god of Nerik after the northern territories with the holy LAMMA god of Uatti (accompanied by Ala and Zithanya). who took mar’s place as city of Nerik succumbed to the Kaèka tribes moving down from the Pontic region in the third in the chief divine triad of the capital and the Hittite state pantheon (see

225 . . . . the reign of Santili II at the end of the sixteenth century BC.219 The Storm-god of 3.2.1). This also discloses the principle behind the structure of the triad (first Nerik, called also Nerak or Nerikkil,220 is listed immediately after mar (in the Empire attested in the texts of the Empire period). The third place, beside the Sun-goddess period the goddess’s name was usually written with the LAMMA, see 3.2.1) and the Storm-god. was given to the city’s divine protector. At Kaneè in the Assyr or else preceded by Telipinu or Day and GAL.ZU.221 The latter variant is evidenced ian Colony period it was Anna. at Uattuèa it was mar, and elsewhere other deities were invariably in this position. Thus, we are given an additional criterion for at 211 Otten 1980— 1983b: Perchioli Daddi t998s: 132E. 137: 1998h: 15ff. tributing fragmentarily preserved descriptions of festivals to the cult of various cen 212 In other texts. Snlumahi is mentioned next to Ruzaniln and Tahpillanu: cf. Yoshida 1992: 141ff.: ters. The majority gods charged with caring for a city belonged to the category of 1996: 85ff. of

213 Haas — Prechel 191,3—1997: 371. tutelary deities, irrespective of what was their sex, although in central and north 214 Cf. Laroche 1966a: 249: 1994: 32. Popko ern Anatolia. as for example in Kane, Hattuèa. Tawiniya, Katapa, Kaètama, etc., 211 Yoshida 1996: 67ff., 296 (A.1 a). 215 Hoffner 2007: 124. 217 Cf. Haas 1970: 79ff.: 1994a: 5981’. 222 IBoT 2.65 3’, 8ff.. Baas 1970: 224ff.: RBo 20.10+KBe 25.59 iii 1ff., Nen 1980: 132f. (no. 59): 21t RUB 6.45 i 68, with its duplicate RUB 6.46 ii 33, Singer 1996: 12. 34. RUB 56.32 ii 4ff. Cl’. Yoshida 1996: 72ff’. 219 RUB 1.1+ (with its duplicates) iii 461: RUB 25.21 iii 2ff.: KUB 21.29 i hf. Cf. Carruha 1988: 223 RUB 27.69 i 5ff.: NUB 10.89 ii 27’f.. Yoshida 1996: 109ff. See also above. n. 186.

200f.: Freu 1995: 135: Klinger 1995: 84: Klengel 1999: 92f.: Brvce 2005: 121: Freu — Mazover 224 NUB 20.19 iv 12’f.: cf. also KBo 30.46 5’. For 0bipik(k)i/oldu. see McMahon 1991: 248ff. 2007a: 162f. 221 E.g.. KBo 30.120+NBo 34.197H-IKBo :34.198 rev.: iv off.: KBo 34.200(-)KBo 34.2OiU-lKBo 34.191 220 Laroche 1947: 214: 1966a: 249: Haas 1970: 9.5 with a. 2: Popko 1994: 32 with n. 4. ohv.! 1ff.. Taracha 2005b: 708. 712. and forthcoming: cf. also Ynshida 1996: 143ff. The texts 221 Cf. KUB 58.11 rev. 7’. Haas 1970. 214ff.: Yoshida 1996: 72. ICTH 647.II.2a and II.2h respectivelvl date to the very heginning of the Empire period.

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46 3. Hinim ANAT0LIA 3.1. THE OLn HiTTITE PERI0n 47

they were generally female. Some of these deities, like Zitljariya from the city of steward, entrusting the land of Hatti to his rule, and the king governed the land in Zithara (more of whom in 3.2.1), were worshiped in the aniconic form of a kurda. the god’s name: “May the Tabarna, the king, be dear to the gods! The land belongs Yet, there are also male gods occurring in the supreme position in the local pan to the Storm-god alone. Heaven, earth, and people belong to the Storm-god alone. theons: Storm-god, Telipinu, Kam(m)am(m)a, and others. He has made the Labarna, the king, his administrator and given him the entire More or less at the same time as the deities of Kaètama, that is, in the later land of Ijatti. The Labarna shall continue to administer with his hand the entire ,,233 phase of the Old Hittite period, Kam(m)am(m)a was incorporated into the state pan land. theon. Some lists of gods mention him next to the Storm-god and the Sun-goddess By the same, the cult of the main gods of the capital’s pantheon was identical to

226 . 227 as the third in the divine triad, replacing mar. Concerning his nature, Kam the state cult. The fact that the pantheon in Hattua is headed by the Storm-god (m)am(m)a could have been originally a fertility god, as suggested by a version of and Sun-goddess comes as no surprise, considering that the situation is the same in his name, Pin-Kammamma ‘child/son Kammamma’ (see below), indicating a bond the case of many local pantheons in central and northern Anatolia (see 3.1.2). The with the category of active gods of a younger generation which included both the Hattian name Taru, like Hittite Tarhuna and Luwian Tarhunt(a), refers to the whole Storm-gods of Ziplanda and Nerik, and the fertility and vegetation god Telipinu (see category of storm-gods who were worshiped outside the capital under a variety of 228 3.1.2). Kam(m)am(m)a was most probably the god of a city of the same name and local names or nicknames. The Palaic Storm-god also bears the Hattian name or his advancement in the state cult presumably reflected the growing importance of epithet Zaparwa/Ziparwa (cf. a similar epithet of the Storm-god of Satti, Taparwaèu). the city which even may have served as a temporary royal residence in the times of The Sun in Hattian was called Etan, giving rise to the Hittite word itanu-.234 The 229 Santili II. Sun-goddess of Arinna, called Arinnit(i/u) ‘Arinnian,’ bore the appellation Wurunèe Regardless of all these changes in the state cult, the sequence of making offer mu ‘Mother of the Earth,’235 which well reflects one of the aspects of the nature of ings to the most important gods was retained in cult practice right until the fall of Hattian sun-goddesses236 (see 3.1.2). The goddess retained her position as ‘Lady the Hittite state, beginning always with the principal triad — Sun-goddess of Arm of Satti,’ supervising the kingship and queenship, until the fall of the Hittite king na, Storm-god and Inar/Kam(m)am(m)a/LAMMA — and ending on Day and GAL.ZU. dom (3.2.1). The king was empowered to rule by contract with the Storm-god and the Sun-

230 . . . . goddess of Arinna. Confirming this are the king s words said during one of the

Old Hittite magical rituals: “To me, the king, the Sun-goddess and the Storm-god 233 IBoT 1.30 (with its duplicates HT 67 rev. 1ff. and KUB 48.13 rev. 9ff.) obv. 1ff.; translated hy have entrusted my country and my house, and I, the king, will protect my country Beckman 1993: 530. See also GUterbock 1954: 16; Archi 1979: 31f.: Houwink ten Cate 1992: 87 with n. 9; Haas 1994a: 189f.; Starke 1996: 173: Gilan 2004: 190: Collins 2007: 93. and my house.”231 The king goes on to call the Storm-god his father and the Sun- 234 Cf. Haas 1994a: 420ff.: Klinger 1996: 141ff’. goddess his mother.232 According to another text, the Storm-god made the king his 233 On the meaning ‘mother’ assigned to the Hattian .iemu (Klinger 1996: 147) or mu (Soysal 2004:

295), see also Braun — Taracha 2007: 199. 236 For the chthonic aspect of Wuru(n)lemu/Urunzimu, see, e.g.. KUB 36.89 obv.. where the goddess 226 See Popko 1999a. who follows Laroche (1973a: 8Sf’.) in considering Kam(m)am(m)a a tutelary god. is summoned together with the Sun-goddess of the Earth (0ERE.KI.GAL) from a cave near 227 This could explain why singers of Kanel snng for Kammama (IBoT 1.21 iv 6-8, Archi 2004a: 22). Nerik; accordingly, offerings are made to the Storm-god of Nerik, the Sun-goddess of the Earth. similarly as for mar. despite the fact that he was a Hattian god. Urunzimu, and primeval gods. Cf. Haas 1970: 140ff.; Moore 1975: 142ff.; Haas 1994a: 603: 199 8— 228 Laroche 1946—1947: 27. 2001: 230. In this instance, it is probably a local avatar of the Sun-goddess of Arinna/Wurunsemu. 229 Popko 1999a: 98: rf. also Kiengel 1999: 93. worshiped at Nerik after the town was reconquered by I attulili III (see 3.2.3); on another occa 230 KUB 29.1 ii 47ff., Kellerman 1980: 13. 28f. sion, sacrifices were offered up to the Sun-goddess in the temple of Za(h(a)puna together with 23i KUB 29.1 i 17ff., Kellerman 1980: 11, 23, 116f’. Cf. also Gurney 1958; Haas 1994a: 189; Garcia Za(l)hapuna, DINGIR.MAH and deities from her circle, and the river Maralèanta/Kizihrmak

Trahazo 2002: 484f. and all other rivers, cf. KUB 38.39 vi 10ff.. Garcia Trahazo — Groddek 2005: 103; Taracha 2007b: 232 KUB 29.1 i 24, 26, 30, Kellerman 1980: 11, 26. Cf. Neo 1974: 12Sf.: Hoowink ten Cate 1992: 190. The epithet of the Sun-goddess of Arinna in this text. [KI -o4?] AMA ‘Mother [of the Earth],’ 86ff.; Haas 1994a: 189: Klinger 1996: 146, 148: Garcia Trahazo 2002: 486f. confirms the interpretation of Hattian Wurunlemu. I F

48 3. Hrrri’rs ANA’roLIA 3.1. THE OLD HITTITE PERIOD 49

In the Hattian tradition, the War-god Wurunkatte King of the Land’ and Throne- (modern Ereli) (see 3.2.4).244 In their cult practice, Hittite kings of the new dynasty goddess Hanwaluit (Hittite Halmaèuit) were also connected with the ideology of referred to the Old Hittite conception of the origins of kingship. In the thirteenth kingship,23’ thus explaining their place in the state cult.238 Ualmauit represented century BC, the ceremonial throne Halmauit was one of the cult objects in the temple the ceremonial throne in the form of a dais recalling the Persian takht, which the of the War-god on Buyukkale in Hattuèa. A statue of Hattuèili I was also standing royal couple was seated on during cult ceremonies.239 there.24° Even so. the ideological and religious concept of royal authority underwent The worship of the ceremonial throne distinguishes Hittite Anatolia from other transformation in the Empire period (see 3.2.1). areas of the Ancient Near East. The mythical builder of the throne was the god (Propitious) Day246 (prestimably a euphemism for the day of death) appears Zilipuru/i.24° Another old myth tells the story of the Throne-goddess living “in the among nine chthonic deities whose cult was celebrated in Hattuha in the mysterious mountains” and protecting the king,241 bringing the king power from the sea and hehta-house situated near the royal palace.247 Contrary to what is said in the a carriage (huluganni) which symbolized this power and which he used during literature,248 there is no reason to believe that it was a place for worshiping the

249 . . . . 250 cult ceremonies.242 The sea in this tale does not necessarily refer to the tradition of dead. According to Hattian beltefs, Lelwant was the lord of the netherworld. Zalpa on the Black Sea.243 Halmaèuit was the divine patron of the dynasty of Pitijana In the cult of the hehfa-house he was followed by: Day, Taiammat and Taimmet, and Anitta from Kuèar, too, which seized power in Kaneè toward the end of the Sun, fate goddesses Iètuètaya and Papaya (who sat by the sea according to one myth Assyrian Colony period (2.1). Interestingly, texts from the Empire period mention and wove the threads of huaian life2°’), and the gods Haam(m)ili and Zilipuri the goddess of Kaneè, Anna (unless it is a case of homonymy here) together with (denoted with the logogram 0UGUR in later texts).252 The latter two gods, present the Sea. Zarnizza, and river Sarmamma, among the primeval deities wor also in the aforementioned list of gods worshiped during the KI.LAM festival, were shiped in the cult of the goddess Huwaèèanna from the southern city of Hubehna

237 Cf. Gurney 1958: Carini 1982: Marazzi 1982. See also Beckman 1995: Haas 1999. 244 Yoshida 1996: 247: Arehi 2002a: 49f.: see now also Schwemer 2006b: 238. 238 The protid appellation of the \Var-god. King of the Land. and his ties with the ideology of kingship 243 KBo 4.9 ai 1 if. See Torn 2008: 1 77f. could he linked to the Hattian tradition which saw him sometimes as the father of the Storm- 246 iwat/0UDSIG5 translated to Hattian as Izziltanu. Cf. Laroche 1946—1947: 25: Ottea 1950a: god: ef. Peechioli Daddi 2001: 403 with n. 4. This brings to mind the role of and Dagan as 126: Goetze 1953: 267: Yoshida 1996: 338ff.: Torn 1999: 13. 947 royal gods. respectively, in Early Dynastic Mesopotamia and in the West Semitic tradition on Haas — WaIler 1976: 1977: Groddek 2001a. The old idea of the he2to to be located in chamber B the mid-Euphrates. going hack to the third millennium BC. See. e.g.. George 1996: 383: Annus at Yazilikaya (Singer 1983: 113 with a. 73. references) should be rejected. For the location ol 2002: 1Sf.: Feliu 2003: 30.5. Considering change in the ideological model of kingship in Syria. the helto on the acropolis BuyOkkale. see Popko 2003: 317f. Various attempts to ideatifv the

Otto (2006: 267) remarks: Ocr Zeitpunkt des \Vandels fdllt mit einer grundlegendea L’mstruktu hello with various buildings on BhyOkkale have not been venfied us the sources. cf. Haas — rierung der politischea Landsehaft Syriens zusammen. dom Entstehen einer dominanten GruB- Wafler 1977: 121 with a. 151 (Building B); Haas 1991a: 618 (Building C): Meyer 1995: 132ff. maclit anstolle zahlreicher rivalisierender Stadtstaaten. Es ist die Zeit des Aufstiegs des Kbnig (Complex BCH). Oa the group of divinities worshiped in the hello. see Otteo 1950a: 1211’l’.: Haas

reiches Jamhad mit Hauptstadt IJalab zum machtigsten Staat in Syrien. Ocr Hauptgott dieses — Wafler 1977; Yoshida 1991: 58, 61; 1996: 94; Torn 1999: 10ff’. In Empire-period texts (e.g.. Eeiehes war der Wettergott Adad. Scm Aufstieg zum wichtigsten... Gott kdnnte dahor cia Reflex Middle Hittite KBo i7.40+- i 5ff., Groddek 2004d: 104) ‘holy places’ and other cult objects of des politisrhen Geschehens scm. Dieser Gott heerbte semen Vater Dagan offensichtlirh nicht the hello-house are listed right after the group of aine chthoaic deities from Lelwaai’s cortege. nur in gewissen Zustaadigkeiten, sondern auch in manchen ikonographischea Elementen.. Meatioaed in order are: wiadow, 6Sitarzuaa, wood of the bolt. 0Zappa. hearth, and ‘years.’ see Similarly, in the period of the first unification of the Sumerian cities under a single city-state Yoshida 1996: 94f.; Torn 1999: 21ff. (beginning with Lugalzagesi) eternal kingship was handed over by Enlil to his first.horn son 248 Cf.. amoag others, Haas 1994a: possim, esp. 269ff., 618, 720ff., 790ff.; Groddek 2001a; Archi Nmnurta/Ningirsu. 2007a. 239 Archi 1966: Starke 1979; Popko 1978: 590.: 1993: 321f.; Kliager 1996: 162ff.: Popko 1999h. 249 Popko 2007b. 240 KUB 2.2 hi 17f., Schuster 1974: 71. 230 Otten 1950a: voa Schuler 1980—1983: Kliagor 1996: 167ff. Torn (1999: 53ff.) has argued, un 241 Cf. Lombardi 1996. conviaciagly, that the Hattian Lelwaai was in fact a goddess: see also 3.2.5. 242 RUB 29.1 i 23f., Kellerrnaa 1980: 11, 26: Garcia Trabazo 2002: 486f. 211 RUB 29.1 ii 1ff., Kellermao 1980: 13. 27: Garcia Trahazo 2002: 490ff. 24:1 For this interpretation, see, e.g., Ottea 1973: 64: Neu 1974: 125 with a. 303: Haas 1977a: 232 KBo 17.15 obv.! 9-17’. Neu t980: 72 (ao. 27); Yoshida 1996: 941, Cf. also Ottea 1950a: 121ff.:

1994a: 186. Haas — Wafler 1977: 87ff.: Yoshida 1991: 58. 61: Torn 1999: 100,. I r 50 3. Hrn’rrr ANAT0LIA 3.1. THE OLn HITTn’E PERIOD 51 responsible for the household and the well-being of the family.2°3 (Propitious) Day The oldest preserved text concerning this ceremony is written in Middle Hittite script 261 and Haam(m)ili occur among the Kanesite gods (2.1), suggesting that the deities from the earliest Empire phase and not the old duct us as believed so far; even so, worshiped in the hedta are not exclusively Hattian.2°4 the presence among the summoned deities of the Moon and Hearth, who were given The presence of a solar deity among the chthonic divinities of the heãta-house offerings during the KI.LAIVI festival, too (3.1.1). demonstrates that the ceremony constitutes a mystery in itself. A list of the most important deities of the state pan was already well rooted in the Old Hittite period. The objective of this ceremony, theon, written down in Hattian, some light on the subject, for it mentions the which took place by the hearth, was to ensure progeny and prosperity to the ruler’s Sun-goddess together with the fate goddesses: Taru, Waèezzil, Eètan, Eèdutaya, family and house. The scribe read out the names of gods, summoning them in pairs:

— — [Papaya], Pin-Kamma [mmaj ‘child/son Kammamma,’2°5 Talipinu (Telipinu), Wur Storm-god — Mother Earth, Sun-goddess (of Arinna) Mezzulla, Suwaliyat Grain-god unkatte, [HaJnwauit.2°6 The text allows us to assume that it was the Sun-goddess dess Halki. Moon — Thpanzaèepa (‘Genius of the Night’), Hearth — Uilaèèi (‘Genius of of Arinna, in her chthonic aspect,2°7 who was worshiped in the heta-house. The the Courtyard’), male deities — Maliya, Maliya — male deities Wahkuwattaèèi and 262 Sun-goddess (Hattian Eètan) associates here with Htutaya and Papaya responsible Kuwanses. for fixing man’s fate the moment he was born, which may suggest that she also The Storm-god and Mother Earth pair. personifying the male and female el decided the future of a newborn child. In the Luwian milieu the task ‘was accom ements, points to a different conception of the pantheon than that in the state cult. plished by the Sun-goddess of the Earth together with the midwife and fate god- The high status of Mother Earth and her ties with the Storm-god call to mind the

- MES/HI.A . - 258 desses DI\GIR.MAH /Darawes Gulses (see 3.2.4), and in Syria this was contracts between Assyrian merchants and the Anatolian ruler of Kane, with Aè the responsibility of the Sun-goddess Sapèu and her seven daughters, who were called , Storm-god (°IKUR). Earth, and ancestors as witnesses.26’3 Later texts provide

- . . 259 Kotaratu in Ugarit. proof of the Earth cults both in the south, in the Luwian territory, and in Zalpa on the Black Sea, where the Earth appears as a daughter of the Sun-goddess.264 This lat of gods. belong for 3.1.2. Local beliefs ter tradition, however, does not fit in with the listed group They

The state cult in the capital does not settle the nature of the beliefs of the city’s Middle inhabitants nor even of the royal family itself. They must have been surely hetero of the Empire period (Bo 3752. Neu 1980: 179f. (no. 104): 1983: 167 n. 189. 36Sf.. has Hittite script. cf. Kolak on’line: s.v.). Contrary to the suggestions of sonic scholars (e.g. Popko geneous. reflecting the ethnic differentiation of the population of the land of Satti. 1991: 244), however, there are not enough assumptions to identify the two ceremonies with one This fact is well illustrated by one ceremony celebrated in the royal palace.260 another (cf. Klinger 1996: 2701. During the festival of the month, offerings were made to male deities and the goddess Maliya (IKLTB 55.39 and 27’). as well as to Ilpant ‘Night’ and a group of Wa/Ulkuwattalli and Kuwanle6 together with the Storm-god. Innaratmi. Talimet and tutelary 253 For Zilipun. see Kiengel 1988: 105; Yoshida 1991.56ff. deities of body parts (KUB 55.39+ iii 16ff.. 26ff.. Groddek 2002h: 65ff.. indicating duplicates 254 Although the cult of the heRo-house, addressed to Lelwani and divinities from his circle, certainly and parallel texts and including references; HW2 H 172f.s,v, 0Hoiito.’lio-; cf. also KBo 47.249 belongs to the Rattian tradition: see Bo 4929 v 4’[ [IU95 hée4.to-o-tna [hu-jat-te-li revi 15’ [0Wo/Uèkuwotto.4].$i4 DKuW0I,t4e4) mo-ol-di, Otten 1950a: 129 n. 27; 1972—1975c: 369: Torn 1999: 33; Archi’2007a: 51; Fuscagni 261 KUB 4;3.30, Neu 1980: 76ff. (no. 30); KoSak on-line: s.v. “ah.,” but there can he no doubt about 2007b: 83. the early Middle Hittite script of the text. cf. Popko 2007a: 65.

255 For a different interpretation, see Soysal 2004: 320. 679 (“pin=komtnamo für 5wiflkarnmorna(?)”). 262 Neu — Otten 1972: 183ff.: Yoshida 1992: 143; 1996: 87.

256 KUB 28.15 obv. l.col. 2ff., Bossert 1954—1959: 353; Yoshida 1996: 292f.; Taracha 1998: 12f. 263 Cf. kt n/k 794 rev. 29ff., cecen — Reeker 1995; 36; Michel 2003: 136. See also Haas 2003b: 131 Cf. also Taroche 1973a: 83f. with n. I: Kryszat 2006a: 106f.; Prechel 2008: 123. In this case, contrary to the suggestions of 257 See above, with n. 236. the said authors, the logogram 0ISKUR does not necessarily denote the Syrian Storm-god 258 Tarocha 2000: 18Sf.. 185ff. Adad.

259 Cf. Haas 1994a: 484. 264 KBo 3.38 obv. 2’. Otten 1973’. 37’. Holland — Zorman 2007: 32, 40: Popko 2007a: 65. Cf. also the in a New Hittite text KUS 58.39 vi 260 CTH 645, ci’. Haas — Wafter 1976: 82ff.: Haas 1994a: 2731’. The ceremony displays similarities to epithet of the Sun.goddess of Arinna. ‘Mother of Earth.’ the festival of the month. fl’H 591 (studied by lClinger 1996: 286ft’.). known from descriptions I if.. 1Sf. dealing with the cult of Nerik. see above. n. 236. r

52 3. Him’im ANAT0LIA I 3.1. THE OLD HrrTITE PERIOD 53 the most part to the earthly sphere and bear names pointing to the Luwian-Hittite stood at the head of the pantheon; in others, an important role was played by gods realm. The Hattian Sun-goddess of Arinna and her daughter Mezzulla constitute an of vegetation and crops having much in common with the storm-gods. This category of important exception. In this context they seem to have taken the place originally gods, with Telipinu269 being most prominent among them, derived from the ancient occupied by the Sun-god. Contrary to the Luwians and Palaians, the Hittites of cen Anatolian beliefs and must have been of great importance in local pantheons before tral Anatolia dropped the male solar deity under the influence of Hattian beliefs the storm-gods took a dominant role. Telipinu occupied a high position in the pan (see below). The presence of the Sun-goddess of Arinna, Lady of Uatti, in the royal theon structure and wherever the Storm-god was not the most important god, he ceremony is not surprising. The way in which the name of the Moon-god (DXXXa) was often at the head, as it was the case, for example, in the cities of Hanlsana, was written in New Hittite descriptions of this ceremony26° suggests that the logo- Tawiniya, and Durmitta.270 gram denotes the Hittite-Luwian Moon-god Arma, just as in the texts of the KI.LAM A goddess was also of considerable importance in the same centers, bearing festival (3.1.1). Suwaliyat, Halki and Maliya occur among the Kanesite deities; also sometimes a local name, but more often being called by the Hattian epithet Katabhi Ièpanzaepa (‘Genius of the Night’) can be connected with Ièpant ‘Night’ from this ‘Queen.’ The nature of this category of goddesses is not quite clear, but there are circle (see 2.1). In turn, Luwian Kuwa(n)èa/i266 was still worshiped in Lycaonia and good reasons to assume that they were goddesses of nature, fertility and wildlife in the first millennium BC under the name Kuwanza.26’ worshiped over large areas of central and northern Anatolia regardless of the ethni The New Hittite descriptions of this ceremony show that the cult of the discussed city in particular regions. Among the Hittites they were called Uauèara ‘Queen,’ group of Luwian-Hittite deities, protecting the family and abode, continued in the like the goddess belonging to the group of Kanesite deities (2.1). The epithet reflects Empire period. In keeping with the later changes in Hittite religion, however, perfectly the position of these goddesses in traditional pantheons. The goddesses with foreign deities of Hurrian origin were added to this group at the very beginning of the name/epithet Amam(m)a/Mam(m)a probably belonged to the same category. They this period. In the second half of the thirteenth century BC, the same group of deities were worshiped in various centers in central and northern Anatolia, and known from appeared again in somewhat changed and extended form in ceremonies for the Storm- later texts (3.2.3). god of the Great House (ETJM GAL), which is identified with Temple I in the Lower In her capacity as mistress of wild animals, Teteèhapi (‘Great Goddess’) from the City of Uattuèa.268 In the cult of the Great House the king drinks a ritual toast to city of Tawiniya resembles the nature goddess mar discussed above (3.1.1)271 In this group of deities, having first made offerings to the mysterious Tauri(t) and Tawiniya, which was not far from the capital, the cult appears to have retained the the deities of the traditional pantheon (3.1.1), and then to the Kanesite gods. These traditional structure of the local pantheon with a nature goddess at the head to ceremonies go back to the Old Hittite cult tradition of the capital (see 3.2.6). gether with Telipinu. This pantheon reflects beliefs going back in time to the re In spite of structural similarities, the local Hattian pantheons of central and mote past, corresponding to the communities of shepherds rather than farmers. In northern Anatolia were characterized by considerable diversity. Deities from the same category often held different positions resulting from a local tradition or different 269 GOterhock 1959; Haas 1982: 25ff.: Haas — Jakoh-Rost 1984: 20 with references; Haas 1994a: historical paths of development of particular towns. In some centers, the Storm-god 442ff. 270 Barjamovic (2005: 244ff.) suggested a location of Durmitta (Durhumit of Old Assyrian texts) northwest of Tapikka/Maat HOyuk, with the Zuliya!cekerek river marking the border between the territories of the two cities. in my opinion, however, we should rather look for Durmitta in

265 Cf. KUB 58.38 i 25. Garcia Trabazo — Groddek (2005: 100) read iacorrectly DINGIRMESa,4. the region northwest of Sungurlu. where local palaces similar to that from Inandik were recently 266 Otten 1980—1983a. discovered at HOseyindede and Boyali HOyuk. For the latter site, see Tunc Sipahi’s paper 267 Popka 1995a: 169. c’corum’un Batisinda MO. II. Bin Yerleiimleri”) read at the 7th International Congress of 268 GOterbock 1970: 180: 1974a: 305 with n. 2. 306 n. 4: cf. also Popko 2002: 80: 2003a: 315; Houwink Hittitology in çurum, 25-29 August 2008. ten Cate 2003: 212; CHD 96f. Centre Otten 1971: 221.; Haas 1994a: 775 (“holentuwo-Residenz”): 271 Contra Haas (1994a: 311, 438), however, there is nothing in the texts to suggest identity of the Schwemer 2004a: 404. two goddesses.

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54 ANAT0LIA 3. Hin’in 3.1. THE OLa HITTiTE PERIoD 55 other cities, too, the goddess eclipsed her partner in importance. Za(è)h(a)puna of and Ijalki by the Hittites.277 According to a certain myth rooted back in the Old Katama and the Queens of Ankuwa and Katapa are good examples. Hittite times, Telipinu as the son of the Storm-god “is mighty: he harrows and plows 9—9 Sun-goddesses appear as the supreme deities in other centers. The most im and irrigates and makes the grain grow.”2’8 The god uwaliyat is noteworthy at portant representative of this category is the Sun-goddess of Arinna, who stood at this point,2’9 for he is close in nature to Telipinu and is mentioned among the Ka head the of the Hittite state pantheon. In the local pantheon of Arinna,2’3 in which nesite gods, appearing also by Halki’s side in the cited list of deities worshiped as the companions of the Sun-goddess included her daughter Mezzulla and grand part of the domestic cult. During the Empire period, the Storm-god at the head of the daughter Zintulji. and the Mountain-god Hulla, neither the local Storm-god nor Teli state pantheon appears in Hurrian garb of Teè,ub. while the name Suwaliyat (denoted pinu played a role of any significance. at the time also with the DNIN URTA and DURA2hO) started being used The absence of a male solar deity is characteristic of Hattian religion. The sun- for Taèmièu. brother and vizier of Teub (see 3.2.1 & 5). There is no proof, however, goddesses, on the other hand, are ambivalent in nature.2’1 They are mistresses of of any connection between Suwaliyat and the Storm-god in the Old Hittite period. earthly the sphere (for example, in connection with the fate goddesses among the The storm god’s inseparable companion was Waèezzili/Waèezzau. According to deities worshiped in the hesita-house and in domestic cults, see 3.1.1), which is re one text describing a cult-related journey of a prince to the north of the country. to flected by the epithet of the Sun-goddess of Arinna, Wuru(n)iemu ‘Mother of the the neighborhood of the cities Zalpa and Nerik. Waezzili was called a ‘lion’ among Earth,’ while remaining celestial in nature as indicated by the designation the Sun the gods (in the sense of ‘hero’).2’ The same text mentions a vizier of the Storm 959 was accorded among the gods: ‘Goddess of Light, Queen;’ in the Hattian version. the god whom the gods knew as the Storm-god of the Countryside. Unfortunately, it epithet of the Sun is ‘Goddess of koèbaruyah.’ where vah is recognized as the Hat does not give his name. There surely existed other categories of storm-gods, such tian word ,275, for heaven. Goddess of Light was used, among others, to designate as, for example, storm-gods of the forest/grove appearing in later texts (3.2.3). the Sun-goddess from the northern city of Kakat, and her Hattian epithet, ‘God The connection between the storm-gods and the sacred mountains, the worship dess of leliyohflt),’ contains the same word yoh.2’6 of which was probably related to the character of Anatolian landscape. is well evi Most often the Storm-god, Lord of Heaven at the head of the pantheon, remained denced.28’3 The storm-gods were believed to prefer the mountain tops. presumably passive. The most important role in the cult was played by his son, the Storm-god of because storm clouds bringing heavy rains gathered above such mountains. The king younger a generation, who was not only a thunder god, but also and more import was invested by the Storm-god to rule the land, but the mountains with forests and the antly, divine donor of rain. This determined his position in the land where the wild game remained in the power of gods. more strictly speaking, the Storm-god.284 harvest depended on rainfall. Such were the Storm-gods of Ziplanda and Nerik. In According to one myth, the Throne-goddess Halmauit allegedly lived in the moun this context, the high rank of the vegetation and fertility god Telipinu in local pan tains (see 3.1.1). The mountains in the vicinity, which were male deities and occa theons comes as no surprise, too, the god obviously sharing many traits with the sionally had anthropomorphic images, were worshiped in each of the more storm-gods. The same is true of the Grain-goddess, called Kait by the Hattians

277 Kammenhuher 1991. Cf. also Arch’ 2004b. 272 Khnger 1996: 141f1 278 VBoT 58 i 29f.: translated by Hol’t’ner 1998: 28. 273 Haas i994a: .5831.: Popko. in press. 279 GOterbork 1961a. 27-i Tenner 1929: Haas 1994a: 378. 421: cf. also Taracha 2001b. 280 See Laroche 1946—1947: 27. 60. 95: Otten i959b: 35ff.: KOmmel 1967: 86f.: Nakamnra 2002: 275 KBo 25.112 H iii.. Neu 1980: 191 112): (no. KUB 28.73 ii 2 if., Non 1980: 194 (no. 113). Cf. 72 wirh references: Arch, 2006: 155. Larocho 1947: possilo: Nen 1974: Haas 1994a: 126: 421. For ko5bnruyoh. soc Soysal 2004: 286. 281 KUB 8.41 H 4ff., Non 1980: 183 (no. 109). Cf. also Larorhe 1917: 187f. 536. 282 KUB 8.41 ii 10ff., Non 1980: 183 (no. 109). 276 KBo 25.112 Hi 23’f.. Neu 1980: 192 (no. 112): 28.75 KUB Hi 22’f., Non 1980: 195 (no. 113). Cf. 283 Gonnet 1968: 116ff. Cf. also Haas 1982: 47ff.: BOrker-KlShn 1989; Lombardi 1997. also Soysal 2004: 292, 588. 284 Lombardi 1996. r

56 3. Hirrrri ANAT0LIA 3.1. THE OLD HITTITE PERIOD 57

important towns; their temples stood either in the town or on the mountain itself, In Old Hittite times, the category of tutelary deities was not as developed as in the in the latter case not at the very top, but rather on a lower-lying slope.285 Empire period, when changes in Hittite religion introduced the tutelary LAMM.A Springs were also worshiped as goddesses. They were considered either consorts gods (connected with the Luwian circle), whose protection was extended with time or concubines of the storm- and mountain-gods. In one of the towns in the north, the to every person, object, and aspect of life (see 3.2.1 & 4). Gods with a stag as their wife of a local Storm-god was Tabattanuiti, who was called among the gods ‘Mother sacred animal belonged to the early Anatolian tradition. They are present alreadF of the Spring, Queen.’286 The name Timmeti, which was given among the gods to his on Cappadocian seals (2.2), but the Old Hittite sources do not permit any of these concubine Taèimetti (probably also a spring-goddess), is written with the logogram gods to be identified with certainty. Under the Empire, this iconographic type was ITAR, indicating her place among the love goddesses.287 The logogram ITAR also connected with the category of the tutelary LAIVIMA gods. There is no proof, how conceals, for example, the name of a spring-goddess, concubine of the Mountain-god ever, for identification of the stag-god(s) as the tutelary gods in the discussed period. Daha(ya) or else the Storm-god of Ziplanda, for whom Daha(ya) was a favorite resting Contrary to published suggestions, the god Kam(m)am(m)a, who was to become one place.288 According to one Middle Hittite text from Kuakli/arièa, concerning the of the most important deities of the Hittite state pantheon in the later phase of the cult of the Storm-god of Ziplanda in Hurma, his concubine there was E/Anzili, whose Old Hittite period, cannot be proved to belong to this group based on the preserved 293 name is also written with the logogram JTAR.289 Anzili was also the concubine of the texts (see 3.1.1). Storm-god of Sarièèa. In general, the logogram ITAR was used to denote the names In the central and northern Anatolian tradition, a kuràu-object (‘skin(bag)’) was 294 of various young goddesses, wives or concubines of local storm- and mountain-gods. worshiped as a tutelary deity. It had the form of a bag of considerable size, which Goddesses of this category are referred to by the logogram DNJNEGAL (‘Lady could be made of the skins of at least three different animals: ox, sheep and goat. of the Palace’), too. By no means does the notation testify to the presence of the The bag was used to hold symbols of fertility, crops, and all kinds of goods. ‘Copper’ Syro-Mesopotamian goddess in the Old Hittite pantheon.290 One of the god kurdas (perhaps decorated with metal appliqués?) and a kuréa made of linen are desses of this kind was the ‘Lady of the Palace’ appearing among the deities con evidenced in descriptions of the KI.LAM festival.295 The canvas bag was kept by nected with the Storm-god of Nerik (see 3.1.1); she can be identified with his concu the ‘barbers,’ which may indicate to its considerable size, putting into doubt the sug

- . 296 bine Teèimi, known from later texts. This Hattian name/epithet was very popular gested interpretation of hursa as a hunting bag. Old Hittite texts mention the among the concubines of storm-gods in the northern territories. In nearby Lihzina, House of the kuriia in Uattuèa, most likely part of the palace complex on Buyukkale. the concubine of the local Storm-god was called Taimi.291 The same name is evi Later, the kurãa became an attribute of various gods and was therefore placed in denced also in the form Taim(m)et(i)/Tim(m)et(i)292 (see above).

285 Popko 1999c: 99ff. 293 Significantly, the god’s Hattian name/epithet, Kamam(m)a ‘High Mam(m)a,’ resembles the 286 KUB 8.41 ii 1ff., Neu 1980: 183 (no. 109). Cf. Larocho 1947: 187f. appellation of the goddesses Amam(m)a/Mam(m)a, who most likely were goddesses of nature 287 KUB 8.41 ii 7ff., Non 1980: 183 (no. 109); cf. also Haas 1994a: 446f. and fertility (see ahove). 288 Popko 1994: 38f. 294 Popko 1974; 1975; 1978: 108ff’. with references; 1993: 323f.; Güterbock 1989: McMahon 1991: 250ff.; 289 KnT 53. G. Wilhelm apud Muller-Karpe 2002a: 345. In this connoction, Wilhelm (p. 350) citos Popko 1993: 323f.; Haas 1994a: 454ff.; Gonnet 2002; Haas 2003a: 744f.; Bawanypeck 2005: 18Sf. an nnpublished toxt 1320/z which montions tho Storm-god of Ziplanda (obv. 8’, 13’) and Anzili 29i KBo 38.12(+)KBo 20.27 iv 9’, Groddek 2004a: 24f. (obv. 16’, roy. ]8, 10). For the cult of the Storm-god of Ziplanda in Hurma, see also KUB 56.56 296 The interpretation of kurèo as ‘hunting bag’ (Alp 1983a: 98f.; Guterhock 1989a) is widely accepted.

iv 1ff., Pecchioli Daddi — Baldi 2004: 497. 499f., 503f.; Pecchioli Daddi 2006: 12Sf. See, however. Haas l994a: passim (‘askos’). and Popko 1995a: 76 (“It would seem that originally 290 Contro Haas 1994a: 382. it [kunicz.] was worshipped as an impersonal deity and not as the attribute of another god. It 291 KUB 6.45++ ii 8, Singer 1996: 14, 35. would be difficult to imagine a hunting bag in this role.”); HED 4: 274 (“kur4ci’ meant speciñcally 292 Cf. Goterbock 1961a: 13ff.; Haas 1970: 88 with n. 1. For this divine name with diverse vocaliza ‘skin(bag)’... The talismanic aura may, however, go hack to the primary meaning ‘(sheep)skin’.”): tions in writing, e.g., TaIam(m)at, Talamet, Talimmat, Talimet, TaI(I)imit, Talimi, Telimi, see cf. also Brentjes 1995: Bremmer 2006: 22ff. For the match of the second-millennium turin in Otten 1950a: 122ff.; Soysal 1998: 60. Anatolia and the first-millennium oegis, see Watkins 2000; 2002: 169ff.

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58 3. Hinin ANATOLIA I 3d. THE OLD HtrriTE PERIoD 59

their shrines. It seems that the aniconic cult of kuras, typical of the local tradition, the fate goddesses Gulzannikeè, the deities Uliliyantikeè (cf. western Luwian god lasted through the fall of the Hittite state. dess of vegetation and wild fauna, Uliliyaèèi. 3.2.4), and Mèanuwant (cf. Aèèiyat in The beliefs of the Palaians are known only thanks to descriptions of ceremonies the group of Kanesite gods).303 celebrated in the temple of the god Ziparwa/Zaparwa in Uattuèa. His name! There are at first glance similarities between the Palaic group of deities and the 297 epithet identifies the god as a Storm-god. His partner was Katahzipuri, whose earlier discussed list of gods, mostly of Luwian-Hittite origin, who were given offer name/epithet is of Hattian origin; however, this Hattian name probably conceals ings as part of the cult in the royal palace in Hattuèa. These similarities are proof a goddess close or even identical in nature with Kamruèepa, who held a promi of a common religious tradition going back to the times of the Proto-Anatolian com nent position in Luwian pantheons (see 3.2.4; cf. also Kamruepa’s position among munity. The principal difference is that in the Palaic pantheon the Sun-god takes the Kanesite gods). In bilingual texts, Kamruèepa of the Hittite version corresponds the place of the Hattian Sun-goddess worshiped by the Hittites. The name Tiyad has an to Hattian Katahzipuri.298 which may suggest that the goddess, who was worshiped Indo-European etymology and, like the name of the Luwian Sun-god Tiwad (see 3.2.4). by the Luwians and Hittites as Kamruepa. was given the name/epithet Katahzi it derives from the same root *dieu which is also found in the name of the Greek pun by the Palaians under the influence of Hattian communities with which they . In Hittite. this root is the source of a general semantic ‘god’ (4iu), while the remained in direct contact. The Hattian name/epithet of the Palaic Storm-god. Zi Hittite word diivot-. the counterpart of the terms for the Sun in Palaic and Luwian, parwa!Zaparwa, could be explained in a similar fashion. The phonetic complement is a common word meaning ‘day.’ As said above, the Hittites called the Sun Utanu with the logogram used in some texts to denote his name, DIeKUR,ij (dative),299 after Hattian E!litan. They must have borrowed the word together with the cult of suggests that the Hittites called him Tarljuna, like all the other storm-gods. It is Hattian sun-goddesses long before the period from which our sources originate. quite possible that the Palaic term for the Storm-god sounded similarly with regard to Hittite Tarhuna and Luwian Tarhunt. Other deities who received offerings in the 3.1.3. Cult cult of Ziparwa had mostly Palaic and Luwian names: the Sun-god, whose Palaic name Tiyad has come down to us in sources from the Empire period,300 the associ The Old Hittite texts provide little detailed information on the subject of temples, ated deities Ilalivant!Ilaliyantikek worshiped already in Kane during the Assyrian equipment and personnel. the social status of priests, and the inner hierarchy of Colony period. Uaam(m)ili. a god with Hattian name, mentioned also in the circle this group. Nothing is known about daily cult and its organization, nor how the of Kanesite deities, Hearth. I[narj (in later lists, (ThHaauwanza DKammamma or Hittites classified cult ceremonies in this period. What we know of the festivals LAM?vLA GUNNI ‘°‘), Uilaèèi. and Kuwa(n)ek302 Texts from the Empire period con celebrated in Uattua or in the provincies is very limited and incomplete because tribute to this list a mysterious deity called Saudha!il(l)a (before UilaU!Uilanzipa), of the small nuniber and fragmentary character of the surviving Old Hittite texts. Documents from the Empire period are a much more valuable source for the

297 The relation with the epithet of the Storm-god of Hatti — Taparwalu was pointed out hy Laroche study of these issues; they also give an idea of how the Hittites understood the es 1973a: 85; see further Yoshida 1992: 149 with n. 84. See also a bread called taporicoãu as an sence of divinity (3.2.6). Assuming that the tenets of Hittite outlook on relig offering for the Storm-god, Laroche 1955a: 77; 196Gb: 170; Yoshida 1996: 321f. Cf. also Klinger 1996: 156 n. 114. ion and the traditions of local cults in central and northern Anatolia did not change 298 Kellerman 1987: 229—231; Haas 1994a: 438ff.; Klinger 1996: 155ff.; cf. also Soysal 2004: 287, in any fundamental way all through the existence of the Hittite state, then the in 541ff. 299 KBo 17.35 rev.? Of., Neu 1980: 217 (no, 134); KBo 8.74++ iii 16’, Neu 1980: 223 (no. 137). formation on local cults contained in the later texts can be used in part for the Old 390 Carruha 1970: 75; Hutter 2006: 82f. Haas 1994a: 612. and hunger 1996: 156 mistakenly Tiwot. Hittite period, too. 301 The latter noiation. which would suggest a connection between the tutelary LAAIMA god and the hearth. apparenily derives from a misunderstanding of the original context. 392 KBo 17.35 rev.? 11ff., Neu 1980: 218 (no. 134). 303 Haas 1991a: 6131’.; Popko 199.5a: 73. H3f.; cf. also Yoshida 1996: 99 with references. I r 60 3. Hi’r’rim ANAT0LIA 3.1. THE OLO HITTITE PERI0O 61

The god could take on an anthropomorphic or zoomorphic shape, but could also be an enclosure for deer was part of an open air (‘?) cult place on the Pi/ukurunuwa

304 . . venerated in other, aniconic forms. A deity was identified with its image. Anthro mountain. The program of the spring festival of the AN.DAH.SUM plant (see 3.2.6) pomorphic figures were usually no taller than 20—30 cm, facilitating their carrying expected the king’s visit on this mountain, where he poured a sacrificial libation to around during ceremonies and in procession or cult-related journeys. The gods were the deer.311 A votive text from the reign of Hattuili III suggests that a similar en washed and dressed, fed regularly and paid obeisance to. The only descriptions of closure for sacred deer of the Sun-goddess existed in Arinna.315 divine representations come from the Empire period,305 but the god’s figures are Animal or animal-head rhyta were also used in cult practices.316 Two silver bull’s very likely to have looked much the same in Old Hittite times. Many of them de head vessels were in service during the rituals observed for the Storm-god and picted a god standing on his sacred animal. The descriptions confirm that war-gods Waèezzili during the KI.LAM festival, while leopard- and boar-shaped vessels played had lions, tutelary gods bad stags, and nature goddesses, usually shown seated, had a role in the cult of mar and Uabandali. Empire-period texts bring many other a mountain goat and/or a bird. Animal figures could have also stood in the adytum mentions of rhyta in the shape of a bull or a bull’s head being used in the worship of next to other symbols and attributes of a given deity.306 storm-gods (also as a cult image); lion-shaped or lion’s head vessels were associated Storm-gods were occasionally worshiped in the form of a bull.30’ This was what with war-gods and sometimes also with the deity GAL.ZU. Finds of zoomorphic vessels many of the local storm-gods looked like. Texts from the Empire period mention from central Anatolia.’’’ definitely growing in number starting with the Assvrian figurines of bulls as cult objects made of silvered308 or tinned309 wood, as well as of Colony period, confirm a long tradition of using vessels of this kind in the local cults. iron31° or silver;’” occasionally, a silver bull could be gilded, as in the case of the The god could also take on an aniconic form.318 Mention has been made already Storm-god of Heaven in Karahna, who was worshiped there in the late Empire pe of the kurão and the Throne-goddess Halmauit. who appears to have never had any riod together with the Sun-goddess of Arinna as part of the state cult.312 Storm- anthropomorphic image. Solar discs could represent sun-goddesses and New Hittite OLTUKUL gods represented by a bull statue can be seen, among others, on the cult vase from texts describe images of mountain-gods in the form of a (‘weapon’). pos Inandiktepe (see below) and in a relief by the Sphinx Gate in AlacahoyCk (3.2.6). sibly a kind of standard or mace, which was adorned occasionally with a solar disc Live animals also played a role in the cult. The of the Storm-god was and a lunar crescent.”19 It is not always easy to distinguish between an aniconic kept in a special enclosure and was led in a ceremonial procession during some image of a god and his deified attributes, but the question concerns mainly later festivals.313 Later texts bring information on a deer cult. In the thirteenth century BC, times (see 3.2.6). A stela (Hittite huwaái) often constituted a cult object, commonly made of stone,

320 ...... 304 Ct’. GOterbock 1983; Popko 1993; Hazenbos 2003: 173ff. with references; Collins 2005. less often of wood or even silver. Occasional relief decoration facilitated its identifica 305 von Brandenstein 1943; Jakob-Rost 1961: 1963: van Loon 1985: 30f.: Hazenbos 2003: 176ff. 306 On zoomorphic cults and animals of gods. see, in general, Lehrnn 1986. tion with a specific deity. Stelae were mounted in temples or in different places around 307 GOterbock 1983: 211f. Fragments of terracotta hull figures and vessels in the shape of a hull town, but most often in a sanctuary outside the city, in a forest or grove, for example. are known from Hattula, Inandiktepe, Maat Hhyuk, and Kuiakli; ef. Alaura 2001: if. with both an anthropomorphic figure n. 5—9 (references). On stone bull figurines from cadir Hhytfk and Aliar, see below. A deity could have been worshiped in the form of 308 RuT 27 obv. 14’, Hazenhos 1996: 100. 309 KUB 38.6 iv 15 (with its duplicate KUB 38.10 iv 1), Jakoh-Rosi 1961: 188. 196: KBo 2.1 i 28. Carter 1962: 52. 61. 314 1(138 23.18 ii 6ff. Cf. Haas 1970: 631. with it 4: t994a: 81Sf. Ito KBo 2.1 ii 9-ui 8, iv 1ff.. Carter 1962: 54ff.. 38. 63ff.. 68: Hoffner 2002: 63f.: KBo 2.13 obv. 21, :113 KUB 15.22. 12’, de Roos 1984: vol. 11 2471: 2007: 183. 185: cf. also I-Iaas i994a: 587. Carter 1962: 107. 112. :1i6 Carruha 1967: Popko 1978: 87ff.: Guterboek 1983: 2t2ff.: Haas 1994a: 530ff. 311 KBo 2.1 i 34, Carter 1962:32. 61. 3i7 Tuehelt 1962. 312 KUB 38.12 ii 12f’., Giiierhoek 1983: 211. 318 Guterhock 1983: 2t4ff.: Popko 1993. 313 Taracha 2002: 13ff. CI also KUB 20.10 iv 9ff.. ‘song of the hulls’ rendered by women of Nerik 319 Cf.. e.g.. KUB 38.23 iof.: KUB 38.29 ohv. 231.. Hazenbos 2003: 174, 176. in the cult of the local Storm-god during a procession i? with the participation of the king. Haas 320 Darga 1969: Gurney 1977: 25ff.. 36ff’.: GOterhoek 1983: 21Sf.: Popko 1978: 123ff.: 1911,3: 324f.: 1970: 272ff.: Groddelc2004f: 20: Schuof 2004: 40f., 136: Siivala 2007: 222ff. Hutier 1993: N akamura 1997: cf. also Hazenbos 2003: 174f.: Fiek 2004. I 62 3. Hinm ANA’roLIA r PERIoD 63 3.1. THE OLn HiTTITE

and a huwafi. During ritual ceremonies the god’s figure was carried from the temple to night.325 The hearth was therefore an intermediary in the communication between the extramural sanctuary where it was set up either in front of or behind the stela; humans and gods. The presence of high windows in Hittite temples, verified archae after that, the rite was observed and sacrifices made to the god present in both forms. ologically, is also noteworthy, for it distinguishes these cult places from others else- 326 The cult of the most important deities of the state pantheon and of other gods of where in the Ancient Near East. Nonetheless, windowless temples also existed. supraregional importance spread in various centers of the kingdom, most often as Terracotta models give an idea of what a shrine may have looked like. One such the outcome of the king’s religious policies. Naturally, the cult of a given god could model, found at Inandiktepe some 50 km northeast of Ankara, depicts an adytum be introduced in a new place or in a new form due to other reasons, too, for in with a naked deity sitting inside it.327 It has been suggested that the narrow cham stance. under a vow (see 3.2.7) or in the sequel of a dream in which a deity demand ber in which a man and a woman sit, depicted on a fragmentary relief vase from 3°8 ed a new cult (3.2.8). Relevant texts, which also provide information on the mecha Bitik. c. 20 km northwest of Ankara, also represents an adytum.’ nism involved in the emergence of new hypostases of a god, are of later date, but it Most of the temples located on the acropolis Buyukkale in Hattufa, mentioned is extremely likely that the cult practices described in them existed already in the in texts of the Empire period (3.2.6), presumably existed already in the period un Old Hittite period. One can even surmise that they were common in different re der discussion. In the Old Hittite sources there is mention of temples of the Sun- gions and cultures of the Ancient Near East. It was believed that the god kept his goddess (of Arinna), the Storm-god. mar, the War-god, also the House of the kurfo current ‘body’ in the form of the existing statue or statuette, but shared his divinity which was part of the royal residence. and the hefta-house for celebrating the cult with a new cult image which was subsequently treated as a separate deity endowed of the underworld deities with Lelwani at the head (3.1.1). The temple of Ualki must with her own ‘body’ and thus requiring a cult of her own.32’ Texts from later times have also existed at the time, playing as it did an important role in the KI.LAIVI A draw a picture of several figures and aniconic images of the same deity. erected on festival (see below). On Buyukkale, near the place designated as ‘silver trees’ (GISm different occasions, being present in a single temple. Beside the chief god, the temple KU.BABBAR), there was a huu’afi(-precinct?) of the Storm-god.329 The god had also may have had figures of other deities and their divine attributes and symbols, too. another huu’afi-sanctuary outside the city. beyond the of usa gate and near a sacred such as the scepters of gods.322 and ritual equipment. pond.330 where the main ceremonies of the KI.LAM festival were held. Contrary to The adytum where the deity resided was worshiped on a par with her through the opinion of some scholars.331 this place cannot be identified with the rock sanc sacrifices offered in a set order to the ‘holy places,’ that is, the most important el tuary of Yazilikaya (see 3.2.2). Much less is known from the texts about temples in 323 ements of the architectural furnishings and equipment inside the shrine. Lists of other Hittite towns in this period. The temple of the Storm-god in Ziplanda stood on these nuinina loci appear in many festival descriptions. The ‘places’ mentioned most the city acropolis.33 The temple of the Queen at Katapa is evidenced in a land do often are the hearth, window, and ‘wood of the bolt,’ occasionally also the ceremo nation tablet found at tnandiktepe.33’1 nial throne and the pillar supporting the ceiling. Sacrifices were made also on or near the altar that should not be mistaken for an offering table.324 The altar 323 KBo 17.105 ii 15ff., Archi 1975: 8Sf.; Popko 1978: 52f.; Hans 1994a: 268. was a pedestal, mostly made of wood, on which statues of gods and cult utensils 326 Neve 1973. :127 T. Ozgtiç 1988: 112, Pls 23.4, and 63.la—c. were placed. The hearth played a special role, also in domestic cults; according :128 T. Ozgbç 1957. 1 do not agree with Collins (2007: 1211 that two relief vases from Inandik (see to one text, it was where people gathered during the day and the gods at below) and Bitik ‘provide visual narrations of what are probably marriage ceremonies. 329 ABoT 5-f--s i 11. Nen 1980: 30 (no. 121: cf. Singer 1983: 99: 1986. :130 KUB 2.3 ii 14ff. with its duplicates. Singer 1983: 100: 1981: 61. 321 Beal 2002a: Popko 2003a: cf. also Wilhelm 2002a: 68. :1:11 GOterhock 1953: 76 n. 2; Gurney 1977: 40f.: Singer 1983: 101: 1986; Hawkins 1998: 691.; Schwe 322 Popko 1978: 98ff. mer 2006a: 263f. 323 Goetze 1957: 163ff.: Archi 1966: 83ff.: Popko 1978: 14ff.; Haas 1994a: 262ff. 332 Popko 1994: 18, 22ff. 324 For 1115BANSUR ‘(offering) table,’ see Popko 1978: 7Sf.; Unal 1994; 1996: 40ff. :133 Balkan 1973.

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64 3. HrrTi’rt ANA’roLIA 3.1. THE OLo RIT’rrrE PERI00 65

The archaeological evidence has also little to offer for this subject. Not one of the Temple I on the North Terrace was located near the northeastern gate,340 while temples excavated so far in Uattua can be dated surely to the Old Hittite period. Building C stood close to the hilltop.31’ The two a similar ground plan with Noteworthy. however, is the striking resemblance between the temple plans from the an adytum and a large number of rooms around a central courtyard. Building C is Upper City of Hattuèa and those of the Old Hittite temples in Saria/Kuakli (see believed to have been the temple of the local Storm-god;342 burned down during below).334 The architectural complex excavated at tnandiktepe layer IV, was Tuthaliya III’s reign. it was never rebuilt. Temple I functioned until the thirteenth interpreted by the excavator as a temple of the local Storm-god “based on the inven century BC. tory of finds and architecture.”33° Nevertheless, this building on an irregular plan, Geomagnetic prospection in September 2006 at Oymaaac near VezirkoprO. a site consisting of administrative, economic and storage rooms arranged around two (?) identified by German archaeologists with the holy town of Nerik, led to the tracing inner courtyards, gives the impression of a local palace. The land donation act dis of the outlines of a monumental building with three courtyards. Pending excava covered in it gives a post quem date for its destruction in the second half of the tions to determine the function and dating of this structure, one can hypothesize sixteenth century BC.336 A ‘sacred building’ (Building 1) with domestic houses around that it was the temple of the local Storm-god.

• ...... 337 it, discovered at Huseyindede Tepesi near Sungurlu, c. 75 km east of Inandiktepe, Temple personnel was responsible for preparing the daily sacrifices, took care should also be considered a similar local residence. Relief cult vases (see below) and that festivals were celebrated on schedule, and protected temple property. The du other finds indicate that the two towns were contemporary and that they were al ties of this personnel and of different professional groups of temple workers are de ready in existence in Old Hittite times. The Hittite names, however, are unknown. scribed more extensively in later texts343 (see 3.2.6). A complex of rooms at cadir Hoydk near the village of Peyniryemez (Yozgat prov Male priests predominated in the priesthood, with a strict hierarchy in force in ince). dated early in the Old Hittite period, is interpreted as “part of a temple.” but this group.344 The highest ranking priests were the SANGA-priests (Hithte foohun this cannot be read from the published plans. A stone bull figurine. “nearly identi also described as .isppoeã ‘sacred.’346 Texts from the Empire period indicate cal to examples from nearby Aliar.” surely cannot be treated as a cult object.338 that their colleges in the more important cult centers like Arinna34’ and Hanhana The only two temples of the Old Hittite period known to date come from Sarièèa were differentiated depending on the importance of the deity they served. High priests (modern Kuakli. 50 km south of Sivas). dated to the sixteenth century BC.339 (lU.MESSANGA GAL)348 were distinguished from those of low rank (LU.MESSANGA

334 MOller-Karpe (2003: .389f.) considers Temples 2. 3. 4. 6 and 7 the earliest ones in the Upper 310 SlOller-Karpe 1995: 9ff.: 1996: 70f. Cit) of Uattula Archaeologists also point out the similarities between the finds inventory from 311 MOller-Karpe 1998: 96ff.: 2000a: 312ff’.: 2001: 225ff. sonic temples in the Upper City and the temples of Sari11a/Kuakli: see, e.g.. V. MOller-Karpe 342 Cf. remarks by Muller-Karpe (1998: 101) on the relation between the adytum of Building C and 2006. the huwo6i-sanctuary outside the city (see below). A libation vessel shaped like a pair of hulls 335 T. OzgOg 3988: 76, 108, 123f., plan 1. was found in Building C. cf. V. Muller-Karpe apud MOller-Karpe 1998: 116ff. See also MOller 336 Mielke 2006: 253ff. Karpe 2000a: 323.

337 Vildirna 2000; 2005: 775; cf. also Sipahi — Yildirim 2001; 2002. 343 CTH 264, “Instructions to the temple officials,” Sturtevant 1934; Korolec 1974; Taggar-Cohen

338 Gorny 2006: 34; Paley 2006; Yildirim — Gates 2007: 294. Gorny’s suggested identification of cadir 2006a: 33ff. HdyOk with Ziplanda appears unlikely, see n. 108. 344 On Hittite priesthood, see, in general. Klinger 2002a; 2003—2005; Taggar-Cohen 2006a. 339 P.1. Kuniholm and M. Newton apud MOller-Karpe 2002a: 342: “The dendrochronological dates 34.5 Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 140ff. for timbers from both the North Terrace Temple and Building C indicate that the buildings 346 Taggar-Cohen (2006a: 148ff.) considers the SANGA-priests with this title a different type of were erected at roughly the same time, in the mid and late 16th century BC, respectively.” SANGA-priests. Cf. also Popko 2001a: 328. According to P.1. Kuniholm, M. Newton and N. Riches (apud MOller-Karpe 2004h: 163), the last 117 The priestly college in Arinna was composed of three high SANGA-priests and two high SANGA preserved rings are: North Terrace Temple 1582 (+41-7) BC and Building C 1523 (+4/-7) BC; cf. priestesses, a SANGA-priestess of the local Storm-god, two GUDU 12-priests associated with the

Mielke 2006: — also 266ff. This difference in dendrochronological dates contradicts a suggestion temple of the Sun-goddess. and — at least in the Empire period seven low-ranking priests. cf. made by MOller-Karpe (2004a: 109) that Hantili 1 (in the short chronology) or possibly Telipinu Popko 2001a. (in the niiddle chronology) founded the town in the 1520s. 148 Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 142ff.

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66 3. Hrr’rim ANAT0LIA 3.1. THE OLD HITTITE PERI00 67

TUR / LU.MESANGA ARKUTII dan pedan or appezzie LU.MESANGA) SANGA ERES.DINGIR/ENTU(M)/ETTU-priestesses occur in Syria and Mesopotamia in the priestesses are encountered much more seldom,30 mainly in the cult of female de cult of the Storm-god Adad.357 It is not to be excluded that she was a priestess of

358 . ities; significantly, they played an important role in ceremonies dedicated to the the Storm-god in Anatolia, too, even though she played a significant role in the deities of Arinna, the cult center of the Sun-goddess: Mezzulla, Zintuhi, Mount Hulla, cult of different deities. In Old Hittite times, there appears to have been only one and the local Storm-god. Sometimes the cult of a god was celebrated in his temple Lady of the God residing in the capital. In the state cult she was of equal impor jointly by the SANGA-priest and the SANGA-priestess. tance as the king, presiding over the ceremonies in his absence and also being en The GUDU12-priest was associated with cults belonging to the local tradition in titled to use the royal huluganni-carriage. In the light of what we know about the the northern and central part of the land.3°1 Some scholars identify this priest with ERES.DINGIR/ENTUM/ UGBABTUM-priestesses in Syria and Mesopotamia, the the kumrum, who occurs already in texts from the Assyrian Colony period.3°2 He idea that the Hittite Lady of the God was a princess of royal blood is appealing participated in state cult practices at the side of the king or prince and appeared as but hardly borne out by any of the surviving texts. The Lady of the God also had an a sacrificer, and also as a reciter, summoning the gods in Hattian, for instance, during important role to play in the festival of the goddess Teteèhapi,30° proceeding from the cult ceremonies celebrated by the prince visiting the cities in the north in the Uattuèa to Tawiniya on this occasion.301 There is nothing in the texts, however, to neighborhood of Zalpa and Nerik (CTH 733). The GUDU12-priest, too, accomplished suggest that she was “the deity’s representative on earth.”362 a magical cleansing of the royal participants in the ceremonies. Other priests and priestesses restricted their activities to particular centers and In the group of priestesses, the Mother of the Deity (AMA.DINGIRLIM / Hittite the cult of specific deities. The tazzeli-priest is encountered solely in the cult of Zi iwanzanna) played an important role.3° Her function was also connected with the planda;303 also the ham ma, who frequently acts in association with the GUDU12- 364 B local cult tradition. The A1VIA.DINGIR-priestesses are known to have celebrated some priest, is evidenced mainly in this city. The Man of the Storm-god (LU ISKUR /

B LlJ 7365 . . . . 360 cults independently, for instance, that of Salki, but more often than not, they U / tarhunalla- ) should also be connected with the Hattian tradition; he appear beside SANGA-priests and/or GUDU12-priests. participated not only in the cult, but also performed magical rites, especially to A prominent position was held by the ERES.DINGIR-priestess (‘Lady of the God’),°54 who acted in many celebrations, especially during the KI.LAM festival, to 337 Archi 2001: 25 with references; Schwemer 2001: 280 with u. 1928 (Man), 312 (Kil), 357 (Dur gether with the king, royal couple or crown prince. Her presence in Anatolian cults Rimol? in the basin of the Lower Biyala), 367 (Karkar). 380 (Ur). 466 (temple of Adad-Tellub of the pre-Hittite period is confirmed by mentions of a DINGIR.ERES/ UGBABTUM in Nuzi). 483 (temple of the bull-god Tilla in Nuzi). 555ff. (in the cult of the Storm-god Balu and IThaca (written °Lc TAR) at ). On the ENTU-priestess in the cult of Ilhara in Kizzu priestess in the Old Assyrian texts from Kaneè.3°° In texts from Ebla dated watna. see 3.2.6. to the third millennium BC, this category of priestesses is referred to by the term 358 Note, e.g., her role in the rites with the bull of the Storm-god in the cult of TeteIhapi (KBo DAM.DINGIR ‘Consort of the God.’3°0 In the Old Babylonian period and later, the 25.155+KBo 24.98 i 3ff.. KBo 31.194 obv. 1ff., Tararha 2002: 14f.; Perrhioli Baddi. in press) and in the KI.LAM festival (see below). 359 Taggar-Cohen 2000a: 411ff.; 2006b: 319f. 349 Popko 2001a: 3290; 2004b; Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 14Sf. 300 Pecehioli Baddi l987a; t987b; 1988; 1998c. 310 Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 312ff. 301 KUB 20.17+KUB 11.32 iii 5ff.; ef. Haas 1994a: 731. 351 Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 229ff. 302 Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 385. 352 Hoffner 1996: 2007: 130. But see KUB 59.60: 8 LUSANGA ku,uron (ace.), Otten 1992: 37ff.; cf. 303 Perchioli Baddi 1982: 204ff.; Popko 1994: 73f.: 1995a: 77; Arikan 2007. Coutro Goetze (1947: also Klinger 2003-2005: 641. For the humruto iu the Old Assyrian texts from Kauel, see now 84 n. 15). Haas (1994a), Klinger (2003—2005), Hagenbuchner-Dresel (2000: 3), and others, the Kryszat 2006a: 104f. tozzeli should not be identified with the GUBU12-priest. See Jakob-Rost 1974; now also Taggar 353 Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 335ff. Cohen 2006a: 277. 354 Amautea 1985-1986; Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 384ff.; 200Gb. 304 Popko 1994: 7Sf.; HW2 III Lfg. 12 s. v. 353 kt 94/k 804 14f.; kt 2001/k 325 a/b 11/6.16.44. See Albayrak 2004: 8ff.; Kryszat 2006a: 105. 363 Cf. Singer 1983: 64 n. 32; Perchioli Daddi 2004: 357. 330 Archi 1998: Steinkeller 1999: 122ff. 360 Perchioli Daddi 1982: 321ff., 369ff.; iJnal 1998: 67ff.; Srhuol 2004: 17Sf.; Taggar-Cohen 2000a: 229ff.

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68 3. Hrrrim ANAT0LIA r 3.1. THE OLD HITTITE PERIOD 69

376 . . . . 377 . 378 379 cleanse a place and the participants and objects used during cult ceremonies. Simi The actual , which was accompanied by singing, music, and dance, lar functions were attended by the Woman of the Storm-god,36’ as well as by the also followed a set scheme. After making offerings at the ‘holy places’ inside the ,LU 369 Man of Zilipuri ( zi/alipurtycitalla-) and the cupbearer ( a/ekuttara-) (who adytum (see above), sacrifices were offered to the gods, usually described in the form could take the place of the former), both occasionally cooperating with the Man of of monotonous lists, giving the name of a deity and a short record of repeated ac the Storm-god. tions. The gods received loaves of bread and specific parts of sacrificial animals (the Cult practices followed a set and repeatable scenario. During the more impor rest of the meat being used to prepare the ritual meal), libations were made to them tant celebrations, like the KI.LAM festival (see below), a procession was held, in and ritual toasts drunk, the latter referred to in the texts as ‘drinking a god38° which cult symbols, figures of gods and the offerings intended for them were carried The relief vases from lnandiktepe and Huseyindede Tepesi perfectly illustrate through the city, and the sacrificial animals herded along.3’0 Apart from the main such celebrations, The vase from Inandiktepe38’ depicts a cult ceremony in four regis

participants — members of the royal family, priests and priestesses, and other ters. The upper two registers show a procession. The main two figures in full ceremo

temple and palace officials — there were musicians and singers of both sexes, not to nial dress are accompanied by musicians, dancers and acrobats. They proceed in the mention dancers and acrobats.371 If the ceremony took place in an open air sanctu direction of an altar on which there are three standing figures of gods. An offering ary beyond the town boundary, every effort was made to provide the deity with en table can be seen behind the altar, along with a large storage jar and a ceremonial tertainment in the form of athletic contests372 and various forms of cult drama, such throne with two figures sitting on it. All these furnishings were undoubtedly part of as a ritual combat3’ and shows with archers and men in the disguise of wild ani the temple inventory. The act of sacrifice is depicted in the third register. A libation is mals (bears, leopards and wolves).3’4 Such shows presumably referred to hunting poured on the left in front of a goddess (?), who sits at an offering table; on the right magic in their symbolic meaning. a much longer procession of offering bearers is making its way toward the Storm- Sacrifices to the gods in their temples and ritual feasts constituted regular el god. A bull-shaped figure of the god stands on a pedestal, before which lies a bound lo ements of the ceremonies. Cult was also celebrated in royal residences, both in the sacrificial bull. The bottom register contains scenes of preparing the ritual meal. capital and in the provincies. The palace chamber where the festival participants A very similar cult scene can be seen on one of the vessels from Huseyindede gathered together resembled the deity’s adyturn in its furnishings. This may also Tepesi.382 In the upper two registers a procession is shown with musicians and explain the finds of the relief cult vases in the local palaces at Inandiktepe. His dancers, leading a sacrificial hull,083 Similarly as on the vase from Inandiktepe, the seyindede Tepesi. and elsewhere (see below). procession makes its way to a temple symbolized by an altar, offering table, and

367 Pocchioli Daddi 1982: 433. 376 Cf. Haas 1994a: 6400.: Beckman 2003—2005. 368 Pocchioli Daddi 1982: 269f.; Nakamura 2002: 161f.; Arikan 2003; Pecchioli Daddi 2004: Schuol 377 KOmmol 1973h. 2001: 176. 378 Badall 1991; School 2004: cf. also Roszkowska 1987; do Martino 1988: Polvani 1988: Boehmer

369 Klinger 1996: 204 with n. 304. 673. 761: Arikan 2004; SOd — Soysal 2007: 10. t6f. Cf. also de 1988: 1992; N. OzgOg 1992: Haas 1994a: 682ff.; GOtorhock 1995; Polvani 1999. Marthw 1982. 379 do Martino 1989: 1995; cf. also Haas 1994a: 684ff. 370 Cf. do Martino 1995: now also Gdrke 2008. 380 GOtorbock 1950: 96; 1998. For a discossion, soc also Collins 1995: 86 with n. 46—49: Klingor 371 For LUALAM ZU9 ‘performer: see GOterhock 1964: 95ff.: Badali 1984; do Martino 1984: Gdterbock 1996: 733ff.: Nakamora 2002: 71. 1989h: 307ff.: Klinger 1996: 748ff. 381 T. OzgOç 1988: 84ff., Pls 36ffI cf. also Taracha 2002: iof.; School 2004: 56ff. 372 Ehololf 1925: Archi 1978: 19f.; Haas 1986: Carter 1988; Puhvel 1988; fInal 1988a: 1485ff.; Haas 382 Yildirim 2005; 2008. Both doscrihod vasos from HOsoyindodo are on display in the çorom mosoum 1994a: 688f.; Gilan 2001; Hutter-Btaunsar 2008. (Soptomhor 2008) togothor with a small fragmont of another relief vase from this site, showing 373 Lesky 1926: Gilan 2001; Hutter-Braunsar 2008: 31f. a person preparing a ritual meal, like in the bottom register of the vase from Inandiktepe. 374 Jakob-Rost 1966; cf. also Haas t994a: 686f. 383 A procession in which a hull was led is depicted also on a fragnientarv vessel from Kabakli. 371 Archi t979h: Collins 1995. 3’. OzgOç 1988: 100. 103. 105. P1. 68.2: School 2004: 63. 70 3. Hirrim ANATOLIA 3.1. THE OLn HcrrITE PERIoD 71

ceremonial throne with two figures seated on it. The sacrificial act is shown in the the harvest it was filled with grain. In the spring this jar was opened ceremoniously third register with the offering bearers approaching a deity seated behind the offer and the grain used to bake bread, which was then offered to the god in order that ing table; sacrificial animals are led: a calf (‘?) and a stag. Galloping bulls are repre he shall recover his vital forces in the new season. The same purpose stood behind sented in the bottom register. the washing of the god (lavatio), the magical sense being to imbue him with new In a procession scene depicted on another vessel from this site, a bull is shown life. The divinity was carried in a ritual procession to a sanctuary outside the city with an acrobat jumping over it,384 Never before has a similar bull-leaping scene walls and set up in front of her huwai. Thereupon the statue was washed in the been found in Hittite Anatolia. Texts might be helpful in the interpretation of this river or sacred pond by a spring, sacrifices were made and the participants partook scene. They speak of acrobatic displays with bulls dedicated to the deity in the con in a ritual meal. To ensure the god’s entertainment, sport competitions were organ text of ritual processions.385 The bull-leaping scene on the vase from Huseyindede ized. including wrestling, fist fighting and thrusting stones.388 Similar ceremonies Tepesi brings light to bear on similar scenes known from Syrian and Aegean icono took place in the fall, although the god’s statue was not washed at this time. graphy. because it confirms the ritual context of these representations. An extramural huwadi-sanctuary and an adjacent sacred pond called Suppitau In the Empire period, the Hittites distinguished between regular festivals were located c. 2.5 km south of the city of ari5a/Kuakli.389 The king participated (SAG.US/ohtori). celebrated annually on a set date in the ritual calendar, and ‘great’ in ceremonies which were held there in connection with the spring festival of the festivals organized at longer intervals as part of the state cult, usually in six- or Storm-god of ariSèa, described in texts found both in this city and in Hattuia.390 nine-year cycles.386 Inasmuch as conclusions can be drawn based on rare and in A similar sanctuary by a spring with a sacred pond was found at Golpinar. c. 1 km complete sources, it seems that in the Old Hittite period, most if not all the festivals southeast of Alacahoyuk.391 It has been dated convincingly to the Empire period were celebrated on a regular basis and the cult calendar was based primarily on the (see 3.2.6), but it surely existed already in the earlier phase. vegetation and agrarian cycles. The KI.LAM festival is a good example. It was first Meteorological rituals, which were celebrated “when the Storm-god thundered,” a regular festival and only later became a ‘great’ one. Most likely, festivals of the find no parallels anywhere in the Ancient Near East. The sign given by the god month were celebrated already in the Old Hittite period. caused a feeling of awe and demanded immediate reaction (cf. 3.2.8). An Old Hittite The tradition of spring and fall festivals marking the beginning and end of work text describes an appropriate ritual that the royal couple celebrated in the palace.392 ing in the fields must also go back to the period in question.38 Relevant texts are The king and queen bowed to the Storm-god standing in a window and then the later, but these ceremonies in Old Hittite times could not have been much different king drank a ritual toast to the god. Two black bulls were sacrificed together with than described. A large storage vessel was kept inside some temples and we see it. nine black sheep. black bread loaves and wine poured from a black libation jug. for instance, in the scene on the relief vase from Inandiktepe described above. After Subsequently, the palace interior was cleansed by making offerings to the ‘holy places’ and the king ‘drank the gods’ of the Hittite pantheon (3.1.1).

384 Sipahi 2000: 2001; 2005. Cf. also Decker 2003: 49ff.; Schnol 2004: 58f. Festival ceremonies carried out within the framework of the state cult took place in 383 Taracha 2002: 13ff.: 2004c; Giiterbock 2003. the capital or another city and were organized by the royal administration. This called 386 On the great festivals of the sixth year celebrated in Uatto4a in the 10th, 16th aod 22ndQ?) year of the reign of Mnrlili 11, see Groddek 2002e. Haas and Wegner (1992: 247) also soggested for journeys to be made by the king, royal couple and/or crown prince in order for a six-year cycle for the ceremonies celebrated in the he4to-hoose on the 11th day of the AN.DAH.SUM festival. It is not enoogh on these greunds, however, to conclude that both great festivals of the Empire period. AN.OAH.SUM and neotorrivo.ihoti (see 3.2.6), were celebrated in 388 See above, n. 372. six-year cycles. The great festival of Telipinu in Hanhana was celebrated every nine years; see 389 MOller-Karpe 1997: 118ff., 139f.; 1998: 108ff’., 132f.: 2002: 1871’.

Haas — Jakob-Rost 1984: 1St’. Local festivals celebrated every three years are also evidenced: .191) KuT 6 and 19. and CTH 636. Wilhelm 1993h: 37ff.

see. 13.231 rev.? — e.g.. KBo 7’. Hazenbos 2003: 86f. 391 inarolo elik 2006: Yildirim — Gates 2007: 297. 357 Carter 1962: 8f.; Giiterhock 1964h: 70ff:. Archi 1973: Hazenhos:003: 168ff.: 2004. 392 Neu 1970: 1980: 62ff. (no. 23): Alp 1983a: 208ff.: Wilhelm 1995a.

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72 3. Hirnm ANAT0LIA 3.1. THE OLD HITTITE PERIOD 73 the festivals to be celebrated in the provinces. The king who was invested with his priestess. It is not clear whether during the discussed period the KI.LAIVI festival authority by the supreme deities, the Storm-god and the Sun-goddess (3.1.1), was lasted three days, as in the Empire period, because the preserved fragments of Old responsible for the organization of the cult, observance of the cult calendar, and Hittite texts substantiate only two days. appropriate supply of gods and temples. Negligence in any aspect could bring down The procession was an important point of the ceremonies. It is only mentioned the anger of the gods and all due calamities on the land and ruler. in the Old Hittite texts, while a more detailed description is given in sources of the At this point, it is deemed essential to comment briefly on the nature of the sour Empire period when it was surely already somewhat different. It seems that in Old ces upon which the reconstruction of Hittite festivals is based. The description of Hittite times images of wild animals associated with the goddess mar were carried cult ceremonies in the preserved texts is never a protocol of specific events, but rather foremost in this procession. Later on, however, it became a procession of cult sym a prescriptive scenario of sorts for celebrating a given festival, or — to put it even bols and ‘animals of gods,’ including for example figures of Sen and Hurri, the sacred more clearly — a set of stage instructions for the organizers. All through the exist bulls of the Hurrian Storm-god Teèub (see 3.2.5). Also the ceremony in front of ence of the Hittite state, these texts were copied repeatedly and edited in changed the temple of Halki, during which governors of particular cities presented the king versions, especially in the case of the most important festivals. The new editions with products delivered for the festival from the of their city, is known and different versions of the festival description are evidence of changes it under only from later descriptions (see 3.2.6). It is assumed that only some of the cities went over time. On the other hand, copyists often simplified and abbreviated the mentioned in this context in New Hittite sources delivered supplies for the KI.LAM original texts for their own, immediate needs, making them into a practical remind festival already in Old Hittite times. For instance, it is doubtful to see in this role er of what should take place during a ceremony. After all, more detailed descrip already at that time the southern cities of Uubeèna and Tuwanuwa. tions were always to be found on separate tablets kept in the archives of Uattuèa. The procession carrying images of wild animals, which took place on the first day, An extreme case in point are the outline tablets of the two great festivals of left from the mar temple on Buyukkale and headed for the Storm-god’s huwa.fi-sanc AN.DAH.SUM and nuntarriyaãha from the late phase of the Empire period (see 3.2.6). tuary outside the city. The king visited all the temples on BüyGkkale, made sacrifi Another source for studying the organization of festivals are the so-called MEL QETU ces to fourteen divinities in the temple of the Sun-goddess of Aninna and to nine others lists of food products and other goods received by those participating in a ceremo most probably in the House of the ku,-dcz (see 3.1.1), and then he proceeded himself ny.393 These texts are of limited value for understanding the course of the func to the extramural open air huwaái-sanctuary, inspecting on the way the tribute from tions, but they are sometimes, unfortunately, the chief source of our knowledge, as particular cities presented in front of the temple of Halki. In the huwccii-sanctuary, in the case of the important festival celebrated in Old Hittite times in Ziplanda (see where the deities, gathered earlier at the House of the kurãa, also came in pro below). cession, a ‘great assembly’ took place of all the celebrators. The main ceremony now Similar lists appear among the texts describing the already mentioned KI.LAM ran its course with all the required sacrifices and cult toasts being made to the gods. festival.394 This festival took place in lJattuèa and was addressed to the gods of The sacrifices were accompanied by singing and dancing, a running competition of

395 - - the capital and nearby centers (especially the holy cities of Arinna and Ziplanda), ten runners, and some kind of ceremony connected with a bull (dedicated to the worshiped in the state cult. The royal couple and the princes participated along Storm-god?) with the participation of the ERE.DINGIR-priestess.396 The ceremony side the priests (including those from Arinna and Ziplanda) and the ERE.DINGIR at the sanctuary was repeated the next day(s) of the festival.

393 Cf. Singer 1983: 147ff. :395 See new Hutter-Braunsar 2008: 26f. 394 Singer 1983; 1984: van den Heut 1991-1992; Haas 1994a: 748ff.: Klinger 1996: 236ff.: Soysal 398 KBn 38.12+KBo 20.26++ iii 6ff., Greddek 2004a: 20f. Line 12’ reads: x[ G]U4.MAH hur-lo-o.3 1998: Biga 2002: Groddek 2004a: 2004b. SAG.D[U, ef. Taracha 2002: 14 n. 49.

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The great festival in Ziplanda lasted a few days, perhaps more than four.397 The The preserved magical rituals from the Old Hittite period are few compared to the king presided over the ceremonies taking place in the temple of the local Storm-god, richness of this kind of literature from the Empire times. Some are known only from but also on the threshing floor and by a spring, already outside the city. After he late copies, there often being only small fragments preserved from the texts had left the city, the man of the bronze ( officer) headed the ceremony to Ua written in the Old Script. As in Old Hittite religion, so in the magical rituals of the lehare (see 2.1) in the temple of the Storm-god and in the local palace. Further cere period Syrian and Mesopotamian traditions are not evidenced in any way. The com monies were set at a huwadi(-precinct?) and once again in the Storm-god’s temple. position of the texts is not very clear and neither is their content. The authors re The text is heavily damaged at this point, unfortunately, and we do not even know main anonymous, unlike the texts of the Empire period. Even so, the experienced MUNUS the name of the described festival. It could have been either a regular festival or practitioner called an Old Woman ( SU.GI) appears to have played an impor the purulli(ya) festival, the latter’s tradition in Ziplanda, Uattua, and Nerik (see tant role in Anatolian magic from the earliest times.399 In Hattian milieu, magic DIKUR)4OO 3.2.6) undoubtedly going back to Old Hittite times. No descriptions have been pre was practiced by the Man of the Storm-god (LU and other cult officials, served of festivals celebrated during the period under discussion in two other holy too. One example is a ritual for mounting a ‘wood of the bolt’ in a new temple cities, Arinna and Nerik before its taking by the Kaèkeans. (CTH 725), belonging to the category of foundation rituals (see below). It was per formed by the Man of Zilipuri ( zi/alipurtyatalla-), replaced in another version of this ritual by the ‘cupbearer’ (LUa/ekUttara) and the Man of the Storm-god.40’ The 3.1.4. Magic and the nascency of myths former acted also in a similar ceremony CTH 726.402 In one text, the Man of the LUahUttara In all of the cultures of the Ancient Near East, Hittite Anatolia included, magic was Storm-god, and LUziiipuriyataiia are mentioned together.40’1 Some strictly connected with religion.398 The do Ut des principle was generally applied to purificatory rites required the participation of weavers of both genders, possibly be worship and it was the same with magical rituals. The gods had to be appeased and cause of the special purifying properties attributed to wool.404 divine intervention was besought by means of oblations, incantations and . Rituals of Hattian origin are distinguished by the presence of long mythological Yet, magic had a purely practical purpose, the objective being short-term protection parts; magical actions and accompanying spells are ordinarily concealed in a narra or assurance of good things (the latter understood concretely as long life, progeny, tion of mythological character or else described casually. In any case, at least with prosperity and in the case of the king, also the respect and obedience of his sub regard to preserved texts, it seems that the repertory of magical techniques applied jects), as well as elimination of some fault or impurity seen very broadly as the cause in the Hattian milieu was not as rich as in the Luwian circles where early contacts of all illness and misfortune, prevention of divine anger revealed by divination or with northern Syria had tapped Syro-Mesopotamia’s rich lore of magic. For example, a natural disaster or sickness, and finally reversing evil sorcery and countering real substitution and impurity carriers are evidenced exclusively in rites derived threats. in the effectiveness of magical practices (reduced to a specific set of from the Luwian milieu (see below). The local Hattian tradition was focused actions and spells) drew from a belief in the uniformity and interrelation of every mostly on analogic magic, as in the association made between spinning thread and thing that exists. reinforced with analogizing incantations the length of life. The principle of binding and release was of significance, finding assured an influence on the world through action on just one of the elements, or on a specific person or thing through its likeness or an object connected with it. 399 Engeihard 1970: 5ff.: Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 581ff.: Beckman 1993; Haas 2003a: 16ff’. 400 Unal 1998: 67ff.; Haas 2001; 2003a: 14ff.

397 Popko 1994: 94ff. 401 Süd — Soysal 2007: 10, 16. 398 For Hittite magic and magical rituals, see, in general. Goetze 1933/1957: 151ff.; Engeihard 1970; 402 Klinger 1996: 638ff.; cf. also Anikan 2004: 33ff. Gurney 1977: 44ff.; Haas 1977b; 1987—1990: fInal 1988h: Haas 1994a: 876ff.; Popko 1995a: 80ff.. 10:1 KBo 24.93 hi 25, Pecchioli Daddi 2004: 364 with n. 40; Schuol 2004: 168; Arikan 2004: 361’. 104ff.: Trdmouille 2001: Klinger 2002h; Haas 2003a: Torn 2003: TrSmouille 2004b. 104 Haas 2003a: 24f.

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reflection in incantations and myths, as well as for example in the symbolism of But when you plaster it outside, plaster Awe, plaster Dominion’.”410 These positive vessels that magically ‘detained’ evil inside (cf. motif of bronze cauldrons standing ideas are confirmed in the dialogues of the king with the Throne-goddess Halmauit, in the ‘dark earth’ from later versions of the myth about the disappearance of Teli who is a personification of the idea of royal authority and at the same time the king’s pinu, 3.2.9), but could also contain positive values. In one old myth, the hands and divine protectress. The ruler makes a pact of friendship with her, receives from her feet of the Storm-god were stuck to the cup he held (see below). A ritual demon beams that were selected earlier by the Storm-god, Halmaèuit also instructs the strating ties with the Luwian milieu (CTH 416, see below) mentions whirling an weavers of both sexes who are to cleanse the king and his family. Her messenger, eagle’s wing or swinging a live bird which was then let loose as a typical form of the eagle perceives the fate goddesses Iètuètaya and Papaya, sitting in the forest at the cleansing, referring perhaps to the eagle’s role of divine messenger in mythology.405 edge of the sea and spinning the unending thread of the king’s life. Other rites, called Linking myth with ritual should be seen as the most important feature of early the raising of the Great Sun, took place in the mountains that remained in the power Anatolian magic.406 Mythical recitations and spells brought the gods onto the stage, of the Sun-goddess and the Storm-god. In the presence of the assembly of gods, the engaging them in the ritual as guarantors of its effectiveness.407 The psychological Sun-goddess and the Storm-god make a covenant with the king; they entrust him factor was not without significance, and equally so a positive impact on the imagi with the land and make him young again, this being materially evidenced by a royal nation and mind of participants. Mythological themes are cited in non-canonical statue of tin with a head of iron. Finally, a rite was celebrated inside the newly versions, passed on orally in different variants or else created on the spot by the built palace. Members of the royal family come together around the domestic hearth person carrying out the ritual. Indeed, the relevant texts witness the process of myth which would now become the most important part of the palace. Thanks to sacrifices gestation, stimulated by ritual needs. Cutting off the ties between myths and rites, the royal family will gain the hearth’s favor and protection. which led to the canonization of myths and their transformation into literary com Part of a ritual for building a new palace was the myth about the Sun-goddess positions, did not begin to happen until the Empire period and concerned primarily who erected her palace in the town of Libzina with the help of other gods.41’ An myths of foreign origin (3.2.9). other myth, also connected with Libzina, about the Moon that fell from Heaven.412 Foundation rituals accompanying the construction of a new palace or temple be was recited during one of the meteorological rituals. In the case of these texts, as longed to the Hattian tradition and served to protect a newly erected building and much as the tale about the destruction of Lihiina by the Storm-god in a ritual con its residents from evil; they are therefore a rare example of protective magic in Hittite text that is not wholly clear,41’3 the mythological milieu suggests ties with territo

• . 408 . . . writing. Some of them are bilingual and the Hittite translation corresponds quite ries lying to the north, in the lower run of the Kizilirmak. These texts, preserved in faithfully to the Hattian version. later copies, undoubtedly refer to the Old Hittite tradition. One of the better preserved rituals for building a new palace (CTH 414) is recon The type of ritual which the Hittites called mugawar or mugeááar (‘entreaty’) is structed mainly thanks to a late copy.409 The ritual was performed during the fin also thought to draw from an early Anatolian tradition. Its objective was to beseech ishing works: “When they begin plastering new houses, they speak these words: ‘The a deity and win her favor and protection.414 The vanishing-god myths about an of Throne says: When you plaster a house inside, plaster Long Years, plaster Wealth. fended god departing in anger were recited during such rituals. The myths which

405 KBo 17.1+ iii 3ff., Otten — Soufek 1969: 30f. 410 KUB 29.1 iii 29ff., translated by Watkins 2002: 17Sf. 408 Oettinger 2004. For Hittite myths, see, in general. Guterbock 1961b: Laroche 1969b; Bernabé 411 CTH 726. Klinger 1996: 634ff.; Schuster 2002: 151ff. 1987: Pecchioli Daddi Polvani 1990: Beckman 1993—1997; Hoffner 1998: Garcia Trabazo 2002: 412 CTH 727. Hoffner 1998: 34ff.; Schuster 2002: 337ff.; Garcia Trabazo 2002: 253ff.: Haas 2006: 75ff.; Beckman 2005b: Haas 2006: 96ff. 120ff. 407 Polvani 2001; 2004. 411 Groddek 1999. In this case the myth was probably part of an incantation in a magical ritual to 408 Cf. Haas 1994a: 250ff.; 723ff. heal an eye illness. 409 Kellerman 1980: 6ff.; Carini 1982; cf. also Haas 1994a: 724ff.; Garcia Trabazo 2002: 477ff. 414 Laroche 1964-4965: 20ff.; Glocker 1997: 124ff. r

78 3. Hini’ra ANA’roLIA 3.1. THE OLD HiT’rcrE PERIOD 79

have come down to us, however, are mostly of imperial date and hence not free of The realities of this ritual place it clearly in the Hittite magic tradition. Hence, Luwian and Syro-Mesopotamian influence (see 3.2.9). there is no question of its coming from the south of Anatolia. Some magical actions 415 There is a tiny fragment of the story about the disappearance of the Sun, writ and techniques refer to the local tradition encountered earlier in rituals of Hattian ten in the Old Script;416 later copies have allowed the beginning and ending of the origin. Good examples are magical practices using vessels for ‘detaining’ evil inside text to be reconstructed, revealing an entirely different scheme from what was typi and a ceremony celebrated in the mountains, combined with incantations addressed cal of this group of myths from later times. The motif of binding so characteristic of to the Sun and the Storm-god, which raises associations with the rite of raising the indigenous Anatolian magic is present here. The mysterious Sabbima (personified Great Sun described above. Other magical techniques reveal links with the Numbness/Frost?) paralyzed the land, dried the springs and imprisoned the War-god, Luwian milieu; suffice it to consider eliminatory rites using different color thread mar and Telipinu, who had been sent by the Storm-god in search of the Sun. The and a live goat as carrier (scapegoat motif),421 and substitution with clay figurines.422 Storm-god’s hands were stuck to the (offering?) cup he held, and his feet too were Most of the techniques are found later in rituals from the Empire period (3.2.9). The caused to get stuck. Only the fate goddesses and Uaèamili escaped the Habbima. Luwian Sun-god and the Sun-goddess of the Earth (see 3.2.4) were appealed to in The text breaks off in this place. The closing fragment contains a dialogue between spells accompanying these rites.423 the Sun and Hannahanna. A description of ritual ceremonies performed by the Old Woman and the Lord of the God’ has also survived; it speaks of sacrifices being made for a number of days to the Sun-goddess and Telipinu.417 The extensive purificatory ritual for the royal couple and all the inhabitants of the land of Hatti (CTH 416), which shows links with the Luwian milieu, holds an 418 exceptional position in Old Hittite writing. It was performed in Katapa and Uat tua; hence, it is obvious that among the divinities to whom offerings were made there were the Queen of Katapa and mar of Hattuèa, together with the heavenly Sun (presumably the Luwian Tiwad) and Uantitaèèu. A pair of demonic deities Hantaèepa, with bloodshot eyes and dressed in blood-red robes, should be linked with Luwian realm, too. Their wooden figurines were made specially for ritual pur poses.419 The text is proof that during the Old Hittite period the Luwian magic tra dition was already well rooted in Uattuèa and Katapa, indicating indirectly that the 420 Luwians had settled early in the land of Satti.

415 CTH 323. Laroche 1969b: 21ff.: Moore 1975: 164ff; Bernabé 1987: 61ff.: Polvani 1992: Hoffner wiederum einc offonsichtliche Ahnlichkeit mit einem althethitischon Ritual zeigen ... — cm 1998: 27f.; Haas 2006: 117ff. Phanomen, das eigentlich nor so erkiart werden kano, daB zu Beginn der hothitischen Geschichte 416 KBo 25.107, Neu 1980: 181f. (no. 107): 2002: 316f. Zentralanatolien, ja selbst die pontische KOstenregion einem intensiven luwischen Einflull aus 417 Groddek 2002d. gesetzt war.” Indeed, Old Hittite magic testifies to the presence of the Luwian ethnic element in

418 Otten — Soufek 1969; Neu 1980: 4ff. (nos 2—8); 1983: 370 (no. 151). For KBo 17.1++, see Groddek central Anatolia in this early period, especially in the Zuliya/cekerek basin where Katapa should 1996: 29Sf. (no. 31). be located (see 3.2.3). For socio-linguistic arguments, see now Goedegebuure 2008.

419 Otten — Soofok 1969: 104f. 121 KOmmel 1968; Gurney 1977: 47ff; Wright 1987: 15ff; Janowski — Wilhelm 1993; Haas 2003h. 420 Cf Haas 2003b: 133: “Was die inneranatolischen Ritualtraditionen betrifft, so ist es bemer 422 Cf Taracha 2000: 207ff kenswert, daB verschiodeno Rituale lowische ond palaische Rezitationen enthalten. weiche 423 KBo 17.7++ iv? 7ff, Otten — Souéek 1969: 40f: cf Taracha 2000: 179, 208.

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3.2. The Empire Period that otherwise the gods would suffer. Understanding this opened the way to nego tiating with a deity by showing the discrepancies in her behavior. Similarly as in During the Empire period, Hittite religion was transformed substantially. The most im Mesopotamia. relations with the gods were perceived in legal terms. Prayers bring portant gods of Uatti discussed in the previous chapter continued to be worshiped many examples of this kind of argumentation,427 supported by vows of additional in the capital, the holy cities of Arinna and Ziplanda, and many other towns of rich offerings to the deity, including the erection of a new temple or cult image central Anatolia. Even so, Luwian and Hurrian traditions from southeastern Asia (see 3.2.7). Minor begin to play an important role in cult as well as magic. Syrian and Mesopo The cool rationalism of the Old Hittite period in relation to the gods was replaced tamian beliefs appear through the Hurrian mediation, deeply changing the world with time by an emotional attitude which is pointedly expressed in prayers and outlook of the inhabitants of Hittite Anatolia, especially as far as the power elite hymns edited according to Mesopotamian models. One of the constituent parts was was concerned. This new religiosity found reflection in multiplying divine beings a negative confession, listing sins which evidently demonstrates the adoption by the through the deification of all entities associated with the gods and their attributes, Hittites of the Mesopotamian understanding of guilt as a violation of divine laws. as if the god’s anger could be aroused by unintentional omittance of any especially but not at all in the sense of modern moral standards. At the same time the bond favored aspect of his nature or attribute. The concept of divinity grew to encompass tightens between man and god or a group of personal divinities. The one of a kind weather phenomena like winds, clouds, lightning and thunder (all treated as if they text of Uattuili III (1267—1237), commonly referred to as his Apology, is a veritable were beings associated with the gods). as well as some abstract concepts like good covenant made by the king with auèka of Aamuha.428 The elevation of the god ness. law and order, wisdom, joy. health and others. These concepts were represented dess is best reflected in the words: “I will celebrate Sauèka’s divine providence. Let occasionally under the guise of symbolic figures. for example, objects of metal. (every) man hear it and may in the future my son. grandson and further royal de The inhabitants of Asia Minor imagined the world of the gods in likeness to the scendants honor auèka among (all) the gods.”129 The text is an invaluable source for real world around them.424 “By and large the gods ... were human beings on a grand in the debate on the origins of , which had been maturing already scale. They were subject to the same range of emotions, like love, anger, fear, jeal sonic time in the religious thinking of elites from different lands of the Ancient ousy; they sometimes neglected their responsibilities, they could deceive and be Near East and which found its first proniinent representation in the reforms of deceived, they enjoyed the pleasures of the flesh, and they liked a variety of enter Akhenaton. Hattuili III’s bond with Sauèka constitutes an interesting parallel for tainment.”42° One text puts the case very clearly: “Are the desires of gods and men the covenant between and Israel, which stands at the root of henotheism in different? In no way! Do their natures differ? In no way!”426 the Israelite religion of the age of Moses.4’10 Kinship and the hierarchy in the pantheon structure closely resembled actual Complex reasons were responsible for the change in Hittite religion under the social relations. The gods were immortal, but no different from humans in terms of Empire. In effect of Muwattalli I’s usurpation. followed by another palace coup and behavior and mental states. They were the masters, depending on people to serve internal conflict from which Tuthaliya I, son of Kantuzzili, emerged victorious, a new them with subservience and willingness to satisfy their needs. And like a bad dynasty originating from Kummani in Kizzuwatna seized power in the first half of servant, a man or woman remiss in his/her duties could expect to be punished. As the god was deeply interested in being served, however, he took care of man, knowing 427 The Hittite term for the prayer is orkowor. a ‘pleading or ‘defense.’ as in a speech made before a coort of law: cf. Laroche 1964—1965: 13ft: Meichert 1998: 521.

125 CTH 81. Otien 1981: Otten — KOmmel 1985: van den Hoot 1997: 199ff. 121 See. e.g.. Steiner 1957—1971: Flaas 1994s: 291ff.: Popko 1995a: 131ff.: Berkrnan 1999a: 519f1: 429 CTH 81 § 2 (i 5ff.). translated by Hoffner 2006h: 267: for a slightly different English translation, Bryce 2002: 139ff. see van den Hoot 1997: 199. 421 Bryce 2002: 139. 130 Popko 1995a: 133f.: 2003c. Collins (2007: ilOf.) soggests conceptoal similarities linking the Sinai 126 KUB 13.1 i 2 if.. translated by Brvce 2002: 139. covenant to Hittite treaties.

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431 . . . the fifteenth century BC and ruled the Hittite kingdom until its ultimate fall. As took much longer to create a proper setting for the worship of state divinities and part of their dynastic cult. Hittite kings of the Empire period worshiped the gods of occurred only in the reign of Tutaliya IV (1237—1209) when the Great Temple in the Hurrians living in Kizzuwatna and northern Syria. including Syrian deities and gods the Lower City of Uattua was built (3.2.6). Time was also needed for change in of Mesopotamian origin (see 3.2.5). There were therefore two pantheons in the offi Hittite royal ideology. This new ideology was expressed for the first time in lists of times of cial Hittite religion of the Empire period — a dynastic one, comprising Hurrian and divine witnesses to treaties and in the royal seal iconography of the Kizzuwatnean deities worshiped by the royal family (3.2.2), and a state one, in which Tutaliya III and (3.2.1). significant changes were stimulated by the beliefs of the royal house (3.2.1)432 The Continuity and change in the Hittite state pantheon and royal ideology of the most important of these changes was the incorporation of the Hurrian Storm-god Empire period perfectly fits the conclusions drawn from a conference on Steady States Teinub, the dynasty’s patron god, as the main god of the state pantheon. Divinities of at the British Academy in September 2004. In the introductory chapter Harriet foreign origin penetrated also into the pantheon of the capital and local beliefs (3.2.3). Crawford writes: “Continuity (lid not mean stagnation. Change certainly did occur, State cult practice, as reflected by numerous festivals celebrated in the capital but it seems to have occurred not immediately after the regime change. but with and other towns in the presence of the king, royal couple and/or princes, referred to in one or two generations of that change. that is to say, after about fifty years.,. an earlier tradition. At the same time, however, and to a much bigger degree than “When change does come, the reasons for it are varied. We can suggest, for in the Old Hittite period, the state pantheon was a reflection of the rulers’ theolo example, that it is only after a period of time that newcomers to the throne feel gical policies. A new geographic concept of the pantheon was taking shape even as confident enough to modify the existing ideology; on the other hand, we have al the center of gravity of the state moved in a southerly and southeasterly direction. ready seen that a conqueror from within the same cultural sphere as the conquered In the late sixteenth century BC, the Hittite kings lost control over the northern may share the same inentalité and this may contribute to a desire for continuity. successor territories occupied by the Kaèkeans for more than two hundred years: meanwhile Any conqueror may initially be anxious to cast himself as the legitimate the centers in the upper run of the Kizilirmak (Upper Land with the capital Sa chosen by the local gods, whose worship and maintenance therefore has to be one of muha) grew in importance, as well as those in southern Anatolia (Lower Land) and in his first priorities.”434 the southeastern region (Kizzuwatna), in lands inhabited by the Luwians cultiva Having defeated the Kaèkeans, Hattuèili III recovered the territories in the north ting their own religious traditions (3.2.4). The deities from these centers took a promi with the holy city of Nerik. The reorganization of local cults after such a long Kaikean nent place in the Hittite state pantheon next to the old Hattian gods. Their cult was occupation. continued unbroken by Hattulili’s successor. Tuthaliya IV. naturally could performed in HattuSa and in many towns in the province. During the heyday. after not lead to a faithful restoration of the Old Hittite traditions. Gods previously not the conquests of Suppiluliuma I (c. 1360—1332) and Murili II (l331—c. 1290)t33 confirmed in the texts. including ones from southern Anatolia, now appeared in the the Hittite Empire spread froni the western coasts of Asia Minor to northern Syria. pantheons of many towns in the north: new centers which had little to say in the The change in the state pantheon and cult did not occur immediately after the state cult of the Old Hittite period now gained in significance. Nonetheless, the fact advent of the new dynasty. It was not until Suppiluliuma I or rather his father that a deity from the Empire period is absent from earlier texts can sometimes be due Tuthaliya III (c. 1380—1360) that the state pantheon took on its final typological to the poor state of preservation and insignificant number of Old Hittite sources. shape as reflected by the lists of gods invoked to witness state treaties (3.2.1). It Central and northern Anatolia was changing ethnically even as the Hittite state enlarged its territories. The pestilence which ravaged the land of Uatti from the end 431 Taracha 2004a for a review of the debate: further 2008a. For the history of ihe early Empire of the reign of Suppiluliuma I to the times of Murlib II. devastated Hattula and the period, see now Carruba 2008: 83ff. with refereoces.

132 Taracha 2005a. - 433 For the dates of Suppiloliuma’s death and Mur4ili’s accession, see Taracha 2008b. 434 Crawford 2007: 4. r

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neighborhood of the city. Rulers forcibly transferred Luwian population groups from Other texts attest to an interpretatio luvitica of the third deity in the supreme the south and west of Asia Minor to the depopulated regions. In the thirteenth cen triad occurring in the new ethno-linguistic and cultural realm. Consequently, the tury BC, the people in Uattuèa and vicinity appear to have spoken Luwian, Hittite Luwian stag god LAMMA!Kurunta/i(ya) and his consort Ala (3.2.4) appear after the being used only by the state chancery.435 JJattuèili III and his son Tuthaliya IV fol Sun-goddess and the Storm-god. Other tutelary deities are mentioned, too. One of lowed a similar settlement strategy in the recovered northern territories. The re these was Zithariya, worshiped as a kur.ia-bag. It is not quite clear how Zithariya, sulting changes in local beliefs find expression in preserved texts from the royal chief deity of Zithara. ended up becoming the king’s tutelary god and his companion archives in Uattua. on military campaigns. Perhaps Zitbara’s importance as a town is a key to this puzzle. The town is known, among others, as the place where the Hittite-Hurrian purifica of ithaizi (‘mouth-washing’) for Tuthaliya III, father of uppiluliuma I, 3.2.1. State pantheon tory ritual and his wife Taduhepa was written. Hence, it is not to be excluded that the new From the outset of the Empire period the Anatolian Storm-god. who traditionally royal dynasty was somehow specially connected with this town. stood at the head of the state pantheon by the side of the Sun-goddess of Arinna, Lists of gods receiving offerings during traditional Hittite cult festivals fail to appears in the disguise of the Hurrian Teub.436 TeSub’s inseparable companion inform fully about the modifications of the state pantheon occurring under the new was his brother Taèmièu, known in Asia Minor by the name of a local god, Suwa rule. Not so lists of divine witnesses to state treaties, which are a perfect illustra liyat.437 The Storm-god (Teèèub) and Suwaliyat (TamiSu) are regularly enumerated tion of developments in the Hittite pantheon in the course of two hundred years.440 period.lhi side by side on lists of gods worshiped during state cult festivals. This change was In the earliest lists from the beginning of the Empire the supreme triad clearly influenced by the beliefs of the new dynasty of Kizzuwatnean origin. For the is followed by the Moon as oath god, Sauèka (denoted with the logogram LTAR) first time also the nanie of the Storm-god is written with the logogram 0u borrowed who had a leading position in Hurrian pantheons (3.2.5), and the War-god, whose 0- 438 from northern Syria, appearing next to the earlier ISKUR. elevated rank in these early lists is presumed to draw from his role in the ideology Change in the third position in the supreme triad of the official pantheon came of kingship already in Old Hittite times (3.1.1). In the list of gods of the SunaèSura with the popularization of tutelary LAMMA gods from the Luwian milieu in Hattu treaty (KBo 28.110+ rev. 80”ff.) the supreme triad of the state pantheon is followed da (3.2.4). The logogram LA?vIMA denotes the Luwian term Oman. corresponding to directly by Teèèub of Balab and Hebat, topmost divine couple of the dynastic pan the Hittite innono ‘strong. robust; thus clearing the way for use of this logogram to theon (3.2.2). no longer listed in this exposed place in any later treaties. write the nanie of the goddess mar, regardless of a complementary fact that in her Lists of divinities in Hittite state treaties reflect the entirely new idea that had nature as a mistress of wild life she seems to have resembled the Luwian LAMMA evolved with regard to the pantheon.442 A typological arrangement of divine wit god (3.1.1). It is very likely that in the lists of gods mentioning the supreme triad of nesses had been introduced already in the times of Suppiluliuma I’s predecessors, 0 L’tIU the Sun-goddess. Storm-god and LAMMA ( Hatto. the latter logogram refers to Inar. especially when I abandali is listed next to This logogram denoted :39 C’TH 777. Haas 1984: see now also StranD 2006: 14911 also Kammamma, who replaced Inar — in some lists (see 3.1.1), leading to his being 440 For English and German translations, see Beckman i999c: I 1ff Wilhelm — Schwemer Klmgec perceived as a tutelary god. 2005. - 441 KBo 28.110+ rev. 80ff. (treaty between Tuthaliya I and Sunallora of Kizzuwatna), Sehwemer 2006a: 246: and KBo 8.35 0 9ff. (CTH 139. an early treaty with Kalkeans). von Schuler 1965: 435 See now van den Hoot lO07a: 238ff. I iO: cf. also Yoshida 1996: 10. 136 As attested be ritual texis from the very beginning of the Empire period: see 3.1.1 wiih n 225 442 On the pantheon from ihe lisis of divine witnesses, see Kestemont 1976: Yoshida 1996: 7ff. 437 GOterbock 1961a. (references to earlier literature on p. 7 n. 11: Taraeha 2005a: 92ff.. 101ff.: Schwemer 2006a: 438 Schwemer 2001: 76ff.: Popko 2005h: 10. 13. 243ff.

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but it was not until this ruler that it took on an ultimate form, to be repeated with cult, owe their high position to the importance of the center they originated from, but slight modifications in all the documents of his successors until the very end. for example, the Storm-god of Arinna. Setting aside the Sun-god of Heaven for now (see below), the lists are headed by the Standing out in this conception of a pantheon is the idea of a territorial state, Sun-goddess of Arinna, who is followed by storm-gods from different centers (both which nonetheless failed to cover all of the lands making up the Hittite Empire. In Anatolian ones and Teèub’s numerous hypostases, among whom Teèèub of Heaven spite of the fact that the conquests of uppiluliuma I and Murèili II extended Hit figures prominently) along with tutelary deities (corresponding to the overall idea of tite rule from the western coasts of Asia Minor to northern Syria, the state pan the supreme divine triad). The arrangment of other (categories of) deities down on theon included foremost the gods of Batti from the region in the bend of the Kizilir the list is as follows: Mesopotamian goddess of the netherworld Allatu (identified mak. those of the Upper Land in the upper course of this river, the Lower Land with Lelwani) together with Ea and his consort Damkina, three most important mani incorporating the Konya Plain and eastern . and Kizzuwatna in south festations of Tehpinu from the towns of Tawiniya. Durmitta and Uanbana, oath eastern Anatolia. It is only exceptionally that the gods of northern Syria are men deities Moon-god (sometimes with his consort ) and Ièbara, various hypostases tioned in treaties made by the Hittites with rulers from cities in this region. of Teèèub’s sister and auèka his wife Hebat, war-gods (among whom the three from The geographic character of the state pantheon is illustrated even more dis Hattua, Illaya and Arziya were the most famous), gods of plague Ivarri and Zappa tinctly by the royal prayers addressed to all the gods of the land. The best preserved na, goddesses heading local pantheons: Abara of Samuba, Hantitaèu of Hurma. the example is a prayer of Muwattalli II (c. 1290 1273). CTH 381 (see 3.2.7).° The Queens of Pnkuwa and Katapa, Ammamma of Tahurpa. Uallara of Dunna (Classi list of gods incorporated in it takes on the form of a roll of local pantheons listed by cal , now Porsuk . - Huyuk), Huwassanna of Hubesna, Tapisuwa of Ishupitta, importance of particular centers at the time of the text’s redaction. The order used Kuniyawanni of Landa, NIN.AEN.SEN of Kinza (Kade), gods of the mountain- and to change in reflection of the current situation. Even so, the territorial extent of the steppe-dwellers, all the gods and goddesses of the land of Hatti and Kizzuwatna, Hittite gods’ realm corresponded to that conveyed by the lists of divine witnesses to Sun-goddess of the Earth (Luwian goddess of the netherworld. whose name is con the state treaties. The said prayer records the gods of amuha and Katapa right cealed under the notation of ERE.KI.GAL. sharing many traits with the Hurrian Al after those of the holy town of Arinna but before those of Uattua. reflecting a situ lani; see 3.2.4) and a group primeval of gods of the netherworld with Mesopotamian ation that existed at the beginning of the rule of Muwattalli II, when amuha

and Hurrian names (3.2.5), — finally mountains, rivers, springs, Great Sea, Heaven appears to have been his temporary residence.446 Katapa gained in importance as and Earth, winds and clouds. a royal seat in the later years of his father Murèili H.447 There is no mention as yet The lists express the idea of the Thousand Gods of Hatti’ developed by court of the city of Tarhuntaa, which Muwattalli II made his capital a few years into theologians.114 This peculiar product of political theology, an amalgam of Anatolian, his reign. taking with him from Uattuèa the gods of the land and the ancestors of Hurrian, Syrian and Mesopotamian religious traditions, had no ties with earlier ritual the royal family.448 In a later prayer of this ruler, Tarhunta4a is mentioned right practice. Not accidentally, the Sun-goddess of Arinna does not appear with Mezzulla, after Arinna and Uattuèa, while amuha is far down on the list.449 The gods re her daughter and inseparable companion from the lists of gods to whom offerings turned to the old capital in the reign of Mur4ili III/Urbi-Teub (c. 1273_1267).400 were made during cult ceremonies. Teèuh’s consort Hebat also retreats to a second

ary position, leaving the position of the chief goddess of the land to the Sun-goddess 445 Singer 1996: 2002a: 85ff.: Garcia Trahazo 2002: 331ff. of Arinna. Other gods. who are known to have played an insignificant role in the 446 Taracha 2007a: 757f. 447 Popko 200 lb.

448 Apology (CTH 81) i 75 — ii 2. ii 52f., Otten 1981: 14f.: KBo 6.29+ i 30f. On these events, see Klengel 1999: 210; Bryce 2005: 230f. 443 Lebrun 2007. 449 KBo 9.98+±. Singer 1996: 165ff. 444 Cf. Singer 1994: Karasu 2003. 450 KUB 21.15 i liT., Houwink ten Cate 1974: 125; 1994: 234: Bryce 2005: 253.

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The ideology of kingship in the early Empire period drew upon Old Hittite tradi In the Mesopotamian tradition, the Sun-god Sama, who sees everything, came tion.451 Testifying to the continuity is the high position of the War-god among the to be regarded as a god of truth, justice and right. He was directly interested in the divine witnesses in the treaties of the predecessors of Suppiluliuma I (see above), as affairs of mankind and watched over the cosmic order founded on the legitimacy of well as the presence of the statues of Hattuèili I in the temples of the Storm-god royal authority. This tradition was embodied in Hittite hymns and prayers to the and the War-god on the acropolis BOyOkkale, which were still worshiped there (in Sun-god, inspired by Babylonian models, in which the god is referred to by the Hit the former temple together with statues of the most prominent kings of the new tite name Iètanu.459 Significantly, the author of one of these prayers (CTH 373) was dynasty, Tuthahya I. uppiluliuma I and Murèili II) in the thirteenth century BC.4D2 the brother of Tuthaliya III, Kantuzzili (see 3.2.7). Perhaps the appearance of these The enthronement and of a new king and his royal consort was a re prayers in the royal archives in Hattua should be connected with the change occur ligious act. On this day an ancient tradition called for the royal couple to make of ring in the royal ideology discussed above. ferings to the Sun-goddess of Arinna; cult ceremonies were held simultaneously in Many of the characteristics of Samaè were transferred by the agency of the the temples of all of the gods (in Hattua?), as well as in Ziplanda, Ankuwa and Hurrian Simige (3.2.5) to the Sun-goddess of Arinna. which sometimes led to the Tahurpa.4°3 In the treaty between Suppiluliuma I and attiwaza of Mittani, the Sun- two solar deities being identified with one another in ritual practice. One of the texts goddess of Arinna is said to “govern kingship and queenship in Uatti.”4° She was speaks of offerings made to the Sun-goddess of Arinna (with Mezzula) and to the the real ruler of the land, the king being absolutely in her service.4° ‘heavenly Sun of Arinna.’ the latter being certainly mistaken for the Sun-god of The ideology of kingship had already changed by this time. In a Palaic incanta Heaven.460 In the Hurrian-Hittite itkolzi ritual the Sun-goddess of Arinna appears tion it is the Sun-god Tiyad who is called the father and mother of the king.4°6 By in the place of the Hurrian imige together with his consort Ayu-Ikalti46’ (see 3.2.2). this reference to the Sun-god the incantation documents change in the ideology of The logogram DUTUAS (DsAMAs) is also attested as a notation for the goddess’s kingship which is to be attributed to Svro-Mesopotamian ideas.15’ The change is name.462 At the same time, the Sun-goddess starts being referred to in texts from evident also in the arrangement of the list of divine witnesses to state treaties where the Empire period as ‘of Arinna’ in order to distinguish her from the male solar the Sun-god of Heaven is mentioned first. Simultaneously the Anatolian War-god deities; this epithet does not appear with her name in any of the Old Hittite sources. 463 lost his exposed place, appearing lower down, together with other war-gods of dif From Tuthaliya III, royal seal iconography had expressed the tutelary role of ferent origin (see above). This new arrangement of the list of divine witnesses is the Sun-god of Heaven with regard to the king as an aedicula with a winged solar attested for the first time in the documents of uppiluIiuma I, but it cannot be ex disc above the hieroglyphs of the king’s name.464 This royal propaganda was given cluded that it was introduced already in the reign of Tutijaliya HI.4°8

2005 10Sf 1 prohahly refers to an earlier redaction of the Ijayala treaty from the times of Tutba liya III: see Carruba 3988h: cf. also Taracha 2005a: 94 n. 20. 411 On the ideology of kingship and the enthronement ceremonies, see KOmmel 1967: 43ff.: van den 419 GOterbock 1958. Cf. also Haas 1994a: 141f.: Wilhelm 1994: Singer 2002a: 30f. with references. Hout 1991: Hans 1994a: 188ff.: 1999: Groddek 2002c; Yaknhovich 2005: Collins 2007: 92ff. 460 KUB 25.20+KUB 57.99 v 4ff.. Yoshida 1996: 108, 312. 452 CTH 660, Torn 2008 with references. 46i HUB 29.8++ i 23f.. Haas 1984: 87 (no. 9); Yoshida 1996: 151: see now also Straufl 2006: 84. 453 KUB 12.54 rev. 1ff. with parallels in other texts, Archi 1966: 77; Yoshida 1996: 197: Crasso 462 Kassian — Yakohovich 2004. 2006: 342f.: rf. also Kummel 1967: 46f. 163 Salvim 1990. 454 KBo 1.1 rev. 35’. 40’ (Akkadian), Beckman 1999c: 46f.: 0. Wilhelm — disc these apud Wilhelm Schwemer — 464 Some scholars (e.g. Dincol 2002: 90: Soysal 2003: 53) interpret the winged solar in Klinger 2005: 119. Cf. also Yoshida 1996: 12ff. scenes as a hieroglyph for the royal title 0UTU ‘My Son. In my opinion, however (see also 455 Honwink ten Cate 1987. Taracha 2005a 95), the timely appearance of the aedicula composition concurrontly with 456 KUB 35.165 obv. 21f. with its parallel KUB 32.17 7’f., Yaknhovich 2005: 108. the elevation of the Son-god in the lists of divine witnesses of Hittite state treaties favors the 457 Cf. Beckman 2002h. idea that the winged solar disc actually synibohzes the Sun-god: cf. also an image of Simige 458 The list of divine witnesses in the treaty with Hnqqana of Havala from the early years of below a winged disc at Yazilikaya 13.2.21. in attire that resembles the king’s priestly dress in Snppiluliuma I (CTH 42. Beckman 1999c: 28f.: J. Hunger — apnd Wilhelm Schwemer — Klinger iconography of the late Empire period. Otten (1987: 321 is correct in stating that nothing is

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a new expression under Muwattalli TI with the emergence of the so-called Umar Gods of Kingship, [gran]t [now] to Murili the king a mighty weapon, [I..., victory, mung scene in which Teèèub/Tarhunt of Heaven extends his protection to the king. and growth in (lit, of) the land of Uatti.”47° The issue should be viewed against The representation of the ruler in the embrace of Teèub/Tarhunt of Heaven is re a broader Near Eastern background.471 According to Nicolas Wyatt, the “term ‘royal

peated on seals of the successors of Muwattalli TI — Murèili TIT/Urhi-Teèèub and gods’ means that, apart from any other functions they performed, they represented Tutaliya TV.465 On the seal of the latter king the Umarmung scene is incorporated in in the celestial world of the gods apotheosized aspects of kingship and were believed an elaborate aedicula with the winged disc of the Sun-god above the hieroglyphs of to be present in some measure in the person of the reigning king.”472 the king’s both, Hittite and Hurrian, names that are flanked by the supreme pair of the In official propaganda which supported the legitimacy of power and the rights of state pantheon, the Sun-goddess of Arinna and the Storm-god embracing Tuthaliya. the heir to the throne, family relations between the gods of the dynastic pantheon In thirteenth-century iconography the relation between the king and the Sun-god (3.2.2) were transposed onto members of the royal family. The seals of Urbi-Teèèub and Storm-god is visualized in the symbolic identification of the king with both deities: as his father’s heir presumptive (tuhkanti) are good examples, for they show him 466 473 the king as Sun-god in his priestly dress and as Storm-god in military attire. in the embrace of Sarrumma, son of Tessub of Kizzuwatna. A little later, in the The Sun-god and the Storm-god were the Gods of Kingship par excellence. 467 new political situation after the reconquest of northern territories by Uattuèili III, A fragmentary prayer brings the theme of an orphan king, who calls himself the who also declared the Storm-god of Nerik his divine patron, court theologians re child and at the same time a steward of the Sun-god and the Storm-god: “[TI have vamped the traditional Hittite pantheon according to principles of family ties, pre no [father], I have no mother. You, 0 gods, (are) [my] father, [you (are)] my sumably modeling their efforts on the organization of the dynastic pantheon. The Storm- [mother]. You (are like) His Majesty (lit. My Sun) and I, I (am like?) your subjects. gods of the holy cities of Nerik and Ziplanda became the sons of the supreme couple, You alone, 0 gods, have put the kingsh[ip] in my [hajnd.”468 The reverse of the text Storm-god of Hatti and Sun-goddess of Arinna. This allowed Uattuèili III to include reads: “0 Sun-god and Storm-god! [Tncline(?)j good eyes and regard the king and the Storm-god of Nerik in the royal propaganda as a guarantor of royal succession 474 queen with favorable [eyes] and keep them alive!”469 Calling someone ‘father and for his son Tuthahya, proclaimed archpriest of the god. At the same time, however, mother’ was the customary way of expressing respect in ; it is Sarrumma was Tuthaliya’s personal god and remained so even after his accession 475 attested in Old Hittite sources beginning with the Anitta text (see 3.1.1). to the throne. The group of the Gods of Kingship is not defined in the preserved texts. It must The efforts of the court theologians to find references between the state and have included other deities as well. One text from the times of Murèili TI mentions dynastic pantheons led to attempts to equate the Sun-goddess of Arinna and Te the royal gods next to the Sun-goddess of Arinna: “0 Sun-goddess of Arinna (and) èub’s consort Uebat.476 Direct evidence of this approach appears in a prayer of queen

470 VS NF 12.7 iv 16f., Groddek 2002c: 84, 85, 90. - better proof of change in ideology than a new iconography of the royal seals. The royal title ‘My 471 See. e.g., Wyatt’s comments (2007: 47ff.) on , and Saplu as royal deities in Ugarit. Sun’ is attested already in the Old Hittite period; see Carruba 2002. It must have been introduced i72 Wyatt 2007: 48. earlier on, regardless of changes in the ideology of kingship in the Empire period. 473 Hawkins 2001. 465 Taracha 2005a: 94; 2008a. Cf. also Otten 1993: 10ff., 22ff., 35ff.; Singer 1996: 68; Klengel 2002; 471 KUB 36.90 ohv. 15ff.. Singer 2002a: 106; cf. also Yakuhovich 2005: 126. Herhordt 2006. For a new bulla (Bo 2003/12) with an impression of the Umorrnung seal of Muwat 475 For relief no. 81 from Yazilikaya with Sarrumma embracing Tuthaliya IV. see Orthmann 1983 talk II showing the king in the embrace of Tellub/Tarhunt. found “im Tal vor Sarikale,” see with references: Ehringhaus 2005: 28f. Cf. also below, 3.2.10. Seeher 2004: 70, 71 fig. 22. 476 This had place already in an early phase of the Empire period. For example, in the itkulzi ritual for 466 Guterbock 1993; van den Hout 1995; Benatz 2007: esp. 12Sf. Tuthaliya III, father of uppiluliuma I, Tellub’s partner is Hebat / Sun-goddess of Arinna, KUB 467 van den Hout 1998: 73. 29.8 ill. Haas 1984: 86 (no. 9). Cf. also the Muwattalli II prayer (CTH 381) where the supreme 468 KUB 43.68(+)36.91 ebv. S’ff., translated by Singer 2002a: 24; cf. also van den Hout 1998: 74; couple of the state pantheon: Storm-god, called pihoè4o44/ in this text, and Sun-goddess of Arinna / Yakubovich 2005: 111. Hebat. queen of Heaven, are mentioned among the gods worshiped in Samuha, KUB 6.45 i 41, 469 KUB 43.68(+)36.91 rev. 4’f.. translated by Singer 2002a: 25: cf. also van den Hout 1998: 74. Singer 1996: 10, 33.

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92 3. Hint ANAT0LIA I 3.2. THE EMPIRE PEmon 93 Puduhepa, wife of Uattuèili III: “0 Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, queen of all the muwattalli ‘Mighty’480 and the Storm-god pihaááaáái ‘of Lightning,’48’ conceived by lands! In latti you gave yourself the name Sun-goddess of Arinna, but the land Murèili II and Muwattalli II respectively to become their personal gods (cf. 3.2.3). which you made that of the cedar, there you gave yourself the name Hebat.”47’ Ideas The Luwian epithets that the Hurrian Storm-god was endowed with on this occa of this kind could not expect to find understanding among ordinary inhabitants of sion come as no surprise, for in the Luwian milieu, which dominated in Hittite the land of Hatti. Anatolia at the time, he bore the Luwian name Tarhunt: the Hittites called him traditionally Tarbuna/i.4 The Hurrian Storm-god had a significant influence on his 3.2.2. Dynastic pantheon Luwian counterpart, but he also came to stand at the head of many local pantheons in southern Anatolia as a result of a progressing Hurrianization of Luwian beliefs Like many other Hurrian and Hurrianized royal families of eastern Anatolia, Syria (3.2.4 & 5). and northern Mesopotamia. including the kings of Mittani, the new dynasty had The Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean pantheon of gods worshiped by the royal family as Teèub as its divine protector. This may also explain the occurrence of Hittite adap part of the dynastic cult also illustrates the beliefs of the Anatolian Hurrians and tations of the Hurrian myths belonging to the cycle in the royal archives their kith and kin from northern Syria (3.2.5). The reliefs from the rock sanctuary of Hattua (3.2.9). As a matter of fact, “the definition ‘Cycle of Kumarbi’ may no at Yazilikaya. less than a kilometer from Hattua, constitute a valuable iconographic longer have such solid foundations as held up to now and, indeed, one might speak source.483 Contrary to what has been written on the subject,184 Yazilikaya was not of the ‘Cycle of Teiièub’ or the ‘Cycle of the Storm-God.’ We are therefore led to be lieve that the different accounts might bear one the and same epilogue: the advent 480 Popko 2001h: ci’. also Tarocha 2004h: 454; 2005a: 96f.: coetro Hotter 2003: 221 (a Lowian god). of the Storm-God at the head of the pantheon.”478 Seeking an explanation for the 481 Singer 1996: 185ff., esp. 189: Popko 1998: 121ff.: 2005a: 85: Taracha 2005a: 97: in contrast to Hotter (1995: 79ff.: 2003: 223). who considers the Storm-god of Lightning a Lowian god: ci’. also importance of the Kumarbi cycle for the Hittite royal court, we now recognize that Singer 2003—2005: 560 (“the Lowian Storm’god pihoii5o4li”): Lehrnn 2007: 462 (“one hposlase a more adequate interpretation of these myths lies in the royal ideology of the Empire lonvite do dieo de l’orage de premiere importance”). -182 Cf.. e.g.. the doinG-list in the ritual of the priest Ammihatna (C’I’H 471). at the top of which we period. The Kumarbi cycle as a whole, which describes Teub’s victory over Ku have the Storm-god Tarhoni (0ISKUR-ai) and the ‘sacred brother of the Storm-god’ (t1ISKUR marbi. once the ruler of the world, and various representatives of , is indeed SE ãuppi), i.e. Tadmilo/Sowaliyat: see Guterbock 1961a: 4: Wegner 2002: 64f.. 297ff.; Strauf) and arromma (CTH part of the narrative tradition of the Chaoskampf in Syrian and Mesopotamian 2006: 226)’., 239f. Cf. also the evocation ritoal for Tarhon(a), Hebat 485),

Haas — Wilhelm 1974: 211ff.; Haas 1998: 106ff. (nos 53—59). On the other hand, in texts belonging mythical and epic texts.4’9 to the colt of Saodka of Samoha (KUB 27.1 i 47ff. with its doplicate KUB 47.64 ii 17ff., Wegner Hittite kings referred to one of Teèáub’s hypostases in a special way as Teèub 1995c: 33f.. 37 (no. 1). 56f. (no. 21). all of the Anatolian storm-gods hear the name of Tetlub 1°C-oh) according to their interpretotio /iurritico. (of Halab) of Kummani. place of origin of the dynasty. In the Hittite capital he was wor 481 Bittel — Xaomann — Otto 1941: Bictel ted.) 1975: Kolilmeyer 1983: 48ff. with references. Ehring shiped as Teub of Halab of Hattuèa (3.2.6). His allomorphs were the Storm-god hans 2005: t4ff. For the processions of gods. see Laroche 1948: ltlfi’.: 1952a: Otten 1959b: 1967: Laroche l969a: Bittel 1975: Goterbock 1975a: 1982: Gurney 1977: 19ff.: Masson 1981: Haas 1994a: 633ff. 484 See, among others, Laroche 1952a; 1969a; 1991: 222 (“A centory later at Yazilikaya, the imperial pantheon of nppilolioina I was replaced by the Kizzowatnean... pantheon of the royal coople 477 KUB 21.27 i 3ff., Lebrun 1980: 330, 336; Surenhagen 1981: 108f.; Garcia Trabazo 2002: 356f. Hattolili and Pudohepa.”); Gurney 1977: 17 (“In the thirteenth century, when Hattnsili married with n. 7; Singer 2002a: 102. See also Wilhelm 2002a: 69; Archi 2006: 148. the priestess of Kizzowadna, Podohepa. the Horrian gods of Kommanni virtoally took over the 478 Corti 2007: 120. .”): Haas 1994a: 633: 2002: 108; Lebron t995h: 1971 (“the Horrianized imperial 479 This is also in accordance with Wyatt’s interpretation (2007: 43ff.) of the Ugaritan Baal cycle pantheon”): Hawkins 1998: 67 1 ‘l’he Hittite pantheon... is illnstcated on the i’ocky walls of Yazili’ and his general statement (p. 45) that the (‘hooshooip[ “had an intimate relationship with ritnals kaya chamber A... it is noteworthy that here we have represented only a fraction of the composite of kingship. new kings receiving from the gods a charter guaranteeing divine sanction in their Hittite pantheon.”): Brvce 2002: 161 (“the thoroughly Hurrianized Hittite pantheon”): Seeher military campaigns, so that all warfare was seen as the ongoing conflict between cosmos and 2002:C ollins 2007: 139f. (“the Horrian pantheon. which became especially important in the stale chaos religion of the mid-thirteenth century”), and 177 (“The divine figtires carved into the rock r

94 3. Hirrim ANAT0LIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERI0B 95

the a sanctuary of state cult. The walls of chamber A bear a depiction of two divine The two gods standing on the mountains are in all probability Takmiku (no. 41) processions: gods led by Teèèub on the western side, goddesses led by Uebat on the and Kumarbi (no. 40). Coming behind them are En (no. 39), Saukka (no. 38) in the eastern side. Both the idea of the pantheon being divided into gods and goddesses male aspect of a warrior-goddess490 together with her servants Ninatta (no. 37) and in ritual practice, and the way this separation is depicted as the two processions Kulitta (no. 36). Moon-god Kukul (no. 35). Sun-god Simige of Heaven (no. 34), War- meeting in the center, which corresponds to antithetic representations of the main god Atnbi (no. 33), tutelary god Nubndig?) (no. 32), Pirengir(?) (no. 31), HekueQ?) gods of the pantheon on Syrian cylinder seals,48° has its sources in the Hurrian (no. 30), two bull-men standing on a symbol of the Earth and supporting a symbol of Kizzuwatnean and Hurrian milieus of southeastern Anatolia and northern Syria.186 Heaven (nos 28/29), Ugur(?) (no. 27). Pinikaphi(?) (no. 26), thirteen other divinities The main scene represents a family group of the supreme deities: TeèSub (no. 42) who are difficult to identify (nos 25—13), and twelve gods of the netherworld with standing on the napes of two mountain-gods.487 and his consort Hebat (no. 43) op. -shaped swords held against their shoulders (nos 12—1). The order of nineteen posite him, standing on a leopard. They are accompanied by Sen and Hurri, the goddesses in the procession to the right of the main scene corresponds to the ar

- 488 . sacred bulls . - - of Tessub. Hehat is followed by her son with Tessub, Sarrumma rangement of the kaluti-lists for Uebat (3.2.5): Dakidu (no. 46a). lJudena (no. 47) (no. 44) on a leopard (this is the Hebat— Sarrumma pair perceived as a unity in ritual and Hudellucrn (no. 48). Allatu (no. 49), Ièhara(?) (no. 50), Nnbarbi (no. 51), aluk practice. see 3.2.5). and their daughters Allanzu (no. 45) and Kunzialli (no. 46). hitiohi (no. 52). Damkina (no. 53). Nikkal (no. 54). (no. 55). aukka (no. 55n). The order of the procession of forty gods following Teiièub corresponds to the order 7 (no. 56), u(w)alaQ?) (no. 57), and six other goddesses (nos 58—63). of a standard list of gods (so-called koluti) in the cult of the Hurrian Storm-god (3.2.5). The iconographic testimony of the Yaziltkaya reliefs is often compared to a cere mony described on the tenth tablet of the Hurrian-Hittite itkolzi ritual.491 During sanctuary at Yazilikaya depict this of the Hittite and Hurrian geds in its ufficial and were driven into the ground for successive divine pairs final this ritual, kupti-objects492 form.”): Klinger 2007: 82 (“Oas Feisrelief.., stellt das zentrale Pantheon des hethitischen

Staates processions: Tekub — Hebat / Sun-god dar.’). Recently Schwemer (2006a: 257ff.. esp. 264f.) has come out against interpreting in the same order as that of the Yazihkaya the precession of gcids from Yazilikaya as a representation — of the Hittite pantheon from the late dess of Arinna, Suwaliyat (same as Tnkmiku) — Nabnrhi, Kumarbi Snlu bitiohi. Empire period, hut he accepts it as testimony of the Hurrianized cult of the Storm-god of Ijatti. assuming the Saukka) — Damkina, KuSuls — Nikknl, Simige (Sun-goddess of Arinna in the old identification of Yazihkaya with the huwoãi-sanctuary of the Storm-god. its tradi En (and tuin going hack to Old Hiitite times. In this sense he cunnecis Yazilikaya with the state cult. text) Ayu-Ikalti. gods — goddesses.491 The said ritual for Tuthnliya III and his queen 481 Cf.. e.g.. Teliub and the Sun-god Simige (cylinder seal in the Fiizwilliam Museum. £661966. Alexander 1975. Tadubepa was surely connected with the dynastic cult. seal impressions of Pihaziti, RS 17.248. Schaeffer 1956: 40f.. figs 63ff.. Amaumalhu. RS 17.28(76). Schaeffer 1956: 42ff.. figs 66ff.. and Uelmi-Te4uh. Sisk. 73.57, Beyer 1980: 276f., fig. 34; 1982: 67. fig. 7; Alexander 1993: 9. fig. 4. p1. 4.4). Te3lub and the Moon-god Ruluh (seal impressions of Ini-Tellub. PS 17.5f,Schaeffer 1956: 23ff., figs.32f.: Alexander 1993: 3.2.3. Local pantheons in central and northern Anatolia 9, p1. 4.3, and Matkali-Dagan, Msk. 74.327. Beyer 1982: 67, fig. 12: Lacoche 1982: 56 (no. 8)). Tellub and au3ka fseal impression of Kabi-Dagan. Msk. 75.12, Beyer 1982: 67. fig. 11; Laruche local pantheons of the native Hittite land 1982: 56 (no. 7)). Changes in Hittite religion are reflected in 486 The initial sources of inspiration might he sought in Mesopotamiao ritual practice coanectecl. situated in the bend of the Kizilirmak. Hurrian and Luwian gods who appear in the among others, with the New Year festivals. cf. Straufi 2006: 162C As (ate as Seleucid times, were occasionally given Hattian names. For example, the gods and traditional local pantheons goddesses were carried separately in the New Year procession in Uruk. see Poagratz Leisten 1994: 136fC 487 On the icoaograph of the Anatolian Tellub on two mountains. inspu’ed h the Old Syrian Storm- 489 The surviving traces of hieroglphs suggest an epithet: DEUS.DOMINUS-x-x. see Outerhock god through the agency of the Storm-god of Ualab. see Di)kstra 1991: Alexander 1993: Klingbeil 1975h: 172. 1999: 247fC; cC also Hawkins 1992: Popko 1998: 124. Building on the Bronze Age tradition. 490 Cf. Laroche 1952a: 117: Haas — Wailer 1974: 213 with a. 10. a new iconographic form of the smiting Storm-god, who is brandishing an axe instead of 491 Laroche 1952a: 118ff. Cf. also Haas — Wailer 1974: 21Sf.. 225: Ciuterhock t975a. 274C. V. Haas a mace, was created in the early first millennium BC. See niiw Bunnens 2004 with references. apud Haas — Thiel 1975: 88ff.: Haas 1994a: 63Sf.: Taracha 2005e: 100: Stcaufi 2006. 1590. 488 Otten 1950h: 22ff.; Haas 1972—1975; 1994a: 319C, 471f.: Singer 1996: lS3f.: Schwemer 2001: 492 See now Straud 2006: 79ff. with references: Murat 2008. 477ff. 493 KUB 29.8 i 11ff.. Haas — Wailer 1974: 218ff.: Haas 1984: 86f. (no. 9). r 96 3. Hrvri’rr ANAT0LIA I 3.2. THE EMPIEE PEmoo 97

Earth—Heaven pair worshiped by the Hurrians (3.2.5) was called by the Hattians in of the forest.199 The Storm-god of Life is mentioned on kaluti-lists in the cult of

- - . 300 their own tongue Yahèul—Iètarazzil ‘Heaven—Earth,’ and the king’s tutelary deity Tessub of Halab of Hattusa and his consort Uebat. deriving from the Luwian milieu. DLL ‘VIALUGAL / Uaèuwaè Innara to be equated The sanctuary of the Sun-goddess of Arinna in Tahurpa, not far from Uattuèa.°°’ with the hieroglyphic CERVUS3(DEUS)-ti REX / Kurunti(ya)494 (see also 3.2.4), was was important. for it was visited by the queen during the nuntarriya.dhod festival

interpreted as the king’s Kamamma — Kattelikamamma. (3.2.6). The local Sun-goddess was called by: the Hattian epithet Tahurpiètanu ‘Sun It is reasonable that the pantheon of the capital Hattua incorporated many deities of Tahurp(a).0O2 A prominent place in the pantheon of Tahurpa was occupied by Am

worshiped by the royal family. Next to the supreme triad of Uatti — Storm-god,49° (m)amma/Mamma, who is present among the divine witnesses in official treaties, DLAMA Sun-goddess of Arinna, — there were Teèub of Halab of Uattuvi and his listed there with the most important goddesses of the land (3.2.1). Her worship is consort Bebat, the chief pair from the dynastic cult, and other divinities of foreign attested in many towns of central and northern Anatolia, such as Uanbana and origin, like the allomorph of Tekob. referred to as the Storm-god of the Camp Kaèha, and also in Zalpa after the reconquest of the northern territories by Hattu

D - . U KARAS), Ea and Damkina, hypostases of Sauska of Nineveh and Hattarma, and èili III (see below). One is entitled to believe that the Hattian name/epithet Am Kubaba, goddess of Karkamiè, which was the capital of Hittite territories in north (m)amma/Mamma refers to a category of goddesses worshiped in the native Hittite ern Syria from the times of Suppiluliuma 1.496 Uattua was at this time the home region around the capital and in territories lying farther to the north.503 On the of Hittite gods, as well as deities from the Land of the Cedars (a term concerning lists of divinities witnessing official treaties, Am(m)amma of Tahurpa is mentioned, equally the Hurrian, Syrian and Mesopotamian gods worshiped in northern Syria). among others, along with goddesses who bore the epithet Katahba (‘Queen’) in tra By no means does this suggest that the Anatolian gods from the traditional pan ditional Hattian pantheons. It could indicate in this case that a similar category of theon attested in Old Hittite documents had stopped being worshiped (3.1.1). Quite goddesses had been intended (cf. 3.1.2).

the opposite in fact — sources at our disposal reflect a certain renaissance of this The practice of introducing dynastic gods into local pantheons was the rule in cult at the close of the Hittite Empire period (see 3.2.6). cities acting as royal residences. Sapinuwa (modern Ortakdy), a temporary residence The spread of new cults to the provinces, including centers still cultivating Hat of Tuthaliya III during the political crisis of the early years of his reign. was next to tian traditions, was stimulated largely. perhaps even crucially, by the religious pol Katapa one of the most important centers in the basin of the Zuliya river (Classical icies of Hittite kings. Changes touched even the holy town of Arinna.40’ On the evi Scylax. modern çekerek). The local pantheon was headed by Tehiub and Sebat. chief dence of the Muwattalli II praver.98 manifestations of Teuh with Hurrian epithets: deities of the dynastic pantheon. The haluti-list of the local Storm-god comprises. the Storm-god of Salvation (ehellibi) and the Storm-god of Life (dohurribi), appeared among others, the couple’s son Sarrumma, the sacred bulls Sen and Hurni. and the in the local pantheon next to the Sun-goddess, Mexxulla, the Uulla mountain, Zin mountains Namni/Nanni and Hazzi. Tehiub of Salvation and Tehiub of the Camp 504 tuhi and the Storm-god who represented in this case a minor category of storm-gods start off the list. The latter deity, referred to as the son of the Storm-god of Uatti,

499 Cf. KBo 2.34 Sf., Yoshida 1996: 155. 500 GOterhock 1961a: 3. 8ff.; Wegner 2002: 63. 494 Hawkins 2006: 51. SOi Stefano do Martino suggests Yassi HOyOk near Yozgat as a possible location of Hittite Tahurpa 495 In the Muwattalli II prayer -- (KUB 6.45 i 501 the Storm-god of Hatti is mentioned together (S. do Martino — F.M. Fales S. Ponchia, “Archaeological Investigations at Yassi HOyOk Yozgat): with the Prominent Calf,’ perhaps representing Sen (coetro Singer 1996: 55: Sarrumma). Thus The Site of Yassi Huyuk within the Overall Picture of Hittite Geography.” paper read at the he occurs in the disguise of TeI4ub. Cf: also the invocation of Sen. Herald of Hatti, in KUB 6.45 7th International Congress of Hittitology in corum, 25—29 August 2008). In my opinion, however, i 33ff. we should rather look for Tahurpa northeast of Hattula in the direction of Katapa. :196 KUB 6:45 i 5011’.. Singer 1996: 11, 33. 55: cf: now also Archi 2006: 150: 302 Laroche 1946—1947: 32: Yosluda 1996: 313f. 497 For the cult of Aninna. see Popko. in press: 503 Haas — Rost 1984: 201.: Haas 1988b: 97ff. 49s RUB 6:15 i 37ff.. Singer 1996: 10. 33. 504 Wegner 2002: 5Sf.

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98 3. Hrr’rim ANAT0LIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERI00 99

occupied a prominent position in the pantheon of Hattuèa (see above), as well as of Teub with the epithet pihaããa..4i, whom Muwattalli conceived as his personal among the divinities of Zitbara, the importance of which has already been empha god (3.2.2). Teèèub/Tarbunt pihaááaá.4i, worshiped at Samuba with a local form of sized (3.2.1). The presence of Teèèub of the Camp next to Zithariya at the head of Uebat, later became the chief god of the new capital. This fact was expressed in the

the Zitbara pantheon may derive from Zitariya’s role as the king’s tutelary deity Luwian name of the town — Tarbuntaèa ‘(city) of Tarbunt.’ Muwattalli was not the in war. A similar role should be assigned to this aspect of Teèèub. first ruler presumably to introduce changes in the pantheon of Samuha. The wor Murèili II, who settled in Katapa for the last years of his reign, established there ship of the chief couple of the state cult, that is, the Storm-god and the Sun-goddess the worship of the hypostasis of Teèub of Halab of Uattua with the epithet mu of Arinna I Hebat, referred to as Queen of Heaven, and also Teèub and I ebat of wattalli together with his consort Hebat.°0° The Storm-god muwattelli eclipsed in Balab and auèka,513 goes back at least to the reign of Tuthaliya III, who made importance the local deities with the Queen of Katapa in the fore. The Storm-god of amuha his capital under dramatic circumstances when the Kaèkeans burned Uat (nearby?) Sahpina, who remained high-ranking at the time among the gods of Ka tuba. He also introduced cults of other Hurrian deities originating from Kizzuwatna, tapa,°06 was most likely another manifestation of Teèèub. He was worshiped at like the Goddess of the Night, for example, to be identified with the ISTARISauiika abpina together with Aauka.507 A certain text mentions the supreme state triad type Pirengir, probably our Venus or morning star.°14 Deriving from an ancient (Sun-goddess, Storm-god, DLMMA) and beside it the gods of Katapa: War-god,°08 religious tradition of Samuba was a goddess of the name Abara, who was listed in H MUSEN 509 Sun-goddess of the Earth, and Eagle ( TI8 ). Thus, Luwian deities are seen state treaties among the most important Hittite goddesses (see 3.2.1). to have made their way into the local pantheon.°10 The cult of the Storm-god (frequently in the Hurrian garb of Teèèub) and the Sun-

- 511 Ihe Storm-god worshiped at Samuha, the most important center of the Upper goddess of Arinna, chief deities in the state pantheon, was celebrated in many towns Land where Muwattalli II is presumed to have resided in the beginning of his reign in the native Hittite territory, especially in the centers that figured prominently 515 before moving the capital from Hattuèa to Tarhuntaèèa,°12 was another hypostasis in the state cult. Exemplifying this is Tessub of Durmitta, whose worship is con firmed by his kaluti-list: Storm-god of Durmitta, uwaliyat, Kumarbi (DNISABA),

505 Popko 2001b. Ea, Moon-god, Sun-god of Heaven, Sun-goddess of Arinna, rivers and mountains.516 506 KUB 6.45 i 46. Singer 1996: 10, 33. Another text mentions offerings to the Sun-goddess of Arinna and Mezzulla of Dur 507 KUB 15.1 iii 36’ff., de Roos 2007: 95, 103; cf. Haas 1994a: 501. See also KBo 47.127, 3’, 8’. mitta, beside offerings to other hypostases of the two goddesses of Sulupaèèi (where 508 The logogram ZABABA may conceal here the Lowian god of war and plague. lyarri (3.2.4), seeing 517 518 that the War-god appears repeatedly in KBo 47.76 among the gods from other localities together Sebat was also worshiped ) and Urauna. Standing at the head of the Durmitta with the Luwian anta (°AMAR.UD) and the Sun-goddess of the Earth (see below). pantheon was traditionally Telipinu, mentioned among the divine witnesses of Hit 509 KBo 47.76 rev. 6’f. This text places Katapa northeast of Sattula, in the Zuliya/gekerek hasin. see also below. For earlier suggested locations of Katapa, see now Karasu 2007: 377f. tite state treaties (3.2.1). 510 Cf. KUB 11.27 i 6’f. (the cult of Ankuwa): °U ANE SuppiJ Tl8Mus [SA (SA)]G.DU “the Storm- god of Heaven (and) holy eagle [of the per]son (of the king).” According to Archi (2006: 158 n. 46), “the eagle was connected to the Storm-god (Tellub), as it was connected to Zeus in the Greek world.” The connection between the gods and holy eagles in the Luwian tradition of Taurila 513 KUB 6.45 i 40ff., Singer 1996: 10, 33. (see below) and, as we see now, of other centers in the Zuliya basin finds corroboration in KBo 5i4 Otten 1959b: 31f.: Unal 1993; Haas 1994a: 41Sf.; 1994h: 82; Beckman 1999b; 2002a: 37ff.; Taracha 12.89 Hi 11ff.: “[The Great] Sun-god made a feast and [inv]ited the great [gods, he invited] the 2003—2005. For the ritual CTH 481, “The Expansion of the Cult of the Deity of the Night,” see lesser gods, he, invited holy eagles.” See Starke 1985: 243; Haas 1994a: 303. Kronasser 1963: Collins 1997: 173ff. (English translation); Miller 2004: 272ff.: cf. also Heal 2002a; 511 For the cult of Samuha, see Lebrun 1976. The location of Samuha in Kayalipinar was put forward Strand 2006: 189f. by Mhller-Karpe 2000h. See also Wilhelm 2002b; and now Bar)amovic 2005: 148ff. The first 515 For a possible location of Durmitta in the region northwest of Sungurlu. with such prominent season of excavations at Kayalipinar in 2005 confirmed the existence of an important with local palaces as Hdseyindede and Boyali Hdyuk. see n. 270. center with roots going back to the Assyrian Colony period, but provided no evidence for the 516 CTH 705. Wegner 2002: 60. 246ff. identification of the site with Samuha. Cf. MOller-Karpe 2006. 517 KUB 57.87 iii 3’, Haas 1994a: 385. Sii Taracha 2007a: 757f. 518 KUB 11.24 i 1ff., Haas 1994a: 427.

A r

100 3. Hin’im ANAT0LIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 101

Central Anatolia was inhabited at this time by Luwian population groups which had of Karaljna appears among the most important Hittite gods. One of the gods of Ka gained dominance in some centers, thus prompting changes in local beliefs. Among raljna was another Storm-god bearing the Luwian epithet piha(i)mi ‘hurling light the gods of Taurièa, a town which also should be located in the Zuliya/çekerek ba ning.’ The following gods, some of them from nearby Eamuha,523 were worshiped sin, there are the Luwian Sun-god Tiwad and Kamruepa appearing as the parents during local festivals: Sun-goddess of Arinna, [..., Sun-goddess of Samu]ha, Hebat of the local LAMIVIA god with the Luwian epithet waãhazza- ‘sanctified, holy.’ The Muuni, [ 1 sacred (waáhazza) DMA] of the Throne, of D1 list of gods of Taurièa worshiped during the AN.DAH.UM festival for the LAMMA Karahna, Du of the Spear, of the Quiver, [ j, Storm-god of the Camp, god (CTH 617) includes also: Spring-goddess Kalimma with the epithet Mother, ulinkatte (DU.GUR), ZABABA, Pirwa, Aèkaèepa, [Queen] (D[MUNUSLUGALI) Uaèameli, Spring-goddess Ku(wa)nnani(ya) (whose name betrays ties with Luwian Halki, Telipinu, Moon-god, Antaliya, [Im] marni-deities, DINGIR.MAH, Gulèeè, Ha circles), Aèiyat, Storm-god of the Forest, Zuliya river, LAMMA god of the river, and [ami]li, gods of Haèikaènawanta, IJaèala river, auka of the Countryside, Sauèka

- 519 . Salawanes of the Gate. These gods received offerings together with the most im of Tameninga/Tapinika, primeval gods, Abara, Mt. Za, Great Mountain, Mt. Tapala, portant Hittite deities during state cult ceremonies. Storm-god of Ziplanda, Storm-god of the Gate.°24 At A(n)galiya near Karahna there A list of gods worshiped in localities situated in the Zuliya/çekerek basin (unfor was a grove with a huwadi-sanctuary, in which the Sun-goddess of the Earth was tunately most of the geographic names have been lost), including also Katapa (see worshiped among others.025 Arguing in favor of Karahna’s importance in the state 5°O above), confirms the presence of Luwian divinities in local pantheons. This is cult is the fact that new temples for the Storm-god of Heaven and the Sun-goddess indirect proof of Luwians being present throughout the region.02i In this text, the of Arinna were erected in the city in the second half of the thirteenth century BC.°26 DLAMMA chief triad of the state pantheon — Sun-goddess, Storm-god, — also heads Ethnic change in many provincial towns led to both the old and the new gods the local pantheons, suggesting that the document is a record of a centralized effort being worshiped. A certain ritual from the early Empire period contains a list of on the part of the state administration to clarify and reorganize local cults. In many offerings made to gods worshiped in a town of unknown name. Standing at the head of these pantheons Hatepinu/Hatepuna, river Zuliya and spring Ku(wa)nnani(ya) held of the pantheon were the Storm-god and Mamma, but the latter part of the list prominent positions, but Luwian deities were worshiped as well: anta (DAI\4ARUD) comprises mostly Luwian deities: Sun-god and Kamruèepa, tutelary LAMMA god Sun-goddess of the Earth and Maliya (see 3.2.4). It is highly likely that in the case and Ala, Telipinu, Maliya along with her companion gods, Earth, and the Sun-god- 527 of the War-god ZABABA, who is frequently listed together with Santa, the logogram dess of the Earth. actually conceals the Luwian lyarri. At Ankuwa,028 the cult of Hurrian and Luwian deities was introduced along 522 At Karahna (to be located on the middle run of the Zuliya/çekerek river ), which side the gods of the traditional pantheon with Katahha at the head. In the Muwat as a city belonged to the amphictyony of Ziplanda, the LAMMA god (listed with his talli II prayer (CTH 381), Katahha, Storm-god of the Rain and Sauèka of the consort Ala) stood side by side with the local Storm-god, who was the chief deity of the city; on the lists of divine witnesses in state treaties the tutelary LAMMA god 523 Cf. Barjamovic 2005: 152: “amuha has to he located close to Karabna on a route from hurrama.”

— 324 KUB 25.32+KUB 27.20 i 24ff., Dinçol — Darga 1970; McMahon 1991: 58ff.; cf. also del Monte 519 Cf. Yoshida 1996: 215. Tischler 1978: 178; Yoshida 1996: 208. 520 KBo 47.76. 525 KUB 25.32+KUB 27.20 iii 41ff., McMahon 1991: 72f. 521 On the importance of Hittite centers in the Zuliya/çekerek basin, see Forlanini 2002: 260f. 520 KUB 38.12 ii 14, Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 22. 522 von Schuler 1965: 47 n. 303; Beckman 1983: 29; cf. also Haas 1994a: 458 n. 80. Alp (1983b) 527 KUB 43.23 rev. 23ff., Haas 1988d: 136f. plausibly argues that Karahna was located near Tapikka/Maat HbyOk. Forlanini (2002: 259) 528 See now Crasso 2005: 2006. A herd of 50 oxen and 1000 sheep was driven from Ankuwa for the

locates Karahna in modern (Classical Karana/Sehastopolis) on the gekerek. See also great festival of Telipinu in Sanbana (KUB 51.1 i 3 with its duplicate KUB 53.2 i 4f., Haas —

Forlanini — Marazzi 1986: P1. XVI: di Nocera — Forlanini 1992: 301 n. 94. Barjamovic (2005: Jakob-Rost 1984: 40, 44, 47), which argues against the identification of Ankuwa of the Hittite 149f.. 288) quotes an Old Assyrian text 92/k 3 as an argument in favor of this location. texts with Amkuwa/Ali4ar HSyhk. r

102 3. Hinn- ANAT0LIA I 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 103

Countryside appear as the chief divinities in the local pantheon.°29 In the reign of The LAMIVIA god of Uatenzuwa0SC was one of the most illustrious tutelary deities Tutaliya IV, on the last-hut-one day of the AN.DAH.SUM festival celebrated in the worshiped in the form of a kura. whose cult in central and northern Anatolia was temple of Katahha, offerings were made to different manifestations of Teèèub (in rooted in the Hattian tradition going back to Old Hittite times. The classification of cluding Teèèub of Heaven of Ankuwa) and of his consort Hebat, as well as deities these deities as LA1VIMA gods in Empire texts was the result of their personification belonging to the kaluti of the Hurrian Storm-god: Tamièu/Auwaliyat (0URAS), (see 3,2.4): even so, the ancient kurdas retained their divinity, becoming at the same (DNIN.GAL): Kumarbi (0Halki), Sun-god, [Moon-godj and gods of Nikkal also like time attributes of the personified tutelary deities called to life by court theologians. in Karahna. to the deities of amuha: Abara, Aauka. auka of the Countryside.°30 In the House of the kurèo on the acropolis Buyukkale in Uattua. kurda-bags were The Sun-goddess of the Earth was also worshiped at Ankuwa.531 hanged in an order suggesting an inherent hierarchy: Zithariya. then the LAMMA A list of twelve gods worshiped in the form of hut.cai-stelae during the great gods of Hatenzuwa, Zapatièkuwa. Tataluna and TaThapuna, as well as the deities festival of Telipinu in the towns of Uanbana and Kaèha betrays the mixed natnre of Kantipuitti and Kappariyamu.°°6 A text dating to the early years of the Empire de the pantheon of Hanhana. As in Durmitta, Telipinu stood at its head, paired here scribes a ceremony to Zitariya and the LA1VIMA god of Uatenzuwa, the culmina with the goddess Hatepinu/Hatepuna. Katahha was prominent in it. Other listed tion of which was replacement of the kurtias of the two divinities in lJattua; the old DLAMMA, divinities include: [Sun-goddess. Storm-god. Sanhupiya, [ulinkatteJ, kurda of Zithariya was sent to while that of the LAMMA god of Haten Ammamma, [Hagala?j, Hapayulla, and Sat(u)wane/al(a/i)wane of the Gate.°32 zuwa was taken to Durmitta, where it was worshiped as the LAIVIMA god of Zapa 538 An important task taken up by Uattuèili III after his reconquest of the northern tiskuw a, territories and continued by his son Tuthaliya IV. was to reconstruct local cults that Having decided to move to Tarhuntaèa. Muwattalli II handed over power in the

had become forgotten during the more than two hundred years of Kakean occupa native Hittite territory (exempting Hattua°39) to his brother I attuèili, who coin tion. The situation is illustrated very well by the fate of the two most important mitted himself at the same time to the task of overcoming the Kakeans and recon

centers in the region — Zalpa and the holy city of Nerik. quering the lands at the Kizihrmak estuary. The capital of the Hattuèili’s kingdom After the Kakeans took Nerik (modern Oymaaaç near Vezirkopru?) in the end was located at I akmièa.540 In his quest to bring the northern territories back into of the sixteenth century BC, the cult of the local Storm-god was moved to Kaètama, the fold, Hattuèili sought the assistance of the Storm-god of Nerik, declaring him which remained the god’s seat until the first years of the reign of Muwattalli his patron deity and introduciug his cult in Hakmia. Contrary to the opinion of (see 3.1.1). The Nerik gods were also worshiped at this time in Takupèa. where the some scholars. Uakmiia served as the seat of the Storm-god of Nerik for a relatively LAMMA god of Uatenzuwa and the mountain Habarwa/IJabruwa enjoyed special 534 veneration. It may have been due to the presence of the Nenk gods that Takupsa became one of the most important cult centers of the land. 535 Slc5lnhon 1991: 3Sf. 536 Hans 5994a: 454. For Kantipuitti and Knpparivnniu as tutelnrv deities, see MrMnhon 1991: 17f. 537 Tuhpiya of Old Assyrian texts. Arcording to Barjnmovic (2005: 311ff.) we should locate the city 529 KUB 6.45 ii 60. Singer 1996: 18, 38. in the bend of the Ktzilirmak, southwest of Hattuf a.

530 KUB 11.27 i 4ff’., del Monte — Tischler 1978: 21; Archi 2006: 157f. See also n. 510. 538 KUB 55.43, Often 1959c; McMahon 1991: 143ff.; cf. also Hans 1994a: 455. 531 KBo 34.203++ iii ii’, Hans l994a: 123; Groddek 1995: 327; Yoshida 1996: 150: Torn 1999: 90; 539 Singer 2001. Polvani 2002: 648f’.; Wegner 2002300ff.; Crassu 2006: 341f. 540 Most often identified with modern Amasyn. See, however, Forlamni 2007a: 267 n. 23. who locates 532 RUB 53.4 i 12’ff with its duplicates RUB 53.8 oh’. 8ff. and Be 3478(+1KBo 54.125 iv 11ff.. HnkmiS(n1 west of Amasvn in Suluovn. Metin Alpnrslnn (“Das Land Hakmis: Geschichte. Lokn \‘oshida 1996: 99: cC also Bans — Jakob-Rost 1984: 69. 73. 841’.. and Hans 1994n: 744 with lisation und Bedeutung eines hethitisrhen Zentrums.” paper read at the 7th International Con different restorations. For aI/twane2, see Otten von Soden 1968: 28: Lombardi 1996: 631’. gress of Hittitolog in çorum. 25—29 August 2008) puts forward an alternative: the valley west 533 RUB 6.45 i 68ff. with its duplicate KUB 6.46 i 33ff.. Singer 1996: 12, 34. of Amasya. with Dunntepe and Oluz FIdvOk as the niost prominent sites, or the region of 534 KL’B 6.45 i 71f. with its duplicate RUB 6.46 i 36f’.. Singer 1996: 12. 34. Slerzifon. r

104 3. Hinin ANAT0LIA I 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 105

short time, that is, until Nerik was reconquered still in the lifetime of Muwattalli II, also worshiped at Nerik in the late period.551 The cult of the mountain Haharwa The latter ruler initiated the reconstruction of cults in Nerik,°41 a task continued suggests that at least some of the old gods worshiped earlier in Takupa returned by his successors Hattuèili III and Tuthaliya IV.°42 While the Nerik temples were to Nerik. The local pantheon now also included divinities from nearby centers, like being rebuilt, the gods of the city found in nearby Utruna, where Hattu the Storm-god of Zahalukka, and Luwian deities like Uuwattai/Uuwadièi for 543 sili HI celebrated the purulli(yu) festival for them (see 3.2.6). example,552 testifying indirectly to the migration of Luwian population groups from The Storm-god ultimately returned to his traditional seat in Nerik, but his cult the south. Innovations were introduced in the cult practice itself, such as burnt- had changed during the two hundred years in exile.544 With him came the divin offerings (amboããi) to the Storm-god of Nerik during the festival of the month.5°3 ities of Kaètama, a city where he had found respite in the meantime. In the temple In the local tradition the Storm-god of Nerik was the son of the Sun-goddess of of the Storm-god his image stood on one pedestal with that of Za(è)hapuna, chief the Earth and Sulinkatte. a god belonging to the layer of ancient Hattian beliefs, ool goddess of Katama.°4° which does not necessarily mean that the two were treated especially in the north. But in the case of reconquered Nerik. this tradition need as a divine pair. The beloved of the Storm-god of Nerik was Teèimi,°46 while Za(è)ha not have been much older than the official concepts of the court theologians from puna’s consort was the Mountain-god (see also 3.1.1). Standing oppo the times of Uattuili III. according to which the Storm-gods of Nerik and Ziplanda site the Storm-god was a figure of the goddess Halki made to order of Muwat were considered the sons of the Storm-god of Uatti and the Sun-goddess of Arm 548 talh II. na° (see 3.2.1). The Sun-goddess of the Earth, who also passed for the mother of Halki also had her own old sanctuary. New temples were erected for the Storm- the Storm-god of Ziplanda in the same period (the father in this case was the Storm- god of Zahalukka, War-god Wurunkatte (?) (his name is concealed under the logo- god of Heaven), was worshiped initially in the Hurrianized Luwian milieu in Kizzu gram ZABABA), Storm-god of Heaven (whose temple was rebuilt in the reign of watna (3.2.4). Yet, her cult in central Anatolia, attested among others in Ankuwa, Tuthaliya IV), and LAMMA god who shared his sanctuary with Telipinu.°49 Za()ha Katapa and other cities in the Zuliya/çekerek basin (see above), may date even to puna also had her own temple where offerings were made during the horpiva festi the Old Hittite period.°°6 val to her and a local hypostasis of the Sun-goddess of Arinna with the epithet ‘Mother A certain text describing a cult-related journey of a prince to Zalpa provides in of the Earth.’ DINGIR MAR and goddesses from her circle, as well as the Maraanta/ formation on the deities worshiped in this town in the second half of the thirteenth Kizilirmak and other rivers.°°° Ea and Damkina and deities from their circle were century BC.00 One of the local temples belonged to the goddess Ammama. A myth about three goddesses of the same name living in the sea can also be linked with Zalpa. The cult of these goddesses was introduced in one of the local temples 541 KUB 42.100 i 17. iii 22 ([grandjfaiher of His Majesty). 32. iv 13’). 38. a document of the time of Tuihahva IV, mentions Muwattalh (H) in connection with ihe new organization of the colt of gods from Nonk at Utruna: see Hazenhos 2003: 16ff. 542 See now Corti 2006. 543 KUB 42.100 iv 15ff.. Hazenhos 2003: 20. 24. See also del Monte 1978: Haas 1994a: 696f.; Popko 551 KUB 58.39 vi 8’)f. 1995a: 149. 552 KBo 20.28 rev.? 4’, 15’. Cf. Yoshida 1996: 70. 544 For the local pantheoo of Nerik. see Haas 1970: 67ff.; 1994a: 597ff.; 1998—2001b: 230f. 553 KBo 2.4 iii 1ff.. Hans 1970: 60, 284f. 545 KBo 2.4 ii 33ff., Haas 1970: 83, 278ff.; 1994a: 598. 554 Cf. Hans 1970: 72ff. 546 Cf. KUB 36,89 rev. 56f., Haas 1970: 140ff. See also Popko 1995a: 147. 555 Hans 1994n: 11Sf. 547 Haas 1994a: 599. 556 An important testimony is the Old Hittite purificatory ritual for the royal couple and the people 54s KUB 42.300 iv 38ff., Hazenhos 200:1: 20f., 24. of the land of Hotti (CTH 416). celehrnted in Katapa and Hnttula and demonstrating ties with 549 KUB 42.100. Hazeobos 2003: 14ff. Cf. also KUB 27.68 iv 1ff., Haas 1970: 300ff. the Luwian milieu. It invoked Luwinn deities, including the Sun-God and the Sun-goddess of 150 KUB 58.39 vi 10ff.. Yoshida 1996: 207: Garcia Trabazo — Groddek 200.5: 103: Taracha 2007b: the Earth Isee 3.1.4). 190. For ceremonies in the temple of Za(Slhapona. see also KBu 54.150 10ff. with its duplicate 557 IBoT 2.9+KGB 52.102. Forlonini 1981: 253f.: Hans 1988h: 99 with references. For the gods of 1054/n. Zalpa. see also Hans 1994a: 60Sf.: Popko 2004a. r

106 3. Hinrra ANAT0LIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERI00 107

dedicated to a deity (of unknown name) believed to be their father or mother. This of . Another text presents a similar picture of local pantheons in three north name.065 myth must have come to Zalpa from the Mediterranean and was incorporated locally ern towns of unknown There were worshiped in the form of huwaái-stelae, as part of the reconstruction of local cults.5°8 During the ceremony celebrated by among others, Storm-gods of Nerik and ASSur along with divinities from their circles, the prince, offerings were made to twelve deities worshiped in the form of huwa.4i- storm-gods with different epithets (pihaimi, of Thunder, of the Cloud, of Growth, DLAMMA, stelae. The names of ten of these gods have been preserved in a fragmentary con etc.), Jyarri, Iyaya, Spring-goddess Kuwannaniya, Sun-goddess of the text: Hatepinu, Uamanni, Sun-goddess of Zihnuwa, Storm-god of Meèturuh (MaStu Earth, and Milku. rab in another text), Storm-god of H[aèhaanta?j, Storm-god of the Forest, Sulinkatte, Spring-goddess 559 Kuwannaniya, Zikunui[ j, and Tubuwamma. Other texts testify 3.2.4. Luwian beliefs to the existence of a local cult of Halipinu (perhaps only another variant of Hatepinu), 560 Storm-god of Hashasanta, Sun-goddess of the Earth, and Lady of the Palace. As The Luwian element inhabiting extensive territories in southern Anatolia, from the at Nerik, the new Zalpa pantheon had probably little in common with the oldest western seashores to Kizzuwatna and northern Syria, was differentiated in terms of local tradition, of which practically nothing is known. It included mostly Hattian dialects, as much as cultural and religious traditions. Luwian beliefs are known deities originating from various centers around Zalpa, where one should look for the practically only from texts found in the Hittite capital Uattuèa. Naturally, this knowl location of the towns of Zihnuwa, Meèturuh(a) and Haèhaanta (HaèhaSatta or edge is limited to centers and territories within the sphere of interest of the Hittite

Uaèbatatta in other versionsb6l). This group, however, includes also divinities court. The beliefs of the inhabitants of western and southwestern Asia Minor — of distant origin, like the Spring-goddess Ku(wa)nnani(ya), encountered in the pan and the land of Lukka — are the least known. It seems, however, that the theons of Taurièa and many other localities along the Zuliya river (see above),°62 cults there were free of Hattian or Hurrian influence. In areas located further east, and the Sun-goddess of the Earth who was foreign to the Hattian tradition. Luwian beliefs were under heavy impact first of the local substrate, as suggested A group of texts testifies to the introduction in the reign of Tuthaliya IV of the already in the discussion of the Kanesite pantheon (2.1), and later of Hurrian relig worship of Luwian, Hurrian, Syrian, Assyrian and Babylonian gods in some local ion (3.2.5), especially in the territories of Kizzuwatna and Tarbuntaèa. ities lying in the northern territories.°63 Beside the Storm-gods of Nerik and KaSta There was no one pantheon shared by all the Luwians, only individual deities ma, local pantheons included storm-gods with Luwian epithets (pihami or pihaimi), worshiped in all of the Luwian territory. The most important of the gods were the

564 . . Storm-god of Assur, Syrian god Milku, Sauska of Nineveh, and even Istar Storm-god Tarliunt, Sun-god Tiwad, Moon-god Arma, tutelary LAMMA god, Santa, god of war and plague, lyarri, and the goddesses KamruSepa and Maliya. The greatest of the Luwian gods, Tarhunt, used to stand at the head of local pan 558 Popko 2004a: 249. theons. The Luwian name Tarhu(wa)nt, like the Hittite Tarhuna, preserves the Pan 559 IBoT 2.9+KUB 52.102 ii 2’fE Cf. also Yoshida 1996: 275. This list of gods also mentions (in Anatolian epithet of storm-gods — * tarhwaat-< ide.* frh ‘w-ent- ‘striking violently, a fragmentary context) the horimmi temple of the Storm-god of the Assembly. 560 KUB 58.32 i 5, 11, 13, 21 (Yoshida 1996: 276); KUB 59.30 obv. 3’: KUB 59.31 ii 6’, see Popko conquering.’°66 It also survived in the Lycian tongue as Trqqas/Trqqiz and in Ana 2004a: 243. until Hellenistic times.567 Tarhunt as rainmaker had many 561 Forlanini 1988: 255. tolian onomastics 562 Could this lead to the conclusion that the rebuilding of Zalpa was connected with relocation from the Zuliya/çekerek basin of population groups among which the Luwian element was, as mentioned already above, considerable? undertaken by Tuthaliya IV after his campaign against the Assyrian king Tukulti- I, cf. 563 CTH 510: A. KUB 38.6+Bo 6741; B. KUB 38.10+KUB 38.lOa; C. KUB 57.106. KUB 57.58; Houwink ten Cato 2003: 211f. D. KBo 39.48+KBo 39.24; KBo 39.117+KBo 40.42. See now Archi 2006: 152. 565 KUB 12.2. Carter 1962: 74ff.: cf. also Collins 2006. 220f. 564 The introduction of the cult of the Assyrian Storm-god in the northern territories argues further 566 Watkins 1999: 12 with references: cf. also Oettinger 2001: 474; Hutter 2003: in favor of the idea that the ultimate reorganization of the cults in Nerik and its vicinity was 567 Hutter 2003: 221 with references. r

108 3. Hinn’r ANAT0LIA I 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERI00 109 characteristics of a god of vegetation and agriculture; in the Lower Land and in Kiz Unlike Samaè, but similarly to the Hurrian Aimige, Tiwad had no connection with zuwatna he was specifically connected with vineyards, an attribution confirmed by the netherworid. The Luwians of Kizzuwatna worshiped the chthonic aspect of the inscriptions from the first millennium BC.568 The Storm-god of the Vineyard is sum Sun as a separate divinity. The Sun of the Earth (tiyamma4.did Tiwad) was a god e6 moned in Hittite ritual texts, in which Luwian spells and hymns are recalled.°69 dess. mistress of the netherworld,° sharing some traits with the Syrian/Ugaritan Unlike Teèub, whose was drawn by the bulls Sen and Hurni, the Luwian Sun-goddess SapSu, who like SamaS crossed the netherworld at night.°’’ With the Storm-god used to ride in a horse-drawn cart.°’0 Hurrianization of local beliefs, however, there appeared an image of the Sun-god In eastern Luwian territories Teèèub eclipsed Tarlsunt in importance (see 3.2.5). dess of the Earth modeled on the Hurrian (3.2.5). She was supposed to open Worshiped most often under the Luwian name, he stood with his wife Hebat at the the gates to the netherworld and, like other chthonic deities, to purify the earth of head of many local pantheons.°7’ The permanence of the Tarhunt—Hebat cult in all evil, impurity and illness. According to a description of the court of the Sun-god the former Hittite Lower Land is confirmed by the inscriptions of rulers of dess of the Earth in a prayer addressed to her (CTH 371), her entourage included: from the second half of the eighth century BC. Like the Storm-gods mutcottolli and a tutelary god. vizier. servants, supervisor of the eunuchs, supervisor of the hair pihod4addi mentioned in earlier chapters (3.2.2 & 3). many hypostases of Teèub most dressers. and the divinities Uilahii. Darawa (texts also refer to a group of the probably received Luwian epithets. Hence, it is beyond us to know whether the Storm- Darawe-goddesses, see 3.2.5) and Paraya.°’8 Divine midw-ives and fate goddesses gods piha(i)mi ‘hurling lightning,’ warrahitcthdad Help,’ MES/H1.A 579 ‘of ariyado’alli ‘mountainous,’ DINGIR.MAIJ - Gulses, for whom the model were the Hurrian mother dupattanadãi ‘punishing,’ etc. were manifestations of the Luwian or rather Hurrian goddesses Hudena Sudellurra accompanying Allani (3.2.5), were also connected with Storm-god. the Sun-goddess of the Earth. She was summoned together with the Sun-god al The name of the Sun-god Tiwad also has a good Indo-European etymology5’2 (see ready in the Old Hittite magical ritual (CTH 416) which demonstrates ties with the 580 3.1.2). He was called ‘father’ (Luwian tate/f-)0’’ and could have been worshiped locally Luwian tradition (see 3.1.4). The different spheres of influence of the two solar under different names, for instance, at LuSna he bore a name ending in li(yaL01l deities are well reflected by a spell included in a ritual text. in which the Old Woman •The Mesopotamian Sama had a strong influence on the image of the Luwian Sun- addresses Tiwad and the Sun-goddess of the Earth on behalf of a patient: “If he is god, this through the Hurrian Simige (3.2.5). Tiwad was the highest judge. god of living, Tiwad shall deliver him above; if he is dead, the Sun-goddess of the Earth oaths (hi,-utalliã ), whose curse threatened all perjurers. Like Samaè he was shall deliver him, the man of curse and perjury.”581 considered a benefactor and ‘shepherd’ of mankind. In myths he called on the gods to assemble and acted as a messenger for the Storm-god. A group of the Ilaliyant deities was connected with him.°t° 576 Taracha 2000: 17Sf.: Hotter 2003: 227. 577 For Saplo. see Rotter 2008: 21ff. with references. 578 KBo 7.28+ ohv. 17ff.. Friedrich 1957: Lebron 1980: 83ff.: Singe r 2002 a: 23: cf. also Haas 588 Hawkins 2000: 465ff., X.14 (SULTANHAN). 520. X.44 (BOR), 1994a: 133. 569 Cf.. e.g., RUB 43.23 (Haas 1988d: 134f.) and KUB 35.1. 579 Goetse 1938: 55ff.; Carroha 1966: 28ff., 34ff.; Otten — Siegelovd 1970; Beckman 5983: 239ff.: 570 HT I ii 34ff. with its duplicate RUB 9.31 ii 62 — iii 6. See Haas 1994h: 83: Collins 1997: 162; Taracha 2000: 186ff. Hotter 2003: 222: Bawanypeck 2005: 257. 580 RBo 17.7++ iv? 7ff., Otten — SonS ek 1969: 40f. The two solar deities also occur together in other 571 Lacking relevant textual evidence, it cannot he said when exactly the cult of the Storm-god rituals originating from thc Lnwian tradition, e.g. in the Wattiti ritoal, RUB 7.1 n 20ff.. Rronaser (Tellob) of Ualah and Hebat penetrated into the Luwian-Hurrian milieu of southeastern Anatolia. 1961: 149. 151. Surely it must have taken place long before the onperial Hittite period. 581 One of the Rowattalla rituals. RUB 35.45 ii 25ff. (Starke 198S: 153) and RUB 35.48 n 19ff. 572 Hotter 2003: 221ff. (Starke 198S: lSSf.). translated by Hotter 2003: 227: cf. also Kammenhoher 1986: 8Sf. 573 KBo 9.143 iii 10: RUB 35.107 iii 10. Cf. Watkins 1993: 469. Examples from sobstitotion ritoals of the Sun-god lTiwad) and celestial deities being 571 Lebron 1995a: 252: Hotter 2003: 226: ct. also Popko 2007a: 65. contrasted with the Son-goddess of the Earth and chthonic deities are listed by Konimel 1967: 575 Otten i976—1950a: Hotter 1988: 1251’. 82f., 128. r

110 3. Hirtim ANAT0LIA I 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 111

Otherwise than in Hattian beliefs, in which the Moon-god Kaèku played a minor The most important of the Luwian tutelary gods was Kurunta!i(ya), attested as role, for the Luwians Arma the Moon was the object of great veneration.°52 In the texts Runti(ya) in sources of the first millennium BC,°89 a deity whose sacred animal was Dxxx DENZU his name is usually concealed under the logograms or Arma held a stag. Theophoric names confirm the survival of his worship (as ‘PtovSnç or ‘Pov a significant position in cults deriving from the Luwian-Hittite tradition, which were drsc in Greek sources), especially in Cilicia () and , until Hellenistic celebrated in Uattuèa. also by the royal family, already in Old Hittite times (3.1.2). times.°90 A thirteenth century description of a cult image can be linked most prob Theophoric names are good evidence of the god’s popularity in :°53 they ably with Kurunti(ya): “The tutelary deity (DLAMMA): a gold-plated cult image of were particularly numerous in the first millennium BC in . , Pamphylia a standing man with gold-plated eyes. In his right hand he holds a silver lance; in and Cilicia.584 The Luwians shared the view about the Moon’s ties with the months his left hand he holds a shield. He stands on a stag. Beneath him is a silver-plated of pregnancy.°85 The god was summoned in some rituals designed to protect the base.”591 In other representations he was armed with a bow and . The weapons, pregnant woman and assist in childbirth. This aspect brought the Moon closer to understandable in the case of a tutelary god, point to the resemblance between the chthonic divinities.586 In Kizzuwatna, the Luwian Arma was dominated by the LAIVIMA gods and divinities of war and hunting. Hurrian Moon-god Kuèuh (3.2.5). In art he was patterned on his Hurrian counter The latter function was connected in particular with the Tutelary God of the part, being represented as a winged male figure in a pointed cap topped by Countryside, LVIK LIL / gimrad DLMA or CERVUSs.DEUS.*463ti (the Stag- a crescent. Another dominant cult in eastern Luwian territories was that of the Moon- god! Kurunti(ya) of the Countryside),°92 who appears (with his consort Ala) in the god from the Syrian city of Sarran (Hnrrian Kuzina), about 40 km southeast of text of the EMIRGAZI altars from the times of Tutaliya IV,°9’3 as well as in hiero Urfa, introduced among others in Tarhuntaa;°8’ its heyday came in the first mil glyphic inscriptions of the first millennium BC.°94 The hunting aspect of the lennium BC. Stag-god is emphasized in a new EMIRGAZI fragment and the YALBURT block 10 The category of tutelary gods. referred to in Hittite texts by the logogram ( 4f.) from the times of Tuthaliya IV: “The Stag-god loves(?), and I (am) Hero. LAvIMA borrowed from Mesopotamia. is characteristic of Luwian beliefs.°58 These Field-Master(?). HunterC). Great King.090 A distant echo of this thirteenth century were earthly divinities, just like all the gods protecting the countryside. household topos can be found in the eighth century BOHA inscription ( 4f.). itself apparently and family. These gods, the Luwian AnnariLtThnarumenzi and Hittite Innara / Innarawante. were assigned the role of guardians of particular deities, the king and queen. parts of the body, senses, mental states, and all categories of objects. 189 According to J.D. Hawkins (opncl Herbordt 2005: VHI.3.2. excursns 2—3. and Hawkins 2006: 51). as if all aspects of human existence and action needed their own tutelary the late period loss of initial Sn’ might already be occurring in ihe Empire period, especially when the divine name was osed as an onomastic element. deity. The list of the LAMMA gods is extensive, especially in texts from the period 590 Lebrun 1987a: 248: Popko 1995a: 168. of intensified Luwian expansion into central and northern Asia Minor in the thir 191 KUB 38.2 ii 24ff., Hoffner 2002: 65 with references. 192 McMahon 1991: 44ff.; Hawkins 2004. teenth century BC. 193 Hawkins 1995: 86ff.; 2006: 54ff. Cf. the silver rhyton in the shape of a stag’s forequarters from the Norbert Schimmel collection. Muscarella (ed.) 1974: no. 123; Alp 1983a: 93ff.; 1988; Guterbock 1981—1983; Taracha 1996. The cult scene from its neck shows offerings to the Stag-god (DEUS.CERVUS) and Ala (d-x-DEUS-F1LIA). For the reading of the gold epigraphs on this

182 Laroche 1955b; 1962; Haas — Prechel 1993—1997: Butter 2003: 227f. rhyton. see Hawkins 2006: 52. 583 Laroche 1966a: nos 131ff. 594 Butter 2004b. 584 Cf. Lebrun 1987a: 244f.: Popko 1995a: 168. 195 Hawkins 2006: 5Sf. A scene of the stag hunt on the bronze bowl of Taprammi from Kinik 185 Zeilfelder 1998: 438ff., 443ff. Kastamonu (Emre — çinaroglu 1993: 684ff. and fig. 23; Czichon 1995: Mora 2007: 516) resembles 586 Cf. KUB 35.102 ii 11, iii 1; KUB 44.4+ rev. 1ff., Beckman 1983: 177. the hunt scenes in the reliefs from AlacahdyOk. A seal impression of the sanie ‘l’aprammi from 587 KUB 56. t3 rev. 23, Haas 1994a: 374. Ni4antepe shows him pouring a libation to the Stag-god of the King, Herhordt 2005: no. 409. 188 See now t’opko 2007a: 66ff.: rf. also Butter 2003: 229f. For Taprammi. see D’Alfonso 2005: t69f. n. 616.

a r

112 3. Hinin ANAT0LIA I 3.2. THE EMPIRE Paioo 113 celebrating a successful hunt: “I am good to , here he grants to me the beasts of the kur.4a (kuráaá DLAMMA) developed in effect, and it was celebrated in a large (as?) samaya (or: the samaya beasts).”596 part of the land; the god was also frequently summoned in magical practices.601 Even Kurunti(ya)’s importance caused the hieroglyphic sign CERVUS, used to denote so, the old kuráas retained their divinity and some of them, like Zithariya, conti his name, to start being used in reference to other gods of the same category, not nued to be worshiped solely in impersonal form. necessarily of Luwian origin. Karhuba is a good example. Together with Kubaba, he The name of the god Santa is attested as an element of theophoric names from stood at the head of the pantheon of Karkamii. In the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I his the Assyrian Colony period (2.1) through the first millennium BC in Cilicia, Pisidia,

602 , - 603 name is concealed under the logogram DLAMA while in hieroglyphic inscriptions Lycaoma and . In Lycian A, the god s name was Hata. In Hellenistic times of the first millennium BC the CERVUS sign appears in the writing of his name.°97 he was worshiped on both sides of the Taurus mountains, but the main center of his Contrary to opinions voiced in the literature on the subject, the writing does not cult was in Tarsus in Cilicia. The local Greeks called him Sandas/Sandes or Sandon establish a connection between all LAMMA deities and the stag, although it could and identified him with Heracles.604 The latter was also identified with the Phoeni have decided in some cases like Karhuha’s the borrowing of the iconographic type of cian Melqart605 and Mesopotamian , the god of the netherworld and plague, representation depicting Kurunti(ya) on a stag. Neither is it possible to prove ety hinting at an important aspect of anta’s nature.606 mological ties between lulimmi-, an epithet of one LAIVIMA deity, and the Akkadian In Hittite texts the name of anta is often written with the logogram word for the stag, LULIMU.598 signifying the Mesopotamian . Santa is mentioned sometimes alongside the In the onomastic material from the second millennium BC the logograms LAIVIMA god of war and plague, Iyarri,60’ who resembles in his nature the similarly named or CERVUS refer, as a rule, to two Luwian divine names: Kurunti(ya) (with the Mesopotamian god Erra. Both Santa and lyarri carry bows and arrows and both 599 phonetic complement -ya or -ti(ya)) and Annari (Hittite Innara). The logogram appear in the company of the demonic Marwainzi-deities, the dark ones.’ In a Hit LAMMA could also denote other tutelary deities, as indicated by personal names tite and Luwian ritual against plagues from Kizzuwatna, Santa is invoked with with the LAMMA element and the phonetic complements -iii, -liya or a group of the Annarumenzi-deities (Hittite Innarawantei), the ‘violent, brutal ones:’ The spread of the cult of Luwian LAMMA gods in central and northern Asia Minor “Come, Santa! Let the Innarawantei-deities come with you, (they) who are wearing is attested by the high rank of the tutelary LA1VIMA god I Kurunti(ya) in the Hittite bloodied (clothes), who have bound on (themselves) the sashes(?) of the mountain ,,608 state pantheon (3.2.1) and in many local pantheons, for instance, in Tauria and dwellers, who are girt(?) with daggers, who hold strung bows and arrows. Both Karahna (3.2.3). This also played a role in the personification of the ancient tute Marwainzi and Annarumenzi / Innarawantei are similar to the seven war-like fellow- lary divinities worshiped in the form of a kurda-bag, who were included as a result demons of Erra.609 In one of the state treaties of Suppiluliuma I, anta is listed of this process in the LAMMA category (see 3.2.3). It is solely to this group that one among the divine witnesses right after the war-gods and next to the chthonic Allatu can refer frequent statements in the literature about the connections between some

LAMMA deities and the Hattian tradition.600 The worship of the LAMMA god 601 Popka 1975: 67f.; 1978: 112f.: McMahon 1991: 39ff.; ci’. also Hawanypeck 2005: 18Sf. 602 Salvatori 1975; Kammenhuber 1990: Popko 1995a: 93, 169, 184; Hawkins 2000: 488ff., 5581’.; Polvani 2002; Hutter 2003: 228f.; Mastrocinque 2007. 603 Melchert 2002. 596 Hawkins 2000: 479; 2006: 60. 604 Laroche 1973h; Mastrocinque 2007: 2091’. 597 Popkn 1995a: 100, 167; 2007a: 66f. 605 Lebrun 1987a: 247 with n. 21; 1987h: 30ff. 598 Contra Haas 1994a: 450 n. 10; cf. also Hutter 2003: 229. 606 Mastrocinque 2007: 210ff. 599 At least by the time of Tuthaliva IV, the readings Kurunti( a) and Innara for DLAMMA / 607 Otten 1976—1980c; Haas 1994a: 368f.: Popko 1995a: 93. Cf. also Hawkins 2000: 4891., who terms (DEUS)CERVUS were interchangeable and no longer regarded as separate deities, see comments Santa and lyarri “similar if not identical deities.” of 3D. Hawkins aped Herbordt 2005: nos 409, 497, 621, 622. and Hawkins 2006: 51. 608 The Zarpiya ritual, HT 1 obv. 29ff.. translated by Collins 1997: 163. 600 See, e.g., McMahon 1991: 5: Hutter 2003: 229: 2004b: 381. 609 Cf. Mastracinque 2007: 203ff. r

114 3. Hinim ANAT0LIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERI0u 115

( Leiwani) and the Sun-goddess of the Earth.610 This confirms the connection be with fire and smoke,619 although it is difficult to ascertain in this case to what ex tween the warrior god and the netherworid. In a hieroglyphic inscription from the it was due to a folk etymology, according to which the name Kamruèepa (‘gen first millennium BC, a certain Panuni summons Santa and the Marwainzi-deities to ius of *kamru’) was supposed to have been derived from the Hittite ham mara guard his grave stela611 In some local cults, the Spring-goddess Iyaya was anta’s ‘smoke.’620 Kamruepa was a goddess of magic, a divine midwife caring for women wife.612 She also played the main role in the worship of the Great Sea (Mediterra and children during childbirth, as well as a practitioner, specialist in purificatory 613. nean) and the mysterious tarmana sea in a ritual from the thirteenth century BC, magic, who was the divine counterpart of the Anatolian Old Woman; in this sense in which the other venerated gods included the solar deity, [Teéubj with Tnmièu/ she was a patron of the household and family. Unlike the other deities connected (DURAE) uwaliyat and [ j, LAMMA god and [ j, Sun-goddess of the Earth, War with magic, however, Kamruepa resided in Heaven. In myths and magical rituals god, Huriyanzipa, Ualki, and holy mountains Arara, Amuna and Taèèa.614 The lat she is frequently accompanied by Kanesite gods, among others, Pirwa and Maliya. ter mountain is also known from myths of the Kumnrbi cycle, the action of which is Maliyn621 was worshiped in the domestic cult celebrated in the royal palace at set in Syria (3.2.9). Hattua already in Old Hittite times (3.1.2). Under the Empire she received offer

615 . Kamrusepa belonged to the circle of Kanesite deities (2.1); probably also, un ings during ceremonies celebrated for divinities of the traditional Hittite pantheon 622 der the Hattian name/epithet Katahzipuri, she formed with the Storm-god referred in the hesta-house and at the end of this period in the cult of the Storm-god of -TIM to as Ziparwa the chief pair in the Palaic pantheon (3.1.2). Paired with the Sun-god the Great House (E GAL), where she was worshiped together with other Kanes she appears in the pantheon of Taurièn as parent of the local LAMMA god (3.2.3). ite deities: Pirwn, Aèkaiepa and the Queen (3.2.6). Maliya is summoned often to The myths about the disappearance of Telipinu, in which the Sun-god and Kam gether with a group of associated divinities; in the Hurrianized environment of Kiz ruèepa have an active role (3.2.9), are likely to have been created under the influ zuwntna she was accompanied by the Hurrian Kuzzina-Kuzpazena.62’3 One of the ence of this center,616 or in a more general sense, in the Luwianized environment of inventory texts describes a cult statuette of the river Maliya made of iron and rep the Zuliya/çekerek basin (see 3.2.3). Tiwad and Kamruepa are summoned in resenting her in female guise.624 Maliyn engendered particular respect among the magical rituals, too; one such ritual includes a mythologem according to which they Luwians of southern Asia Minor. At Kummani, main town of Kizzuwntna, the pan are seen combing sheep together.617 According to another myth, Kamruiepa used to theon of which was dominated by Hurrian deities (see 3.2.5), she had her own ride in a horse-drawn chariot like the Sun-god.618 Very little is known of the cult of temple. She continued to be worshiped in the first millennium BC. In bilingual texts this goddess. Certain texts suggest her connection with the domestic hearth, and from Lycia of the fourth century BC, her Greek counterpart is Polias who the ‘spell of the fire’ recited during one of the magical rites connects Kamruèepa appears as a tutelary goddess of many towns.62’ Another important aspect of the nature of Maliya comes through in a ritual from the early Empire period, during which Tnrhunt was summoned to ensure the growth of a royal vineyard, then offerings were 610 The Huqqana Treaty. CTH 42 (KBo 5.3+ i 53: DAMARUD) cf. Taracha 2005a: 102. Beckman called ‘mother of (1996: 25) and Yeshida (1996: 17) read Marduk. made to the Sun-god, Kamruiepa. Telipinu and Maliya of the Garden, 611 KULULU 2, § 6, Hawkins 2000: 488. 6i2 Haas 1994a: 502; Lehrun 1995a: 253f.; Mastrecinque 2007: 202. 613 Haas (1994a: 467) suggests the identificatian af ihe turrnuuu sea with the Bay ef tskenderun. 619 KUB 17.8 iv, Kellerman 1987b; Heffner 1998: 32. geddess’s name as nKu,ama.ru.aepu (e.g., KBe 9.127+ i 12; KUB 17.10 ii 613 CTH 722: see Pepke 1987. Cf. alsa Yeshida 1996: 22Sf., 270: Garcia Trabaze — Gruddek 2005: 620 Cf. the writing af the 47ff., 163ff. with references. 35; KUB 43.63, 15), Geetze 1953: 266. 6i5 F’rantz-SzabS 1976—1980; Haas 1994a: 438ff.; 1994b: 77f.; Hutter 2003: 230f. 621 Lebrun 1982; yrantz-Szabo 1987—1990: Haas 1994b: 78f.; Hutter 2003: 231f.

616 Pupka 2007a: 65. 622 IBuT 3.1 rev. 71ff., Haas — Wailer 1976: 88ff.; Yeshida 1996: 124. 617 Archi 1993a. 623 Haas 1994a: 468. 850. 856. 618 KUB 7.1+KBa 3.8 iii 16ff.. Kronasser 1961: 157f.; cf. alsu Haas 1994h: 77: Oettinger 2004: 624 KUB 38.33 ebv. 5. 349f. 625 Larache 1980: 4f.; Lebrun 1987a: 242; Pepko 1995a: 173.

A 116 3. Hiim ANAT0LiA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERI0n 117 wine and grain.’626 The Maliyanni or small Maliya goddesses, invoked in a ritual en Maliya, Grain-goddess Halki, and numerous locally worshiped deities: Kinaliya,

634 . . . . . 635 suring the fertility of a vineyard, can be assumed to be hypostases of this goddess.627 Gurnuwala, Sairiya river, Tarwalliya, Winiyanta, a deity connected with wine, Such multiplied divine hypostases of lower rank, called upon most often in folk Suwauna, Wandu, Siuri, Iyaèalla(èèi), Wiètaèèi, fertility deity Imarèi, Ayanti, Walwa beliefs, are typical of cult practices in southern Asia Minor and northern Syria and liya,636 and Haldataèèi. The only trace of Hurrian beliefs is the mention of the ‘Hur concern Luwian, Hurrian and Syrian gods alike. They often take on demonic prop nan mar,’ surely as one of the tutelary deities.637 erties. The texts mention similar allomorphs of Sarrumma — Sarrum(m)anni,628 The main center of the cult of Uuwaanna (whose name is also written with the D Alanzu — Alanzunni, and of the maidservants of Sauèka, Ninatta and Kulitta (3.2.5) logogram GAZ.BA.A.A), one of the great goddesses of the Hittite state pantheon, 638 — Ninattanni and (in Assyrian sources) Kulittanni.629 Groups were formed also by was Uubesna (modern Eregli). The most important gods there included: the Sun multiplication or doubling (tripling) of a god. Their cult spread in central and north god, Tarhunt, tutelary LAMMA god, War-god (lyarri?), and Mountain-god Sarlaimi, ern Asia Minor with the coming of the Luwian element and changes in Hittite relig possibly identical with DLAMMA arlaimi mentioned in other texts. Minor deities ion during the Empire period. Suffice it to recall Ilaliyanteè (Palaic Ilaliyantikeè) listed in the circle of Uuwaèanna are: Tunapi,639 Lallariya, Mt. Sarpa (Arisama and Ilali(ya), Annarumenzi / Innarawanteè and Annari / Innara, Darawanzi / Daraweè Da near Emirgazi), Awatta, Kupilla, Muli, Imralli hardupi, Liliya, and a group of MEi and Darawa (see also 3.2.5), the pair of demonic Hantaepa deities mentioned in primeval deities (hantezzius DINGIR ) comprising Anna, the Sea, Zarnizza, and the Old Hittite magical ritual (CTH 416) demonstrating ties with the Luwian envi armam(m)a river.640 In nearby Tuwanuwa (Classical , modern Kilisse Hisar ronment (3.1.4), and three Ammamma goddesses residing in the sea, connected with c. 5 km south of Ereli) the chief divine pair was made up of Tarhunt (DU URUTu 630 643 Zalpa, but originating probably from the coastal area of the Mediterranean (3.2.3). wanuwa) and Sahbassara. At Dunna (Classical Tynna, now Porsuk Huyuk), a local Other deities were also worshiped in particular lands of the extensive Luwian goddess bore the name of Hallara (see 3.2.1); the Storm-god pihadáaá4i was also territory. In Arzawa there was Tarhunt at the head of the pantheon, but a major venerated there.642 The cult of Uuwaanna was celebrated also in Kuliwièna,643 role was also played by the goddess of vegetation and wild animals, Uliliyaèèi, the where the chief gods of the local pantheon included the Storm-gods of Hièaèbapa 644 western Luwian counterpart of the Hurrian Sauèka of the Countryside (DITAR and Kuliwisna. The latter received offerings together with a goddess whose name

631 . . . 632 . - LIL), summoned in a Paskuwatti ritual. The ritual texts from Istanuwa, which is written with DJTARlj (Anzili?), and the tutelary LAMMA god.645 This is evi should be located somewhere on the western outskirts of the Lower Land, are evi dence of a considerable differentiation of the local pantheons. dence for an autonomy of indigenous cults and beliefs.633 The local pantheon com prised, beside the Storm-god Tarhunt and the Sun-god Tiwad, the ‘Great LAMMA god,’ lyarri, Telipinu, divinities from the Kanesite sphere — Pirwa, Aèkaèepa and 634 Hutter (2003: 241) interprets Tarwalliya as ‘Dancing Deity.’ 635 Starke 1990: 381 with n. 1378; Melehert 1993: 269. 636 Maybe a genius of sowing or growing. Starke 1990: 483; Melehert 1993: 262. 637 KUB 35.135 iv 15. 626 KUH 43.23 rev. 51, Haas 1988d: 137. 638 COterhoek 1962: Frantz-SzabO 1972—75; 1omhardi 1999: Trémouille 2002a: Groddek 2002a:

627 Haas 1988d: 138ff. - Hutter 2003: 232, 243ff.: Groddek 2004e. 628 Schwemer 2001: 486f. Cf. KUB 15.1 ii 28f.: “0 two Sarrummanni-s and one Alanzunni, you who 639 Hutter 2004a. from the womh of the god ( Sarrumma) are sprung.” de Roes 2007: 92, 100. 640 Cf. Yoshida 1996: 244ff. On the group of deities Anna, Sea, Zarnizza and Sarmama, see Arehi 629 Haas igsib; 1994a: 313. 470. 2002a: 49f. 630 The goddesses Ammamma of Zalpa may be compared with the southern Anatolian Mamma I 641 KUB 6.45 ii 18, Singer 1996: 15, 36. Mammaimi. Cf. Popko 2004a: 251 n. 18. 642 Lebrun 2007 with references. 631 Cf. Wegner 1981: 31. 643 Trémouille 2002a. 632 CTH 406, Hoffner 1987b. 644 KUH 6.45 ii 3. Singer 1996: 13, 35. 633 Starke 1985: 294ff.: Hutter 2003: 239ff. 645 KBo 15.33+KBo 15.35 i 8ff., Clocker 1997: 60f.

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Hurrian beliefs imparted stronger a influence the farther east and northeast that as ‘Calf of Teèèub,’ sacred bulls eri and Hurri, holy mountains Namni and Hazzi, we look. At Hurma, beside the Storm-god646 and great goddess Uantitaèèu, both of Ugur of Teviub, hero of Teèub (heroes in another text), divine ancestors of whom are named on the lists of divine witnesses and were included in the state cult Teèèub, his weapons and various attributes, all (the remaining) divinities from at Hattua, the prominent deities of the pantheon were Teèub and Hebat of Balab Teèèub’s circle, gods of the city and the land of Ijatti, and furnishings that presum of At Uurma.647 Uda, a local manifestation of the Storm-god of Pitteyarig(a) (city in ably belonged to Teviub’s cella. including a solar disc (kapi hifam,ni) of his con the Upper Land648) was especially venerated and with him the Hurrian divinities: cubine, whose name is concealed under the logogram DNJNE GAL ‘Lady of the Storm-god .652 (Teviub) and Hebat— arrumma,649 who were also the most important in Palace. the Hurrianized pantheons of Kizzuwatna. The kalu ti-list of Uebat includes: her son Sarrumma and daughters Allanzu and KunzHalli. maidservant Tagidu. mother goddesses Hudena Hudellurra. Hhara. Al 3.2.5. Beliefs of the Hurrians of Anatolia lani. Umbu—Nikkal, Sauèka with her maidservants Ninatta and Kulitta, auka of

Nineveh with Ninatta and Kulitta, Nabarbi, uwala, Aya—Ikaldu / Ayu(n) — Ekaldi, The Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean pantheon. which reflects the beliefs of the western Hur Urui—Ièkalli, Salaè bitinhi, Adamma, Kubaba, Habuntarhi, divine ancestors rians inhabiting southeastern Anatolia and northern Syria. is represented in the form of Hebat. her different furnishings and attributes, goddesses of the city and the land of processions of gods and goddesses on the rock walls of the sanctuary at Yazilikaya of Uatti. minor divinities, furnishings and cult objects connected with Hehat, including near Hattuèa (see 3.2.2). It is also known from (koluti in Hurrian. Zulhinida, Tarbanduki and Zumewa, vizier of Hebat, Tiabendi, mountains Agulliri with the meaning ‘circle, round of offerings’) who received offerings in the cult of and Kallibtabi, rivers amura and Eidarbu.653 Teviub and Uebat, the chief pair of the Hittite dynastic pantheon. These lists are Tebbub, Saubka, Sun-god Simige, Moon-god Kuuh, Kumarbi and the Earth — organized according to the principle of naming the gods (Teèèub’s circle) and god Heaven pair were Pan-Hurrian deities who were worshiped in all the lands inhab desses (Hebat’s circle) in the order of their importance. from the greatest to minor ited by the Hurrians. from the Zagros mountains and territory east of the Tigris gods and groups of gods. the ‘named and nameless gods.’6°0 The lists also include river all the way to southeastern Anatolia. The old Hurrian god Lubadag. venerated deified furnishings and attributes of the main god. in the third millennium BC in Urkeb/Tell Mozan, is confirmed in the western After Teviub and his various manifestations, the first to receive offerings were: tradition as Nubadig.6° Having arrived in Syria in the beginning of the second mil Taèmièu, Anu,6°1 Kumarbi, Ea, Moon-god Kuuh, Sun-god imige. Hatni or Sauka lennium BC, the Hurrians incorporated some of the local gods into their religion. from - 655 Mt. Piaivi (pido(i)fophi), War-god Mtabi. Nubadig (who was included among Divinities from the Syrian substrate include: Hebat, . Nabarbi. Suwala, the tutelary deities in Anatolia), auka of Heaven, Pirengir (our Venus or morning ala / alub. Adamma, Kubaba and Abtabi(l).6° Also of local origin, worshiped in star). Heèui, Irvip(p)a/i (the Hurrian writing for Raap. later Heef). Tenu the vizier of southeastern Anatolia and northern Syria, were arrumma and Lelluri,’ Teèub, Earth and Heaven, mountains and rivers, arrumma (in teriomorphic form?)

646 It is not known whether the Storm-god of Burma is identical with the local allomorph of the 652 Laroche 1948: 11sf.: 1952: 118: Guterbock 1961a: 3ff.: Wegner 2002: 53f. Cf. also Otten Storm-god of Ziplanda. mentioned together with consort his Anzili in a text from Kutakli/Sarilla. 1959b: 28. RuT 53: see 31.2 with n. 289. 653 Larorhe 1918: 121ff.: \Vegner 2002: 5Sf. 647 RUB 6.45 i 7-if.. Singer 1996: 13, 34. 654 Wilhelm 1987—1990. 618 Wilhelm 2003—2005. 655 For Suwala. who was worshiped in the city of Mardaman in northern Syria, see Schwemer 2001: 649 RUB 6.45 i 78, Singer 1996: 13, 35. 408ff. with references.

610 Wegner 1995a. - 656 Haas 1978: Archi 1992: 1998b; cf. also Hutter 1996: 124ff. 651 In the koluti-list of Tellnh of Sapinuwa. Wegner 2002: 58. 657 Haas 1994a: 409f. r

120 3. ATOLIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PEEI00 121 a goddess venerated in Kummani, capital of Kizzuwatna, as the spouse of the uwaliyat, was his faithful companion.664 Tamièu’s spouse Nabarbi was venerated 665 Mountain-god identified with Teub. Numerous Mesopotamian gods also in Taide on the Upper Khabur. entered into the Hurrian pantheon, some of them probably already in the third The Hurrians of northern Syria identified Teèub with the Semitic Storm-god millennium BC, among others, Anu, Ea, Damkina, Aya, Pirengir, and Nikkal, spouse Hadda I Addu. In the Hurrianized centers of Syria and Kizzuwatna the local storm- of the Moon-god. gods were venerated under the name of Teèèub. The most important of the Syrian The western Hurrian pantheon was thus a specific amalgam of Hurrian, Meso storm-gods was the Storm-god of Halab, whose cult had supra-regional significance potamian and Syrian beliefs. Lluis Feliu rightly commented on the issue of its struc already in the third millennium BC, including Ebla and Man on the mid-Euphra ture: “If we accept that the basic structure and pattern of the Hurrian pantheon are tes.666 The importance of Addu of Salab grew in the Old Babylonian period when foreign, we could propose the hypothesis that at least in part, this structure had Aleppo was the royal residence of the powerful kingdom of Yamlsad. He was at the a Syrian origin. B. Laroche and W.G. Lambert have already proposed a Sumerian top of the pantheon of Yambad, the king of Yamhad was the ‘beloved of Addu’ and structure of the Hurrian pantheon: it is possible, however, that the basic model was the land of Yambad itself was called simply the Land of Addu.’66’ Hurrian or Hur the pantheon of the Middle Euphrates. with Dagan as head of the pantheon. father rianized ruling families from other centers of Syria and southeastern Anatolia re of the gods and father of the Storm.god.608 ferred to the royal ideology of the Yambad kings. As a consequence. the Storm-god God of the life-giving rains which ensured vegetation. Teub, was not originally of Halab. already in elevated position in many local pantheons,6b0 appeared in the the supreme god of the pantheon. He came to be at its head as the storm-gods gained Hurrian garb of Teèèub as the chief god in dynastic cults. It was then that Hebat, in importance all over the Ancient Near East in the beginning of the second millen ancient goddess of Ualab. whose cult is attested already in texts from Ebla of the

669 - - , . - nium BC.6D9 The main center of his cult was the unidentified town of Kummi(ya).660 third millennium BC. became Tessub s spouse. while Sauska. his old partner from The chariot of the Hurrian Storm-god was drawn by his sacred bulls Seri(iiu) eastern Hurrian pantheons. appears in the myths as his sister. Teub. Hebat and and Hurri (Tilla in the eastern tradition):66i in the west he also had two Syrian auèka formed the chief triad in the beliefs of the western Hurrians. Nonetheless, mountains, Hazzi (Cassius Mons, modern Jebel al-’Aqra?)662 and Na(m)ni (Anti-Cas the change was not universal in all of the Syrian towns. In the Hurrian cults of Uga sius?), attributed to him.66’3 His twin brother Taèmiu, whom the Hittites called nt, as in the state pantheon of Mittani, auka remained the suprenie goddess and Teèub’s partner.670 She also maintained her prominent position in Alalah, even

658 Feliu 2003: 300. 664 Guterbock 1961a. 659 Wilhelm 1989: 49: Haas l994a: 330; Popko 1995a: 96. Schwemer (2001: 44Sf.) argues that Tellub 665 The cult of Nabarbi (‘(She) of Nawar’), referred to in the oldest texts as Lady of Nawar/Nagar. headed the Hurrian pantheon already in the third millennium BC. However, the inscriptien of is attested already for the Ur 111 period, Guichard 1996 with references. Cf. also Haas 1998— Tiladal from Urkel/Tell Moran from a later phase of the Ur III period (Wilhelm 1998) does not 2001a. put Tellub in the position of the supreme god of the local pantheon. For a new discussion, see 666 Schwemer 2007b: 162ff. (lmrgieri 2005: 83ff.: ci’. also 2.1 with n. 146 and 3.1.1 with n. 238. 667 Schwemer 2007b: 163. See also above, 3.1.1 with n. 238. 660 Wilhelm 1994h. 668 Cf., e.g., the pantheon of l3aUuwa, attested in the annals of HattuSili 1. KBo 10.1 ohv. 37ff.: the 661 CTH 341. Tablet 2. § 39 (B iii 15ff.). Uiiterhock 1952: t6: cf. also Haas 1994b: 86: Hoffner t998: Storm-god of Armaruk 1=? Ammarik. Jebel SemSn vest of Aleppo. ‘chi 1998b: 40f.). the Storm- 56f. For Sen and Hurri. see Haas 1972— t975a: 1994a: 471f.: Singer 1996: t83f.: Schwemer 200t: god of Halab. Allatum, Mount Adalur. Liluri. two silver bulls lef the Storm-god?) and 13 scatuettes 477ff. For Tilla: Haas l9Sia: Schwemer 2001: 45:3f. lof other deities) of gold and silver. Hebat is also mentioned, referred to as the daughter of 662 For Mt. Cassius. see now Portnoff 2006. Allatum )lCBo 10.1 obv. ]43f.). See now Devecchi 2005: 46ff.: cf. also do Martino 2003: 54ff. with 663 Bordreuil 1989: Dijkstra 1991: 133ff.: Popko 1998: 123f.: Wilhelm 1998—2001a. According to references: Beckman 2006: 221.

Schwemer (2001: 2281. the Nanni mountain should ho looked for much further out to the east. 669 Archi 1994: 25if.: Pomponie — Xella 1997: 189ff.: Schwemer 2001: 11Sf. Yet, this is contradicted by the mention of this mountain in the Deeds of Suppiluliuma in tho 670 See. e.g.. Haas 1994a: 543: Schwemer 2001: 461. These pantheons were apparently net influenced contexc of a Syrian campaign of Tuthaliya III. by the royal ideology of Yamhad.

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682 . , 683 though the pantheon there was headed by the Storm-god, Sun and lihara (see magic. Nineveh was the oldest and the most famous center of the goddess s cult.

. - . . . . 684 below). Sauska of Nineveh was greatly venerated in Syria and Asia Minor, and she also Once the new dynasty originating from Kizzuwatna took power in Hattuèa, the made her way into the Hittite state pantheon, appearing among the divine witnesses of cult of TeIèub and Uebat of Halab, chief pair of the dynastic pantheon (see 3.2.2), state treaties (3.2.1). In the western Hurrian pantheon, auka was accompanied spread to the native Hittite territories in Asia Minor.671 The annals of Uattuèili I by her maidservants Ninatta and Kulitta, who were already present in her original

685 . 686 inform that he brought to Hittite temples statues of Hurrian gods plundered in Syria, entourage in Nineveh. In Anatoha, her manifestations from Samuha, Sattarina including a cult image of a local hypostasis of the Storm-god of Halab from the town and Lawazantiya were particularly venerated. of Uaviu(wa).672 This is hardly proof however, of the incorporation of Teèèub of Halab The cult of the Syrian Iihara/Uhara,687 originally goddess of love and ident 673 and other Hurrian gods into the Old Hittite pantheon. ified in this role with Iètar, spread in Mesopotamia in the third millennium BC; she arrumma,6’4 originally a great mountain-god venerated in the Syro-Anatolian also had her temple at Kaneè (see 2.1). In this original aspect, Ièhara was worshiped borderland as a bull (in this guise we see him, for example, on the rock relief from in some Syrian centers still in the second millennium BC,688 for example, in Ebla,

.675 . . . . - Hanyeri ), was included in the Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean pantheon as the son of Tes Alalab and Emar I Meskene. At Alalab, Hhara, called ‘Lady of Alalah’ in the in èub and Hebat. Similarly so in the procession of divinities from Yazilikaya (3.2.2) scription of Idrimi (line 2)689 partnered the Storm-god; the logogram LTAR that and in the kaluti-lists of Ijebat, where he is mentioned most often directly after the denotes here Ièhara’s name identifies her as a love goddess.690 In Emar she was goddess.676 The cult of the diad Uebat—arrumma had its source in the theological paired with the city god DNINURTA whom Joan Goodnick Westenholz identified conception of the mother son pair.6’7 arrumma is also found in a modified pan- with the epithet Ii ImarilHamari (‘God of Emar’), maybe a manifestation of Dagan!

. . . . 678 . 679 theon of Halab, but originally he surely did not belong in it. Kumarbi.691 Ièhara was also greatly venerated in Kizzuwatna, especially in the area Eauèka (the ‘Great One’680) took over many traits of the Sumerian manna and around TarèalTarsus and Nirièa in Cilicia. There was a temple of the goddess on Babylonian Htar, both in her female aspect as goddess of love and in the male one one of the Cilician mountains bearing her name.692 Hamri-Ièhara of the Hittite

693 . . as warrior-goddess. In the latter aspect she was venerated with various kinds of texts refers presumably to the tradition of the goddess s cult in Kizzuwatna, where weapons perceived as independent divine beings.681 Also connected with the male aspect of Sauèka was the cult of ‘hot stones’ that played an important role in 082 Hans — Thiel 1978; 9. 38f.; Fick 2004; 159. 683 Hurrian spells from Ugarit mention Akkad, Nineveh with [x-A(w)i]ralle and YahIS-Alile as the

main centers of au4ka/IT.4R’s worship, Dietrich — Mayer 1994; Dietrich 2004: 143.

684 Vieyra 1957; Hans — Thiel 1978: 30ff.; Hans 1979; Wegner 1981; possirn; 1995c: 149ff.; Hans

671 Klengel 1965a; Soulek — Siegelovd 1974; Popko 1998; 2002. 1994a; 345ff.; Beckman 1998. 672 See n. 668. 685 Lebrun 1976: 15ff., 42ff.; cf. also Wcgner 1995c; 31ff. 673 CL Pepko 1995a: 9Sf. Contra. e.g., Kiengel 1965a: 90; 1992: 344; Richter 2002: 306ff. with ref 686 Wegner 191 Sc; 111ff. erences; see also Schwemer 2001: 494f.; 20076; 166. 687 Archi 1993c; Haas 1994a; 393ff.; Prechel 1996; Archi 2002b. 674 Laroche 1963; Haas 1994a; 390ff.; Schwemer 2001; 484ff.; Trdmnuille 2006. 688 According to Hurrian spells from Ugarit. IShara was worshiped in Syria in the following main 675 Kohlmeyer 1983; 86ff. with references; Ehringhaus 2005: 76ff.; Stokkel 2005: 174. centers; Man. Tuttul with Emar-Siralle. Mudkin-Nidabe, YabiS-Alile, Naltarbenne-Siduralle, 676 Cf. CTH 698: KBo 14.142 i 23, ii 12, — 143. 25; KUB 27.13 i 5. 15. Klengel 1965a; 91f.; Soudek — SiegelovS Tunanah-Saydar and Ugarit-Zulude, Dietrich Mayer 1994; Dietrich 2004; 1974: 39ff.; Haas 1994a; 554f.; Trdmouille 1997; 94ff. CTH 704: KBo 22.180 i 20’; KBo 34.l6+KBo 689 Longman 1997; 479. - 33.27+KBo 35.136+ iii’, iv 27; KBo 35.157 ii 5; KIJB 45.74 1.col. 5’, Wegner 2002: 55. 105ff. 690 Haas —Wilhelm 1974; 138. For the temple of Ilhara/ISTAR at Alalah. see Na’aman 1980. Cf. 677 Trdmnuille 1997; 189f. also Prechel 1996; 164f. 678 Hans 1994a; 390. 554. 691 Westenholz 1999; 158. See, however, Feliu (2003; 2461. n. 226) who argues against the painng of Dagan 679 Popko 1995a; 98; 1998; 122 n. 19; Trdmouille 1997: 190; Schwemer 2001: 485, 500. and l4hara in Emar and the neighhoring region. For lIhara in Emar, see also Beckman 2002c; 44, 51. 680 Wegner 1995b. 092 KUB 40.2 ohv. 12ff.. Prechel 1996; 120ff. with references; cf. also Popko 1999c; 100. 681 Wegner 1981: 95ff. 693 Prechel 1996; 104f.; van Gessel 1998; 81f. r

EMPIRE PERIoD 125 124 3. Hi ANAT0LIA ,. 3.2. THE

the sanctuary of Ièhara as goddess of oaths was connected with a ham ri-building.694 midwives Hudena Hudellurra (or Hodena Uodellurra),’°3 whose cult among the west The Kizzuwatnean Ièhara has characteristics of a chthonic goddess. ern Hurrians draws upon the tradition of Syrian mother goddesses, protectresses of In the western Hurrian pantheon Ièhara’s function changed fundamentally.69° pregnant women and assistants in childbirth, represented among others by the seven

- - ,04 . She found herself among the chthonic deities who were believed to belong to the Ugaritan Kotaratu. In the Yazilikaya procession, a pair of goddesses is identified earlier generation of gods (see below). Ièhara was associated with the goddess Allani by epigraphs as Hudena Uudellurra (3.2.2), although the plural form of the Hurrian and gained many negative characteristics, including a link with the mortal ‘disease names suggests that we are dealing here with a group of mother goddesses on the of IThara.’ She was also a guardian of oaths and as such appears in Hittite state Syrian mode. MEE/H1.A treaties, most often in the company of the Moon-god.696 Her connection with the Moon- In Hittlte texts, the Hurrian divine midwives correspond to DINGIR.MAH 697 god Sangar / Sag(g)ar in Ma NE of the Ebla texts should also be noted, and later Gulèeè,70° the logogram probably concealing a group of the Luwian Darawanzi-god 06 in cults from the Khabur region, the middle Euphrates (Emar) and Kizzuwatna.698 desses (Darawe in Hittite). Together with the Sun-goddess of the Earth, the ME/WA - - .699 - 1 Allani or Lady (of the Netherworld). who adopted many characteristics from mother and fate goddesses DIN (IR.MAH / Darawes Gulses are the main the Mesopotamian Erekigal, herself influenced the image of the Sun-goddess of the divine actors in magical practices from the Hurrian-Luwian circle, designed to free Earth (3.2.4). In the Hurrian-Luwian environment of Kizzuwatna these two goddesses the patient from the power of the chthonic gods (3.2.9). In other texts from the same became identified. In Mesopotamia. Allani was venerated as Allatu. but in Asia Minor cultural sphere. the fate goddesses Gule occur in association with the Mesopota the two manifestations of the goddess were treated as separate deities. Allatu, equa mian mother goddess DINGIR.MAH, who played a role in the creation of man, thus ted with the god Lelwani, stood at the head of a group of chthonic deities worshiped bearing out her function as divine midwife.’0’ The Hurrians identified her with the in the heto-house in IJattuèa’00 (see 3.1.1). activity of the mother goddesses Uudellurra.708 The Hittites worshiped her under

701 709 . . In a well-known Hurrian-Hittite bilingual text, Allani is called the wood of the name of Hannahanna. Yet, in this group of texts it is probably the Luwian the bolt of the Earth (that is, the netherworld),’ for it is there that she had her palace. goddess Darawa belonging to the entourage of the Sun-goddess of the Earth (3.2.4) The Hurrians shared with the inhabitants of Mesopotamia the belief that who is disguised as DINGIR.MAH. a man’s fate was decided in the netherworld prior to his birth. As queen of the nether- The netherworld was also the seat of gods of the older generation referred to as t02 world Allani had her share in this. It also explains her ties with the divine the ‘primeval gods’ (horn/lied s;unes in Hittite). ‘lower gods’ (c/lila tn,-eno in Hur nan, 1’ottere.i d/n,ied in Hittite) or ‘divine ancestors’ (ommadena C/lila in Hurrian.

694 See now Pret-hel 2008: 127f. 69i Archi 2002b. 696 Prechel 1996: 91f’l’. See also Laroche 1955h: 11 n. 3: Otien 1961: 1.5.5 for ihe writing of the god dess’s name with the logogram IST.4R. 701 Haas l972—1975h. On the meaning of Horrian names 1-lodena Hodellorra (from the root hod- 697 Prechel i996: 10ff.. 17; 1999: 375, 377f. ‘raise’ which reflects their role as midwives), see (}iorgieni 2001: 141 with n. 31. 698 Haas 1994a: 373. 568 with n. 191. Cf. also Prechel 1996: 86; Beckman 2002c: 48, 52. 704 Herrmann 1968: Sf., 39ff.; cf. also Hotter 1996: 136. On the connection hetween the Ugaritan 699 Hnas 1994a: 40Sf.: Popko 1995a: 99: Torn 1999: 97ff. KdtarSto and Mesopotamian niother goddesses SassOrSto / D1NGIE.MAHM. see Stol 1983: 34ff.; 700 Torn (1999: 112) has proposed that the Akkadogram ALLATtIM is in Hittite texts nothing more del Olmo Lete 1991: 74f.; van der Toorn 1994: 87 with n. 18. than a way of writing the name of Leiwani. Yet, her argoing (p. 53ff’.) that Lelwani, like the Meso 705 Ci Laroche 1948: 124ff; Haas 1972—1975h; Beckman 1983: 242: Taracha 2000: 186i For the potamian Allato, was a goddess is not persnasive. Texts from the later Empire period, in which eqoation of Gollel with Horriao Hndena, see also Giorgieri 2001: 138. Lelwani is given the epithet ‘My Lady’ (cf. Torn 1999: 45ff.). evidence the transfer of the name 706 Carroha 1966: 30 n. 48: Taracha 2000: 188f. Ci also Frantz-Szabd 1993—1997: 518. of the Haitian god to Allatn. The Hnrrian Komarhi is a case in the opposite direction when a god 707 Taracha, in press. of foreign origin is given the name of an Anatolian goddess l=Halki / NISABA), cf. Arrhi 2004b. 708 Cf. a lexical list AN = non from Emar: Som. Acorn. NIN.TLT. NIN.MAH = Herr. °Hu-ti-if-fu 701 S/co 1996: ci also Haas 1994a: 549ff.: Wilhelm 2001. ho!-or-ro, Haas 1988a: 20. 702 Taracha 2000: i78ff. 709 Kellernian 1987a: Haas t994a: 433fi I r 126 3. Hn’ri’r ANAT0LIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERlon 127

720 lit. ‘divine grandfathers’).710 The Hurrians imagined them in the likeness of the Meso The older generation of gods included Kumnrbi, whose sent was supposed to be potamian Anunnaku. yet they included in this group, beside the Mesopotamian di in Urkeè/Tell Mozan.72t In Mesopotnmin he was identified with Enlil, in Syria with vinities like and Amiza(du). Anu and , Enlil and or En, also nu the North Semitic fertility god Dagan and the Ugnritan El, whereas the Hittites merous deities from the local substrate. The names of some of these deities, in keeping called him by the name of the Grain-goddess Halki (whose name is written also with 723 D 722 ,, - with the rules of word magic, form rhyming pairs: Minki /Munki ‘1t—Amunki, Antu— the logogram NISABA). Kumarbi s spouse was the goddess Salas I Salus, his

Apantu, — Aunamm(u)du — Jyandu, Eltara712—Ta(i)Itara, Nnra Namèara,713 Muntara — vizier called Mukièanu. Kumarbi is the hero of the cycle of myths in which he ap Mutmuntara. Among them there were also the seers Aduntarri and Zulki. and Irpitiga. pears as Teèub’s chief opponent in the older gods’ struggle to recover power over Lord of Judgment.’’14 The Hurrian divinities of the netherworid were included in the world (3.2.9). The sequence of divine generations in Hurrian mythology — Anu, the Hittite state pantheon and were summoned as witnesses to state treaties (3.2.1). Kumarbi. Teèub — was reflected in the order preserved on some kolati-lists in the En, who assumed many of the characteristics of the Sumerian . was wor cult of Teub (see above). shiped in Ebla already in the third millennium BC as Hayyu(m) (from the Semitic The Hurrian Sun-god Simige was an almost faithful copy of the Mesopotamian u16 root yy1tv ‘live’), which gave the Syrian-Hurrian form of the name, Aya / Eya (Lu amaè, great god of Sippar. Aya was the spouse of both, her name in the lists of wian Rn). attested in texts of the second millennium BC. En played a significant Hurrian deities being connected with the unclear term IlEknldilu — Ava-Iknldu I role in the Hittite state cult; his temple stood on the acropolis Büyukkale in Hattu Ayu(n)-Ekaldi. Viziers of the Sun-god were Lipparu(ma) — Bunene and Mearu known near the temple of DINGIR.MAH (32.6). Worshiped with him was his spouse from Babylonian mythology, who ran on either side of the god’s chariot pulled by (DAG), 24 Damkinn, his vizier Izzummi, Nabli Kumarbi,”’ and minor divinities from four horses. According to the interpretatio hetlitttca, the Fears and the Terrors ‘18 his circle, all gods whom the Hittites knew through Hurrian mediation. In myths, ran with them, on the Sun-god’s right and left respectively.72° imige was foremost En appears as ‘Lord of Wisdom,’ whom the gods approach for counsel. In a magical a god of oracles. In myths he appears as one of the most prominent celestial gods. It ritual from Ortakdy I apinuwa. En and Damkina are evoked together with the Lu may be assumed that the Sun-god of Heaven, who became important in the state ‘ian divine midwives DINGIR.MAHM’ Gule and a local manifestation of the cult during the Empire period as the Hittite Iètanu (see 3.2.1). was none other than mother goddess DINGIR.MAH from the town of ulupnIèi(ya). the Hurrinn Simige. The Moon-god Kuuh as god of oaths demonstrates ties with the netherworld.726 Among the western Hurrians he was also venerated as Umbu / lb. His spouse 70) Larorhe 1974: Gurney 1977: 15 with 4:Archi n. 1990: Haas 1994a: 111ff.: de Martino — Giorgieri 2008: 78 with references. On ihe relationship between the primeval gods and Allani see. e.g.. Haas i994a: 551: Catsamcos 1996: 275 with n. 221 (referencesl: Tern 1999: 94ff. Cf. also Taracha 720 Guterbock 1980—1983. 2000: 182E 721 Hurrian spells from Ugarit mention his main cult centers in Syria: Uriga and Kumma/i with 711 Wilhelm 199$—1997a. Tuttul-A(w)irraie, Dietrich — Slaver 1994: Dietrich 2004: 143. 712 Polvani 2008. 722 On the equivalency of the Old Syrian Dagan and Mesopetamian Enhl and Hurrian Kumarbi, 713 Wilhelm 1998—2001h. see. e.g., Wilhelm 1989: 52f.; Niehr 1994; Schwemer 2001: 405; Feliu 2003: 296ff.; Archi200lb. 714 Cf. Otten 1961: 114 n. 281. 145ff. As Feliu (2003: 300) states, “if Kumarbi has any agrarian character it is not due to his identi 715 Archi 1993b. fication with Dagan. Fundamental to the comparison between the two gods is the almost identical 716 TM 75.0.1825+3131 rev. v 3f.: 0En-kj = h-u5. Cf. Archi 1993h: 27 n. 3: Wilhelm 2002a: 62f. position each has in his respective pantheon. both retain the title ‘Father of the gods: have the a. 27 with references: ‘l’enietti 2003: 66Sf. Storm-god as their preeminent silo and the same wife. ... it is possible to think that Kurnarbi is 717 As Hurrian equivalency of Oagan-Enlil. cf. Archi 2004b. See also n. 722. simply his [Dagan’s] ‘Hurrian counterpart’.”

718 — Pepko Taracha 1988: 88ff., 101ff., 109: Archi 1993h: 2006: 154, 156. 72;) Archi 1995h: 1998h: 4 if.; cf. also Schwemer 2001: 403ff.; Feliu 2003: 288ff. 719 94/136 Or obv. 1ff.: see Esma Reyhan’s paper (“Ortakdy/Sapinnva Artivinde Tanrilani airma 724 KUB 31.127+ i 52ff.. Otiterhock 1958: 241; cf. also Haas 1994b: 851’. RitOelleninde Yer Alan Bazi Yeni Kurban Terimleri”) read at the 7th International Congress of 725 Friedrich 1954—1955: GOterbock 1958: 241. Hittitology in çerum. 25—29 August 2008. 726 Laroche 1955h: 1962; Otten i980—1983c; Haas — Prechel 1993—1997; Haas t994a’. 3741. r

128 3. Hirrin ANAT0LIA 3.2. THE EMPIaE PEaI0D 129

Nikkal727 is a Hurrian manifestation of the Sumerian goddess (‘Great Lady’), ideas received a material form and were placed in the sanctuary alongside the god, spouse of the Moon-god Sin, worshiped in Ebla already in the third millennium BC often on the same altar. Compared to the Old Hittite period, temple interiors pres and also present in the Man pantheon starting with the Ur Ill period. Ugarit was ented a much richer appearance. especially the new cult places for Hurrian and 28 also among the most important cult centers of Nikkal. In Asia Minor she received Luwian deities. offerings sometimes under the double name Umbu—Nikkal729 (as in the case of the The gods were worshiped under different forms.’33 There were, as earlier, statu kaluti-list of Hebat cited above), which corresponds to Nikkal—Ib in Ugaritan texts. ettes a few dozen centimeters high, made of wood covered with sheet gold or silver, Queens of the early Empire bore names created with the Nikkal element — Nikkal sometimes of iron, copper and silver, occasionally even gilded. Their descriptions madi and Mmunikkal. A description has survived of a ritual for the goddess cel abound in the texts. Bigger (and even monumental) figures occurred as well, as sug 30 ebrated by Mmunikkal and her sons. As mentioned above, the Moon-god and gested by the fragment of a copper statue found near Ahurhisar north of Afvon, which Ilbara as deities of oaths appear on the lists of divine witnesses in Hittite state was approximately 50 cm when complete,’3° the torso of a limestone statue from treaties. In military vows they were summoned together with arrumma.731 Alaca Hoyuk,’36 and a monumental stela (c. 7.35 m high) from Fasillar near Beyehir, A distinctive trait of Hurrian cults was the veneration of pairs of different gods featuring a representation in has-relief of a storm-god resting his foot on a moun treated as a unity (Hebat—Sarrumma, Uebat—Allanzu, Ninatta—Kulitta, IThara— tain-god flanked by lions.’37 Studies on the iconography of particular deities benefit Allani. Iludena—Hudellurra, Umbu—Nikkal. pairs of chthonic gods. etc.). two mani substantially from representations in the glyptic arts,’38 on pottery’39 and metal festations of the same deity (the two gods Nubadig, Ugur, Tiabendi and others), or vessels,’40 as well as on rock faces.’41 The latter reliefs are linked mostly else the god or goddess associated with his! her personified attribute or epithet (ha — to cult practices in rock and spring sanctuaries. The most famous are the pro

Madi ‘Ea—Wisdom,’ Hebat—Mui(u)ni’32 ‘Hebat — Order’) which symbolized him!her cessions of divinities from Yazilikaya (3.2.2), rock reliefs in Gâvurkalesi southwest while remaining a separate divine being. This practice. presumably originating from of Ankara. representing a storm-god next to another god opposite a goddess,’42 Syria. penetrated also into the Luwian cults (see 3.2.4). a scene showing the Storm-god of Halab in his chariot drawn by bulls together with

3.2.6. Cult 733 Guterbock 1983; cf. also Hazenbos 2003: 173ff.; Collins 2005. 734 von Brandenstein 1943; Jakob-Rost 1961; 1963; Carter 1962. Forms of cult expressing adoration for a deity are characterized by traditionalism 735 Ilasli 1993. and conservatism. These forms remained basically unchanged from the Old Hittite 736 Kotav — Akok 1973: 19. 78f. (cat. no. Al.p 149). Pis XL—XLI. 737 Kohlmever 1983: 39f.: Taracha 1987: 267 n. 26 (references): Ehnnghans 2005: 57ff. period (3.1.3). although Hurrian influence is evident. The number of cult objects grew 738 Beran 1967: Boehmer — GOterbock 1987: 52f.. 55 (nos 145. 147). 56 (no. 148). 65 (no. 182). iOGf. 770. significantly, now including the god’s personified attributes, weapons, symbols, epi (no. 3081: Herhordt 2005: nos 275. 302. 504. 507. 566. 612. 620. 6211, 62Sf.. 630. 710. 7.55. For the royal seal of Murtili III with a representation of the Storm-god of Halab mounting his thets, forces of nature, etc., as as well furnishings of the adytum (cf. 3.2). Abstract eagle chariot drawn by bolls, see Hawkins 2003. 739 Boehmer 1983: 33ff. (nos 43—46), 36ff. (no. 47). More recent excavations in the Upper City of Hattula yielded fragments of a colt vase from the early Empire period, depicting the Storni-god 727 Imparati 1979a: 1998—2001. of I alah in the iconographic type known from the seal of Morlili 111 (n. 738). Cf. Seeher 2007. 728 Herrmann 1968: del Olmo Leie 1991: cf. also Hotter 1996: 136, 740 One should mention foremost a silver vessel in the form of a fist in the Museum of Fine Arts. 729 Haas l994a: 375. Boston. with a representation of King Tuthahya pouring a libation in front of a storm-god (Outer- 730 KUB 45.47+Bo 4186 with its duplicate EBo Schinimel 17.84. Ioparati (1979a: 299ff.: 1979h) identified the hock — Kendall 1995) and the frieze on the neck of the stag rhyton from the Norbert Hittite queen with Nikkalmadi, hut other scholars tend to attrihnte this ritual to Mmnnikkal; collection (see n. 593). see. e.g., Singer 2002h: 310 n. 52 (references). 741 Knhlmeyer 1983; Ehringhaus 2005. 731 KUB 43.38, Oettinger 1976. 742 von der Osten 1933: 11,37; Knhlmeyer 1983: 13f1 with references: Lumsden 2002: Ehringhaus 732 Lehron 1976: 102: Wilhelm 1993—1997h. 2005: lifE 130 3. Hirurril ANATOLJA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 131

743 Sauska in a rock relief from Imamkulu, and a cult facade with a depiction of Apart from the priests and priestesses discussed in chapter 3.1.3, the Empire texts a god and goddess by the sacred pond in Eflatun Pinar, 28 km northwest of Fasil yield evidence of other functionaries connected with the cult of particular deities. lan44 One should also note the reliefs on the town walls by the Sphinx Gate in Among these are the priestesses: am mama from Taurpa (who possibly had a part Alacahoyuk, showing a cult scene on either side of the gate with a local storm-god to play in the cult of the local goddess of the same name and also participated in i4o in the form of a bull and an enthroned goddess, and also a relief on an architec the cult ceremonies in Arinna),/01 iiuwa4annalla/i7°2 and aliiuitra serving Uuwaè tural block, undoubtedly from a cult scene, discovered in 2005 in Kayalipinar, rep èanna, iharalli in the cult of (Hamni-)Ièhara,7°3 and katrali (written also with the resenting a goddess seated on a stool, holding a bowl and a bird in her hands]46 Akkadogram ENTU) in the cult of certain goddesses from Kizzuwatna, for example, 754 There was also a huge variety of aniconic images. Uuwaái-stelae have already Isbara and the Goddess of the Night. In the texts, all those employed in the temple been discussed, as have been discs of solar and astral deities (e.g. Pirengir), most (the hilammatta-men, with ‘men’ standing for both sexes) are opposed to the MES - LIM 755 often of copper or gold, mountain-gods worshiped in the form of ‘weapons,’ possibly temple-men (LU E.DINGIR ) who regularly cross the threshold of the Ghl ,,756 maces ( ), and hursa-bags, the worship of which lasted until the end of gods. I’his narrower term includes solely cult personnel: SANGA-priest(esse)s, LU.MES . . 757 the Hittite kingdom despite a progressive personification of local tutelary deities (see AMA.DINGIR-priestesses, singers and musicians (among others, hah(ya)ries, 3.1.3). One ritual proves that the same deity could be worshiped under different LUNAR / LUkillirtalla758 LUGALA LUahtaril@)7S9 LUBALAGDI, LUarkammiyal forms: “He will come (and) celebrate the goddess Q’Uliliyaèi). In addition, if she and other groups of temple officials who are on occasion also described as

MUNUS.MES . 761 MUNUS.ME/ . 762 prefers a pithos-vessel, he will make her stand as a pithos-vessel. But if not, he will singing, including the KI.SIKIL/zintuhes, hazgarai, and MUNU8 763 . 764 make her stand as a huwaái-stone. Or he will ‘make’ (worship) her (as) a statue.”47 taptara. In some texts, the GUDU12-priests are also assigned to the Rhyta and other kinds of vessels also appeared as images of deities.’48 temple-men, in others, however, they are among the indicating Texts from the Empire period mention numerous temples in the capital and other their lower status among cult functionaries. Auxiliary personnel included guards, door towns. The everyday life of the temples is illustrated in preserved instructions for men, reciters and diviners of both sexes, cooks and bakers, table-men. cupbearers, temple officials.749 A rule of prime importance was to preserve cultic purity under scribes, waterbearers, potters, smiths, brewers, other craftsmen and shepherds.766 stood as a state of freedom from magical impact of persons, objects and substances considered impure, and avoiding behavior which threatened contamination.100 Hav 751 Cf. Hans — Jakob-Eost 1984: 23; Haas 1994a: 427 with n. 65; Popko 2001a: 331 with n. 19. ing fulfilled his duties, the priest could go out to meet with his family, but after that 752 Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 388f.; 2004. Daddi 1982: 390. he was required to return to the temple which would be locked up for the night. 73:1 Pecchioli 754 Pecchioli Dnddi 1982: 391ff.; Hans 1994a: 394f.: Miller 2002; Taggar-Cohen 2006n: 177f., 387f. 735 Tnggar-Cohen 2006a: 279ff. 756 KUB 13.4 iii 4f. 743 Wafler 1975; Kohlmeyer 1983: 80ff.; Hazenbos 2002; Ehringhaus 2005: 70ff.; Stokkel 2005: 174f. 757 Klinger 1996: 752f. with references. 2004: i63fL — Klinger 1996: 747; Schuol 744 Bittel 1976-1980; Kohlmeycr 1983: 34ff.; BOrker-Klahn Meitner — Peckeruhn 1987: BOrker 738 Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 336ff.:

Klahn 1993; Ozenir 2001; Bachmann — Ozenir 2004: Ehringhaus 2005: 50ff. 739 Yoshida 1999: 242, 24Sf.; Schnol 2004: 161f.: CHD 10ff. 745 Mellink 1970; Neve 1994; Ehringhaus 2005: 6ff.: cf. also Haas 1994a: 592. 760 Pecchioli Dnddi 1982: 297f.: Schnol 2004: 158. 160. 746 MUller-Karpe 2006: 217ff. 761 Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 401ff.; Jian 1994; Aciknn 2002; cf. also Rntherford 2004. 747 KUB 7.5 iv 11ff., Hoffner 1987h: 276, 279; cf. also Popko 1993: 325; Garcia Trabazo 2002: 464f.; 762 Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 385ff.; Eoflle 2004; Torn 2006: now also HW2 111/i: 548ff. Hazenbos 2003: 175; HED 3: 194. 763 Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 399ff. 748 E.g., wahlur-vessels: KUB 38.1 i if., von Brandenstein 1943: iof.; Guterbock 1983: 204. 214, 764 KUB 13.4 ii 62. iii 3f., Klinger 2002: 101; Tnggnr-Cohen 2006a: 53, 55. 76f.

and hutch-vessels: KUB 38.2 iii 18ff., von Brandenstein 1943: 8f.: Hoffner 2002: 65. 763 KUB 38.12 ill, Ghterbock 1972: 130f.: del Monte — Tischler 1978: 177ff.; Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 749 CTH 264, Stnrtevant 1934: Korohec 1974; McMahon 1997: 217ff.; Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 33ff.: in 210ff.; Taggar-Cohen 2006n: 22ff.

general also Bryce 2002: 154ff. 766 See. e.g.. KUB 38.12 i 9ff’., del Monte — Tischler 1978: 177ff.: Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 210ff.: Tagger- 750 de Martino 2004. Cohen 2006n: 22. r

132 3. HIT’rITE ANAT0LIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 133

Most of the temples existing in the Old Hittite period on Buyukkale in Hattuèa pair of the state pantheon does not seem to have been worshiped together in a shared (3.1.3) continued in operation. although changes in the official pantheon resulted in sanctuary. The temple was charged also with supplying other cults in the capital Teèèub of Halab taking over the old temple of the Anatolian Storm-god,’6’ and the and the provinces. This purpose was served by huge storerooms, temple ateliers and ‘ goddess Allatu replacing Leiwani as the main deity worshiped in the heãta-house. the archive of cuneiform tablets with a scriptorium operating in it.’ The temple of DLAMMA mentioned in the texts must have been the old temple of The construction of the Great Temple crowned Tuthaliya IV’s reorganization of ‘4 mar; it should not be confused with the House of the kurAa in the palace residence, the state cult in the capital and in the land.’ Offerings were made in this temple

which was now the seat of Zithariya. New sanctuaries were built for Ea and to the gods of the main towns — the list of forty centers scattered from the estuary (DURA), (DU.GUR), DINGIR.MAH. Furthermore, uwaliyat/Taèmiáu ulinkatte of the Kizilirmak (Zalpa) through the land of Hatti and the Lower and Upper Lands (DGIR) Uaammili. Miyatanzipa Halki, Parka, Katahha, and mysterious Hannu also to Huwa (Hatra) and the towns on the Upper Euphrates (Haèuwa) in the east, supple had their cult places there. The Sun-goddess of Arinna was worshiped not only in mented with the deities of Aleppo and the land of , sets a much broader geo her (modest) temple on the acropolis, but also jointly with Mezzula in her huwaèi graphic scope for the Hittite state pantheon than the lists of witness gods in state precinct located by some scholars on nearby Kizlarkayasi.768 treaties (3.2.1).’° The Great Temple was also the place of worship of Hattian de Numerous craftsmen and merchants, including many foreigners, lived in the Lower ities from the traditional pantheon with the mysterious Tauri(t) (whose cult prob City of Uattua. Each of these groups of professionals had its guild divinities, mostly of ably goes back to the beginnings of the city-state of Hattua, 3.1.1), the Kanesite foreign origin. Texts testify to a connection between the temple of Zulumma/i (per gods (Pirwa, Aèkaèepa, Hauara ‘Queen,’ Maliya), and a group of the household haps one of the manifestations of Ea) and merchants, while the craftsmen wor divinities worshiped by the royal family already in Old Hittite times (3.1.2). In the shiped urra. whose temple was located near the city gate referred to as otGo.’ Empire period this group was enlarged to include other Luwian and Hurrian de This part of the city was also the location of the temples of Hanzunzi. Zizzi and ities: the Storm-god of the Great House. Telipinu. Halki. Miyatanzipa (DGIR) II GuHeè iummi. Tanners and leatherworkers who worshiped the Maliya divinities lived close DlNGIR.MAH5 (DINGIR.MAH GuUeè in a parallel text) II Hearth (Kuzanaèu / ii by a stream outside the odtzth-gate.’ GUNNI), 0U.GUR ( Zilipuri) and DU.GUR LRLnayaa ii ioon (0XXX / 0EN.ZU). The Great Temple. otherwise called Temple I. dedicated to the Storm-god and Star. Night // Haammili (Haèmaiu). Queen (Katahbi / 0MUNUS.LUGAL). Hariètaèi. (ETJM the Sun-goddess of Arinna. ‘•Tas known as Great House GAL) to the Hittites.’ Hilai // small place (tepo pedo-). ‘just tongue’ (EME-o.i handonzo). ZI.PU .larro 6 It was raised in the Lower City in the reign of Tuthalix-a IV. Before that the chief iaor II Propitious Day.’ The extended list is evidenced already in a text written in early Middle Hittite script from the earliest phase of the Empire period.’’’ 767 Popko 2002. The Anatolian Storm-god. however, referred to also as Taparwalu (see n. 297), was Until recently it was thought that all of the more than thirty temples discovered to still worshiped in the same cella with his inseparable companion WaIezzili/Walez(z)alu, cf. KBo date in the Upper City of Uattua were erected at the same time as the Great Temple. 2.29 rev. 7’f.: KBo 21.49+KBo 39.87 ii 13’: KBo 39.88 h lOf., Archi 2007a: 53. Taparwalu and Walezalu received offerings also at the hua’oái(-precinct?) of the Storm-god (KUB 30.41 iv 19ff., Laroche 1966h: 170: Yoshida 1996: 321 n. 7). evidenced already in the Old Hittite texts (3.1.3). 773 On the scribes from the ‘house of craftsmen’ (E GI.K1N.T1) of the Great Temple, see now Shai

768 Picrallini — Popko 1998: 127f. Gordin’s paper (“Remarks on the Scribal Dynasties of the Hittite Empire Period”) read at the 769 RUB 57.95 iv 5ff., Otten 1959a. 7th International Congress of Hittitology in corum, 2 5—29 August 2008. 770 RUB 10.1 i 5ff.: cf. Singer 1983: 63. 123; 1984: 22. 774 For the cult reorganization in the times of Tuthaliya IV, see Laroche 1975; Houwink ten Cate

771 Pierallini — Popko 1998: 120ff. Cf. also Pierallini 2000: 325ff. One cannot agree with Pieralhni 1992: 100ff., 121ff.; Hazenbos 2003: 11ff., 191ff. with references. (2000: 332ff.). who would like to locate shrines of Parka, iIummi, urra, Zulumma. Ea, 771 KBo 4.13+KUB 10.82 i; cf. Haas 1994a: 776ff: now also Forlanini 2007h with references. I do not DINGIR.MAH and Katahha in the so-called Sudoreol situated to the southwest of Temple I. agree, however, with Forlanini who considers this list a source for a study of the early Hittite history. The temples of Ea, DINGIR.MAH and Katahha stood certainly on BOyOkkale (see above). 770 RHo 4.t3+KUB 10.82 vi 17ff. with a parallel text KBo 19.128 vi 18ff., Otten t971: 45ff.; Yoshida 11,11 772 For the identification of the Great Temple with the E GAL that appears in texts from the 1996: 173. latest phase of the Empire period. see n. 268. 777 KBo 23.72+÷. cf. Trémouille 2004c: 341.

Si . r

134 3. Hrrnn ANATOLIA I 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 135

Yet, some of these cult places must have existed already in Old Hittite times (see already mentioned above. Tutialiya IV was especially active in this field. At Yal i8 3.1.3).’ Unfortunately, none of them can he assigned to a particular deity. The burt near 11gm. 60 km northeast of Eflatun Pinar,787 Tuthaliya’s inscription cover- 788 last Hittite king, uppi1uliuma II. built a sanctuary with a sacred pond on the hill ed three sides of a wall of huge stone blocks built around a sacred pond. A stela called the South Castle (Sudburg).’’9 and he also founded on the stony outcrop of fragment naming Tutaliya (IV) in Hieroglyphic Luwian was also found in a spring NA Nianta neighboring with Buyukkale some sort of a memorial called iiekur sanctuary at Golpinar near Alacahbyuk.789 Texts confirm the existence of similar SAG.UE (‘Eternal Peak’) for the posthumous cult of his father Tutaliya IV (see also sanctuaries with sacred ponds featuring a rich architectural finishing already in the

780 . . 3.2.10). More cult places of this kind with their own personnel, linked to the early Empire period. There is a Middle Hittite text describing sanctuaries by a spring ancestor cult of the royal family, are evidenced in texts; one such sanctuary dedi dedicated to the Sun-goddess and the Storm-god.790 The cult of springs has a tradi i81 cated to Muwattalli II was located in the territory of Tarbuntaèa. Some scholars tion reaching back into Old Hittite times (see 3.1.3). h2 attribute a licker function to the rock monument at GSvurkalesi. A hekur should Of the more important ctilt centers in the provinces a few gained holy status not be confused with the ruler’s tomb, the Stone House (3.2.10). Tuthaliya IV was owing to the prominent position of the local deities in the state pantheon and the buried most probably in chamber B at Yazilikaya. reputation of their temples. Local priests were exempted from duties for the palace, Outside the capital there is a ceremonial complex at Ortakoy / Sapinuwa. dating to and the surrounding towns formed by force of royal decrees a kind of amphictyony an early phase of the Empire period (reign of Tuthaliya III?). Excavations revealed charged with providing supplies for the festivals celebrated there. The royal admin a pillared hail and open court (Building C) leading to a temple (Building D) with istration took care of part of these supplies. Temples also had their own land estates relief orthostats at its entrance. At nearby Ailond a huge stone platform was with numerous workers, including war captives, deportees and settlers offered to unearthed. This mysterious platform and the adjacent Building 3. where a large the god by the king. Arinna, Ziplanda and Nerik were the holy towns of the gods number of ritual vessels were found, probably constituted a cult and/or ceremonial through the history of the Hittite state. It was in the reign of Tuthaliya IV that i85 complex. From the same period is a temple with a paved courtyard and narrow Nerik ultimately recovered its due position after the Kakean occupation. Under the storerooms found at Ma$athbyük/Tapikka.786 Empire, the city to benefit from such status, beside Hattuèa, was Kummani in Kiz In a later phase of the Empire period, many of the sanctuaries featuring sacred zuwatna, and later also Tarbuntaè5a. which was Muwattalli Ii’s capital and then, ponds. which were scattered all over Hittite territory, were given a monumental under Tuthaliya IV, the capital of an appanage kingdom ruled by Kurunta. architectural frame. This was the case of the richly decorated facade in Eflatun Pinar, Texts give an idea of the maintenance costs borne by the state and the royal 191 treasury with regard to cult practices. In the reign of Tuthaliya IV. a total of 775 in 92 778 MOller-Karpe 2003: 389: Seeher 2006a: 136ff.. 142: 2006h. dividuals were employed in the service of 26 gods from Karahna. ‘of whom nine 779 Hawkins 1995. Chamber 2 of this complex was interpreted by Hawkins (1990: 311) as a passage to the netherworld. °KASKAL.KUR divine earth.road’ (see 3.2.10). maybe the tomb destined for Suppiluliuma IT, cf. Watkins 1995: 288; Archi 2007h: 187. 780 Cf. Gbterboek 1967: 81; Imparati 1977: 63; Silvestri 1983; Neve 1992a: 323f.: 1992h: 63; van 787 Temizer 1984: 1988: XVff., XXVff.; Ehringhaus 2005: 37ff. den Hout 1994a: 49ff.; Popko 141; — 1995a: Taraeha 2000: 198: van den Hout 2002: 78; Archi 788 Poetto 1993: Hawkins 1995: 66ff. (with Poetto’s comments. 1998: 112ff.): Karasu Poetto — Sava$ 2007a. 2000. 781 Bo 86/299 (Bronze Tablet) i 91-u 3. ii 64ff.. Otten 1988: 14f.. 42ff.; Houwink ten Cute 1992b: 789 cinarolu — çelik 2006: Yildirim — Gates 2007: 297. 244ff.; van Hoot den 1994a: 50; 2002: 76f. with n. 22. and 89h 790 KBo 21.22 rev. 36ff. (study by Kellerinan 1978): cf. Haas — Wegner 2001: 122f.; Lebrun 2004: 782 GOterboek 1967: 81: Popko 1995a: 141. 80. 783 See. e.g.. van den Hoot 1994a: Slf. 791 On the economy of cult, supplies for temples and their domestic background. see Klengel 1975:

— 781 XI. Süd 2005: A. Süd 51. Süd 2006: Yildinoi — Gates 2007: 296: M. Süd 2008a: 28ff. now also Gilan 2007a with references. 7S5 M. Süd 2008a: 48ff.: 2008h. 792 KUB 35.12 iv 16’. Darga 1973: del Monte — Tisehler 1978: 177ff.: Peerhioli Daddi 1982: 210ff.: 786 Cf. Mellink 1985: 550f. Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 21ff. I r 136 3. Hirrim ANAT0LL& 3.2. THE EMPIRE PEalon 137

with a temple, 17 with a huwadi(-sanctuary?).”793 In the more importaat centers description was contained on 32 tablets.801 During the ceremony, the so-called like Ziplanda, Samuha, Katapa and Tarhuntaèèa, not to say Uattuèa itself, the myth about the struggle between the Storm-god and the Serpent was re

number of people connected with temple service would have been much bigger — cited.802 Two versions of the myth are included in a kind of hymn to Zaèapuna, reaching surely a few thousand. Added to this were the supplies required of local main goddess of Kaètama, whose cult was also introduced at Nerik (3.2.3). Sur palace administrators, the elders of nearby towns and the central administration. viving versions of the myth come from the Empire period.803 Tuthaliya IV annually supplied the gods of Tarhuntaèèa with 200 oxen and 1000 With the spread of the cult of Hurrian and Luwian divinities, the number of sheep. An equally numerous herd (50 oxen and 1000 sheep) was driven from An festivals that were celebrated increased. This concerns especially Hattuèa. An in kuwa for the great festival of Telipinu, celebrated every nine years in the towns of struction for temple personnel (CTH 264) lists eighteen of many regular festivals lanhana and KaTha, for which a local governor was responsible.794 In the times of taking place in the capital, the proper organization of which was the priests’ duty: Hattuiili III, 1000 sheep were given to the Storm-god of Nerik on the occasion of “The festival of the month, the festival of the year, the festival of the stag, the f[alj 1 the purulli(ya) festival celebrated in the dahanga (cult room?) of his temple.79° The festival, the [fejstival of the spring, the thunder festival, the [fe]stival of hiyarra,804 meat of animal offerings was naturally used to prepare meals for participants in the festival of pudaha,80° the festival of hi5uwa, the festival of [daltlaáãa, the festi these festivals that lasted a number of days. val of the rhyton, the festivals of the sacred SANGA-[priestj, the festivals of the ‘old Every town had its own calendar of festivals connected with the agricultural cycle men,’806 the festivals of the AMA.DINGIR-priestesses, the festival of dahiya. the and a tradition rooted in Old Hittite times (3.1.3). Among the more important festi festival of the upati-men, the festivals of the lot, the festivals of raking, or whatever vals of Hattian origin that lasted into the later period was the purulli(ya) festival in festival (there is) up in Uattua.”80’ Some of these festivals belonged to the old tra e96 the spring “when the land prospers and thrives.” Some scholars claim that it was dition, while the festivals of thunder, hiyarra, pudaha and Sat laSiia were celebrated ‘ the festival of the New Year, but this finds no confirmation whatsoever in surviv for TeSSub of Salab and deities from his circle. The last three were mentioned among ing texts. Neither is there any conclusive evidence to prove that the texts connected thirteen regular festivals in the cult of TeSSub and IJebat of IJalab of IjattuSa,808 with the cult of the goddess TeteThapi are part of a description of the purulli(ya) which in the opinion of some scholars were celebrated in a monthly cycle (with the 798 809 . festival. These festivals appear to have been celebrated independently in Hattu thirteenth month in a leap year). The festivals of filling storage jars (after the but also in Ziplanda and Nerik.800 In the latter town, the local purulli(ya) harvest) and opening them (before the sowing) (see 3.1.3), celebrated outside of festival started being celebrated again after the reconquest of the northern terri tories; the importance of these celebrations is emphasized by the fact that their 801 Cf. KUB 30.42 i If.

802 CTH 321. Beckman 1982: Unal 1994h: 808ff.: G. Beckman apud Beckman — Hoffner 1997: 130f.: Hoffner 1998: 10ff.; Garcia Trabazo 2002: 75ff.; Haas 2006: 97ff.; Hoffner 2007. 793 RUB 38.12 iii 221. Cf. Hazenhos 2003: 175. 80:1 According to Hoffner (2007: 120f.), the original form of the composition derives from the Old

794 KUB — 51.1++ i 1ff., Haas Jakob-Rost 1984: 40. 44: RUB 53.14 iv 35’, Haas — Jakob-Rost 1984: Hittite, The surviving text, however, is rather a compilation of motifs of different date and origin. 76. 79. Cf. also Haas 1994a: 743. 804 Trémouille 1997: 98ff.; Hutter 2002. 791 KUB 48.119 obv.? 9ff., Haas 1994a: 696. 803 Trémouille 1997: 94ff. 796 Haas 1970: 43ff.; Kellerman 1981: Haas 1988c; 1994a: 696ff.; Popko 1993a: 149; Hoffner 2007: 806 For the institutional role of the ‘old men’ in Hittite Anatolia, see Klengel 1963h. 122. 130f. 807 RUB 13.4 i 39ff., Taggar-Cohen 2006a: 43. 72: now also Hutter 2008: 751’. 797 Haas 1994a: 696ff.; Garcia Trahazo 2002: 77f., 83 with n. 16. 808 KBo 22.246 iii 21ff. (with its duplicate KUB 42.103 iv): “13 festivals of the Storm-god of Salab, 798 Contro Pecehioli Daddi 1987a: 366ff.: 1987h: 35ff.: 1988. incloding the festival of p[ud]oho. festival of hiyorro. festival of ãotloIlo, festival of no[], festival 799 In Sattula the purullbyo) festival was celebrated for Leiwani in the helto-house. Cf. KBo 2.5 iii of fruit, festival of the spring, festival of Mt. Tatta, festival of (the god) Tenu, two festivals of

38ff., Goetze 1933: — 188ff.: Haas Wegner 1992: 247; Archi 2007a: 31 with n. 2: IBoT 2.17, Haas ‘setting up figurines’.” See Soulek — SiegelovS 1974: 48f.: Trémouille 1997: 93 n. 319; Schwemer

— Wailer 1977: 95. 2001: 497. 800 Popko 1993a: 149. 809 Haas 1994a: 356 n. 113. I 138 3. Hinrrt ANATOLIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 139

HattuSa in the sanctuaries of the Storm-god of Ualab in Salma. Tapathina and Pak capital, this led to the emergence of the great festival of the AN.DAH.SUM plant.815 i816 kurunuwa, show that the worship of the Storm-god of Halab penetrated into local It was not until the rule of uppiluliuma that ceremonies formerly celebrated cults and was introduced into local calendars of agrarian festivals connected with independently for particular gods of Hattuèa and the nearby towns were incorpor the agricultural cycle.810 ated into the program of the great state festival celebrated for the Sun-goddess of The annual hiuwa festival ensured the prosperity of the ruler and his family.81’ Arinna and the gods of Hatti. It cultivated the memory of the roots of the dynasty. According to a new redaction This festival lasted 35 days at first, but was later extended to 38 and even 40 days based on original tablets brought from Kizzuwatna and written down for queen in the times of Tuthaliya IV. The king visited sanctuaries of the most important Pudubepa on thirteen new ones, the festival lasted nine days and was addressed to state gods, especially the Sun-goddess of Arinna, situated in nearby localities and the gods of Kummani: Teub Manuzi, his consort Lelluri, Ihara, Allani, the two attended the temples and sacred enclosures in HattuSa itself. He first went to Ta Nubadig gods from the localities of Pibid(a) (pibithi) and Zalman(a) / Zalmat (aol- burpa famous for its sanctuary of the Sun-goddess, then returned to Uattuèa via mat hi). and the goddess Maliya. The gods of Kummani were worshiped also during Tippuwa. In the days that followed the hur.ia-god Zithariya visited Arinna and Tawi ceremonies for Teub and Hebat celebrated as part of the dynastic cult. niya: his return to the capital initiated celebrations in the temple of Halki, in the Like the hiuwo festival, the scenario of most, if not all the festivals for Teub house of the intendant for the Storm-god of Ziplanda. and in the temple of the Sun- and Hebat, as well as other gods of the Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean pantheon, celebrated goddess of Arinna on Büyükkale. After that the ruler took the AN.DAHSUM plant in Uattua and other towns of central and northern Anatolia. may have been model to Arinna. On the way, he performed rituals at holy groves near the towns of Kulil ed on the ritual tradition practiced in Kummani I Kizzuwatna. the home of the la and Matilla by the stelae of the Sun-goddess, Mezzulla and Storm-god, and in the Imperial Hittite dynasty. This theory is confirmed by the festival for the Hurrian city itself for the Sun-goddess. Mezzulla. Zintuhi, Mountain-god Hulla and the local Storm-god (called here by the Hittite or Luwian name of Tarhuna or Tarhunta. Storm-god. After the celebrations in Arinna (ninth day) the king returned to Hat DIKURaej celebrated at ulupaèbi and apinuwa in the early Empire period tua, where on the eleventh day the ‘years’ were carried symbolically to the hedto (under Tuthaliya III?). The description of the festival informs that the organization house. Celebrations for Ziparwa, the Sun-goddess of the Earth and the Storm-god of was inspired by an older tablet from Kizzuwatna.812 Hatti (in his extramural huwai-sanctuary) took place in the following days, and The local spring festivals during which the AN.DAH.èUM plant,813 symbol of then, already in the temples on the acropolis BuyUkkale, for Teèub of Ualab (a few (BLAMMA), nature awakening to new life, was deposited in temples of gods are first attested days of celebrations), mar War-god, Hannu, and in the shrine of (DU.GUR), from the very beginning of the Empire period.814 In the most important centers, DINGIR.MAH for Katahhi, u1inkatte Haamili and Ea. Rituals were these ceremonies were included in the state cult by the presence of the king, queen then performed in the gardens for Ea and the LAMMA god of Tauria, in the or crown prince, and afterwards, due to a policy of concentrating cults around the temple of Sauiika of Hattarina and in the garden of Aèkaepa. Afterwards the ruler visited again the temples on Büyukkale, this time the sanctuary of Ea and for the second time those of DINGIR.MAH and Inar (BLAMMA), The last days of the festi

810 KUB 27.15 iv 22’f., Soufek — Siegelovd 1974: 44, 50: Haas 1994a: 556: Schwemer 2001: successively Haitta. cult place of the Tutelary God of the 498. val the king spent visiting

811 — Dinçol 1989: Salvmi XVegner 1984: \Vegner — Salvini 1991: Haas 1994a: 848ff. Cf. also Dinç’ol Countryside, the Pikurunuwa mountain with an enclosure for the sacred deer of 1969: 1995: TrOrnouille 1997: lo2tf.: 1998: 1999b: 2000h: Groddeli 2001b: 2004c. 812 CTH 479.3. TrOmouille 2002h: 2004a.

813 CAD A 112t. (“a bulbous spring vegetable.” written SUMTER ‘little onion’): Beal 2002h: 74 with 815 Güterbock 1960: 1964h: 62ff,: Houwink ten Cate 1986: Zinko 1987: Popko — Taracha 1988: Badali

n. 114 (‘garlic?’). Differently, Farber 1991 (‘fennel’): and Cornelius 196.5 (‘crocus/saffron’), followed — Zinko 1989: Haas Wegner 1992: Yoshida 1992: Haas 1994a: 772ff.: Houwink ten Cate 2003. by Hoffner 1974: 109f.. Haas 2003a: 346f.. and others. 816 KUB 19.22 If. )with its duplicate Kilo 14.42), Houwink ten Cate 1966: 27f’.: 1986: 109: cf. also 814 Cf. Taracha 2005h. Haas 1994a: 772. I r 140 3. Hrrwn ANATOLIA 3.2. THE EMPiEE PEalon 141

the Sun-goddess, the sanctuary of the Sun-goddess of Arinna at Uarranavii, the Certain scholars have suggested that also the KI.LAM festival (3.1.3) became part temple of the local Storm-god in Ziplanda and the sacred precinct on the nearby of the EZEN nuntarriyaá1ia.819 The biggest change occurred under Tutaliya IV. Daba mountain, and finally the temples of the gods of Ankuwa. Having revived the cults in the north, he added to the calendar of the two great festi The other great state festival known as EZEN nun tarriyaáhaá, or the Festival of vals certain ceremonies for the Storm-god of Nerik, who was already being worshi ‘Despatch’ had a similar program. The king celebrated it in autumn, upon returning ped in Uattuvi. at this time, as well as, at least in the program of the AN.DAH.SUM 817 from whatever military expedition he was on. In the rule of Tutaliya IV it lasted festival (the EZEN nuntarriyaia outline tablets are damaged in this place), cere 40 days, like the AN.DAH.èUM festival. One of the outline tablets gives the begin- monies performed for the Storm-god and other gods of the Great House.

-, . 818 ning of the celebrations as rituals for Tarhunt I Tessub muwattalli in Katapa. This suggests that the calendar of the festival was established under Murèili II, who 3.2.7. Prayer resided in the town during the last years of his reign. From Katapa the ruler went to the sanctuaries of the Sun-goddess in Tahurpa (where the queen celebrated the rites Through prayer the Hittites pleaded their case in their dealings with the divine world 820 herself) and Arinna. On the sixth day he returned to Uattuèa, making offerings on in a difficult situation. The oldest examples of short magical charms and requests the way in the holy grove near Kulilla. During this time Zitariya visited several for blessing go back to the Old Hittite period, for instance, the following incantation localities, including Hakkura, where in a rituals were performed for from the purificatory ritual for the royal couple (CTH 416) which reveals ties with the Thousand Gods of Uatti and the goddess Taèapuna. Upon returning to the the Luwian circles (see 3.1.4): “Mercy, 0 Sun-god and Storm-goW The king capital, the king worshiped all the gods in their temples on Buyukkale. In the next holds a pruning-, the queen holds a millstone. [They prepare? for you forever days, either he or the prince in his stead, or else the ERE.DINGIR-priestess or (your) breadloaf and libation-vessel. Just as the Sun-god and the Storm-god, someone from the palace staff, performed rituals in the temples on the acropolis, Heaven and Earth [ I are everlasting, so let the king, the queen and the children be the most important ones being those in the shrine of Teèèub of Halab. Some of the everlasting!”82’ Similar spells are also embedded in later magical texts, as, for in ceremonies were supplied from the treasuries (‘palaces’) of the towns of Nenaèèa, stance, the words spoken in a ritual to be performed in an emergency: “0 Sun-god, Tuwanuwa and Uubena. On the twelfth day the king went on a four-day circuit to you are looking constantly into men’s heart, but nobody is able to look in your heart. Harranaèèi, Ziplanda, Katapa (here the king offered to the Storm-god of Nerik) and Who made a bad action, you, Sun-god, were above (him). I was going through my Taurpa, after which he returned to the capital via Nirhanta and Tippuwa. On the good way. Whoever hurt me, Sun-god, look at him! [Let myself and my housej grow! sixteenth day, a ceremony replacing the actual ‘road to Nerik’ took place in the house Let [people of my housej, cattle and sheep beget in a proper way and let my grain of the intendant. For the next days rituals were celebrated in Hattuèa. grow!”822 Such magical incantations, which are occasionally found also in Luwian823 An analysis of the outline tablets and the colophons reveals changes that occurred in the program of the two festivals in later periods. Uattuèili III included the spring and fall festivals, celebrated traditionally in accordance with the agrarian calendar, 819 Cf. Nakamura 2002: 80f., 128ff. 820 For Hittite prayers, see, in general, Larorbe 1964-1965; Houwink ten Cate 1969; Guterhock 1978a; in the AN.DAH.EUM and the EZEN nuntarriya.4hcni ceremonies respectively. 1978b; 224ff.; Lebrun 1980; de Roos 1995; Singer 1996; 2002a with further references to earlier literature on p. if. and 111ff.; cf. also Garcia Trabazo 2002; 273ff., Justus 2002; 2004; Singer 2002b; 2004; 2005; Haas 2006; 245ff.; van den Hout 2007b.

82i KBo i7.i+ ii 41’-di 3, Otten — Soufek 1969: 28ff.; Neu 1980: 8f. (no. 3). 817 Houwink ten Cate 1988; Karasu 1988; Haas 1994a; 827ff.; Nakamura 1998; 2001; 2002; cf. also 822 KUB 17.28 d 56-di 3. translated by Torn 2004a; 134. Popko 1986. 823 Cf. Starke 1990: 519f. For the lists of good things requested from the gods for the well-being 8i8 Outline tablet 1 (KUB 9.16++, KBo 39.63++) i 3ff.. Nakamura 2002: 17. 19; ef. Taracba 2006: of the king in Hittite and Luwian prayers and solicitations, see Kammenhuber 1985; Hoffncr 244. 1987c. 1 r

142 3. Hirrrr ANATOLIA 3.2. THE EMPIEE PEHIou 143

and Hattian,824 belong to a type defined by Emanuel Laroche as mugawar ‘invoca Kizzuwatna presumably played a significant role in transferring Hurrian prayers tion, entreaty.’82° Despite their brevity these are undoubtedly real prayers, with char and adaptations of Mesopotamian prayers to the land of Hatti.

acteristic constituent parts used to encode three pragmatic purposes: attention get In the royal prayers a developed inuocatio sometimes takes on the form of ting (in uocatio), predisposing or motivating (argumentum), and communicating the a hymnic introduction, which in some of Murèili II’s prayers takes up about a third speaker’s purpose (preces).826 Sometimes the inugewars, recited as part of rituals of the text.831 Hittite scribes adapted the style and lifted whole phrases from the performed by the king or by a priest on his behalf, had more developed forms, as in Babylonian hymns. The most frequently addressed gods are the solar deities: the the case of early Empire invocations of the Sun-goddess of the Earth and the gods Sun-god of Heaven as the all-seeing supreme deity of justice and the Sun-goddess of of her entourage, of the Sun-god and the Storm-god, and of the Sun-goddess of Arm Arinna, Lady of the land of Uatti. In other prayers, Teèub as the main god of the nab2l Yet they continue to feature formulas drawn from magical incantations. pantheon is summoned in his various hypostases. Prayers have been preserved ad The new type of royal prayer of the Empire period is referred to by the Hittite dressed to Telipinu, the Storm-god of Nerik, and the chthonic deities, the Sun-god term arkuwar, literally a ‘pleading, defense,’ as in a speech made before a court of dess of the Earth and Lelwani / Allatu. In a situation of exceptional danger, with law.828 “Thus in the numerous preserved Hittite royal prayers the king serves as an pestilence ravaging the land, Murèili II appeals to the highest divine authority, the advocate for his people, explaining or justifying their conduct.”829 This type of prayer Storm-god of Uatti and the Assembly of Gods and Goddesses, also because all pre is characterized by the same kind of structure as in the case of the above-mentioned vious efforts to stop the plague proved ineffective and there was need to determine invocations and short solicitations in magical rituals, with three constituent parts: which god’s unappeased anger had brought down the calamity.832 invocatio, orguinentum, and prcces. These prayers were also undoubtedly recited in Muwattalli II’s prayer CTH 381 holds an exceptional position among prayers to the context of cult and ritual ceremonies. Yet they do not derive directly from the the Assembly of Gods (see also 3.2.1). The gods of the Hittite state pantheon (140 de tradition of Old Hittite incantations. As most literary genres. the Hittite royal prayers ities belonging to 83 different localities) are approached by the sacred bull Sen. the were profoundly influenced by Mesopotamian prototypes (first of all, hymns and Sun-god of Heaven, and the king’s personal god. Teèèub/ Tarhunt of Lightning pihad prayers to the Sun-god). either by direct borrowing or through the mediation “Curiously, the prayer is lacking any confessions of actual sins and also Hurrlans.hJO of the As in the case of festivals and magical practices (see 3.2.6 & 9). any specific request of the suppliant. It simply serves as an all-purpose model prayer. the actual causes to be inserted whenever the occasion arises.”831 The prayer was 824 Klinger 1996: 738t’. accompanied by sacrifice.s to the gods of Satti. 823 Cf. Laroche 1964-1965: 8ff.: Lebrun 1980: 431ff. The argumentation (plea) has also the features of a personal prayer. best ob 826 With regard to the structure of Hittite prayers. Justus 12004: 270) argues for the shared Indo 372374)830 European grammatical patterns. These patterns, however, go beyond the Indo-European religious served in prayers to the Sun-god (CTH that demonstrate a dependence hentage and are common for prayers belonging to different cultural and ethno-linguistic on Babylonian “incantations for appeasing an angry god.”8’46 The author of one of realms. 827 CTH 371, 389.2 & 385.10. Lehrun 1980: 83ff.. 392ff: Arch) 1988b: Singer 2002a: 21ff (nos 1—3); 2002b: 301ff. The invocation of the Sun-goddess of the Earth (CTH 371) demoastrates close ties 831 CTH 376 & 377, Lebrun 1980: 155ff.; Bernabé 1987: 267ff.; Singer 2002a: 49ff. (nos 8-9); Kassian with the Luwian milieu. — Yakubovich 2007. 828 CTH 372-389, Lebrun 1980; Singer 2002a. For a discussion of orkuuior. see Laroche 1964—1965: 832 Murlili’s plague prayers, CTH 378 & 379. Lebrun 1980: 193ff.: Beckman t997h; Garcia Trabazo 13ff; ci also Houwink ten Cate 1969: 82ff: Lebrun 1980: 426ff.; Singer 1996: 47ff: Meichert 2002: 289ff.; Singer 2002a: 56ff. (nos 10—14); cf. also Haas 2006: 255ff. 1998: 45ff: Singer 2002a: Si In some prayers of the type, however, the preamble aod/or .833 CTH 381, Lehrnn 1980: 256ff.: Bernahé 1987: 285ff.; Singer 1996: 2002a: 85ff. (no. 20): Garcia refer to the mugowor (‘invocation’) of a certain deity; ci Lebrun 1980: 431f Trabazo 2002: 331ff. 829 Beckman 1999a: 521. 831 Singer 2002a: 86. 830 For the distinction between original, translated and adopted literature. see, e.g.. Singer t995b: 835 l,ebrun 1980: 92ff; Bernabé 1987: 25911: Gbrka 2000: Singer 2002a: 3011 (no. 4); and 2002b with further 2002h: 311 on the Babylonian background of the prayers to the Sun-god. CTH 372-374. references to the earlier literature of this group of prayers (p. 310 u. 54): ci also Haas 2006: 254. Cf. also GUterhock 1958. For Horriau prayers and hymns. see Wilhelm 1991: 1994a. $36 Lamheri 1974: Guterbock 1974b. r

144 3. Hrn’rra ANAT0LL4 I 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 145

the prayers (CTH 373) was not the king, but prince Kantuzzili, who was appointed meteorological rites, which are known starting from the Old Hittite period (3.1.3). high priest of Teèub and Uebat in Kizzuwatna during the reign of his brother Very little is known of divinatory techniques in the interpretation of omens that Tuthahya III. Negative confession and the concept of personal responsibility for sins belonged to the Anatolian tradition from before the Empire period. During the Old committed and their resultant punishment appears in Kantuzzili’s prayer and in Hittite magical ritual CTH 416 (see 3.1.4) a diviner (AZU)843 and an Old Woman the later royal prayers.83’ The confession is intended to appease the gods. At the observed a fire in the hearth and divined from the appearance of a bloody-colored same time, as an element of argumentation in the plea, the suppliant starts to ques liquid called tarlipa.844 Auguries, or observation of birds, and ‘symbol’ (MN) oracles tion divine justice, using both moral and ‘beneficial’ arguments. This is an effort to derived from a local tradition (see below), although the former system of divination dissuade the god from punishment and from sending down further disasters.838 is known only from Empire texts, and the sole preserved oracular inquiry of the In later prayers, conditional vows of gifts come to the fore, in keeping with the latter type that is written in the Old Script845 may also originate from the earliest do of des principle. In her prayer to the Sun-goddess of Arinna, Mezzulla, Zintuhi, and phase of the Empire period, like several liver models which reveal the Old 846 the Storm-god of Ziplanda for the well-being of her husband Hattuèili III (CTH 384) Scnpt. too. Puduhepa promised solemnly that she would give the deities prized cult objects and Sometimes the burden of the divine message was manifest, as when the Storm- land properties39 Her son Tuthaliya IV vowed to build a new temple to the Sun- god strikes an enemy city with a thunderbolt to show that he is on the side of the goddess of Arinna in return for military success.TM3 This emphasis on making vows Hittite army: “The mighty Storm-god. My Lord, revealed his divine power. He shot to the gods in the late prayers coincided with the appearance of a new category of a thunderbolt. My armies saw the thunderbolt and the land of Arzawa saw it. The votive texts, starting from Hattuili the king of Hakmiè (later Hattuili III) under thunderbolt went and struck Arzawa. It struck Apaa, Uhbaziti’s city (probably Ephe 841 the reign of his brother Muwattalli II. sus). Uhhaziti fell to his knees and he becanie ill.”847 Most of the omens required a ‘scholarly’ interpretation, which was based in Mesopotamia on collecting such mess ages from the gods and the events that followed them. Vast glossaries were created, 3.2.8. Omen and divination in which omens of a similar type were recorded together to form a collection. Each Not only people pleaded with the gods, but the gods also communicated with hu omen was framed as a conditional sentence: the first clause, the protasis. recorded manst12 An unsolicited sign sent by a deity (ougu,-io oblatico. or ‘offered portent. the ominous signifier and the second clause, the opodosis. the signifIed. This type of omen’) was seldom verbal. When the gods seized the initiative in communication, ‘research’ expressed the conviction that the gods’ language remains unchanged and they could send an omen making use of the elements of the cosmos and nature which the repetition of the same omen augurs the same result, thus allowing the future to they controlled, for instance, through meteorological phenomena such as thunder be predicted. and lightning. From the dawn of civilization the inhabitants of Asia Minor observed Numerous manuals of Mesopntamian origin (partially translated into Hittite) such phenomena and treated them as a divine message. In response they performed found in the archives in Hattua give evidence of the Babylonian art of divino tio notu,’olis. These glossaries of omens were passed along to the Hittites by the

837 Singer 2005. 843 In Hittite tezts the legograms LUHAL and ‘AZU are hoth an equivalent of the Akkadian title 838 Singer 2004. hard; see Gurney 1977: 45 with n. 6.

839 Lebrnn 1980: 329ff.; Snrenhagen 1981: 108ff.; Bernahd 1987: 299ff.; Garcia Trahaso 2002: 353ff.; 844 KBo 17.1+ iv 7ff., Often — Soutek 1969: 36f.; Neu 1980: 10: ef. Popko 1995a: 83: Haas 2003a: 780.

Singer 2002a: 101ff. (no. 22): Haas 2006: 265ff. 845 KBo 18.151. Unal — Kammenhuber 1974—1975. 840 CTH 385.9. Lehrun 1980: 3570.: Singer 2002a: 108ff. (no. 21). 846 Gdterbnek 1987: 148: ef. also School 1994: 86. 46f.: English translation after Mineek 2006: 255. Beal (2003h: 85) 841 QTFI 583-585 & 590. Otten — Sonfek 1965: de Roos 1984: 1989: 1998.2002: 2007. 847 KBo 3.4 ii 16ff.. Gdtze 1933: 812 Beckman 1999a: 52.5ff.: Rien,sehneider 2004: XVff. gives a slighil different translation of this passage. r

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848 Hurrians. They deal with celestial omens such as lunar eclipses (CTH 532) of tablets (CTH 561-582) report the results of such oracular inquiries, which consist and other sorts of signs given by the moon (CTH 533). sun (CTH 534). and stars of series of questions phrased so that the answer would come either as a ‘yes’ or as (CTH 535), with terrestrial happenings like earthquakes (CTH 541), monstrous births a no.$04 The consultation proceeded through a process of elimination. Different poss (CTH 538-540), physiognomic (CTH 543) and ‘terrestrial’ omens from a person’s ible sources of divine anger were tested or the god was presented with different behavior (CTH 536), medical prognostications (CTH 537) and animal behavior options in order to understand his opinion in any given situation. Most inquiries (CTH 544), as well as with oil (CTH 542) and calendar omens, connecting events intended to discover the reasons of misfortune attributable to divine disfavor, such with - — - 849 a given month or day (CTH o4o-o46). There are also handbooks of extispicy as a ruler’s illness or the plague. The Hittites asked also the gods whether dreams with vast registers of marks and configurations of various internal organs, mostly or unsolicited omens really were messages, where the king should spend the winter, — - . . , 850 the liver (CTH o48-oo6), including liver models themselves (CTH o4i:— see below). which routes of campaigns would be the best. etc.85° Some of these inquiries are the This was surely not only ‘scholarly’ and school literature. That the scholarly source of interesting historical inforrnation.8°6 The results of an individual question experts in Uattua benefited practically from these Mesopotamian manuals is proved were checked, usually by means of another system of oracles. not only by the translations into Hittite which have been found. In a substitute king The Hittites practiced at least six different methods of taking oracles.85’ Extispicy. ritual, the ruler addresses the Moon-god: ‘Listen to me, 0 Moon-god. [Sincej you. designated by Hittite scribes as the TE(RETU) ‘exta’ or KUS ‘flesh’ oracle (CTH 570-

[0 Moon.god, have given me a sign — if you have (thereby) announced evil for me. 571), called for the examination of the innards of a slaughtered sheep. Hepatoscopy (accept LUHAL LUAZU) this substitute in my place).”8°’ The relevant manuals dealing with lunar was part of a testing procedure. A diviner (sumerographically or omens confirm that a lunar eclipse could have announced the king’s death.8°2 In carried out the expertise. and the Hurrian technical terms connected with this div later a period, the Neo-Assyrian rulers, like the Hittites, did not see any other way inatory technique indicate that it had reached Anatolia via the Hurrians. of avoiding a disaster than performing a substitute king ritual.853 In a related ‘sheep’ or ‘bed’ oracle (CTH 576) the diviner observed the behavior Knowledge collected in effect of diuinotio noturolis was not sufficient in enier of a sheep on its way to slaughter for a ‘flesh’ oracle. The Mesopotamian divinatory gency situations. When the gods did not deign to give a sign, the only way of learn genre behind this practice is tzinma imineru. ‘If a sheep... The Hittite ‘bed’ oracles, ing their will was to ask questions of them directly, requesting an answer in a par with their Hurrian termini tecltnici, may stem from Hurrian versions of the omens.8° ticular divine language. The Latin term for this type of communication was augurio Augury. or the observation of birds (CTH 573), derived from a local tradmtion.8’9 impet ration, or ‘demanded portent, divination.’ More than 700 tablets and frngments The augurs (UMUSEN.DU or LUIQIMUEN) observed the flight and other move inents of various types of birds (at least 25 are mentioned in the texts) in a strictly defined oracular field resembling the templum of Roman bird watchers.0 848 For Hurrian omens (CtH 774). see Kammcnhuher 1976b: 153ff.: de Martino 1992: Trémouille 2005: 144f. (no. 260). 168f. (nos 279—280). 849 See, in general, Kammenhuber 1976h: 66ff.; Riemschneider 2004. Cf. also Riemschneider 1970: 554 Beckman 1999a: 526ff.: Beal 2002b: 2002c; now also Haas 2008. Archi 1987: Guterhock 198$; Koch-Westenholz 1993; Wilhelm 1994c. 855 For the contents of oracle questions, see Unal 1978: 14ff. 850 For the texts, see Riemschneider 2004. For 55 models of livers from Hattula, see Outerbock 850 e.g., CTH 569, van den Hout 1998. 1987: Meyer 1987: 38ff.. PIs 5—12. Cf. also Biggs 1980—1983: Meyer 1980—1983. 517 For iheir adequaie description. see Heal 2002h: cf. also Kammenhuber 1976h: 9ff.: Beckman 851 RUB 24.5 ohv. 8’f.. KOmmel 1967: 8ff.: English translation after Beckman 1999a: 531. On a 1999a: 527ff.: van den Hout 2003.2005a: Haas 2008. lunar omen as the reason for performing such a ritual, see Kummel 1967: 189; van den Hout 818 Hoffner 1993; Heal 2002h: 641’.: Y. Cohen 2007. 1994a: 41; Taracha 2000: 220. Compare also an allusion to a lunar omen in Pittei’s ritual, 859 final 1973; Archi 1975h: Heal 2002h: 65ff.. 73. For the social status of the augurs, see now RUB 44.4+KBo 13.241 rev. 2ff., Beckman 1983: 176f.: Starke 1985: 234; Giorgieri ‘2004: 409f. Hazeubos 2007: 99ff. 5.52 KBo 8.. 17 uhv. 12’: KBo 34.110 obv. lOf.. 17f.; KBo 34.116 i 7ff’.. Riemsrhneider 2004: 181’.. 168f.. sco An oracle text KUB 19.60 preserves in column iv the right half of a roughly sketched plan of the 171. demarcated oracular area: cf. Archi 1975h: 151) n. $7: Haas — Wegner 1996: 108 Fig. 1: Czyzewska ss:t Parpola 1983: XXIlfl’. 2007: 150. r

148 3. Hirrim ANATOLIA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PEruoo 149

Similarly as Hattuili in his hepatoscopy, Anatohan augury was in all probability ancestral to the the dreams of Uattuèili III and his wife Puduhepa, recalled by similar Roman on behalf of the practice, adopted from the Etruscans acting in this case as an inter Apology. The directness of these communications of Sauka to and mediary. king is exceptional, confirming the protection and patronage of the goddess over his It - 869 remains a puzzle how the gods sent messages through the IJURRI-birds, per whole life. haps a type of oracles are evi duck that nested in a burrow. This type of oracle (CTH 574) was Dreams could also be the source of solicited omens. Incubation performed by gravest danger a diviner and has nothing to do with augury. As Richard Beal remarks, denced in everyday magical practices, as well as in situations of the 870 “perhaps JIURRJ-bird oracles to the king s life and health. The best were bird-extispicy, ... or perhaps poison oracles, or for the land, like pestilence or a threat perhaps Hatti to re JJURRI-bii’ds simply gave a heads or tails response, either literally or figu known testimony is a desperate plea by Murèili II to the Storm-god of ,,861 rativelv. veal in whatever way the reason for the plague ravaging the country: “IOn if people Another it in a dream, native form are the ‘symbol’ (KIN) oracles (CTH 572)862 They were per have been dying because of some other reason, then let me either see formed by an declare it, or, accord Old Woman and they should presumably be understood as a kind of or let it be established through an oracle, or let a man of god game using holy (in an three types of symbols. The active symbol (perhaps some animal in this ing to what I instructed to all the priests, they shall regularly sleep role?) called with the name of a deity, or ‘the dais.’ ‘the king,’ etc., took the passive incubation oracle).”87’ ones (usually this text is evi abstract ideas of a positive or negative meaning) and gave them to the The ‘divine man, enthusiast’ (Hittite ioniyaet-) mentioned in receptacles contexts.02 Te how he contact (gods, familiar and unfamiliar persons, and abstract concepts). The ac denced only in a few broken do not know therefore tual course of the Hittites. the divination remains a mystery. Snake oracles (CTH 575) resemble ed the deity and how common was the phenomenon of among the last mentioned for omens or for type of divination that made use of symbolic tokens.863 Water Neither can we ascertain whether the ‘man of god’ was a conduit snakes proph assigned to particular symbols moved from one symbolically named spot in oracles. In this situation, it is best to avoid comparisons with the institutional the basin to another. ecy in Israel. In dreams the gods spoke directly to humans, although not all night visions fea 864 . •., 865 tured deities. Many dreams, including evil ones, were symbolic, and their 3.2.9. Magic and mythology message called for an interpretation.866 In the case of unfavorable signs, which were the source but evi of contamination, magic was a great help.86’ Mentions of message dreams Magical rituals of the Empire period were rooted in Anatolian tradition or ‘evil’ dreams Even so, Anato occur in prayers, magic incantations, historical texts, and also as dently inspired by Syrian and Mesopotamian magic8’3 (see 3.1.4). a reason for it was a result oracular inquiries (see above).868 The best known dreams perhaps are han magic was more ‘earthly’ than that of Syria and Mesopotamia; ant of practical experiences of ritualists. Otherwise than in Mesopotamia. magical writings were not perceived as a continuation of an ancient tradition and the gods 861 Boal 2002b; 72. 862 Archi 1974; Orlamdnde 2001; Beal 2002b; 76ff. 863 Laroche 1958; Boal 2002b; 74; LefSvre-Novaro — Mouton 2008 864 CTH 583-584. 590, Mouton 200Th: iv 19ff.. Otten 1981; 4f.. 61.. 16f.. 245: Mouton 244ff.: cf. also HG. (SOtorbock apud Oppenheim 19517 254f.: 869 KUB 1.1-4- (CTH 81) i 12ff.. 36ff.. iii 4ff.. 8ff.. \‘iovra 1959. Werner 1973; do Boos 1984: van den Hoot 1994h; do Roos 2007. 2007a: 8811. Cf. also Mouton 2006. 865 Mouton 2007a; 54ff. 870 Mouton 2003. 866 There are only a few iv 14’t’f. (CTH 3781, translated by Singer 2002a: 60 fragments of predictions based on symbolic dreams, which could be called 871 KUB 14.8 roy. 41ff.; KUB 14.l0+KUB 26.86 a Hittito-langoago dream-book, cf. KUB 43.11(+)12, Riemschne,dor 2004 153f. (no. 11). Cf. also Mouton 2003: 74f.; 2007a: 1211. 867 Mouton 200Th. 872 Pocchioli Daddi 1982: 300. 868 Mouton 2007a: 30ff, 87ff., 118ff. s73 For the most important literature on Hittite niagic in general. see n. 398. r

150 I 3. Hn’rrri ANATOLIA 3.2. THE EMPIaE PEalon 151

were not considered their authors. There are no counterparts in Anatolia of the di composed already in Uattuèa. This is in keeping with what has been stated with vine masters of magic. Ea and Asalluhi; Kamruèepa alone was sometimes compared regard to relations between the cult tradition of Kizzuwatna and the festivals for in Luwian circles with the Babylonian Gula. as indicated by some spells attributed Teèèub, Hebat, Sauka and other Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean divinities, celebrated in the to Kamruèepa which are literal translations of Babylonian formulas. capital and other centers (3.2.6). If one considers the Luwian and Hurrian names of ritualists and their origins in Knowledge of Mesopotamian magic mostly came to the Hittites via Kizzuwatna, the heavily Hurrianized communities in southern Anatolia and northern Syria, it although some of the Mesopotamian rituals reached Hattuèa directly. Texts written comes as no surprise that so many magical practices and mythologems were bor in the Assyro-Mittanian script and based on Middle Babylonian prototypes. such as, rowed from Mesopotamia and northern Syria through the mediation of the Hurrians. for example, a Sammeltofel KBo 36.29 containing Akkadian rituals,8 should be The Kizzuwatna rituals in particular evidence a close cultural 882 symbiosis between linked with the tradition of Mittani and Nineveh; they testify to the role played Luwians and Hurrians in this region.8’4 These rituals are distinguished by a separate by scribes from the Mittanian and the Babylonian-Assyrian school in transferring Hurrian terminology°’° and sequences of techniques typical of this milieu.8’6 the Mesopotamian tradition to Anatolia.83 As plausibly argued by dared L. Miller, “it seems that there is ample evidence Experienced female practitioners, called Old Women by the Hittites, played the suggesting that at least a significant portion of the Kizzuwatnean ritual literature most important role in Anatolian magic8tl (cf. 3.1.4). They held also a prominent at Hattuèa was taken over from a previous scribal tradition in Kizzuwatna. Per position among the temple officials who were engaged in divination (3.2.8), which haps much of the original composition of the ritual tradition took place not at Hat accords with abundant evidence for the relation between divination and magic. The tuèa, but in Kizzuwatna, and the material was recorded not by Hittite scribes, but most famous of them enjoyed a high status at the royal court, and the rituals they by scribes associated with the state archives of Kizzuwatna.”8’ Also the originally composed were often copied. The Old Woman was sometimes helped by others Hurrian compositions of ritualists from northern Syria, as e.g. the Allaiturah(i)i a diviner. hierodula or augur(s).88° Rituals were also performed by women of other pro 780).878 rituals (CTH may perhaps have been translated by scribes employed at Hat fessions: midwives886 (especially rituals connected with childbirth887), hierodulae, tuèa in the appropriation of the material from the Kizzuwatna LUHAL),888 archives.8’9 temple singers, and priestesses. Among men, mainly diviners (I.uAzu or This cannot be terribly surprising considering that the new dynasty of the Em augurs, and the Man of the Storm-god889 appear as ritualists; in the case of rites of pire period caine from Kizzuwatna. The scribes from Hattua, undoubtedly at the Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean orin there is also an incantation priest (LUpurapiA or pati request of the Hittite royal court, drew up adaptations and new redactions based on 1is.890 One can point out a few examples of rituals carried out by a person without tablets from Kizzuwatnaj’80 they also introduced motifs and magical techniques the help of any specialized practitioners. Such incantations may have been performed from the Kizzuwatnean tradition into other rituals, descriptions of which were

88i Srhwemer 1998. 882 Haas 2003o: 41f.: 2003b: 133f. 874 Flaas — Wilhelm 1974; Miller 2004; Straull 2006. Cf. also Hutter 2003: 250(1 36ff.. 41ff.: Schwemer 2004b: 875 Haas 1998. 883 Wilhelm 1992b: Schwemer 1998: 8ff.; Straufl 2002: Haas 2003a: 876 Straull 2005: 238f.; 2006: 76ff. 75ff.: 2007a: 25Sf. 1993: Haas 2003a: 16ff. with 877 Miller 2004: $81 Engelhard 1970: 5ff.: Pecchioli Daddi 1982: 581ff.: Beckman 254: 2005a: 538. Cf. also Straul) 2005: 230 (‘Den Schreibern in Hattu8a miissen references. Vorlagen aus Kizznwatna zur Verfdgung gestanden habeo”). 885 Bawanypeck 2005.

878 — Haas 1988e: Ham Wegner 1988: 48ff. (005 1—39): Haas 2007. 879 Cf. Miller 2001: 506ff.; 2005b. 886 Ham 2003a: 23. 880 Noie, e.g., a birth ritual 887 Beckman 1983. KBo 17.65 (with its duplicate KUB 44.59), CTH 489. which represents a compilation of several 888 See n. 843. earlier, closely related. tablets, including those from Kizzuwatna (ohv. 37ff.. 889 Unal 1998: 67ff.: Haas 2001: 2003a: 14f. rev. 4Sf.). Beckman 1983: 132ff.: cf. also Trdmouille 1997: 143; Strau0 2005: 230. 890 Haas 2003a: 13f. r

152 3. ATOL , 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIoD 153

in an emergency, when a professional conjurer could not easily be found, or as with rain water and dew was adopted from Syria.899 Combing out impurities was a first attempt to solve a problem. These texts, very few unfortunately, are valuable also applied,900 as was rubbing them off the patient and his/her belongings. evidence of folk piety and ways of contacting the gods in everyday practice.891 Alter the washing that removed pollution, the patient was sometimes rubbed or A standard model of a magical text was formed at an early stage during the anointed with clean substances intended to fill him/her with cleanliness. A notice- 901 Empire period. The preamble gives the name of an author, sometimes his/her pro able mark of this was the replacement of cast-off clothes by a white robe. fession, town and/or country of origin, and a purpose of the ritual. The text proper An eagerly applied practice was the ritual of passage. The passage between halves falls into three parts: an introductory list of paraphernalia required to perform the of a pup or kid (and in the case of a defeated army even a human corpse),902 through ritual, description of the magical practices applied, and appropriate incantations. Most a gate of prickly branches and between fires burning behind it, was supposed to frequently, the ritual is a combination of various (complementary) magical techniques deliver from impurity and all evil.903 intended to increase its effectiveness. The colophon at the end of the text repeats In rituals revealing connections with the Luwian milieu a variety of carriers of information from the preamble, more seldom the beginning of the description proper. contamination appear (often confused with substitutes, see below), whose task was Purificatory rituals are the most numerous group among the magical texts: prac to take evil away from the patient and move it to a different place,904 The Biblical tices and spells in them were based on analogic magic. Their task was to remove scapegoat is a typical carrier.90° In Anatolian magic. the goat appears in this role contamination resulting from contact with beings considered impure, evil sorcery, already in the Old Hittite period (3.1.4),906 although on the pars pro toto principle, god’s anger, etc.892 This served to deliver the patient from various misfortunes, like body secretions, nails, hair and any object, animal or figurine could have acted as illness, pestilence, but also the effects of crime, intrigue, slander, , and a carrier as well. One of the more frequent practices was waving an object, most defeat on the battlefield. often an animal, over the patient in the belief that contamination would pass onto it Cleansing was achieved most often by bathing, washing or sprinkling with water. through contiguity.90’ In keeping with the similia simi/ibus principle, incantations sometimes with the addition of other substances regarded as having purifying accompanying these practices attributed parts of the body of the ill person to corre properties.93 Water was drawn from rivers or springs in the course of appropriate sponding parts of the body of the animal to which the contamination was to be passed. ritual practices.94 In certain circumstances, the hands were washed with wine.89° This spell has Mesopotamian roots and reached southern Pnatolia via Syria.908 909 Rituals of Hurrian(-Kizzuwatnean) origin mention ‘water of purification’ (ehcl1iva(s) Cathartic practices included action against black magic. The destruction of a figu wddor/widar) that contained other purificatory substances; it was prepared accord rine or vessel representing the sorcerer or sorceress meant in the magical sense ing to a special recipe said to be given by the gods.89° The Hurrians also used silver as a purifying agent, sometimes in combination with the water of purification.89’ 899 Haas 2003a: 145. From Mesopotamia comes a recipe for water taking on magic properties when left on 900 Haas 2003a: 730f. 901 Haas 2003a: 614ff.: Strau0 2006: 137ff. the roof for the night in order to “sleep under the stars.”89 The custom of washing 902 KOmmel 1967: iSOf. with refereneeg: Beal 1995: 74: Haag 2003a: 54Sf. 903 Haas 1994a: 898ff.: 2003a: 691ff.: Strau6 2006: 133ff. 901 Haag 2003a: 401ff.. 539ff.

891 Torn 2004. 905 Leviticng 16. 8—28: ef. Janowgki — Wilhelm 1993: 109ff.: Pfeiffer 2001. The earhegt texiual 892 See, in general. Moyer 1969: Wilhelm 1999h. evidence for a goai ag a carrier of impurity eomeg from third millennium BC Ebb, gee Zatelli 591 Haag 2003a: 1-tiff. 1998 with referenceg.

894 Haag 2003a: 146ff.: Straufl 2006: 34f1 906 Janowgki — Wilhelm 1993; Haas 2003b: Straull 2006: t3off.

895 Haag 2003a: 25if. 907 Cf. Haas — Wilhelm 1974: 42ff.; Strau0 2006: 72ff. 896 Straull 2001; Haas 2003a: 151ff.: Strau6 2006: 38ff. 908 Haas 1971. 897 Haag 1982: 177ff.; 2003a: 214ff. 909 See now Schwemer 2007a: 255ff. with full digruggion and referenreg. Black magic, or ‘sorcery’ 898 Haag 2003a: 152f.: Sti-au0 2006: 43f. (Hittite oiuunzutur) ag one of the offences which threatened the foundational principles of society r

154 3. Hni MAT0LIA 3.2. Tn EMPIRE PERIoD 155

annihilation of the perpetrator of pollution. At the same time the Old Woman trans to by the Hittites as ‘taking off the earth’ (taknaz da-). The term was understood as ferred the evil charm back onto the sorcerer by a spell and manipulating things in deliverance from the threat of death and the power of the netherworid deities.91° In reverse order to the way in which the sorcerer’s spell was cast. that case, substitutes in the form of figurines and animals were placed under the The authors of rituals often referred to two mutually combined ideas of binding power of the Sun-goddess of the Earth, the mother goddesses DINGIR. 4AHMESA / or utter powerlessness (lea tadesis) and release (apolvsis), which were generally of Daraweè Gulèe and the netherworld deities. In another ritual, which formally does key significance for ancient magic, permitting the states of both nature and man to not belong in this group, a woman appears as a substitute for an ill queen and the be described (see also 3.1.4). The katadesis, understood as a result of contamination addressee is Lelwani / Allatu.916 with some magical impurity, required a purificatory ritual to be performed in order Invoking the gods to come on the scene conditioned efficacy of these practices. to release and heal the patient. The author of one ritual, which was intended to The Hurrians came up with the idea for rituals of evocation performed usually by cure a disease that paralyzed a child’s body, used in her incantation a mythologem incantation priests, but also by a diviner, a group of diviners or an Old Woman. describing the state of nature, first paralyzed and then set free. In keeping with the Most of the rituals of this type were introduced from Kizzuwatna and northern principles of analogic magic, the release of nature by the goddess Kamruepa moved Sr-na.91’ The main part of the ceremony was the symbolic summoning of a deity the mother goddess DINGIR.MAH to do the same for the sick child: thus the heal down a ‘path’ made of a colored scarf or marked with flour and the of wine ing came through analogy, from the will of the goddess, and the Old Woman carry and oil.91h This was accompanied by offerings to the gods in pits (Hurrian obi) dug ing out the ritual only implemented the divine decision.9m° According to the same specially for the ritual, through which contact with the netherworld took place.919 principles, delivery from contamination could be achieved also through specific magi The practice of marking out a road for the chthonic deities and offerings to them in cal practices, for example, by removing bonds from the patient or by cutting earlier the abi-pits were also part of other rites, for example. the above mentioned rituals tied woolen yarn which was believed to have the ability of absorbing impurities.911 of taking the patient off the earth. Similar purificatory properties were attributed to dough and bread.912 Appeasement and summoning of an angry god, whose departure had been caused Substitution rituals911 were intended as a means of deflecting a bad fate from by a state of impurity perceived as magical binding, is the main theme of evocation an individual whose illness or death was foretold by oracles, an evil omen or a dream rituals deriving from a genuine Anatolian tradition, called mugawar (‘entreaty’) in (3.2.8). The substitute, identified with a patient, was offered to the deity responsible Hittite (see 3.1.4). In rituals of this kind the mythological content dominates over for a threat. It could be an object (a vessel for example), an animal or figurine, even a description of the actual magical practices. The pattern of a myth is almost ident a human being, as in the case of the substitute king rituals that appeared at a later ical in most cases. The disappearance of a god leads to life fading from earth. The 914 stage during the Empire period under the influence of Babylonian models. A spe gods seek him. In the end, a bee finds the vanishing god and wakes him up with cific group is constituted by rituals from the Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean milieu, referred

915 Taracha 1985: 1990: 2000; 2001; Hntter 1988: iee now also Gorke 2005. 916 A suhstitution ritual mentioned in the prayer for the recovery of Gaiiuliyawiya (CTH 380). Tisch fell within the compeience of the royal court (LH § 44h, 111). Hoffner 1997a: 52f.. 197, 189: 1cr 1981: Singer 2002a: 71ff. Cf. also Tori’i 1999: 41ff. 2996a: 93!’.: if. also Wcstbrook 2006: 46ff.: Schwenier 2007a: 25Sf. 917 For a list of Hittite evocation rituals, see Hans — Wilhelm 1974: 9ff. 919 KBo 3.8+KUB 7.1 (CTH 390A) ni 1ff.. Ki’onasser 1961: 156f1: Hans 2003a: o3iff.: Oettinger 918 Hans 2003a: 94ff., 622f.: Straufl 2006: 47ff. with references. In this way the gods of an enemy 2004: 348ff.: Haas 2006: 30 if. city could also he evoked, as in the ritual C’I’H 421. first related to a military campaign of Mur 91i Hans 2093a: 663f., 672f. iili II. see now del Monte 200.5: 27ff.: Fuscagni 2007a. 9i2 Straull 2006: 56ff. 919 Collins 2ofl2h: de Martino Giorgieri 2008: 8 with references. For the Horrian oH as 9i:i van Brock 1959: Gurney 1977: 52ff.: Haas 1994a: 895ff.: Taracha 2909: 207ff.: Hans 2003a: 401ff.. a necromantic pit. see also Kdlly-Buccellati’s f2002f interpretation of an underground structure 539ff. southwest of the royal palace at Tell Mozan! Urkel from the third millennium BC: cf. also 914 Kummel 1967: 1968: Tnracha 1992: 2000: 219ff. Buccellati 200S: Sf.. 11. r

156 3. Htrrn-r ANAT0uA 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 157

its sting. The pain causes even greater anger of the god and then Kamruepa steps be associated with the concept of royal ideology of the Empire period (see 3.2.2). The onto the stage, using a magic means to calm him and persuade him to return. Despite cycle extols the advent of Teèub at the head of the pantheon, and the main theme the fact that in these myths it is mostly the vegetation and fertility god Telipinu is the struggle of the chthonic divinities with Teub and the heavenly gods to re who takes on the role of the vanishing god,920 these are not vegetation myths. The cover power over the world. The opening Song of Kumarbi, or the ‘Song of Genesis / return, or magic ‘release,’ was supposed to ensure the favor and protection of the Beginning’930 relates the struggle for power between generations of gods. First god for a given individual. The myth in this case is an illustration of a ritual of Kumarbi deposed Anu (and before the latter there was Alalu who ruled the world), appeasement. Other gods vanish as well: storm-gods,921 including the Storm-god of but then he succumbed to Teub.931 In successive songs Kumarbi attempted to re 922 . 923 924 Kuliwisna, the solar deity (see 3.1.4), mar, a hursa-bag, as well as Han cover power through his progeny. Unfortunately, the only preserved fragments of

932 . 933 934 nahanna/DINGJR.MAH,92° the mother and fate goddesses DINGIR,MAHMESA the cycle are songs of the monster LAMMA, Silver, Hedammu, and Ulli 935 Gulèe.926 and the goddesses Anzili and Zukki summoned in the birth rituals. k ummi. The Telipinu myth derived from an early Anatolian tradition, but the surviving The archives of Hattua preserve fragments of Hittite adaptations of many other versions. in which Luwian and Svro-Mesopotamian influence is easily observable, Hurrian myths taking place in Syria (Saumka and the Pieaima mountain,93 the Song of

937 . . , 938 do not allow it to be considered Old Hittite in nature.927 The three known versions Release ) and eastern Anatolia (Elkunirsa and Asertu ), bigger epic cycles (story

. - . - 939 . of the myth, recited presumably in the course of various appeasement rituals by about the hunter Kesse, the Epic of Gilgames in the Hittite, Rurrian and Akkad 940 941 different authors, suggest that in this period it had started to change gradually into Ian versions, and the epos of Atra(m)hasis ). as well as stories and fables with a literary piece. Even so, the myth had not yet been severed from the ritual, as it is the case of myths of foreign origin which are known from Hittite adaptations found 930 Corti 2007. • . Laroche 19690: 153ff: Bernabd 1987: 146ff.: in the archives 928 931 CTh 344. Giiterhock 1946: 6ff: Otten 19500: 5ff: of Hattusa. Garcia Trabazo Pecchioli Daddi — Polvani 1990: 115ff; Unal 1994b: 828ff; Hoffner 1998: 42ff; The cycle of Hurrian myths, or rather songs, as the Hittites called them, in which 2002: 155ff; Haas 2006: 133ff 9:32 CTH 343, Laroche 1969b: 145ff: Giitcrhock 1961h: 161ff: Bernahé 1987: 203ff.: Hoffner 1998: the linking figure is the old ruler of the world, Kumarbi, banished to the under 46ff: Haas 2006: 141ff world by Teub. was undoubtedly a literary composition,929 although it may also 9:33 CTH 364. Laroche 1969b: 177ff.: Bernabé 1987: 209ff: Hoffner 1988: Goal 1994b: 856ff: Hoffner 1998: 48ff: Haas 2006: 148ff 934 CTH 348. Friedrich 1949. Laroche 19690: 169ff: SiegelovS 1971: 35ff: Bernahd 1987: 160ff: Haas 2006: 153ff Pecchioli Daddi — Polvani 1990: 131ff.: Unal 1994h: 844ff; Hoffner 1998: 50ff:

920 CTH 324, Otten 1942; Laroche 1969b: 29ff.: Moore 1975: 18ff.; Haas 1977b: 81ff.; Kellerman 93i CTH 345, Güterbock 1952; Jakob-Rost 1977: Bernabé 1987: 171ff: Pecchioli Daddi — Polvani

1986; Pecchioli Daddi — Polvani 1990: 71ff.; 1Jnal 1994b: 815ff.: G. Beckman apud Beckman 1990: 142ff; final 1994b: 830ff; Hoffner 1998: 55ff; Giorgieri 2001; Garcia Trabazo 2002: 176ff.: Heffner 1997: 151ff.; Heffner 1998: 14ff.; Garcia Trabaze 2002: 105ff.; Mazoyer 2003 73ff.: Haas Haas 2006: 156ff: Groddek 2007: 313ff. For Ea and the Beast, another song related to the

2006: 103ff.; M. Mazoyer apod Freo — Mazoyer 2007a: 193ff. Komarhi cycle, see Archi 2002r. Cf also n. 936. 921 CTB 326. Laroche 1969b: Moore reclassifIed with 59ff.: 1975: 49ff.: Pecchioli Daddi — Polvani 1990: 104f.: Hoffner 936 CTH 350. Friedrieh 1953: 147ff: Haas 1994a: 462ff.: 2006: 212f. This story was 1998: 24f. CTH 327. Laroche 19691j: hitherto onknown 62ff:. \Ioore 197S: 53ff.: Pecchjolj Daddi — Polvanj 1990: several other Hittite and Horrian fragments as pan of the Song of the Sea, a 1051: Hoffner 1998: 2Sf. episode of the Komarhi cycleS. .see Rotherford 2001: Blam 2004: Singer 2007: 634f 922 KBo 9.109++ i 911’. (CTH 329). Pecchioli Baddi — Polvani 1990: 107f’.: lJnal 1994b: 821f.; Glocker 937 CTH 789, Non 1996: Hoffner 1998: 6Sff: Wilhelm 2001: Haas 2006: 177ff: of also Wilhelm 1992a: 1997: 26ff., 137f. 1997.

923 CTH 336, final 1994b: 8241.; Hoffner 1998: 31. 938 CTH 342, Otten 1953: Hoffner 1965: Laroehe 1969h: 139ff: G. Beckman apnd Berkman — Hoffner 924 CTH 336, Hoffner 1998: 30f. 1997: 149: Hoffner 1998: 90ff: Garcia Trabazo 2002: 141ff.: Haas 2006: 213ff.: Singer 2007. 921 CTH 334, Laroche 1969b: 78ff.: Moore 1975: 134ff.: Unal 1994b: 822ff.: Hoffner 1998: 29f. 939 CTH 361. Friedrieh 1950; Unn] 1994h: 851f: Hoffnor 1998: 87ff: Baas 2006: 206ff: of also Xella 926 (‘TB 335. Hoffner 1998: 371 1978: Non 1993: Wilhelm 1999a: Haas 2005: 369ff.

927 Haas — Wilhelm 1974: 22ff: Popko 1995a: 80. 87. 940 CTH 341. Otten 1958a: 1960: Wilhelm 1988: Berkman 2001: 2003: Haas 2006: 272ff: of also 928 See now, in general, Becknian 2005h. Klinger 2005: 114ff 929 Hoffner 1998: 40ff. (nos 14—18): cf. also Lehron i99.Sb. 941 CTh 347. Polvani 2003; Haas 2006: 277ff r

158 3. Hn”rrr ANATOL1A 3.2. TRE EMPIRE PEaIoo 159

a moral presenting the gods in substantial roles (Appu and his Two Sons.942 The vowing gifts one could persuade a god into reversing ill fortune and putting off the Sun-god and the Cow,943 story about Gurparanzah944). All these legends are of moment of death; one could also avail oneself of magic, as exemplified by the substi Hurrian origin or else they reached Anatolia via the Hurrians. These are already tute king rituals (3.2.9). literary texts, however, which had no connection with cult practice and ritual. The term ‘(propitious) day’ (UD.(SIG5)) refers to the moment of death that was perceived as a deity able to receive offerings (see 3.1.1). Death was also referred to as ‘the day of one’s destiny’ or ‘the day of (one’s) mother.’ The latter term informs us 3.2.10. Eschatology, burial customs and the ancestor cult of how the Hittites understood the process of dying. The underlying idea of this ex In life man was a combination of the body (Hittite tuekko-, NI.TE) and a spiritual pression may be that an individual’s mother who set him/her on this earth (lifting component, the (Hittite idtanza(n)-, ZI). The soul was the seat of rational him/her up from the netherworld in a sense) is the one who will come at the time of of thoughts in the sense of thinking, will, personality, as well as — along with the ‘in death to take him/her once again from the power of the Sun-goddess the Earth

nards’ (Hittite karat-, A) — the seat of emotions.94° The gods (like human beings) and fetch him/her for his/her otherworldly existence in the meadow of the blessed.948 had both body and soul, as did the animals, too. A certain text which speaks Thus, “death is understood here as a kind of birth.”949 In the royal funerary ritual of the spirit of a sheep being eaten by birds and foxes916 suggests that unlike the the Sun-goddess of the Earth is offered an effigy of the dead king as a substitute for

950 . of humans, those of animals died with the body. The souls of gods and the him and sacrifices of food and drinks, all this probably meant to appease her and deceased were represented sometimes in symbolic form as objects of precious cause her to set the ghost of the king free (see below). rn et als. Death is a special passage because it entails a change of both state and status. The Hittites perceived the difference between ‘good’ and ‘evil,’ that is. untimely It is a passage from the corporeal to the spiritual. At the point of death the soul death.91’ If a person died young. the fate goddesses Gule5 (Hurrian Sudena) (3.2.4 departed from the body. The body was buried either as an inhumation or a crema & 5) could be blamed accordingly. Mostly, however, such an untimely death was tion, the latter being the rule in the royal family under the Empire (see helow).91 considered a reaction on the gods’ part to human behavior in the past. The gods’ Funerary rituals transferred the dead to the new everyday state in the other world anger, as in the case of the plague, could have affected the whole community. Most where they existed in their new status as spirits. The (ghost of the) dead person often the reasons for the anger were unknown and answers were sought through (Hittite akkont-, GIDIM) also had a soul. The ghost’s relation to the soul “may be oracles (3.2.8). An effort was also made to appease the gods by prayer (3.2.7). It was compared to that of soul and body before death, that is, the GIDIM may have been hoped that death, although inevitable, could be manipulated to a certain extent. By conceived of as more ‘corporeal’ than the soul, as some immaterial but potentially ,,952 visible body. Having left the body, the soul embarked on a journey that was for it a period of

942 CTH 360. Friedrich 1950: Sieg€’lovd 1971; Bernabé 1987: 217ff.; Peechioli Daddi — Polvani 1990: trial and tribulation. An incantation recited during a (funerary?) ritual for a dead 163ff.; Unal i994b: 848ff.: HA. Hoffner apud Beckman — Hoffner 1997: 153ff.: Hoffner 1998: 82ff.: Haas 2005: 362ff.; 2006: 194ff. 941 CTB 363. Goterhock 1946: Friedrich 1950: Hoffner 1981: Unal 19946: 853ff.: H.A. Hoffner apud

Beckman — Hoffner 1997: 1551: Hoffner 1998: 85ff.: Haas 2005: 366ff.:2 006: 199ff. 944 CTH 362. Haas 1989: 38f.: Unal 19946: 852f.: Pecchioli Daddi 2003: Haas 2006: 217ff:. kdnan 948 For the meadow of the netherworld in the Indo-European tradition. see Puhvel 1969. 2007. 949 Becknian 1983: 237: cI also van den Hout 1994a: 421 In many different cultures the transfer of 941 Ratnmenhuber 1964. the ghost to the netherworld is connected with the svmholism of fertility and rebirth: see. e.g..

946 KUB 24.14 iv l9hff., Kammenhuher 1964: 163: Girbal 1986: 99. Bloch — Parry (edsl 1982: AC. Cohen 2005: 241 947 For designations of death and their interpretation, see van den Hout 1994a: 39f1: now also 910 Taracha i998h. Al. Kapelut’s paper (“Good death, had death. Reflections on the Hittiie attitude towards death”) 911 On the essence and significance of cremation, see a commentary under 1.2, and helow. read at the 7th International Congress of Hittitology in çorum. 2 5—29 -August 2008. 952 van den Rout 1994a: 44. r

160 3. HirrrrE ANATOLIA &2. THE EMPIRE PERI00 161 woman describes the journey of her soul into the netherworld.9°3 The text opposes ordinary people, but a Kizzuwatnean funerary ritual shows that passage to the the meadow, which is where the soul is headed,9°4 to the evil tenawa, where ‘one meadow of the netherworld was probably not limited to just the king and queen. [does not] recognize (each other). Sisters having the same mother do [not] recog During the ritual with the participation of the iãharalli-priestess of the goddess nize (each other). Brothers having the same father do [not] recognize (each other). (Hamri-)Ièhara and the patili-priest the latter calls six times the one who died by .,.96i A mother does [not] recognize [her] own child. [A child] does [not] recognize [its own] name from the roof of his house, asking those gods with whom he (is) where he mother. (..) From a fine table they do not eat. Froni a fine trivet they do not eat. From had gone. When the patili-priest poses the question the seventh time, he hears in a fine cup they do not drink. (...) They eat hits of mud. They drink drainage answer: “For him the day of (his) mother [has come andj she has taken him by the waters:’9°5 The description refers to the topos recurring in Babylonian mythology, hand and accompanied him.”96’ which depicts the netherworld as a dark house whose inhabitants eat mud and clay.9°6 The death of a king was thought to be highly disconcerting from a religious point In the mentioned text the road the soul takes is called the ‘great way.90i Images of view. It meant the loss of a man whose task was to contact the gods on behalf of of souls traveling the road to the netherworld are known from many ancient cul the entire community and to celebrate their cults, a man who guaranteed the pros tures. The Sumerians had different names for this: ‘a foreign road’ (kaskal-bar), ‘an perity of the land. With his death came a state of common threat, and for this unknown road at the edge of the mountain’ (kaskal nu-za gaba-kur-ra-ka), ‘the road reason the death of a member of the royal family was called .ialli wadtai ‘great 963 . . . of no return’ (kaskal nu-gi4-gi, Akkadian là tan), ‘the road of the netherworld’ calamity (lit, big mishap). This expression is used in the opening lines of the four (kaskal-kur-ra(k)).9°8 The last term is also found in Hittite texts as 0KASKAL.KUR, teen-day royal funerary ritual: “If the Great Calamity occurs in Hattua: either the and as (DEUS)VIA+TERRA in the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription from the funer king or the queen becomes a deity (i.e. dies).”964 ary chapel of uppiluliuma II on the Südburg in Hattuèa.959 In Hittite. it means an The ritual was intended to cremate the body and to transfer the spirit and the underground watercourse.960 perceived by the Hittites as one of the roads into the soul separated from the body at the moment of death from this world through the netherworld. liminal state of transition to a new existence in the netherworld.96° A symbolic break Appropriate rites connected with the funeral ceremonies were essential for the with affairs of this life is pointedly expressed in the magical practice of burning soul to reach the meadow happily. Practically nothing is known about funerals of a cord and the calling of weepers: “When thou wilt go to the meadow, do not pull the cord”966 At the same time the soul of the dead king or queen received offerings together with divinities and ancestor spirits. The funerary ritual introduced him! 953 KGB 43.60 and RBo 22.178(+)KUB 48.109 (CTH 437). Hoftner 1988b; Watkins 1995: 284ff.: Hoff. nor 1998: 331.: Haas 2006: 237ff.: Archi 2007h. For a different interpretation, see Polvani 2005. In her opinion. RUB 43.60 i describes the journey that a soul takes before ‘entering’ a newborn child. Consequently, it would constitute a mythical tale connected to a birth ritual. There are no grounds for recognizing this text as a copy of an Old Hittite original. 96i Cf. RUB 30.28+ ohv. 12’ i)fJu.um.ri.j4.hu.ru [, and 29’ °Ho.oni.ni.is-ha-roas D[ Otten 1958b: 954 KUB 43.60 i 36 uelluwo ti[liyohtoiQ) ‘[fl has[ten(?)] to the meadow.” Cf. Archi 2007h: 174 (who 94f. For Hamri-Ilhara. the avatar of the goddess Ithara, see 3.2.5. follows Watkins 1995: 287): “to the meadow let [me] trav[el quickly.” 962 RUB 30.28 rev. hf. (with its duplicate KBo 34.80, 5ff.), Otten 1958h: 96f.: van den Hout 1994a: 955 KBo 22.178(+)KUB 48.109 ii 4ff., iii 1ff.. translated hy Hoffner 1998: 34, here with slight changes; 42; Archi 2007b: 189. cf. also Polvani 2005: 620; Archi 2007b: 174. 963 CHD A 99. 956 Katz 2003: 227ff. with references. Considering the date of this topos, Katz emphasizes that none 964 RUB 30.16+KUB 39.1 i if. For the hallit wottoiA ritual, see Otten 1958b; Christmann-Frank of the myths (Iitar’s Descent. — Gilgamel VII. iv 32ff., Nergal and Erelkigal) has sources earlier 1971; Kassian — Korolbv Sidel’tsev 2002: cf. also Haas 1994a: 2t9ff.; van den Hout 1994a: than the Middle Babylonian period. 56ff.; 1995b; Taracha 1998h: Haas 2000: 56ff.: Kapeluh 2006: 81ff.: Rutherford 2007: 223ff.; 957 RUB 43.60 i 29. Kapeluh 2008. 958 Katz 2003: possini: ct’. also Archi 2007h: 186f. 965 As AC. Cohen (2005: 17f.) remarks, ‘this structuring of death rituals as rites of passage may he 959 Hawkins 1995: 22f., 441’. one of the few universals of human behavior.” 900 Gordon 1967: Otten 1976 —198od: 1988: 33f. 966 RUB 30.i9++ iv 13f.. Otten i958h: 461’.; Kassian — KorolOv — Sidel’tsev 2002: 516f. r

162 3. Hiim MAToL 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERIOD 163

her to the community of family ancestors and it was tantamount to the beginning of Earth as a substitute for the deceased, so that he/she was able to avoid the sad fate his/her cult as part of the ancestor cult (see below). of other souls in her kingdom and go to the meadow of the privileged.9’2 Every funeral needed some place for the soul to reside while receiving its first Once integrated into the invisible world, the ancestor became a new entity, spiri installments of funerary offerings.96’ In the Hittite royal funerary ritual the soul tual and eternal. The Hittites perceived the family dead as protective deities of lesser first descended in a slaughtered plough-ox. The body was cremated during the first rank (Hittite Zawalli).9’3 It was expected that they would care for the living mem days of the ritual. It was burnt on a , and the next day women went to the pyre bers of the family. The spirit of a deceased could be invoked after death, which per to gather the remaining hones. They put out the fire by pouring beer, wine and mitted contact to be established. At the same time the dead required offerings and other liquids onto it, then they washed the bones in a silver vessel containing oil rituals in the ancestor cult.9’4 The renowned king lists (CTH 661) amply attest to and wrapped them in linen, put them on a chair if it was a man (king), or on this practice in the royal family.9’° Some of these lists include queens and other a footstool if a woman (queen). A funerary banquet took place in the presence of the members of the ruling family: others extend beyond the worship of ancestors from burnt remains, with a cult toast performed three times to the soul. Like in Mesopo the royal house of the Empire period and contain also the names of kings of the Old tamian funerals, the chair or the footstool was presumably another place of soul Hittite dynasty, referring to the tradition of Hittite kingship. emplacement.968 At the same time an image of the deceased was arranged out of A term which denotes the death of someone from the royal family was connected fruit in the middle of the pyre, perhaps as a symbol of fertility and his/her rebirth with the ancestor cult: ‘to become a god,’ that is ‘divine’ ancestor.96 The dead, how to life in the netherworld. The funeral proper ended with the transfer of the bones ever. were not deified in the sense that they became like the high gods of the pan into the called E.NA4 or ‘Stone House’ (see below), where they were placed theon.9’ “The ‘divinity of the dead ancestors is an expression that they possess an on a bed.

— other status than the living so that they can provide — like the gods blessings and Magical practices in successive days were supposed to transfer the ghost of welfare for the family when they are venerated in a proper way.”3’8 In this case the royal either the dead king or the queen to the meadow 979 of the netherworld. where one house from Hattusa recurred to the concept of the ancestor cult in northern Syria. should ‘secure for the deceased an afterlife modeled on his/her former existence The ghosts of people who were not fully integrated into the netherworld. either without, of course, all human deficiencies.”959 A seated statue of the deceased played because they had not been properly buried or because they were, for some reasons, a prominent role in the next days of the ritual.970 From then on it was to be driven around on a cart between various locations where the rites were performed. No de scription of the activities on the last fourteenth day has survived, so we do not know 972 Taracha 1998b. 97:3 del Monte 1975: Archi 1979c. what ultimately happened to the statue. JoAnn Scurlock has noted with insight in ref 974 Archi 1979c: Kapelul 2006: 140ff.; Arrhi 2007a: Singer. in press. erence to funerary statues in Mesopotamia: “Given the aversion of gods to death, it is 975 Otten 1951: 1968: Haas — Wafer 1977: 106ff.: Carruha 2007. Similar lists in the cult of dead very kings and ancesiors from the royal family are known from Mesopotamia and from Ugarit and unlikely that a statue used in a funeral would have found its way into a divine Man Syria. see. Finkelstein 1966; Bayhss 1973: Kitchen t977; Pardee 1996. Cerh 2002: ,,971 ... in e.g., sanctuary. The similarity of magical practices on the thirteenth day to the sub Jacquet 2002. stitution rituals 976 Silvestri 1982: Taracha 2000: 196: Hutter-Braunsar 2001: Kapelu42006: 40ff. Cootro Deal (2tlO2d: could suggest that the statue was offered to the Sun-goddess of the 59f) and Sovsal 12003: 53f.) not only the king ‘herame a god’ after death.

977 For a different interpretation. see Haas — Wafer 1977: 89 n. 19; Haas — Wegner 1992. 249. Haus 1994w 243 (“Der Wendung “rum ,4iu() werden” kOnnte der t3lauhe zugrunde liegen, da0 967 For soul emplacements in Mesopotatnian funerary rituals. see Scurlock 2002. die Seelen des Konigs und der Konigin naeh dern Tode mit dem ererhten tnditgerniantsehen 968 Scurlock 2002: 2ff. Himmels- uod Stammesgott versrhmelzen”). Later, however, Haas 12000: 53) changed his view. 969 van den Hout 1994a: 60f. 978 Hotter 1997: 84. 970 van den Houi 199Th. 979 For Ugarit. ef Xella 1983: 286: Lewis 1989: 49. 171: Sorensen 1999: 11ff. with references. For 971 Srurlork 2002: 2. Emar, see van der Toorn 39916: Schmidt 1996. 164 3. Hinrr ANATOLJA 3,2. THE EMPIRE PERI0O 165

not getting their offerings in the ancestor cult, were capable of causing the living patron goddess Sauèka of Aamuba.986 It follows from this that the king took care to a good deal of grief. Also unexpected or untimely contact with ghosts, treated as an prepare a tomb for himself during his lifetime. omen, resulted in ghost fear.980 This fear was regarded as magic contamination to The Stone House is the most common term designating buildings with a clear be removed by purificatory rituals. The action of rancorous words, similarly as en funerary purpose. Two others are the said House of Bones and the House of the mity between people, did not stop with the death of one side of the conflict. The Dead (E GIDIM or E A GIDIM).98’ The only text that refers to the founding of deceased could take revenge from beyond the grave for wrongs experienced in life or a Stone House is a donation act of queen A4munikkal, which describes in detail the wrongs suffered by members of his/her family. Among the montalli rituals pertain organization and functioning of the mausoleum.988 It was more than just a tomb; it ing to rancor, which were performed to heal an antagonism between two people. there was a whole temple-like complex of the ancestor cult with fields, orchards, vineyards, are many that were offered by a living person with the deceased.91 In one such cattle and sheep, and numerous cult personnel. Respective documents granted free ritual Hattuèili III offered a ghost haunting him a whole city, whose inhabitants dom from taxes to the Stone House. The queen laid also particular cities and profes were obliged ever since to celebrate a cult of the deceased.982 sional groups under tribute for the cult performed there. The estate of the Stone DINGIRUIM The E.NA4 (DINGIRM/ acldasD or ‘Stone House (of the god or of the House as belonging to the deceased could not be put up for sale, also the people divine father, ancestor)’ was a real mausoleum, in which the mortal remains working there and their descendants could not marry outside. Everything that came of royal family members lay.983 In the royal funerary ritual the ashes of a king or in contact with the dead was considered impure and contact with such things re queen were taken there after being collected from the pyre (see above). The terms quired purificatory rites to be performed. DINGIRL DINGIRG addoH / AB(B)U=U ‘god(s) (his) father(s). i.e.. divine The mausoleum should not be identified with a memorial called hekur SAG.U father(s), ancestor(s).’981 or oddod DINGIRSW -i2 ‘gods of the father’ are a literal Eternal Peak.’ which was the cult place of a dead king or queen without necessarily translation of the Hurrian en=oi otteni god father,’ or cn(i)rno attaroirve/i=na containing their mortal remains. Suppiluliuma II erected an everlasting licker for ‘gods of the father’ respectively and refer to a Syrian tradition of the ancestor cult Tuthaliya IV, identified with the structure on top of the outcrop Nianta in Uattu going as far back as the second half of the third millennium BC in Ebla.98° èa, and set up a statue of his father there, inscribed with his em gestae (see 3.2.6)989 The tomb appears to have remained under the protection of a patron deity of the An oracle text mentions the statue of a queen in association with a hekur.990 Is it dead person. Chamber B of the rock sanctuary at Yazilikaya. which was probably the same hekur of the LAMMA god that is attested to in the affair concerning Mur the burial place of Tuthalix-a lv. bears a large relief (no. Si) of the king in the embrace ili II’s stepmother. the last wife of his late father Suppiluliuma I? As Murili com of his protective god Sarrumma. Also Hattuili III mentions in his Apology that he plained. ‘she has turned over my father’s complete estate to the hekur-house of the erected for himself the ‘House of Bones (ho,itivod pie), which he dedicated to his Tutelary God (and) the divine Stone House.”991

980 del Monte 1973. 981 Archi 1971: 211f.: Hutter 1991: 381: van den Hout 1998: Sf., 91f. 986 KUB 1.1+ iv 751. Otten 1981: 281 982 KtJB 16.32 ii 24’ff.. van den Hout 1998: 169, 180f. 987 For the E (SA) GID1M, see ABoT 56 iii 4ff (Otten 1958b: 104), KBo 21.35 i 5’ (Otten i958b: 983 Otten 1958b: 70f.: 104ff.: Haas — WaIler 1977: 119; Groddek 2001a: van den Hout 2002 with 102 n. 2), KUB 23.107 rev.? 3’ (Hagenhuchner 1989: 340). KUB 39.60 1’. Cl Kapelué 2006: references: Kapelo2 2006: 108ff. Cf. also KUB 16.39 ii 3, 6, 11: E.NA4 DING1R”” mTotholiyo 12 if. ‘Stone House of the God Tothahya’ referring to the mausoleum of Tot hahva (IV). 988 KUB 13.8, Otten i958h: 104ff; 1974: Groddek 2001w. 214ff 954 Cf. Luwian (otznzi DINGIR10.i,izi’fathers gods. divtne fathers’ in HuB 9.31 ii 30. Starke 959 See n. 780. 1990: 146. 990 KUB 22.70 ohv. 12ff.. Coal 1978: 6ff: van den Hoot 1994a: 19: Beal 2002c: 14ff (erroneously: 951 Taracha 1998b: 1901: 2000: 19Sf. with references. For DINGIR.AZ\IUCSU) ‘god (hisl father’ in the ‘Stone House’). Ehlaitic texts, see Xella 1983: 288: Archi 1988c: 107ff For luSh in Ugarit. Emar. El-Qitar. etc.. 991 RUB 14.4 ii 3ff. ci CHD L-N 361h with literature. ‘the cited passage translated by van den ser, e.g.. van der Toorn 1993 with references. Hoot i994a: 49. . ‘1 r

166 3. Hirrrrt ANATOL1A 3.2. THE EMPIRE PERI00 167

1001 . . . 1002 1003 It seems that like the Stone Houses, also (some of) the hekur-memorials remained çekerek, Ilica in the region of Ankara. Yanarlar near Afyon, Demirci

. 1004 . 1005 under the protection of the patron deities. A hekur of Muwattalli II located in the hoyuk-Sariket near Eskiehir, and some 200 km west of Ankara. In territory of Tarhuntaa, mentioned in the Bronze Tablet of the Tuthaliya IV treaty the second millennium BC, cremation became increasingly common. At Osmanka with Kurunta,992 was dedicated to the Storm-god, the divine patron of Muwattalli. F yasi and Balarbagikayasi there is a mixture of cremation and inhumation. Different The hekur of the LAMMA god, which served in the posthumous cult of Suppiluliu kinds of vessels were used as urns for ashes; they were sometimes placed in pithoi

993 . . 994 ma I, has already been mentioned. Hekur-sanctuaries of Pirwa and Kammam and covered with stones or cups. At ilica. all the burials with the exception of one ma99° are also evidenced in the sources. cist grave were with beak-spouted pitchers used as urns. This cemetery The ECGAL) huhhaã (DUTUSJ) or House (or Palace) of the Grandfathers (of His is characterized by rows of stone monoliths marking the burials, proof that the liv Majesty)’ was also connected with the royal ancestor cult.996 Texts confirm the pres ing needed to be able to locate the graves of specific family members at a later date. ence of such establishments in Hattuia, Samuha and Katapa, all three cities being F Memorials of this kind were not noted elsewhere. At Osmankayasi and Ilica, the royal residences at different stages in Hittite history.99’ There is no decisive proof pottery was intentionally damaged during the funerary rites before being deposited for the identification of the House of the Grandfathers with the Stone House, al in the grave. Connected with the same rites were libation vessels and animal bones

though it demonstrates several similarities as a cult place and at the same time an — burnt in the graves at Ilica, and at Osmankayasi sometimes complete burials of institution with its own property and personnel. The House of the Grandfathers as oxen, pigs, sheep, or equids; in the case of the latter, isolated skulls were also found. a sanctuary of the dynastic ancestor cult recalls the E MULCMUL) in Ebla and At Kazankaya, only inhumation burials were attested. Similarly as in the case of the bt ‘jim kbkm (‘House of the Divine Stars’) in Ugarit,9m which once again con the cemetery of pithoi graves at Yanarlar lying farther west and at Gordion, where three firms the ties between the ancestor cult in the Hittite royal family of the Empire forms of inhuinations occur; pit graves, pithoi graves and cist graves. Cremation also period and the Syrian tradition. started being used in the west. Among several dozen skeletal graves in Demircihoyuk The texts say practically nothing about the beliefs of common people concerning Sariket a few urns with ashes were discovered, as well as three pithoi graves, where death. We know of several cemeteries from the Hittite period.999 including (to men ashes of a later cremation were added to an earlier inhumation. A similar situation was tion only the most important ones) extramural burial grounds of the capital Sattu observed at cemeteries in Panaztepe near Izmir and Beiktepe in Troas. The deceased 1000 sa on the hills of Osmankayasi and Baglarbaikayasi. Kazankaya northwest of were members of the same community, even the same family. This also demonstrates that the dissemination of cremation as a funerary rite, considered possibly to guarantee a ‘better’ passage to the netherworld, was not connected with ethnic changes: neither 992 See above 3.2.6 with n. 718. 993 Cf. also KUB 18.54, KUB 42.83 vi 2’. did it presumably bring about more significant changes in eschatological beliefs (see

1006 . 994 KBo 12.110 rev. 12’: N]A4hekur Piro’o “Tu[tholiyo? (Imparati 1977: 50ff. with n. 113) suggests also 1.2). The people who practiced cremation apparently held to the religious con a connection between Pirwa (? Pirengir) and one of the kings named Tot haliya. 995 KBo 10.35 i? 4’ (Imparati 1977: n. 23); KUB 56.37 U 7’[. cept of the soul apart from the body (see above). By contrast. West Semitic contempor 996 HED 3: 355 (‘dynastic mausoleum?’); Taracha 1998b: 191; 2000: 200f.; Kapelof 2006: aries of Syro-Palestine, including the Israelites, believed that the body and soul were 115ff.; 2007. 997 Taracha 2007a. inseparable, which for them made cremation unthinkable, as noted in the Bible. 998 For E WNIUL( MDL) in Ebla, see, e.g.. Xella 1983: 289. ‘Star of Ebla’ was a title of the kings of Ebla. Most scholars interpret the H ‘ili,i 56km in Ugarit as a sanctuary of the dynastic tool T. OzgOç 197$: vol. 1, 69ff.

ancestor cult, e.g. Spronk 1986: 157f.; Dictrich — Loretz 1991: 87. For a different opinion, see 1002 Orthmann 1967. van der Toorn 1991: 50. 1003 Emre 197$. 999 See, in general. Emre 1978: 1991: Hoas t994a: 234ff.; 123ff.; — van den Hoot 1994a: 53ff.; Popko 1004 Seeher 1991; Seeher — ,Jansen Pernicka — Wittwer-Backofen 2000. 1995a: 155ff. 1005 Mellink 1956.

1000 Bittel — Herre — (itten — ROhrs — Scheohle 195$. 1006 Seeher 1993: cf. also Novak 2003: 65ff. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Wilhelm, — G. D. Schwemer — J. Klinger 2005. “Staatsvertrage mit dem Hethiterreich,’ in: TUAT NF, Band 2: Staatscertrdge, Herr scherinschriften und andere Dokumente zur politischen Geschichte, Gfltersloh, 95-138. Willeitoer. J. 1992. “Aktivitdten des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts wbhrend der letzten Grahungen.” Antike Welt 23. 310-315. Wright. D.P. INDEXES 1987. The Disposal of Impurity: Elimination Rites in the Bible and in Hittite and Mesopota rnian Literature. Society of Biblical Literatore Dissertation Series 101. Atlanta. Georgia. Wyatt, N. 2007. 1. PROPER NAMES The Religious Role of the King in Ugarit.” in: K.L. Younger Jr. (ed), Ugarit at Seventy Five, \Vinona Lake. Indiana. 41-74. Xella. P. A. Divist ysnits (sso ti’Ii’RETS) 1978. “Remarques comparatives sur Ic nroman de Keális,” RHA 36, 215-224. 1983. “Aspekte religidser Vorstellungen in Syrien nach den Ebla- und Ugarit-Texten,” UF 15, Mouotain’gods and river-goddesses are hsted Alliyat 30, 59. 100 279-290. under Geographic names 1.B) AHur 27. 28. 51 Yakar. J. Abara 86. 99, 101. 102 Alluritum 27 1974. “The Twin Shrines of Beycesultan,” AnSt 24, 151-161. Adad/Addu 31, 48 o. 238. 51 n. 263. 67, AbtabiO) 95, 118, 119 Yakubovich, I. 27. 121 Athena Polias itS 2005. “Were Hittite Kings Divinely Anointed? A Palaic Invocation to the Sun-God and its Adanima 119 Attar 91 n. 471 Significance for Hittite Religion.” JANER 5, 107-137. Aduotarri 126 Aunamm(u)du 126 Yildirim, B. — M.-H. Gates Ala 27, 45. 85. 100, 101, 111 n. 593 Awatta 117 2007. “Archaeology in Turkey. 2004-2005.’ AdA 111. 275-356. Aya, Ays—Ikaldu I Ayu(n)_llEkald/ti 89. 95. 119. Yildinm. T. Malu 126. 157 Allani 86. 109. 119. 124. 126 o. 710. 128. 138 120. 127 2000. “YbrukltilHOseyindedo: Eine neuc hcthitische Siedlung im SOdwesteu von çorum.” Aya I Eya I lya. see Ea IstMitt 50, 43.62. A1(1)anzu 94, 116, 119, 128 Alauzunni 116 Ayanti 117 2005. “Huseyindedo Tepesinde Bolunan Yeni Bir Knit Vazosu.” in’. .cts V ICH. 761-778. 91 171. 92 o. 479 2008. “New Allatu)m) 86. 95. 113, 121 n. 668. 124. 132. 143. BaaI n. scenes on the second relief vase from HOseyindede and their interpretation in 155 Ba’Iu 67 o. 357 the light of the Hittite representative art,’ in: Acts VI ICH, vol. II, 837-850. Yoshida, D. Amiza(du) 126 Belum 27 1991. Am(iu)amtiu)a I Mam)m)a (see also Mammal Bunene 127 “Em hethitisrhes Ritual gegen Behexung )KLB XXIV 12) und der Gott ZiliporiiZalipura,” 238. 120. 123. 126 o. 717. 127 BMECCJ 4. 41-65. Mammairni) 53, 57 o. 293, 86. 97. 101. 102. Dagan 48 n. 1992. 105, 116, 131 Dakidu 95, 119 “Das AN.TAHSUM5-Fest im Tompel der Sonnengottin,” BMECCJ 6, 121-156. 1996. Damkioa 86, 95. 96, 104. 120, 126 fTntersuchongen zu den Sonnengottheiten hei den Hethitern. THeth 22. Heidelberg. Amunki 126 Darawa 31, 109. 116. 125 1999. “Zur Kultmusik heim ‘Trankopfer’ (Cott NN chit- “trinken”) in Festen hattisrh-hethiti Amurrum 27. 31 28-30. 42. 45. 48, 117 Darawaozi 116. 125 seher Kultschicht.” in: K. Watanabe (ed). Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East, Anna Aunarumeuzi 110, 112, 113, 116 Darawel 50, 109, 116. 125. 155 Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near Fast The City and its Life, Held Anuari, DINGIR.MAIj 47 o. 236, 101. 104, 125, 126, 132, at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo), March 22-24. 1996, Aununaku 126 Heidelberg. 239-252. Antaliya 101 133. 139. 151. 156 DINGIR.MAUM n. 704 Zatelli. I. Auto 126 (see also Sassiirhtu) 125 1998. “The 127, 157 DINGIR E’” (see also Darawel) Gulseii Origin of the Biblical Scapegoat Ritual: The Evidence of Two Eblaite Texts,” Vetus Anu(m) 27. 118, 120, 126. Testarnentum 48. 254-263. Anzili I Enzih 56, 117. 118 n. 646, 156 50, 109, 125. 126. 133, 155, 156 120. 126. Zeilfelder, S. Apantu 126 Ea 27. 31. 36. 86. 95. 96. 99. 104. 118. 1998. 128. 132. 139. 150. 157 n. 935 “Mood — 47 und Schwangerschaft Etymologie und Aherglaube,” in: W. Meid (ed), Sprarhe Arinnito/a) (see also suu-gnddess(es) under 2) nod Kultur der Indogerroanen: Akten der X. Eachtagong der Indogermaoischen Arma 43, 52, 107, 110 El 127 Gesselschaft. lBS 92. Innsbruck. 437.450. Aruru 125 n. 708 Elkunirla 157 Zmnko, Ch. Asalluhi 150 Eltara 126 1987. Betrachtungen zum AN.TAH.UM-Fest Mspekte does hethitischen Festritunis,), lnnsbruck. Aliet 27 Euki 126 Zorinan, M. AIkalepa 30, 101. 115. 116. 133, 139 Enlil 48 o. 238, 126. 127 2008. “CTH 3: The conquest of Zalpa )ostified,” in’. Acts VI ICH, vol. II. 861-870. Ailanuwant 59 Eozili. see Anzih V

216 INDEXES INDEXES 217

Erelkigal 124 102, 108. 118. 119, 121. 122, 128, 137, 138, Kam(m)am(m)a. Pin.Kammamma 46, 50, 57, 58, MHku 106. 107 Erra 113 144, 151 84, 96, 166 Minki I Munki 126 Eltan I TItan (see also Iltanu) 47, 50, 59 Hedammu 157 Kamrulepa 30, 43, 58, 100. 101, 107, 114, 115, 150, Miyatanzipa 132, 133 GAL.ZU 40, 41, 44-46, 61 Heracles 113 154. 156 Mukilanu 127 Gilgamel 157 Helta 27 Kantipuitti 103 Muli 117 Gula 150 Uesue/i 95. 118 Kappariyamu 103 Muntara 126 Gullel (see also DTNGIR.MAH’’ GuIld) Higila 28 Karhuha 112 Mul(u)ni 101, 128 101, 125, 133. 158 Hilanzipa 58 Karmahi(Ii) 40 n. 186 Mutmuntara 126 Golzannikel 59 Hilalli 51, 58, 109, 133 Kalku 43, 110 Nabarbi 95, 119, 121 Gurnuwala 117 Iludena Hudellurra Kat(t)ahhi. Kat(t)ahha 40. 41. 53. 97. 101. 102, NabO 126 Haba(n)dali / Hap/want/dali( a) 27. 39-41. 43. 61. (see also DINGIR.MM-TtUL4 Gulleli 95. 132. 133, 139 Namlara 126 84 109, 119. 125, 128 Katabzipuri (see also Kamrulepa) 36, 43, 58, 114 Nara 126 Hadad/ Hadda (see also Adad) 30 ii. 146, 121 Hudena 125 n. 705, 158 Katarzalu 40 Nerak, Nerikkil 44 Haldatalli 117 Hudellurra 125 Kattelikamamma 96 Nergal 113 Halehare I Halihari 29. 74 Hurivanzipa 114 Kattimu 40 Nikkal 86. 95. 102. 119. 120. 128 Halipinu 106 Uurri 73, 94, 97, 108, 119. 120 Kinaliya 117 Ninatta 95. 116. 119. 123. 128 Halki 27. 25. 30. 40, 51. 52. 55. 63. 66, 73, 101. Huwa4lanna 28, 48. 86, 117, 131 Kdtarltu 50. 125 Ninattanni 116 104, 114, 117, 124 n. 700, 127. 132, 133, 139 Huwattalli / UuwadiHi 105 Kubaba 29, 112, 119 Ninegal 56 Hallara 40. 86, 117 Huzziva 27 Kubabat 28, 29 Ningal 128 Ualmaluit(tul, Hanwaluit 30, 40 n. 184 & 186, 48. lb (see also LImbo) 127, 128 Kulitta 95, 116. 119. 123. 128 Ninlil 126 50. 55. 61. 77 Ii Imari / Hamari 123 Kulittanm 116 NIN.MAU 125 n. 708 Ualzokki 11 Ilali(a), Ilalivant 27. 28. 30. 58. 108. 116 Kumarbi 92, 95. 99. 102. 114, 118. 119. 123. 124 NIN.SEN.SEN 86 Hamanni 106 Ilalivantikel 58, 116 n. 700, 126, 127, 156, 157 NIN.TU 125 n. 108 Hamri-Iihara (see also llhara) 123. 131, 161 Imarli 117 Kuniyawanni 86 Ninurta, Ningirsu 48 n. 238 Han(n)ahan(n)a 27. 31, 78, 125, 156 lmmarni 101 Kunzilalli 94, 119 Nipal 28, 29 Hannu 132. 139 Imralli horthipi 117 Kupilla 117 Nisaba 28. 29 Hantalepa 78, 116 122 Kurunta/i(ya) 85. 96. 111. 112 Nubadig 95. 118, 119. 128. 138 HantitaHu 78, 86. 118 mar 27, 30. 39, 41-46. 58, 61. 63, 73. 78. 84, 132, Km/oh 94 n. 485. 95, 110, 118, 119 27 Papaya 49. 50, 77 Hanwaluit, see Halmaloit 139, 156; ‘Hurrian mar’ 117 Ku(wa)nnani(ya) 100, 106, 107 Paraya 109 klanzunzi 132 Innara, Innarawantel 110, 112, 113, 116 Kuwa(n)lel, Kuwa(n)laIi/ Kuwanza 51, 52, 58 Parka 28, 132 Hapayulla 102 Innaralmi 51 n. 260 Kuzanalilu 39. 40. 44. 133 Per(u)wa. see Pirwa Haratli 40, 41 Irpitiga 126 Kuzzina— Kuzpazena 115 Pin-Kammamma. see Kam(m)am(m)a Harihari 29 28. Irlap(plaii (see also Ralapl 118 Lallariya 117 Pirengir 95. 99. 118. 120. 130, 166 n. 994 Hariltalii 29, 133 TlharalUlhara 27,29,67 n. 357, 86, 95, 119, 123, LeIil(l)uri 119, 121 n. 668, 138 Pirwa I Perlu)wa 27, 28, 30, 32 n. 164, 101, 115. Ualam(m)ili I Ijazamil, Halam(m)iu I Halmaiu 27, 124, 128, 131, 138, 161 n. 961 Lelwani 49, 50 n. 254, 63, 86, 114, 124, 132, 136 116, 133. 166 30. 36, 40, 41, 49, 50, 58, 78, 100, 101. 132, llpant 30, 51 n. 260. 52 n. 799, 143, 155 PiIai1api ( Saulka from Mt. Pi/aila) 95, 118 133. 139 llpanzalepa 51, 52 Liliya 117 Ra/ap. Re/el 118 Halauwanza 43. 58 lltanu 40 n, 186, 47, 59, 89. 127 Lipparulrnal 127 Rontilya). Pon’tie I ‘Povloç Ill. 112 Halgala 102 Tltar 27, 30 n. 146, 31, 106, 122, 123 Luhadag 119 Sabha//ara 117 Sallulara (see also Katahha; and Qoeen under 2) TltuItaya I EIduItaya 49, 50, 77 Madi 128 Sandas I Sandes, Sandon (see also lanta) 113 30. 53, 133 lyandu 126 Maliya 30, 51, 52, m/1, 101. 107, 115-117, 132. 133, 138 Aal(a)wane/ I at(u)wane/ 100, 102 HaHuwal Innara 96 lyarri 86. 98 n. 508. 100, 107, 113. 116. 117 Malivanni 116 ala/ / alu/ (hitiohi) 95. 115.127 119 Haluntarbi lyaIalla(llil 117 Mamma / Mammaimi 116 Samal 27. 31, 89. 108. 109. 127 HSrn (see also Santal 113 lyava 107, 114 Mard.uk 113, 114 n. 610 Sangar / Sag(glar 124 Hatepinu / Hatopuna 100, 102. 106 Izziltanu 49 n. 246 Marwainzi 113. 114 Sanhupiya 102 Uatni 118 Izzummi 126 113 Santa 27, 98 n. 508, 100, 107. 113, 114 Havvulm), see Ea Kahupput 40 n. 186 Me/aru 127 Sap/u 50. 91 n. 471, 109 Halam(ni)ili Hazamil. see Kait 54 Mezzulla 39, 40 n. 186. 41. 14, 45. 51. 52. 51. 66. Sarrumma 91. 93 n. 482. 94. 96 n. 195. 97. 116. Hehat 85. 86. 91. 92. 93 n. 482. 94. 95, 97-99. 101. Kalimrna 100 86. 89. 96. 99. 132. 139. 144 118. 119. 122. 128. 164 218 INDEXES INDEXES 219

Sarrum(m)anni 116 Ta4im)m)et(i) I Timmet(i) 49, 51 n. 260. 56 Yahweh 81 Zintuhi 54. 66. 96, 139. 144 SassurStu 125 n. 704 Talmilu 45, 55. 84, 93 n. 482. 95. 102. 114, 118. Zaparwa/Ziparwa 36, 38, 47. 58. 114. 139 Ziplanti)l) 44 Saulhaiil(1)a 58 120, 121, 132 Zappa 49 n. 247 Zithariva 45, 46, 85. 98, 103. 132, 139. 140 aulka 81, 85. 86. 93 n. 482, 94 n. 485. 95, 96. Tauri(t) 39, 133 Zappa)na 86 Zizzi 132 98, 101, 102. 116, 118, 119, 121-123. 130. 139, Tazuwali I Zuwali 44 Zarnizza 48. 117 Zukki 156 149, 151, 157, 165 Telipinu / Talipinu 39, 40 n. 186, 41, 43-46, 50, 53- Za(l)bapuna 44, 47 a. 236, 54, 104, 137 Zuihinida 119 Seri(lu) 73, 94, 96 n. 495, 97, 108, 119, 120. 143 55, 70 n. 386, 78, 86, 99, 101, 102. 104, 114- Zawalli 163 Zulki 126 Simige 89, 94 n. 485, 95, 108. 109, 118, 119, 127 116, 143, 156 Zayu 40 Zulumma/i 132 Simmilu(n) 40 Tenu 118, 137 n. 808 Zeus 59, 98 a. 510 Zumewa 119 Sin 27, 128 Telimi 56, 104 Zikunui[ j 106 Zuwali, see Tazuwali Silummi 132 Tellub 31 n. 157, 15, 55, 67 n. 357, 73, 84-86, 90-92, Zilipuri / Zilipuru 40, 41, 45, 48, 41. 133 Zuwuru I Siw/puru 40 n. 186 Sitarzuna 40, 49 n. 247 93 a. 482, 94, 96-99, 102, 108, 114, 118-122. Siuri 117 127, 132, 137-140, 143. 144. 151. 156, 157 Siul 30 n. 118. 163 n. 977 Tetelhapi 40. 41. 53, 67, 136 B. Gtuea.xeHic N:U1t5 Siwat (see also Izziltanu: and (Propitious) Day Tiabendi 119. 128 under 2) 30. 49 it 246 Tilla 67 a. 357. 120 Aeemhbviik 26. 31 Arara mountain 114 iw/puru, see Zuwuru Timmeti. see Talim)m)et(i) Adalur mountain 121 n. 668 Arinna 29, 38. 39, 41. 42. 46. 47, 50-52, 54. 60. Sulinkatte 101, 102. 105. 106. 132. 139 Tiwad 27. 28. -59, 78, 100. 107. 109. 114. 116 Adivaman 14 61. 63. 65, 66. 72-74. 80. 84. 86. 88-92. 95-97. Surra 132 Tivad .58. 59. 88 Afvun 129. 167 99. 101, 104. 105. 131. 132. 135. 139, 140. 142- Sulumahi 40. 44 n. 212 Trqqas / Trqqiz 107 Ailbad 134 144 Sulumittu 40 Tuhalail 40 Agulliri mouutain 119 Ansama Da 27 n. 127. 117 Suwala 95, 119 Tuhtuhaui 28 Ahurhisar 129 Armaruk (see also Ammarik: Jehel Semân) 121 Suwaltyat 30, 45, 51. 52, 55, 84. 93 n. 482, 95. 99, Tuhuwamma 106 ‘Am Ghazal 11. 14 a. 668 102, 114, 121, 132 Tunapi 117 ‘Am Mallaha 13 Arslantepe-Malatya 18. 20, 23 Suwaluna 117 Tuwalail 40 a. 186 Akkad 123 n. 683 Arzawa 107, 116, 145 Tagidu. see Dakidu Ueriyadu 40 a. 186 Aksaray 8 Arziya 86 Tahampiw/pu 40, 41 Ugur 95, 119, 128 Alarahdydk 23, 24, 60, 71, 111 a. 595, 129, 130. Asia Minor 1, 8, 12, 13, 18, 33, 80, 82, 84, 87, 107, Tahang/kulla 40 n. 186 Ulihyantikel 59 135 110, 112, 115. 116, 122-124. 128 Tahattanuiti 56 Uliliyalli 59. 116, 130 Alalah 121. 123 A1ikli Hdvdk 8 TahpiHanu 40. 41. 44 Uliw/pa4u 40 Aleppu 30 a. 146, 121. 133 Albur 106. 107 Tahurpiltanu 97 Ullikummi 157 Alitar HdvOk 20. 21. 24 a. 108. 60 a. 307. 64. 101 Assyria 27 Ta)i)ltara 126 UIza 40. 41 n. 528 [x-A(w)ilralle (see also Tuttul-Alw)iraUe) 123 Takkihau 40 Umbu 119. 127. 128 Amasya 24. 103 a. 540 n. 683 Tameliet 27 Urlui—Ilkalli 119 Amkuwa (see also Ali4ar Hdvuk) 101 a. 528 Bahakdv 22 Tapaihuna 40. 41 Ijlhara. see llhara Ammarik 121 a. 668 Babylon 107 Taparwalu 47. 58 n. 297, 132 n. 767 Ulmu 31 Aiauna mountain 114 Bahyloma 33 Tapiluwa 86 Wahili 40 Anatolia (see also Asia Minor) vu. 1. 4, 5, 7-9, 15, Balarbapkayasi 166. 167 Tappinu (see also Mezzulla) 39 Wahzalu / Wawahlu 40. 41 17 a. 69. 18, 19. 21, 23-28. 33-37, 45, 47. 48, Balibai 24 Tarbanduki 119 Walwaliya 117 52, 53. 57, 59, 61. 67, 70. 74. 79. 80, 82, 83, Balkans 18 Tarhuna/i 27, 30, 31. 47, 58, 93, 107, 138 Wandu 117 87, 92, 93. 95, 97, 100, 103, 105, 107, 108 n. Bapinar 22 Tarhu(wa)nt(a) 47, 58, 90, 93. 99, 107, 108, 115- Waputtalu I Waputet 40, 44 571, 118, 119, 121, 123. 137 n. 806, 138, 147, Beiktepe 23, 167 117, 138, 140. 143 Walezzil(i) I Waiez(z)alu, 39, 41, 42, 50. 55, 61, 150, 151, 153 Beycesultan 21, 22 Taru 27, 47, 50 132 a. 767 Anatolian Plateau 8 Beysamuun 11 Tarwalliya 117 WalkuwattaUi I IJlkuwattalli 51 A(n)galiya 101 Beylehir 129 Talam(m)at 49, 56 a. 292 Wazizzalu I Zizzaliiiu 40 Ankara 24. 25. 63, 129, 167 Bitik 63 Talamet 56 a. 292 Winiyaata 117 Ankuwa 38-41, 54. 86. 88, 98 n. 510. 101, 102, 105, Bitin (bitiahi) 119 Tal’hapuna 140 \Viltal/i 117 140 Black Sea,33. 37. 38. 48. 51 Talimi 56 Wurunkatte 40. 41. 48,50. 104 Anti-Cassius 120 Behça 111 Talimmat 56 n. 292 Wuru)a)lemu / Uruazimu 47. 54 Apala (see also ) 14-5 Bnazkale. Boazkdv 23. 25 220 INDEXES INDEXES 221

Bor 10. 108 n. 568 Euphrates 8. 12. 18-20. 22, 24. 48 a. 238, 120, 121. Hayaa 8Sf. a. 458. 133 Karmel 13 Boston 129 n. 740 124, 133 Hazzi mountain (see also Cassius Moas; Jebel al Kalha 97, 102, 136 Boyali HdyUk 53 n. 270. 99 n. 515 Europe 1, 2 ‘Aqra) 97, 119, 120 KaStama 44-46, 54, 102, 104, 106, 137 Bucak 17 Fasillar 129, 130 HiHalbapa 117 Katapa 24 a. 108, 38, 40 n. 186, 45, 54, 63, 78, 79 Burdur 8 Gâvurkalesi 129. 134 Horoztepe 22. 24 n. 420, 86, 87, 97, 98, 100. 105, 136. 140, 166 Burdur lake 17 Gaziantep 22 Hayilcek 17 Kayalipmnar 98 n. 511, 130 Bursa 23 Gedikli 22 Uubebna (see also Kybistra: Ereh) 28. 48, 73, 86, Kayseri 18 Bdyukkale (in Hattula) 41. 49. 57. 63. 73. 88, 103, Gdbekli Tepe 8. 9, 11-13 117, 140 Kazankaya 166. 167 126, 132, 134, 139, 140 Gdlpiaar 71. 135 Hulla mountain 39, 40 n. 186. 41, 54, 66, 96, 139 Khabur 121. 124 çadir HdyOk 24 n. 108. 60 n. 307. 64 Gordion 22, 167 Hur(ra)ma 30 n. 147, 56, 86, 101 n. 523, 118 Kilisik 14 Cafer Hdyuk 8, 10 GdzlUkule 19 Huseyindede 15, 53 n. 270, 64, 68-70, 99 n. 515 Kilisse Hisar 117 amharman 17 Gre Virike 24 lasos 22 Kmnik-Kastamonu 111 n. 595 çankin 24 Great Mountain 101 Ikiztepe 22 Kinza (see also Kadeb( 86 Cappadocia 18. 33 Hacilar 8, 10, 14, 17, 19, 21 11gm 135 Rib 67 n. 357 Caria 110 Habarwa I Habruwa mountain 102, 105 Ilica 167 Kmzihrmak 22, 33-35. 37, 38. 47 n. 236, 77, 82. 87. Cassius Mons 120 Haitta 139 Illaya 86 95, 103, 104, 133 çatalhovok 8-11, 14, 16, 17 Hakkura 140 imaamkulu 130 Kizlarkayasm (in Hattuba) 132 34 UakmiHa) 103. 144 Iaandmktepe 53 n. 270. 60. 63. 64. 68. 69 Kizzuwatna 33, 35. 67 n. 357. 81. 82. 85 n. 441. ç’avonO Tepesi 8. 10, 11. 13 Halah (see also Aleppo) 48 n. 238, 85. 92. 94 a. Isauria 52 86, 87, 91, 93 n. 484. 99. 105. 107-110. 113. (‘ekerek 167 487. 96-99. 108 n. 571. 118. 121, 122. 129, 132. llhara mountain 123 115. 118. 120-124. 131. 135. 138. 143. 144. 150, cekerek river 24 n. 108, 35, 39, 40 a. 186, 53 137-140 lbhupitta 86 151, 155 n. 270, 79 n. 420. 97, 98 n. 509. 100, 105. 106 Halys (see also Kizthrmak) 33 Iskeaderun Bay 114 n. 613 Konya 8 n.562, 114 Hanhana 53, 65, 70 n. 386, 86, 97. 101 n. 528, 102, Israel 149 Konya Plain 21, 87 Ciliria 19. 22. 110. 11]. 113. 123 136 Iltanuwa 116 Korucutepe 20. 22 orum 24, 69 a. 382 Hanikku (see also Ankuwa) 40 Iluwa 133 Kd5k Hdynk 10. 21 Corycus 111 Hanyeri 122 Izmmr 23. 167 Kulilla 139. 140 Crete 1. 15 110 Jehel al-’Aqra 120 Knliwibna 117, 156 Daha(ya) mountain 27, 56, 140 Uarranaili 140 Jebel Semân 121 n. 668 KOltepe 18. 20, 22, 25, 26, 30-32 Demircihdyuk-Sariket 21-24, 167 Halala river 101 Jerablus-Tahtani 24 Kummaai 33. 81, 92, 93 a. 484. 115, 120, 135, 138 Diyala 67 a. 357 Hasan Da 15 Jcrf al-A.hmar 12 Kummaii(ya) 120. 127 a. 721 Doantepe 103 a. 540 Hasanolan 22 Jericho 10. 11. 14 Eu.aklm 56. 60 a. 307. 64. 71. 118 a. 646 Dorak 23 Halhalanca! HaIhal/tatta 106 Kabakli 69 n. 383 Kutakli Hbydk (near Yozgat) 24 a. 108 Dunna (see also Tynna; Porsuk Hdyuk) 86. 117 Halikalnawaata 101 Kadel 86 Kubbar(a) 30, 37, 48 Durmitta, Durhumit 53, 86, 99, 102, 103 Uakiu(wa) 121 a. 668, 122, 133 Kaklat 54 Kusura 20, 22 Dur-Rimul 67 n. 357 Hatenzuwa 102. 103 Kal(iltabi mountain 119 Kuzina (see also Harran) 110 Ehia 30 n. 116. 66. 121. 123, 124, 126. 128. 153 Hatipler Tepesi (in Acemhdvuk) 26 Kanimamma 46 Kyhistra 28 n. 905. 164, 166 Hatra 133 Rand, Neba (see also KOltepe) 18. 25-34. 37. 42, Laada 86 Ellatun Pinar 130. 134. 135 Hattarina 96. 123. 139 43 n. 207. 45. 48. 51. 58. 66. 123 Lawazaatmya 123 Egypt 15. 33 Hatti 28, 34 n. 170, 37, 38, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 50, Kaplawiya 27 n. 126 Levaat 9-11. 14 E1-Qitâr 164 n. 985 52, 58 n. 297, 78, 80, 83, 84. 86, 87. 91. 92, Karahan Tepe 13 Lihia mouataia 27 El-Wad 13 96 n. 495, 97, 105, 119, 133, 139, 140. 143 Karabna (see also Sulusaray) 60, 100-102, 112, Libziaa 56, 77 Emar (see also Meskeno) 67 n. 357, 123. 124. 125 Uattula (see also Boazkale: Biivukkale: Kizlarka 135 Luhuzattiya 30 a. 147 n. 708, 164 a. 985 vasi: Nitantal: Nitantepe; Sarikale: and Süd Karahdydk 21, 31 Lukka 107 Emar-Siralle 123 cc 688 burg under 2) vii. 2. 23. 25. 27. 29. 30. 33. 34. Rarana / Sehastopolis (see also Sulusaray( 100 Lulna 108 Emirgazi 27 n. 127. 111. 117 37-43, 45. 47, 49. 52, 57-51. 60 a. 307, 63, 64. n. 522 Lycaoaia 28, 52, 113 Ephesus 145 67, 70 a. 386. 71, 72, 74, 78, 82-84. 86-89, 92. Karatat Semaytik 22 Lycia 110, 115 Ereli 28. 49, 117 93. 96-99, 103. 105 n. 556. 107. 110. 115. 118. 122. Karia 22 Lydia 113 Eskitehir 21. 23. 24. 167 124. 126. 129 n. 739. 132, 131. 135-137. 139-141. KackamH 24. 29. 96. 112 Mahmatlar 24 Etivokuu 24 145. 150. 151. 156. 157, 160. 161. 163. 165, 166 Karkar 67 a. 357 MaNE 124 222 INDEXES INDEXES 223

Manuzi mountain 120, 138 Pibid(a) 138 Tarhuntalla 87, 98, 99, 103, 107, 110, 134-136, Ulubat lake 23 Marallanta river Kizihrmak) (see also 47 n. 236, Pilaiia mountain 118, 157 166 Ur 67 n. 357, 121 n. 665, 128 104 Pisidia 111. 113 Tarla (see also Tarsus) 123 Urauna 99 Mardaman 119 n. 655 Pi/nlkurun(uw)a mountain 40, 61. 139 Tarsus 19, 113, 123 Urfa 8, 12, 110 Marl 67 n. 357, 121, 123 n. 688. 128, 163 n. 975 Pitteyarig(a) 118 Talbapuna 103 Uriga 127 n. 721 Ma4at HoyOk 53 270, n. 60 n. 307. 100 n. 522, 134 Polath 24 Ta4la mountain 114 Urkel (see also Tell Mozan) 119, 120 n. 659, 127, Matilla 139 , Pontic 7, 44, 79 n. 420 Tataluna 103 155 n. 919 Mediterranean Sea 111. 116 Porsnk Hdvuk 86. 117 Tatta mountain 137 o. 808 Uruk 94 n. 486 Mersin 22 Pulnr 20 Taunia 98 n. 510, 100. 106. 112, 114. 139 Utrona 104 Merzifon 103 n. 540 Sahiniya river 117 Taurus mountains 8, 14, 113 VezirkoprO 65, 102 Meskene 123 abpina 98 Tawiniya 38, 41, 45, 53, 67, 86, 139 Tabld-Alièe 123 n. 683&688 Mesopotamia 1, 22, 9 n. 13, 18, 20, 29, 48 n. 238, alma 138 Tell Ahmar 24 Yalburt 111, 135 67. 81. 92, 110. 123. 124, 127. 145. 149, 150. amnha 30 n. 147, 81. 82. 87. 91 n. 476. 93 n. 482. Tell Aswad 11 Yalvac 17 152. 162. 163 n. 975 98. 99, 101. 102. 123. 136. 165. 166 Tell Banat 24 Yamhad 30 n. 146. 48 n. 238. 121 Melturuh(a) / Maiturab 106 Samura mountain 119 Tell Chuera 24 Yanarlar 167 Mezraa-Teleilat 16 n. 62 apinuwa (see also Ortakoy) 24 n. 108, 97, 118 Tell Mozan 119. 120 n. 659, 127, 155 n. 919 Yassi Hhyhk 97 n. 501 Mittani 88, 92, 121, 151 n. 651. 126, 134. 138 Tell Hamad 11 Yazilikaya 49 n. 247, 63, 89 n. 464, 91 n. 475, 93- Mudkin-Nidabe 123 n. 688 Sarikale (in Uattula) 25 n. 117. 90 n. 465 Tigris 8. 119 95. 118. 122. 125, 129, 134. 164 Murevbet Ii Sarikaya (in AcemhoyUk( 26 Tippuwa 139. 140 Tortan 22 Nahal Hemar 10. 11 Sarilla (see also Kn4akh) 56. 64. 71. 118 n. 646 Troas 23, 167 Yozgat 21, 24 n. 108. 64, 97 n. 501 Nakiltyat river 27 Sarlaimi mountain 117 Troy 20, 21 Za mountain 101 Namni / Nanni mountain (see also Ant i-Cassius) Sarmam(m)a river 117 Tuh(ulpiya 103 Zagros mountains 119 97. 119. 120 darpa mountain (see also Arisama Dat) 27. 117 Tunanab-Saydar 123 n. 688 Zahalukka 104. 105 NaltarbenneSidnralle 123 n. 688 Scvlax (see also cekerek river) 97 Tuthaliva mountain 27 Zali(ao)u mountain 44. 45. 104 Nawar / Nagar 121 665 n. idarbo 119 Tuttol 123 n. 688 Zalman(a) / Zalmat 138 Nenalia 140 Sinai 81 n. 430 Tuttul-A(w)iraile 127 n. 721 Zalpa 30, 37, 38, 48, 51, 55. 66. 97, 102, 105. 106, Nerik 38. 44.46. 47 n. 236. 261, 51 n. 54.56. 60 n. Sippar 127 Tnwannwa (see also Tyana: Kihsse Hisar) 73. 117. 116. 133 313. 65. 66. 74. 83. 102-107. 91. 135-137. 140. Sivas 64 140 Zapatilkuwa 103 143 Soltanhan 108 n. 568 Tuz lake 26 Zihnuwa 106 Nevali con 8-11, 13 Suluova 103 n. 540 Tyana (see also Kilisse Hisar) 117 Ziplanda 24, 27, 29, 38.41. 44. 46, 54. 56, 63, 64 Nide 10 Solupalli(ya) 99. 126, 138 Tynna (see also Porsuk Hoyuk) 86. 117 n. 338. 67, 72, 74, 80. 91, 100, 101, 105, 118 Nineveh 96. 106. 119. 151 123. Solusaray 100 n. 522 Uda 118 n. 646. 135. 136. 139. 140. 144 Nirhanta 140 Sungorlo 53 n. 270. 61. 99 n. 515 Ugarit 50. 91 n. 471, 92 n. 479. 109. 121. 123 Zithara 46, 85. 98 Ninila 123 Soppitassu 71 n. 683&688, 125, 127. 128, 163 n. 975, 164 Zuliya river (see also çekerelo 24 n. 108, 35. 39. Ni4anta4 (in Hattula) 134, 165 Syria 8. 13, 15, 18, 24, 28, 29, 33, 35, 48 n. 238, 50, n. 985, 166 40, 53 n. 270, 79 n. 420, 97, 98 n. 509&510, Niantepe (in n. Hattula) 111 595 67, 75, 82, 84. 87, 93. 96, 107. 114, 116, 118. 119, Ugarit-Zulude 123 n. 688 100, 105, 106. 114 Nun 67 n. 357 121-123. 127. 128. 149, 150. 153. 155. 157. 163 Olnz HöyOk 103 n. 540 Svro-Palestine 11, 13. 167 Ortakoy 24 n. 108. 97, 126, 134 Tabal 105 C. Personal. NAMES Osmankayasi 166, 167 Tahnrp(a) 86, 88, 97, 131, 139, 140 Oymaaaç (near çorom) 24 Taide 121 Akhenaton 81 Atra(m)hasis 157 Oymaaaç Vezirkoprti) (near 35. 65. 102 Takupla 102. 105 Allaiturah(b)i 150 UaHnlivawiya 155 n. 916 Pakkurunuwa 138 Tall Bi’a 24 Amaninalhu 94 n. InS t3orparanzab 158 Pain 133 Tameninga / Tapinika 101 Ammihatna 93 n. 482 64 n. 339 Palestine 8, 13 Tanipiya 44 Anitta 30, 34 n. 170. 37, 48, 90 Uantili II 44, 46 Pamphylia 87. 110 Tapala mountain 101 Anna 27 n. 126 Hattulili I 33, 37, 38. 49, 88, 121 n. 668. 122 Panaztepe 23. 167 Tapathina 138 Appu 155 HattuHli III 47 n. 236. 61. 81. 83. 54. 91. 92. 93 Paphlagonia 37 Tapikka (see also Malat HSynk) 53 n. 270. 100 n. Alertu 157 n. 484, 97. 102-105. 136. 140. 144. 149. 164 Peyniryemez 64 522, 134 Almunikkal 128. 165 Helmi-Te4lub 94 n. 455 224 INDEXES INDEXES 225

Huqqana 88 n. 458. 114 n. 610 Pittei 146 n. 851 Assyrian Colony period 18, 25-32, 34. 37, 42 n. 198, chthonic deities (see also primeval gods) 40 n. 189. Fluzziva (‘0’) 33 Puduhepa 92. 93 n. 484, 138, 144. 149 45. 48. 58. 61. 66, 98 n. .511, 100 n. 522. 103 47. 49, 50, 54. 63, 86, 95, 109, 110, 113, 124. Idrimi 123 PU-arruma 33 n. 167 n. 537. 113 125, 128, 143, 155, 157 Ini-Tel4ub 94 n. 485 Sattiwaza 88 Assyrians 27 rist grave(s), see burial(s) Kabi-Dagan 94 n. 485 Sunallura 85 oãuáo gate 63, 132 city-state(s) 18, 28, 34, 42, 48 a. 238 Kantuzzili (father of Tuta1iya I) 81 Auppiluliuma 1 33, 82, 83, 85, 87, 88, 91 a. 476, athletic contests 68, 71, 73 clouds 80, 86 Kantozzili (brother of Tuthaliya III) 89, 144 93 n. 484, 96, 112, 113, 120 n. 663, 139, 165, attributes of gods 24, 28, 57, 60-62, 80, 94 n. 487, Common Anatolian 18 KeS4e 157 166 103, 118, 119, 122, 128 communication (between humans and gods) 63, Kurunta 135, 166 Suppiluliuma II 134, 160, 165 augur(s) 147, 151 141, 144, 148, 152, 161 Kuwattalla 109 n. 581 Taduhepa 85, 95 augury, see oracle(s) contamination, see impurity Labarna 33 Taprammi 111 n, 595 Babylonian (culture. etr.; see also Mesopotamian) cosmos, cosmic order 2, 89, 92 n. 479, 144 Lugalzagesi 48 n. 238 Telipinu 37 n. 177. 64 n. 339 1, 66, 89. 106, 121, 122, 127, 142 n. 830, 143, cremation 22-23. 159, 161, 162. 167 Matkali-Dagan 94 n. 485 Tiladal 120 n. 659 145. 150, 151. 154, 160 cruciform seal 33 n. 167 Moses 81 Tukulci-Ninurta 1107 n. 564 bear(s) 13. 15. 16. 42. 68 cult 2-5. 15. 21. 23. 25. 28. 29. 33. 35, 36. 38. 39. Murlili II 70 n. 386. 82. 83. 87. 88. 90. 91. 93. 98. Tuthaliya I (non-existent, allegedly a predecessor beroming a god (see also death) 161. 163 40 n. 188. 43. 45. 46. 48-50, 52. 53, 55-62. 140. 143. 149. 155 n. 918. 165 of Hactulili I( 33 a. 167 bed chamber 29 65-74. 80-83, 86-88. 92, 93. 96-108, 110. 112- Mur4jli lIl/Urhi-Tellub 87. 90, 91. 129 n. 738& 739 Tuthaliva I (son of Kantuzzili) 81. 85 n. 141. 88 bee 155 116. 118-142, 151. 161-166: ancestor c. 2. 10- Mowattalli I 81 Tuthaliya III 82. 83. 85, 88. 89. 91 n. 476, 95. 97, binding and release 75-76. 78. 79, 154-156 12. 14. 15, 18. 19. 23. 24. 49. 134-137. 161- Muwattalb II 44. 87. 90, 91 n. 476. 13. 96. 98. 99. 99. 120 n. 663. 134. 138. 144 boar(s) 12. 15. 42, 61 166; deer c. 60-61; domestic c. 21, 22, 37. 11. 101-104. 134. 135, 143. 144. 166 Tnchaliva IV 83, 84. 90. 91. 102, 104, 106, 107 bread (as a purifying agent) 154 51, 52, 54. 55, 59. 62. 115. 133; c. drania 68; Naram-Sin 26 n. 561, 111. 112 n. 599, 129 n. 740, 132.136, breasts 15. 16 dynastic c. 35. 82, 93-97. 118. 119, 121, 138; Nikkalmadi 128 139-111. 144, 164-166 Bronze Age 1. 94 a. 487 economy of c. 135-136; c. journey 59, 60, 66. Panuni 114 Tuthaliya (one of the kings) 129 n. 740. 166 n. 994 bull(s) 12, 15-17, 23. 32, 60, 61, 64, 65 a. 342, 67 71, 97, 105, 139, 140; c. language 36; local c. PaIkuwatti 116 Uhhaziti 145 a. 357, 69-71. 73, 94. 97, 101 a. 528, 108, 119. 83, 96-108, 113, 114, 116, 119, 122, 133, 135, Pihaziti 94 n. 485 WarIama 26 120, 121 n. 668, 122, 129, 136, 141. 143; ‘song 136, 138; c. personnel (see also priest(s); priest Pimpira/Pimpirit 33 n. 167 Wattiti 109 n, 580 of the bulls’ 60 n. 313 ess(es)) 59, 65-68, 75, 130, 131, 134-137, 151, Pithana 30, 37, 48 Zarpiya 113 n. 608 bull-leaping 15, 70 165, 166; c. singing and music 42, 43, 46 a. 227, bull-men 95 60 n. 313, 68, 69, 73, 131; skull c. (see also bull’s head(s) (see also rhyta) 14-16, 61 skull(s)) 10-11, 13; c. staff(s) 24; state c. 34, 2. TOPICS burial(s) (sec also cemeteries; creiaatton; in 35. 38. 39, 44-48. 50. 51. 60. 66. 67. 70-72. humation; ritual(s)) 2. 9. 10. 12. 15. 22. 23. 82-84. 94. 99-101. 118. 123. 126, 133. 139-141; obi-pits. see pit(s) aniconic (cult ohject( 46,57-58. 60-62. 103, 112, 167: animal h. 24, 167: cist b. 22. 167: intra stela c. 13. 14, 19-21. 61-62. 102. 106. 107. 129, acrobats 68-70 113. 130 mural h. 9. 10, 19. 22: secondary b. 9, 10; 135, 139; c. vessel(s) (see also anthropomor adytum 60. 62. 63. 65. 68. 69. 128 animal burials, see burial(s) vessel b. 22, 167 phic; rhyta; vessel; zoomorphic) 15. 19-21. 60. aedicula composition 89-90 animals of gods 3 1-32. 42. 57. 60. 70. 73. 94. 111. bui’ial gifts 9. 17. 19, 22. 23 61. 63. 64, 65 a. 342. 68-70. 111 a. 593. 129. Aegean 22. 33. 70 112. 119. 120 burial rites. see ritual(s) 130. 134, 141 aegis 57 n. 296 1 burnt-offerings, see offerings dohoiigo 136 afterlife, see eschatology oooori, inooto (see also Annari, Annarumenzi; calendar 70. 72. 136, 138, 140, 141. 146 dance, dancers 68, 69, 73 Akkadian 37 n. 177. 112, 151, 157, 160 Innara. Inoarawantel under lA) 84, 96 Cappadocian (idols, tablets, etc.) 19. 22. 26, 27, 31. ‘dark earth’ 76 altar(s) 11, 20, 21, 62, 69, 111. 129 anthropomorphic (gods, vessels, etc.) 2. 5, 21, 60, 61 32, 42, 57 (Propitious) Day (see also Izziltanu; Siwat under amphictyony 24 n. 108, 100, 135 anthropomorphization 1, 2, 14 carrier (of impurity) 75, 79, 153 lA) 40, 44, 46, 49, 50, 133, 159 amulets 18. 22 appeasement 1. 74, 144, 155, 156, 158. 159 cemeteries 19, 22-24, 166-167 death 15, 16, 19, 23, 49, 146, 154, 155, 158-159, Anatolians 27 archaeology of religion 7 Chalcolithic 2. 7. 12, 17-24 161-164, 166 ancestor(s) 9, 19, 51. 87, 162-164 archers 68 chamber tomb(s), see tomb(s) deer (see also stag) 15, 16, 23, 32, 60-61, 139 ancestor cult, see cult orbit war, see prayer(s) charms, see incantations demon, demonic 78, 113, 116 Ancient Near East 1, 2, 9, 16. 33. 48. 62. 63. 71. Assembly of Gods (see also ‘great assembly’; Storm- Chooshomp[ 92 divination 74, 144-146, 148. 151 74. 81. 91. 120 god of the Assembly under storm-god(s)) 143 childbirth (see also birth rituals under ritual(s): divine ancestors, see primeval deities AN.DAH.UM plant (see also festival(s)) 61. 138. Assyrian (culture. etc.) 25-29. 30 n. 147. 51. 53 a. pregnancy) 15. 16. 110. 115. 121. 125. diviner 126. 145, 147. 148. 151. 155 139 270. 106. 107 a. 564. 116. 146. 151 151 divinity (concept. essence of) 59. 62, 80-81 226 INDEXES INDEXES 227

huwo4i (see also stela cult under cult) 41, 61-63, do ut des principle 1. 74. 144 67: f. of Tuhtuhani 29; ‘old men’ f. 137; pedo/so (stone) heads 13 65 342. 71, 73, 74. 94 n. 484, 101, 102, 106, domestic cult, see cult f. 137; purulli(yo) f. 74, 104, 136-137; raking headlessness 9. 11, 12, 15 n. Kuzanal 107, 130, 132, 136, 139 dough (as a purifying agent) 154 f. 137: regular f. 70. 74, 137; rhyton f. 137; hearth(-goddess) (see also Haiauwanza; 247, 51, 58. hymn(s) 2. 81. 89. 108, 137, 142, 143 dream(s) 62. 147-149. 154 sacred SANGA-priest f. 137; lotloHo f. 137; iiu under lA) 39. 43, 44, 49 n. idol(s) 2. 17. 21-22 dream-book 148 n. 866 ‘setting np figurines’ f. 137 n. 808; spring f. 70- 62-63, 77. 114, 133, 145 impurity 74, 75. 109, 130. 152-155, 164. 165 dynastic pantheon, see pantheon(s) 71, 137. 138. 140: stag f. 137; thunder f. 137; he/cur 134. 165. 166 period) 107, incantation(s) 3, 74-76, 77 n. 413, 78 n. 420, 79, Eagle, holy eagle(s) 98 thunder and Moon f. 39 n. 182; upoti-men f. (see also Seleucid 114, 123 n. 683&688, 127 n. 721, eagle(’s wing) 76, 77 137; winter f. 29; year f. 137 111, 113 88, 108, 109, 150, 151, 153, 154; mythologi Early Bronze Age 12, 17. 18-24 fetishism 1 henotheism 81 141-143, 148, 70 cal i. 3, 75, 76, 109, 141, 152-154, 159; ‘spell Earth (see also Mother Earth) 51, 101 figurine(s) (incuding cult figures of gods) 2, 11, 16- helto-house 40 n. 189, 49, 50, 54, 63, n. 386, 115, 124, 132, 136 n. 799, 139 of the fire’ 114 Earth Heaven (see also Yahiul — litarazzil under 18. 20-22, 60, 62, 64. 68, 69, 78, 79, 104. 111, (pre-)Indo- European (ci ymology, heritage, sub lA) 86, 95, 96. 118. 119, 141 115. 121 n. 668, 122. 129. 130, 137 n. 808, 153. hierodula 151 142 Empire period vii, 4, 5, 23. 27 n. 126. 33. 36-39. 155 Hittite (language) 37, 42. 43. 59, 84, 90, 125. 145, strate. etc.) 27, 37. 59. 107, 108, n. 826, 41. 44, 45. 48. 49. 51. 52. 55. 57-60. 63. 65. fire)s) 114. 145. 153 146. 160 163 n. 977 7. 21. Indo-Europeans 18 70.73. 75, 76, 79-84, 87-89, 90 n. 464. 91 forest or grove )as a cult place) 55. 61, 77. 97. 101. Hittite (culture, religion. etc.) vii. 2-5, 19, oracle(s) 476, 92. 94 n. 484. 96. 101. 103. 108 n. 571. 139. 140 23-25. 27-39, 40 n. 186& 191. 41, 43-49, 52.57- incubation, see 167 115, 116. 124 n. 700. 127. 128. 129 n. 739. 130. fox(es) 12. 15. 158 59, 63. 66. 67. 70-72, 74. 76. 79-82. 85. 87. 89- inhumation 23, 159. Israelites 81. 167 131. 132 n. 772. 133-135. 137. 138. 142. 145. funerai’y rituahs. see ritual(s) 93. 95-97. 98 n. 511. 99-101. 103. 107. 108. 133 119, 150, 152, 154, 157, 159, 163. 166 funerary feast(s) 9. 162 ito, 112, 113, 115. 116, 118, 122-128, 130, ‘just tongue’ 482, 94. 97. 99. 102, H8. 119, enthronement and anointing (of a new king) 88 garden 115, 139 133-135, 137 n. 806, 138, 141 n. 820&823, 142, ho/i ti-lists 93 n. 95, enthusiast 149 gazellets) 12 143, 145, 147, 149, 155 n. 917, 156-158, 160, 122, 127, 128 eschatology 2. 23, 158-163. 167 ghost 159, 161-164 162, 163, 166 Kanesite deities, see pantheon(s) 58, kãrum 25-26, 30, 31, 42 Etruscans 148 glyptic iconography (see also royal seals) 3 1-32, 42, Hittites 19, 30, 33, 34, 37, 42, 52, 53, 55, 56, Kaika. Kaikeans 44, 74, 82. 83, 85 n. 441. 99. 102. eunuchs 109 57, 83. 89-91. 94, 111 n. 595, 129 59. 70, 77, 87, 93, 120. 125, 126, 132, 141, 145- 103, 135 evocation, see ritual(s) goat(s). iaountain gnat(s) 15. 31, 32, 57, 60. 153 147, 151, 155, 156, 158-160 80, 83, 87, EASEAL.KUE 134 n. 779. 160 excarnation 9 Goddess of the Night (see also below. Venus: and holy cities 2. 24, 38. 42, 44. 65. 72. 74, see oracle(s) extispicy. see oracle(s) Pirengir under lA) 99. 131 91. 96. 102. 135 KIN. lists (see also ancestor cult under cult) 163 fate goddesses 49. 50. 54. 59. 77. 78, 109. 125. 156. Graeco.Roman antiquity 1 ‘holy places’ 40 n. 189. 49 n. 247, 62. 69. 71 king kingship deities 30 n. 146. 46-48 158 Grain-goddess (see also Halki; Kait: Nisaha under horse(s) 28. 108. 114. 127 kingship ideology. see royal ideology Fears —Terrors 127 lA) 29. 51. 54. 117, 127 ‘hot stones’ 122 I.’ipihbi/ulths)s) 40 n. 186, 45 Fertile Crescent 8 grave goods. see burial gifts House of the Divine Stars (in Ebla and Ugarit) (milieu, culture, etc.) vu, 35, 82, 84, fertility deities 46, 53, 54. 108, 116, 117, 127. 156 grave stela 114, 167 166 Kizzuwatnean 124, 138, 150-152, 154. 161 festiva((s) 3, 39, 42. 45. 59, 60, 62, 65, 68, 70-72. ‘great assembly’ 73 House (Palace) of the Grandfathers 166 93. 94, 139, 140 hupti 95 74. 82, 84, 85. 101, 104-106, 135-142, 151; Great House (Great Temple, Temple I) 52, 83, 115, house of the intendant (in Uattuia) 61, 73, 85, 103, 112, 113, 130, AMA.DINGIE-priestesses f. 137; AN.DAH.EUM 132-133 House of the huGo 41, 57, 63, 73, 103, 132 hunG 41, 46, 57-58, 132, 139, 156 f. 61. 70 n. 386, 72. 100, 102, 139-141; dohiyo Great Sea (see also Sea) 86. 114 hulugonru 48, 67 the Palace 40, 41, 45, 56, 106, 119 f. 137: fafl f. 70-71, 137. 138, 140; fruit f. 137 Great Sun 77, 79 hunter-gatherer societies $ Lady of LAMMA god(s) 32, 45, 46. 57. 58, 84, 85, 96. 98. n. 808; great f. 70. 72. 139: great f. in Uanhana Greeks. Greek 1. 59, 98 n .510. 111, 113, 115 hunt 15, 16. 111, 112 107. 110-114, HG. 117. 132, 139. 165. 70 n. 386. 101 n. 528. 102. 136: great f. in guild divinities 132 hunting bag 57 100-104. Ziplanda 29. 72. 74: horpivo f. 104: hiluico f. Hahhima 78 hunting god(s) 32. 111-112 166 of the King (see also 137. 138: hiyorro f. 137: KI.LAM f. 39. 40 n. 22 Hurrian (language) 118. 125 LAMMA.LUGAL/Stag-god under lA) 96. 111 n. 595 186&187. 41-43. 49. 51. 52. 57. 61. 63. 66. 67 huiuru,n 28. 124 Hurrian (culture. beliefs. etc.) 4, 35, 45, 52. .55. 73. Kattelikamamma 101, 102. 106- land donation act(s) 63. 64. 165 n. 358. 68. 70. 72-73. 141: lot f. 137: month f. Haitian (language) 34. 37 n. 176. 43. 47. 49 n. 246. 80, 82. 84-86. 89. 90. 92-96. 99. Cedars 92. 96 45, SOf. n. 260, 70, 105, 137; New Year f. 94 50, 66, 96, 142 HO, H5-129, 133, 137, 138, 142 n. 830, 143, Land of the /ocotio 71 n. 486, 136; nunton-iyolhal f’. 70 n. 386, 72, Hattian (culture, beliefs, etc.) 24. 27, 28, 34-38, 39 147, 150.152, 154-158 109, H5, 118. leopard(s) 13, 15-17, 23, 61. 68, 94; 1. skin 15 97. 140-141; f. of Anna 28. 29; f. of Harihari n. 183. 40, 43, 44, 46 n. 227, 47-50, 52-54, 56, Hurrianization 93, 93f. n. 484, 105, n. 59, 16, 17, 42 29; f. of Nipai 29; f. of Parka 29; f. of Tatta 57 n. 291, 58, 59. 67, 75. 76, 79, 82. 95-97, 103, 121, 150 121. 124-127, hbation 61, 69, 71, 111 n. 595, 129 n. 740. 141, 137 n. 808; f. of Tenu 137 n. 808: f. of Teiiub 105-107, 110, 112, 114. 124 n. 700, 133. 136 Hurrians 35, 82, 93, 96, 118, 119, in Sulupaiii and Sapinuwa 138; f. of Teteihapi Hattians 34, 37, 43, 54. 96 142, 146, 147, 150, 152. 155, 158 167 228 INDExES INDEXES 229

limO lists 26 79, 86, 94-97, 99, 102, 104, 105, 114, 117-120, 67, 70-75, 77, 78, 79 n. 420, 81-83, 85, 88.90, 114: p. of Tuwanuwa 117; p. of Uda 118; p. of lion(s) 12, 22, 32, 42. 60, 61, 129 121 n. 668. 122, 123, 129, 139, 140 94 n. 484, 96. 102. 105. 109. 110. 115. 116. 122, Urkel 120 n. 659; p. of Tamhad 121; p. of lion’s head(s) 61 mountain- and steppe-dwellers gods 86 128. 129. 132-136. 141. 142. 145. 153. 156. 160 Zalpa 105-106: p. of Zithara 98: Palaic p. 36. liver models (see also hepatoscopy under oracle(s)) mugo I omugeáãor, see prayer(s): rituals of en- n. 953, 163 37, 58-59, 114: state p. 4. 35-39, 41. 44-46, 50. 143. 146 treaty Old Woman 75. 78. 109. 115. 145. 148, 151. 154, 52. 54. 55, 57. 62, 82-87, 90. 91. 93f. n. 484. love goddess(es) 56. 122, 123 mural(s) 9, 11. 14-16, 20 155 99, 100, 112. 117, 121, 123, 126, 132. 133, 135. lower gods. see primeval gods music, see cult omen(s) 71, 144-147, 149. 154, 164 143: West Semitic p. 120 Lower Land 27 n. 126. 82, 87, 108, 116, 133 musicians 68, 69, 131 open air cult place 61, 68. 73, 134, 139 pars pco toto principle 153 lulimou- 112 mnumeattolli, see storm-god(s) oracle(s) 127, 147. 149. 154, 158, 165; augury 145. passage, see ritual(s) lunar crescent 61, 110 My Sun (royal title) 89f. n. 464, 90 147-148: extispict 146-148: hepatoseopy 147. ‘path’ (for evoking gods) 155 Luwian (language) 84. 135. 59. 141 Mycenaean world 1 148: JIURRI-bird o. 148: incubation 149: KIN potcuio 28 Luwian (culture, beliefs, 27. etc.) 4, 28. 34-38. 40 myths, mythologems 3. 36. 43. 48, 49. 55, 74-78. o. 145. 148: ‘sheep’ o. 147: snake o. 148 personal deity 81, 91-93. 99, 103, 143. 149, 164- n. 191. 43, 44, 47. 50, 52. 57-59, 75. 76. 78-80. 92, 105. 106. 108. 114. 115, 121, 124, 126. 127. oracular inquiry (see also divination) 145. 147. 148 166 84-86, 93, 95, 96. 98-101, 105-113, 116. 124- 137, 150. 154-158, 160: Appu and his Two Sons order (see also Mul(u)ni under lA) 80, 128 personification (of deities) 1, 43, 78, 103. 112, 130 126, 129, 133, 137. 138, 141, 142 n. 827, 150, 158; Atra(m)hasis 157: Destruction of Lthzina orphan king 90 Phoenician 113 153, 156, 160, 164 n. 984 77; Ea and the Beast 157 n. 935: Elkunirla outline tablets 72, 140. 141 piholèoèèi, see storm-god(s) Luwianization 114 and Alertu 157; Gilgamel 157, 160 n. 956: pair / multiplication of deities (in cult) 94. 116. 118, pillar(s) 12, 19. 62 Luwians 19. 27 n. 126. 31. 34. 37. 43, 52. 58, 78. Gurparanzah 158: Illuyanka 137: lltar’s De 119. 122, 125, 126. 128 pits (as means of contact with the netherworld) 82. 100. 107. 109. 110, 115. 150 scent 160 n. 956: KeUe 157: Kumarhi cycle 92. palace(s) 20. 25, 26. 50. 53 n. 270. 57. 59. 64. 68. 155 Lycian (language) 107. 113 114, 127. 156-157: Moon that Fe0 from Heaven 71. 74. 76. 77, 99 n. 515. 115. 124, 132. 135, plague gods 86. 98 n. 508. 107. 113 magic (see also magical ciruals under ritual(s)) 43 n. 210. 77: au1ka and Mt. Pilaila 157: 136. 140. 155 n. 919 political theology. see religious policies 1-3. 9. 15, 17. 22, 33, 36. 66. 67, 74-76. 78-80. Song of Release 157: Sun-god and the Cow Palaians 19. 31, 37, 38. 52, 58 polytheism 1, 2. 5 115, 123, 125. 130. 141, 142, 145, 148-156. 159, 158; Sun-goddess builds her palace in Lihzina Palaic (language) 59 pond 63, 71, 130. 134, 135 162, 164: analogic m. 74, 152-154; 75, black 77; Three Ammamas 105-106: vanishing god Palaic (hehefs, etc.) 36. 37, 47, 58, 59, 78 n. 420, popular religion 34, 110, 115. 116 m. (see also sorcery) 153-154; hunting m. 15, at 43, 76-78, 114, 155-156 88, 114, 116 prayer(s) 2, 44, 74, 81, 87, 89-91. 96, 101, 109, 141- 68: protective m. 16, word 76: m. 126 naked goddess 16, 63 pantheon(s) 2. 25. 26. 30. 31. 36. 51. 53, 56. 58. 144, 148, 149. 155 n. 916. 158: orkuic’oc (royal man-bird 13 nature goddess(es) 31-32. 42. 53. 57 n. 293. 59. 60. 71. 8)). 82. 85-87. 91-94, 96-102. 104-108, 112. p.) 142-144: omugouor 142 masks 11 97 115-124. 126, 127 n. 722. 132. 133. 135. 138., pregnancy 110 meadow (of the netherworld) 159-163 negative confession 81. 144 143, 157. 163’.Assyrian p. 27: dynastic p. 62, pre-Neolithic tradition 2. 9 megaron 20, 22 Neolithic (see also Pre-Pottery Neolithic) 1, 7-18. 85. 91-95. 97, 116. 122. 128: Hurrian p. 120, Pre-Pottecy Neolithic 8-11. 13, 14, 16 MELQETU lists 72 21 121, 123. 124; Hurrian-Kizzuwatnean p. 92-95, priest(s) 2, 23, 24. 39, 59. 65, 67, 66, 72. 91, 130, Mesopotamian (culture. etc.) 20, 22, 25, 27 n. 130. Neolithization 8 1. 118-120. 122, 136; Kanesite p. 27-31. 36, 37, 131, 135, 137. 142. 144, 149, 155, 161: ‘cup 29. 31, 35, 36, 56. 75, 78. 80-82, 86, 88. 89, Nesite 30, 37 50. 52, 53. 55, 58, 59, 107, 114-116, 133: local bearer’ 68, 75, 131: GUDU12 66, 67. 131: homm 92, 94 ii. 486, 96. 108, 113, 120, 124-127. 112, Nesites (see also Hittites) 37, 42 201 n. p. 4. 5. 18, 19. 32. 34-36. 36. 40 n. 186. 42. 47, 00 67: incantation p. 151. 155. 161: komnrom 143. 145-147. 149. 151, 153. 156. 162 netherworld 2. 49. 86. 109. 113, 114. 124-127. 134 52-54. 62. 83. 86. 67, 93, 95-102. 104-108, 112. 66: Man of the Storm-god 67. 68. 75. 151: Man midwife goddesses 50. 109, 115. 125, 126 n. 779. 155. 156. 159-163. 166 115-118, 121 n, 668: Luwian p. 107, 108: p. of of Zilipuri 68, 75: SANGA 65-66. 131. 137: midwives 151 now dynasty vii. 5. 30. 33. 35, 48. 49. 81. 82. 84. Alalab 121-123: p. of Ankuwa 101-102: p. of tozzcli 67 mistress of (wild) life (see also nature goddess(es)) 85, 88. 92. 122, 136, 150 Arinna 54, 66. 96-97: p. of Arzawa 116: p. of priestess(es) 67. 68, 93 n. 484, 131. 151, 161: 16-17, 53, 84 Night (see also Ilpant: llpanzalopa under lA) 133 Dunna 117; p. of Durmitta 99: p. of Ebla 30 olhuitro 131; ommomo 131; howoHonno0o/i Mmttanian 151 northern territories 34. 44, 55, 56. 66, 77, 82-84, n. 146: p. of Emar 123: p. of Salab 122; p. of 131; iãhorolli 131. 161; kotro/i 131; Lady of Moon(-god) (see also Arma; Kalku; Kululi; Sangar: 91, 97, 101. 103, 106, 136. 141 Sanbano 102: p. of 1-lailuwa 121 n. 668: p. of the God (ERES.DINGIR) 66-67, 72. 73, 140: Sin under lA) 27. 39, 40, 43. 44, 51, 52. 85, oaths, oath deities 28. 85. 56. 108. 124. 127. 128 Hatto4a 30, 37. 38. 41. 42. 44. 47. 82. 96. 98: Mother of the Deity (AMADINGIR) 66, 131. 86. 94 n. 485. 99. 101, 102. 107. 110. 118-120. offerings 39. 45. 46. 17 n. 236. 51. 52. 56. 69-71. 78. p. of Huhelna 117: p. of Uurma 118: p. of 137: SANG\ 65 n. 347, 66. 131: Woiaan of the 124. 127, 128, 133. 146 81. 55. 66. 55. 89. 99. 100-102. 104, 106. 111 Iltanuwa 116-117: p. of Karahna 100-101. 112: Storm-god 68 Mother Earth (see also Earthi 51 n. 593. 11-5. 116, 128. 132 n. 767. 133. 136. 140. p. of Karkamil 112: p. of Katapa 98: p. of priestly dress (of a king) 89 n. 464. 90 mother goddess(es) 17 iv 69, 22, 109, 119, 125, 126, 141, 155. 159, 161-164: burnt-offei-ings 105 Kuliwilna 117: p. of Kummani 115, 138: p. of primeval gods 470.236,46,86, 101, 117. 119, 125- 154-156 offering table 62, 69, 70 Maci 128: p. of Mittani 121; p. of Nerik 104- 127 mouldings 14, 16 Old Hittite period 4, 15, 25 n. 117, 28-30, 33, 34, 105; p. of Samuha 98-99; p. of Sapinuwa 97: procession(s) 42, 60. 68-71, 73. 93 n. 463. 94, 95, mountain(-god)s 27. 39-41. 44. 48. 54-56. 61, 77, 36-38. 44, 46, 49, 51, 52. 55-57, 59, 60, 62-64. p. of Tahorpa 97; p. of Taurila 100. 106. 112. 118. 122. 125. 129 ¶

228 INDExES INDExEs 231

limü lists sacrifice(s) (see also offerings) 2, 3, 11, 14, 21, 24, statuette, see figurine(s) substitute(s) 153-155, 159, 163 lion(s) 13 ‘? ‘is under 41, 42, 47 n. 236, 62, 68-71, 73, 74, 77, 78, 143, stela, see stela cult under cult substitute king 146, 154 lion’s h’ ‘d 164 159 Stone House, see tomb(s) substitution 75, 79, 109 n. 581, 146, 154, 155, liver 9,,9-” ulara; sanctuary p •,, 11-13, 19, 61-63, 65 n. 342, 71, 73. 93, storage vessel 69, 70, 130, 137 t62 86, 94. 97. 101, 104, 124. 129, 132-136. 138-140. storm-god(s) 15. 27, 29-32, 36, 40 n. 185. 42, 45- substrate(s) 27. 28, 34. 38. 107. 119. 126 lo’ 162. 166 47. 48 n. 238. 51-56. 58. 60, 61. 64. 67, 69, 71, Surloreo/ (in Battula) 132 a. 771 scapegoat (see also carrier) 79. 153 73, 76-79. 82, 84. 86. 92.94. 101-108. 114, 116- Sfidburg (in Battuia( 134. 160 dl. 93-95, 111 scepters 62 118. 120-123, 129, 130, 132. 135-145. 149, 156. ugorrid’uoi 28 34 scorpion(s) 12 166: Storm-god oriyuddall( 108: Storm-god Sumerian 122. 126, 128 sessel(s) Sea (see also Great Sea; toroiono sea) 48. 117 dupattouolli 108; Storm-god muwattolli 92-93, Sumerians 160 - - o. 34, 35. 39, 62, 82, 86, 96, 138 secondary burial, see burial(s) 98, 108, 140, 145; Storm-god of Arinna 54, 65 sun-god(s) (see also litanu; ama4; Simige; Tiyad: ..i1ence(s) (see also palace(s)) 18, 63, seer, see diviner a. 347. 66. 87, 96, 139; Storm-god of Armaruk Tiwad under lA) 27, 28, 30 n. 148, 31, 52, 54, .4, 68 Seleucid period 94 n. 486 121 a. 668: Storm-god of the Assembly 106 a. 58, 59, 79, 88-90, 94 n. 485, 98 n. 510, 100- also rhyton (see cult: vessel: zoamarphic vessels) serpent(s) 12 559: Storm-god of Aiiur 106, 107: Storm-god t02, 105 n. 556, 107-109, 114-119, 122, 127, 61. 111 a. 593. 129 n. 740. 130 sheep 57. 71. 101 n. 528. 114. 136, 141. 147. 158. of the Camp 96-98. 101: Storm-god of the 141, 142, 156. 158: Sun-god of Heaven 78. 86, 3. 7. 9 u. 22. ritual(s) 14. 36. 43. 61. 75. 76. 78. 165 Cloud 107: Storm-god of the Countryside 55: 88-90, 95. 99. 127. 143 79. 84 u. 436, 86. 89, 94 n. 486. 99 n. 514, 103. shepherd goddess 43 Storm-god of Durmitta 99: storm-god(s) of the sun-goddess(es) 47. 50, 51. 54. 59. 61, 77. 78. 102, 108-110. 113-116. 125. 126. 128. 130. 139-142. shrine)s) 2. 14. 15. 20-22. 24. 27, 58. 62. 63. 132 forest! grove 55, 96-97. 100. 106: Storm-god of 109. 114. 124. 125, 135. 139.. 112. 143. 1-55. 159. 115. 146. 149-156. 158-165, 167: Akkadian r. n. 771, 140 the Gate 101; Storm-god of the Great Hoose 162f.; s.-g. epithets (see also Tahurpiltanu: 151; birth r. 110, 150 a. 880, 151, 156, 160 a. silver (as a purifying agent) 152 52. 115. 132, 133, 141: Storm-god of Growth Wuru(n)iemu under lA) 54: Sun-goddess of evacatioa 953: r. 93 a. 482. 113, 116, 126, 155; ‘silver trees’ 41. 63 107; Storm-gad of Halab ! Aleppo 48 n. 238, 92, Arinna (see also Arinnit(i!u): Ritan; Wuru(n) fauadatiaa r. 75, 76: (royal) fnaerary (burial) simiho similibus principle 153 94 a. 487. 96-99, 108 a. 571, 118, 121, 122, iemu under lA) 29, 39, 40 n. 186, 41, 42, 44- r. 8, 9. 15, 22-24, 159. 161-164, 167: itlcalzi r. sin 81, 143. 144 129, 132, 137-140; Storm-god of Haihalanta 47, 49, 50-52, 54, 60, 61, 63, 65 a. 347, 66, 72. 85, 91 n. 89. 476, 95: Kizzuwatna r. 150; af singer(s) 30, 42, 43 n, 207, 46 n. 227, 68. 131, 151 106; Storm-god of Hatti (see also Taparwaiu: 77. 84-86, 88-92, 95-101. 104, 105, 132, 139, eatreaty 77. 142. 155. 156: uf passage 153: singing. see cult Tarhuna!i: Tarhu(wa)at(a): Taru: Teiiub un 140, 112-144: Sun-goddess of the Earth 47 magical r. 3. 18. 46. 66. 67. 74-76. 109. 113- Siul-luin,nil 3)) der lA) 39, 41. 42, 44-47. 55. 58 a. 297, 61, n. 236. 50. 79. 86. 98. 100-102, 105-107. 109. 116. 126. 141. 142. 145, 149. 150-155, 164: skull(s) 9. 10-12. 14-16 63. 72. 73. 77. 8-1. 85. 88, 90. 91. 94 n. 484. 114. 124. 125. 139. 112. 113. 155. 159. 162- rnoato//i r. 164: meteorological r. 71. 77, 145: skull cult, see colt 96-100. 105. 132 a. 767. 139, 143. 149: Storm- 163: Sun-goddess of Kakiat 51: Sun-goddess purificatory r. 75. 78. 85, 105 n. 556. 141, 152- Skull House 10. 11 god of the Head 29. 32: Storm-god of Heaven of Zihnuwa 106 154, 164. 165; substitute king r. 146. 154. 159; ‘small place’ 133 30, 54, 60. 86, 90, 98 n. 510, 101, 102, 104, Syrian (culture. etc.) 12, 20, 29, 31, 35, 36. 51 substitution r. 154-155, 162: Allaiturah(h)i r. solar disc 61, 89, 90, 119, 130 105; Storm-god of Help 108: Storm-god ofHii n. 263, 56, 70. 75, 78. 80, 82, 88, 92. 94, 96, 150; Ammihatna r. 93 n. 482; Anna r. 27 a. sorcery 74, 152-154 iaihapa 117; Storm-god of Burma 118; Storm- 106, 109, 110, 116, 119-121, 123, 125, 126. 127 126: Kuwattafla r. 109 a. 581: Paikuwatti r. soul 158-162, 167 god of Karahna 100; Storm-god of Kuliwiina n. 722, 149, 156. 164. 166 116, 130: Pittei r. 146 n. 851: Wattiti r. 109 a, soul’s journey 159-160 117, 156: Storm-god of Life 96, 97; Storm-god toknoz do- 155 580: Zarpiya r. 113 spell(s). see incantation(s) of Lihzina 56: Storm-god of Ma!eitura!ub(a) torlipo 145 ritual feast(s) 68. 69. 71. 136 sphinx(es) 32 106: Storm-god of Nerik (see also Nerak. Xe toriaoao sea 114 ritual taast 41. 45, 52. 69. 71, 73. 162 Sphinx Gate (in Alacahdyiik) 60. 130 rikkil under IA) 39. 44. 46. 54, 56. 60 n. 313. temple(s) 18. 20. 28-30, 41, 47 a. 236. 49. 52. 56. river (as a deity) 24 n. 108. 27, 40. 47 n. 236. 48. spirit. see ghost 65. 91. 102- 107, 136. 140, 141, 143: Storm-god 58. 59. 61-65. 67 n. 357. 68-70. 72. 73. 75. 76. 86, 99. 100. 104, 115. 117-119, 152 spring(-goddess)es)), spring sanctuary (see also of Pitteyarig(a) 118; Storm-god of the Rain 101; 81. 88, 101. 102, 104, 105. 106 n. 559, 115, 122. road (into the notherwoi-ld) pond) 44, 56. 71, 74, 78, 86. 100, 106, 107. 114, Storm-god of abpina 98: Storm-god of Salva 123, 126. 129. 130, 132-136, 138-140, 144, 151, (see also KASKAL.KUR) 160 129, 135, 152 tion 96, 97: Storm-god of Sapinuwa 97, 118 n. 165 rock sanctuary 63, 93-95. 118, 129, 134, 164 staff(s), see cult 651. 138: Storm-god of Sariila 56, 65, 71; temple officials, see cult personnel: priest(s); Roman augury 147, 148 stag(s) 32. 57, 60. 70, 85, 111, 112, 129 n. 740, 137 Storm-god of Thunder 107: Storm-god of the pi’iestess(es) royal ideology 30. 37. 38, 41. 46-47, 48 n. 238, 49. stag-god, see tutelary deities Vineyard 108, 115: Storm-god of Zahalnkka teaou’o 160 55. 72. 77. 83. 8-5. 88-92. 121. 157. 163 standard(s) 23.24. 61 104. 105: Storm-god of Ziplanda (see also Zip theophoric names 27. 31. 107. 110-113. 128 royal residence(s) 35. 46. 63. 87. 97-99. 121, 166 Star 133 lanti(1) under lA) 40. 41. 44. 46.54,56. 63, Thousand Gods 86, 140 royal seals 83. 89-90. 129 a. 738 state pantheon, see pantheon(s) 74. 91. 101. 105. 118 n. 646. 139. 140. 141: throne)-goddess) )see also Balmaiuit(tu). Hanva royal tomb(s) see tomh)s) statue(s) 2. 9. 12-14, 30. 49. 60. 62. 71. 77. 88. 122, Storm-god piho(Oaii 101. 106-108: Storm-god !uit under 1.4) 30. 40 n. 18.1. 41, 45 49. 55. sacred marriage 63 n. 328 129. 130. 162, 165 piho.!lo.4.li 91 n. 476. 93. 98-99, 108. 117. 143 61, 62, 69. 70, 76, 77. 83. 91. 101 230 INDEXES INDEXES 231

Proto-Anatolian (religious tradition) 59 sacrifice(s) (see also offerings) 2, 3, 11, 14, 21, 24, statuette, see figurine(s) substitute(s) 153-155, 159, 163 purification (see also purificatory rituals under 41, 42, 47 n. 236, 62, 68-71, 73, 74, 77, 78, 143, stela, see stela cult under cult substitute king 146, 154 ritual(s)) 66, 68, 74, 76, 77, 152, 153, 164 159 Stone House, see tomb(s) substitution 75, 79, 109 n, 581, 146, 154, 155, Queen (epithet of goddesses; see also BaHuèara; sanctuary 11-13, 19, 61-63, 65 n, 342, 71, 73, 93, storage vessel 69, 70, 130, 137 162 Kat(t)ahha under lA) 53, 54, 56, 63, 78, 86, 94, 97, 101, 104, 124, 129, 132-136, 138-140, storm-god(s) 15, 27, 29-32, 36, 40 n. 185, 42, 45- substrate(s) 27, 28, 34, 38, 107, 119, 126 97, 98, 101, 115, 133 162, 166 47, 48 n, 238, 51-56, 58. 60, 61, 64, 67, 69, 71, Suo3oreol (in Battula) 132 n, 771 ram’s heads 14-16 scapegoat (see also carrier) 79, 153 73, 76-79, 82, 84, 86, 92-94, 101-108, 114, 116- Sf.idburg (in Battula) 134, 160 relief(s) 9, 12-14, 16, 20, 22, 60, 61, 93-95, 111 scepters 62 118. 120-123, 129, 130, 132, 135-145, 149, 156, lugorrid’um 28 n. 595, 122, 129, 130. 134 scorpion(s) 12 166; Storm-god oriyoddolli 108; Storm-god Sumerian 122, 126, 128 relief vase(s), see cult vessel(s) Sea (see also Great Sea; tormono sea) 48, 117 dupottono4li 108; Storm-god muwottolli 92-93, Sumerians 160 religious policies 5, 34, 35. 39, 62, 82, 86. 96, 138 secondary burial, see burial(s) 98, 108, 140, 145; Storm-god of Arinna 54, 65 sun-god(s) (see also Iltanu; Aamai; imige; Tiyad; (royal) residence(s) (see also palace(s)) 18. 63, seer, see diviner n. 347, 66, 87, 96, 139; Storm-god of Armaruk Tiwad under lA) 27, 28, 30 n. 148, 31, 52, 54, 64, 68 Seleucid period 94 n. 486 121 n. 668; Storm-god of the Assembly 106 n, 58, 59, 79, 88-90, 94 n. 485, 98 n. 510, 100- rhyton (see also cult; vessel; zoomorphic vessels) serpent(s) 12 559; Storm-god of Allur 106, 107; Storm-god 102, 105 n. 556, 107-109, 114-119, 122, 127, 61. 111 n. 593, 129 n. 740, 130 sheep 57, 71, 101 n. 528, 114, 136, 141, 147, 158, of the Camp 96-98, 101; Storm-god of the 141. 142, 156, 158; Sun-god of Heaven 78. 86, ritual(s) 3. 7, 9 n. 22. 14, 36, 43, 61, 75, 76. 78, 165 Cloud 107; Storm-god of the Countryside 55; 88-90, 95, 99, 127, 143 79, 84 n. 436, 86, 89, 94 n. 486, 99 n. 514. 103, shepherd goddess 43 Storm-god of Durmitta 99; storm-god(s) of the sun-goddess(es) 47, 50, 51, 54, 59, 61, 77, 78, 102, 108-110, 113-116, 125, 126. 128, 130, 139-142, shrine(s) 2. 14, 15, 20-22. 24, 27, 58, 62, 63, 132 forest! grove 55, 96-97, 100, 106; Storm-god of 109, 114, 124, 125, 135, 139, 142. 143, 155, 159, 145, 146, 149-156. 158-165, 167; Akkadian r. n. 771, 140 the Gate 101; Storm-god of the Great House 162f.; s. -g- epithets (see also Tahurpiltanu; 151; birth r. 110, 150 n. 880, 151. 156, 160 n. silver (as a purifying agent) 152 52. 115, 132, 133, 141; Storm-god of Growth Wuru(n)iemu under lA) 54; Sun-goddess of 953; evocation r. 93 n. 482, 113, 116, 126, 155; ‘silver trees’ 41, 63 107; Storm-god of Balab ! Aleppo 48 n, 238, 92. Arinna (see also Arinnit(ilu); Eltan; Wuru(n) foundation r. 75, 76; (royal) funerary (burial) similio similihus principle 153 94 n. 487, 96-99, 108 n, 571, 118, 121, 122, lemu under lA) 29, 39, 40 n. 186, 41, 42, 44- r. 8. 9, 15, 22-24, 159, 161-164. 167; itkolzi r. sin 81, 143. 144 129, 132, 137-140; Storm-god of Halbalanta 47, 49, 50-52, 54, 60, 61, 63, 65 n. 347, 66, 72, 85. 89, 91 n. 476, 95; Kizzuwatna r. 150; of singer(s) 30, 42, 43 n. 207, 46 n. 227. 68, 131. 151 106; Storm-god of Satti (see also Taparwalu; 77, 84-86, 88-92, 95-101, 104, 105, 132, 139, entreaty 77, 142, 155. 156; of passage 153; singing, see cult Tarhuna!i; Tarhu(wa)nt(a); Taru; Teliub un 140, 142-144; Sun-goddess of the Earth 47 magical r. 3, 18, 46, 66, 67. 74-76, 109. 113- Siul-.luoimif 30 der lA) 39, 41, 42, 44-47, 55, 58 n. 297, 61. n. 236, 50, 79, 86, 98, 100-102, 105-107, 109, 116. 126, 141. 142, 145, 149. 150-155, 164; skull(s) 9, 10-12, 14-16 63, 72, 73, 77, 84, 85, 88, 90, 91, 94 n, 484, 114, 124, 125. 139, 142, 143, 155, 159, 162- montolli r. 164; meteorological r. 71, 77, 145; skull cult, see cult 96-100, 105, 132 n. 767, 139, 143, 149; Storm- 163; Sun-goddess of Kakiat 54; Sun-goddess purificatory r. 75, 78, 85. 105 n. 556, 141, 152- Skull House 10, 11 god of the Head 29, 32; Storm-god of Heaven of Zihnuwa 106 154, 164. 165; substitute king r. 146, 154, 159; ‘small place’ 133 30, 54, 60, 86, 90, 98 n. 510, 101, 102, 104, Syrian (culture. etc.) 12, 20, 29, 31, 35, 36. 51 substitution r. 154-155, 162; Allaiturah(h)i r. solar disc 61, 89, 90, 119, 130 105; Storm-god of Help 108; Storm-god of Hil n. 263, 56, 70. 75, 78, 80, 82, 88, 92, 94, 96, 150; Ammihatna r. 93 n. 482; Anna r. 27 n. sorcery 74, 152-154 laihapa 117; Storm-god of Burma 118; Storm- 106, 109, 110, 116, 119-121, 123, 125, 126, 127 126: Kuwattalla r. 109 n. 581; Paikuwatti r. soul 158-162, 167 god of Karabna 100; Storm-god of Kuliwilna n, 722, 149, 156, 164, 166 116, 130; Pittei r. 146 n. 851; Wattiti r. 109 n. soul’s )ourney 159-160 117, 156; Storm-god of Life 96, 97; Storm-god tohnoz do- 155 580; Zarpiya r. 113 spell(s), see incantation(s) of Lihzina 56; Storm-god of Ma!eitura!ub(a) torlipo 145 ritual feast(s) 68, 69, 71, 136 sphinx(es) 32 106; Storm-god of Nerik (see also Nerak. Ne tormoeo sea 114 ritual toast 41, 45, 52, 69, 71, 73, 162 Sphinx Gate (in Alacahoyuk) 60, 130 rikkil under lA) 39, 44, 46, 54, 56, 60 n. 313, temple(s) 18, 20, 28-30, 41, 47 n. 236. 49, 52. 56, river (as a deity) 24 n. 108. 27, 40, 47 n. 236, 48, spirit, see ghost 65, 91, 102-107, 136, 140, 141, 143; Storm-god 58, 59, 61-65, 67 n. 357, 68-70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 86, 99, 100. 104, 115, 117-119, 152 spring(-goddess(es)), spring sanctuary (see also of Pitteyarig(a) 118; Storm-god of the Rain 101; 81, 88, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106 n. 559. 115, 122, road (into the netherworld) pond) 44, 56. 71, 74, 78, 86, 100, 106, 107, 114, Storm-god of Sahpina 98; Storm-god of Salva 123. 126, 129. 130, 132-136, 138-140, 144, 151. (see also KASKAL.KUR) 160 129, 135, 152 tion 96, 97; Storm-god of Sapinuwa 97, 118 n. 165 rock sanctuary 63, 93-95, 118, 129. 134, 164 staff(s), see cult 651. 138; Storm-god of Sarilia 56, 65, 71; temple officials, see cult personnel; priest(s); Roman augury 147, 148 stag(s) 32, 57, 60, 70. 85, 111, 112, 129 n. 740, 137 Storm-god of Thunder 107; Storm-god of the priestess(es) royal ideology 30, 37, 38, 41. 46-47, 48 n. 238, 49, stag-god, see tutelary deities Vineyard 108, 115; Storm-god of Zalialukka tenowo 160 55, 72, 77, 83, 85, 88-92, 121, 157. 163 standard(s) 23-24, 61 104, 105; Storm-god of Ziplanda (see also Zip theophoric names 27, 31, 107. 110-1 13, 128 royal residence(s) 35, 46. 63, 87. 97-99, 121, 166 Star 133 lanti(l) under lA) 40. 41, 44, 46, 54, 56. 63, Thousand Gods 86, 140 royal seals 83, 89-90. 129 n. 738 state pantheon, see pantheon(s) 74. 91, 101, 105, 118 n. 646, 139, 140, 144; throne(-goddess) (see also Halmaiuit(tu), Banwa ‘royal’ tomb(s), see tomb(s) statue(s) 2. 9, 12-14, 30, 49, 60, 62, 71, 77. 88, 122, Storm-god piho(i)tni 101, 106-108; Storm-god mit under lA) 30, 40 n. 184, 41, 48. 49. 55, sacred marriage 63 n. 328 129, 130, 162, 165 pihollo4l! 91 n. 476. 93. 98-99, 108, 117. 143 61. 62, 69. 70. 76. 77, 83. 91, 101 232 INDEXES tomb(s) 22-24, 134, 164-166; chamber t. 23, 24; volcano eruption 15 ‘royal’ (wealthy) t. 19, 22, 23; Stone House 134, votive text(s) 61, 144 162, 164-166 vow(s) 62, 81, 128, 144, 159 totemism 1 vulture(s) 9, 11, 13, 15 translatability of deities 5, 36 wabortum 25 treaties 81 n. 430, 82, 83, 85, 87, 88, 89 n. 464, wall paintings, see murals 97, 99, 100, 113, 114 n. 610, 123, 124, 126, 128, war-god(s) 32, 39, 40 n. 184, 41, 48, 49, 60, 61, 63, 133, 166 78, 85, 86, 88, 95, 98, 100, 101, 104, 107, 111. triad of deities 45, 46, 84-86, 96, 98, 100, 121 113, 114, 117, 118. 139 tuhkonti 91 warrior-goddess 95, 122 tutelary deities (see also LAMMA god(s)) 32, 42, ‘water of purification’ 152 45, 51 n. 260, 57, 60, 84-86, 95, 96, 98, 102, ‘weapons’ (015TUKUL) 61, 130 107, 109-112, 115, 117, 118, 130, 139, 165 weasels 15 Umormung scene 90, 164 weavers 75, 77 underworld, see netherworld white robe 153 Upper Land 82, 87, 98, 118, 133 winds 80, 86 Ur III period 120 n. 659, 121 n. 665, 128 window(s) 20, 49 n. 247, 62, 63, 71 urn(s) 22, 167 wisdom (see also Madi under lA) 80, 126, 128 Uruk pottery 20 n. 77 witness god(s) 27-29, 51, 82, 83, 85-88, 89 n. 464, vanishing god myth(s), see myth(s) 97, 99, 100, 113, 118, 123, 126, 128. 133 vegetation deities, see fertility deities wolves 68 Venus (morning star) 99, 118 ‘wood of the bolt’ 49 n. 247, 62, 75, 124 vessel (as a cult object, magic symbolism, etc.) 61, wool (as a purifying agent) 75, 154 76, 79, 130 ‘years’ 49 n. 247, 139 vessel burial(s), see burial(s) ZI.PU §orruznor 133 vineyard(s) 108, 115, 116. 165 zoomorphic (gods, vessels, etc.) 21, 60, 61, 65 n. vizier(s) 55, 109, 118, 119, 126. 127 342, 69, 111 n. 593, 118. 122, 129 n. 740, 130