Master’s thesis

Ukraine’s Implementation of UNSCR 1325 From a Feminist Security Perspective

With focus on the pillars of participation and protection

Author: Emina Gluhac Supervisor: Anders Persson Examiner: Daniel Silander Term: HT20 Subject: Political Science

Level: Master’s thesis

Course code: 5SK30E

Abstract

The aim of this research is to study the Ukrainian implementation of UNSCR 1325 from a feminist security perspective. This has been done by focusing on the pillars of participation and protection. The pillars have been operationalized into indicators whereas participation is analyzed in terms of women's participation in civil society, politics, the security sector, peace processes and the participation of IDPs. Protection has been analyzed in terms of protection from conflict related sexual violence and gender-based violence, protection of women IDPs, protection from trafficking, and economic and labor protection. The method used is an empirical case study where the case of Ukraine is explained through a feminist security perspective. The findings show that while the Ukrainian government has taken on some measures to increase the participation and protection of women, there are still challenges remaining in both areas. Finally, this research has contributed with bridging the gap between the work on UNSCR 1325, feminist security studies and the Ukrainian context.

Keywords: UNSCR 1325, feminist security studies, Ukraine, participation, protection

Table of contents

List of Abbreviations 1 1 Introduction 2 1.1 Aim and research questions 4 2 Theory 5 2.1 Literary review 5 2.2 Theoretical framework 11 2.2.1 Connecting feminist security studies and UNSCR 1325 11 2.2.2 UNSCR 1325 12 2.2.3 UNSCR 1325 within the framework of feminist security studies 18 3 Method and material 32 3.1 Research design 32 3.2 Feminist methodology 35 3.3 Material 37 4 Analysis 40 4.1 UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine 40 4.2 Participation 41 4.2.1 Women’s participation in civil society 41 4.2.2 Women’s participation in politics 43 4.2.3 Women’s participation in the security sector 47 4.2.4 Women’s participation in peace processes 49 4.2.5 Participation of IDPs and other minorities 52 4.3 Protection 53 4.3.1 Conflict related sexual violence and gender based violence 53 4.3.2 Internally Displaced Persons 57 4.3.3 Trafficking 60 4.3.4 Economic and labor aspects of protection 62 5 Conclusions 64 6 References 70

List of Abbreviations CSO - Civil Society Organization IDP - Internally Displaced Person IR – International Relations NAP - National Action Plan NGO - Non-Governmental Organization UN - United Nations UNSCR 1325 - United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 WPS - Women, Peace and Security

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1 Introduction In 2014, extensive political protests broke out in Kyiv, due to the sitting president Viktor Yanukovych withdrawing from signing the Association Agreement with the European Union (Wittke 2019). These protests escalated into a conflict. One first attempt to resolve it was seen in the Kiev Agreement in 2014, which collapsed quickly leading to a spillover of the protest to other Ukrainian cities. The protesters rejected the agreement and the sitting President seeked exile in Russia (Wittke 2019). Thereafter, the Ukrainian territory was violated by the Russian annexation of Crimea, and a conflict was soon erupting in the Eastern Ukrainian regions of Luhansk and Donetsk (Wittke 2019). The ongoing military hostilities in the regions can be defined as ‘hybrid war’, and meanwhile, the pseudo-states Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhansk People’s Republic have been created by Russian proxy (Golanski 2016). Another attempt to resolve the hostilities was once again initiated during the meetings between Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine, which are known as the Normandy Format (Golanski 2016). The meetings resulted in the Minsk Protocol whereas the objective was a ceasefire between the parties. However, the ceasefire did not last long, and soon the hostilities resumed, leading to a worsening of Donbas’ security situation (Golanski 2016). Following the intensification of the security situation, new attempts to create a political solution and a new ceasefire were made again in 2015. Hence, the Minsk II was adopted, where the Ukrainian sovereignty was recognized along with propositions relating to reforms in matters such as security, politics, economics, and the constitution (Golanski 2016). Despite these efforts, the 13 measures of the Minsk II yet remain to be implemented. Rather, since the establishment of the agreement, more than one million ceasefire violations have been reported, and the eastern borders are still controlled by Russia and pro-Russian separatists (Åtland 2020). In addition to this, there are still disagreements regarding whether the conflict is to be seen as an inter- or intra state conflict (Åtland 2020). While the Ukrainian authorities define it as

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interstate due to the Russian aggressions (Åtland 2020), Russia sees it as an intrastate, or a ‘civil war’ conflict and rather views themselves as a party in the diplomatic process (Golanski 2016).

While previous research on the conflict in Ukraine has often focused on the geopolitical aspects (Golanski 2016; Åtland 2020), it often fails to address the gendered aspects of the conflict. Since the emergence of the protests and the conflict, women in Ukraine have both been met with new opportunities amidst the conflict in terms of playing important roles, but they have also faced new challenges and violations of their human rights (Benigni 2016). Simultaneously as the conflict emerged, Ukraine adopted its framework to implement the UNSCR 1325 on women, peace and security, thereby becoming the first country to do so in the midst of a conflict (O’Sullivan 2019). The resolution aims to recognize the special needs of women in conflict as well as promoting equal participation in peace processes, conflict prevention and conflict resolution (S/RES1325). For scholars within the field of feminist security studies, the issues that were raised in the UNSCR 1325 have been an object of interest for a long time. Given the role that women have played since the emergence of both the protests and the conflict, and given the gendered effect a conflict has, it is highly relevant to understand the Ukrainian context from a feminist perspective. Due to the country’s adoption of its own UNSCR 1325 national action plan, it has committed to ensuring women’s participation and protection. While the progress on the implementation is continuously reported by the responsible parties (NAP of Ukraine 2016), it is highly important to put it in a broader theoretical context. It is therefore also highly relevant to understand the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 from a feminist security perspective. By understanding security from a feminist perspective, the institutions and practices that define international security, are radically re- evaluated by questioning the gender bias in traditional security studies and

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placing the everyday gendered experiences of conflict as a referent object of security (Den Boer & Bode 2018).

1.1 Aim and research questions While there has been an extensive amount of research on the topic of UNSCR 1325 (see Tryggestad 2009; Björkdahl & Mannergren Selimovic 2015; Pratt 2013; Sheperd 2011) the case of Ukraine has seldom been in focus. Considering that the conflict in Ukraine is ongoing and there have already been attempts to establish peace agreements, as well as the geopolitical focus that has characterized the body of work in regards to this context, it is therefore highly relevant to understand the context from a feminist security perspective. Therefore, this study aims to bridge the gap between the work on UNSCR 1325, feminist security studies and the Eastern European context, and thus contribute to the body of work conducted in these areas. This research therefore aims to investigate the following research questions:

• How has UNSCR 1325 been implemented in Ukraine in terms of the pillars of participation and protection from a feminist security perspective? • What are the challenges for implementing UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine in terms of the pillars of participation and protection from a feminist security perspective?

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2 Theory

2.1 Literary review For many years, studies of international relations were mainly conducted by men and the traditionalist approaches failed to consider a gender aggregated analysis to the field. One significant contributor to the feminist critique of international relations is Cynthia Enloe’s Bananas, Beaches and Bases which was first published in 1989. In her work, Enloe examines different phenomena in international relations which affect women. This ranges from analyzing different women’s situations on the military bases, to analyzing women in relation to diplomacy, as well as understanding women’s labor, and the gendered aspects of nationalism. Here, Enloe concludes that “the personal is international; the international is personal” (Enloe 2014: 323). During the time of the publishing of Enloe’s contribution, the journal Millennial also contributed to bringing women and gender into the agenda of IR by publishing the first issues dedicated to this matter in 1989. Thus, the field of feminist IR and feminist security studies started to develop.

Following this, J. Anne Tickner (1993) published one of the first textbooks on gender and IR, Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security. In this book, some common IR areas, such as national, economic, and ecological security are analyzed from a feminist perspective. Here, she problematizes the masculinity of traditional IR, and concludes by adding a non-gendered approach to global security, whereas she defines it as “the absence of violence whether it be military, economic or sexual” (Tickner 1993:66).

Later, Tickner (2004) elaborates on the relationship between feminism and international relations, in particular in relation to international security studies. In particular, she elaborates on the reasons as to why the two disciplines have

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had difficulties merging together. One reason is the fact that both states’ decision making as well as the field of IR has been mainly composed of men. The field has been heavily influenced by masculine coded social constructions, which is evident when looking at the concepts dominating the traditionalist views, for example anarchy, power, autonomy, rationality, and self-reliance. Traditionally, women have been excluded from the areas of war and security (Tickner 2004). Tickner states that the main reason for difficulties merging the two fields together is the ontological differences, whereas feminist theories are emancipatory and normative. Moreover, feminist theories have a bottom-up approach and believe theory and political practice are coherent (Tickner 2004). Thus, since traditional security studies have looked at conflict from a top-down approach, feminists have countered it by understanding the impact of war, particularly on women and civilians. Feminists have, for example, lifted the issue of wartime rape and military prostitution. Feminists have also challenged the notion of the state as a security provider and rather added the dimension of the state as a violence perpetrator towards their own population. Thus, and understanding of violence, along with structural inequality and its legitimization is often a research subject (Tickner 2004).

Another dimension to this is Mary Caprioli’s addition whereas she states that for women, security in the public and private sphere are interlinked as women can experience violence from both. She, thus, believes that social security needs to be added to the security definitions. (Caprioli 2004). Likewise, Jaqui True (2010) states that: “Patterns of violence against women from the home to the transnational realm are structurally linked to patterns of global transformation instigated by economic, political, military and natural environmental forces” (True 2010: 58).

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Moreover, feminist IR scholars have often used non-traditional methodologies. One example is Moon (1997), who uses ethnographic methodology to investigate prostitution camps and linking these to U.S.-Korea security relations. Other examples are Carol Cohn’s 1987 use of discourse analysis in her article Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals (1987). She states that sexualized and technocratic language is used among intellectuals when discussing nuclear weapons to both distance themselves from the tragedies of war as well as to exclude non-intellectuals and thus restrict other voices (Cohn 1987).

In fact, Hooper (2001) states, that feminist contributions to IR emphasize in which ways traditional IR is gendered. She states that traditional IR is gendered in both theory and practice, and rather reinforces both the role of women and the issues relevant for women in IR rather than problematizing it (Hooper 2001). Likewise, other examples of gendering security are seen in Nicole A. Detraz’s The Genders of Environmental Security (2009) where the environmental security debate is examined through a gendered lens. She argues that new questions arise when gender is added to the dimension of environmental security due to women´s unique security situation. This is for example evident in the cases of Tanzanian wildlife preservation policies, or in the hydropolitics of the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna river systems (Detraz 2009).

Gillian Youngs (2004) discusses and criticizes the discrepancies between mainstream IR and feminist IR. Here, she argues that feminist IR needs an ontological revisionism in order to deeper understand the gender mechanism within IR - both in terms of power mechanisms, identities, discourses and institutions. Moreover, Youngs calls for the shared commonalities between feminism and IR in terms of concepts and issues to be used as a foundation for

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further exchange and cooperation. She thus states that while ‘malestream’ IR do focus on power, the field fails to consider gender. Instead, she concludes, for feminist IR, women and gender are a necessity to understand the world (Youngs 2004). Likewise, Enloe (2004), in her later work, reflects on the issue of not taking feminist analysis seriously. She states that only adding ‘gender’ is not sufficient to understand the role of gender in IR. Rather, she concludes, a feminist consciousness is a necessity when including gender in order to understand and properly analyze the role of masculinity in IR (Enloe 2004).

Within the field of feminist IR, there has been a connection between femininity and peace which has been challenged within the field. One reason for this is partially the exclusion of women from conflict and conflict resolution, but also due to its identification with peace movements. Another aspect is the fact that some theorists have connected peace with feminine characteristics (Stokes 2015). This has been challenged through many studies. One example is Gentry and Sjoberg (2007) where the authors prove that women do engage in violence as perpetrators and agents. Two examples of women that have committed genocide are Biljana Plavsic and Pauline Nyiramasuhuko (Gentry & Sjoberg 2007). Other examples are found in Alison (2010) where women as active participants of conflict are analyzed and the stereotype of women as naturally peaceful is challenged by looking into two ethno-national conflicts.

Moreover, feminist scholars have also linked the peacefulness of a state with its gender equality. In Hudson et.al. (2009), statistical analysis shows that there is a positive relationship between women’s physical security and state security and peacefulness. The study also shows that women’s physical security is a stronger indicator to state security and peacefulness, than other factors such as economic development or democracy level (Hudson et.al. 2009).

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Feminist scholars, most notably Laura Sjoberg (2008), have also contributed with reinterpretations of the just war theory. She argues that traditional just war theories are gendered. Her feminist reinterpretation lies in the importance of equitable decision-making and the values in this process, in particular attention to those traditionally marginalized (Sjoberg 2008).

While feminist theories were excluded from the field of IR and its practices for a long time, its entrance into the arena has been made visible. Several documents, conventions and declarations have been signed that recognize the particular challenges many women face across the world and within the global arena. In 1954, for example, the Convention on the Political Rights of Women (A/RES/640[VII]) was adopted, whose main focus was on women’s right to vote, be eligible for election and hold public office. The main goal was to establish an international standard for women's rights. Other early documents include the 1964, Convention to the Consent of Marriage, Minimum Age, and Registration of Marriages (UNGA 1962) and the 1974 Declaration on the Protection of Women and Children in Emergency and Armed Conflict (UNGA 1974). Another defining document in regards to gender equality is the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) from 1979, which is seen as an international women’s bill of rights (UNGA 1979). The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action from 1995 was a resolution adopted by governments after the Fourth World Conference on Women, whereas governments committed to improve women’s rights (UN 1995). Similarly, the Istanbul Convention (Council of Europe 2014) was the first document to criminalize violence against women through legally binding instruments and a legal framework and was adopted by the Council of Europe.

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However, one of the most notable documents is the establishment of the UNSCR 1325 on women, peace and security, which was the first document from the UN Security Council to address women’s rights during conflict, peace negotiations and post-conflict reconstruction (S/RES/1325: 2000). While it is worth mentioning that while the UNSCR 1325 has provided an important step towards addressing these matters, the resolution has, however, also been critically analyzed by feminist scholars. This entails for example postcolonial perspectives (Pratt 2013) as well as critical feminist perspectives (Barrow 2009. In the subsequent chapter, the feminist criticism towards UNSCR 1325 will be further elaborated. Moreover, the subsequent chapters will link the concepts participation and protection of UNSCR 1325 with feminist security theories in order to provide a feminist analytical framework for understanding the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine.

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2.2 Theoretical framework

2.2.1 Connecting feminist security studies and UNSCR 1325 In this study, feminist security studies will be used to understand the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine. This will be done by connecting UNSCR 1325 and concepts of feminist security studies, and thereby merging the two into a theoretical framework that will be used to understand the case of Ukraine. However, before presenting the theoretical framework, one needs to understand the links between UNSCR 1325 and feminist security studies, and why it is relevant to understand the Ukrainian context from these perspectives.

As has been demonstrated in previous chapter, the feminist entrance into the field of security studies has been made visible by adding a gender perspective on security matters and thus securitizing gender. Issues such as military prostitution (Moon 1997), sexual violence (Tickner 1993; Caprioli 2004; True 2010), participation and representation (See Philips 1998), were now discussed and brought to light. Scholars within the field of feminist security studies have thereby studied many of the issues named in the UNSCR 1325 for a long time. Ultimately, scholars studying social movements claim that transnational women’s networks contributed to normatively lifting the issues regarding violence against women to the UN in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s, by raising awareness globally and mobilizing (Keck & Sikkink 1998). Likewise, in regards to advocating for the adoption of UNSCR 1325 several women’s rights advocates played an important role in bringing women, peace and security to the table of the UN Security Council (Tryggestad 2009). Examples of such groups include the women’s lobby consisting of representatives from NGOs, along with campaigners from a UN initiated interagency network of women’s advocates, UN member states, and a transnational network of women’s NGOs (Tryggestad 2009).

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In connection with this is the notion of feminism as a tool for emancipation. Somita Basu (2013) claims that feminist research on security within IR has a normative agenda and aims to emancipate, empower, and thus contribute to social justice. Feminist security studies connect both theory and practice in regards to the lived experience of women and is closely connected to the women’s movement (Basu 2013). Thereby, feminist security studies operate within a normative manner in which reconstructing the gendered hierarchies in relation to security is conducted by feminist scholars and activists, as is seen in the case of sexual violence for example (Basu 2013). Thus, I argue that the emergence of UNSCR 1325 can be seen in connection with the emancipatory nature of feminist security studies. It is therefore highly relevant to connect the two and analyze UNSCR 1325 from a feminist security perspective.

Therefore, the concepts of feminist security studies will be merged with the pillars of participation and protection within the UNSCR 1325 in order to conceptualize the theoretical framework that will be used in this research. In the subsequent sections, a brief overview of the UNSCR 1325 will be given, and thereafter the theoretical framework will be conceptualized and operationalized through the merging of UNSCR 1325 and feminist security studies.

2.2.2 UNSCR 1325 The UNSCR was adopted in 2000 during the Namibian chairing of the Security Council. The resolution was drafted with the help from both civil society organizations and non-governmental organizations (Tryggestad 2009). Two important actors that lobbied for the resolution were the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security and the United Nations Development Fund for Women, which today is known as UN Women. (Tryggestad 2009) At the time, the issues of women during conflict were particularly important

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for the NGO community due to the atrocities committed towards women during war (ibid). This was for example seen during the conflicts in Bosnia- Herzegovina and Rwanda where sexual violence was used extensively as a weapon (ibid). This was one of the focal points and chapters of the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, which composed an important milestone in regards to addressing women, peace and security issues in the UN (UN 1996).

2.2.2.1 UNSCR 1325 - Protection of women during and after conflict The main goal of the UNSCR 1325 is to address sexual violence in conflicts and to increase women’s participation in peace processes, as well as in political institutions. The UNSCR 1325 recognizes that civilians, and women in particular, are negatively impacted by armed conflicts. It also recognizes the impact this has on a durable peace, as well as reconciliation (S/RES/1325). Moreover, the resolution additionally recognizes that inclusion of women in the peace processes can significantly contribute to international peace and security (S/RES/1325). In the UNSCR 1325, women’s special needs during and after conflict is, for example, mentioned in terms of mine clearance, women as refugees, gender based violence, rape, and other types of violence directed towards women. The resolution also emphasizes women’s needs in terms of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration as well as in terms of bearing in mind the needs of women during humanitarian processes (S/RES/1325). Additionally, the resolution recognizes sexual violence as a war crime and urges states to put an end on it along with genocide, crimes against humanity and other war crimes (S/RES/1325). The UNSCR 1325 also emphasizes the need to exclude those types of crimes from amnesty provisions (S/RES/1325). The resolution, moreover, recognizes the need for specialized training on women’s special needs for peacekeeping personnel as well as incorporating a gender perspective within the peacekeeping operations (S/RES/1325).

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2.2.2.2 UNSCR 1325 - Women’s participation Furthermore, in regards to women’s participation, the UNSCR 1325 states that women play an important role in peacebuilding, conflict prevention and conflict resolution. The resolution therefore stresses the importance of including women’s equal participation when working with promotion and maintenance of peace and security (S/RES/1325). Likewise, the UNSCR 1325 stresses the need to increase women’s role in decision making regarding matters concerning conflict resolution and conflict prevention (S/RES/1325). Moreover, the importance of implementing international humanitarian and human rights law in regards to women’s special needs, both during and after the conflict, is also stressed (S/RES/1325). The UNSCR 1325 also recognizes gender mainstreaming as a mechanism in peacekeeping operations, through training of peacekeeping personnel on matters particular to women in conflict. Moreover, the resolution also urges the UN member states to increase women in decision making on different levels and mechanisms (S/RES/1325). Likewise, the UN Secretary General is urged to appoint more women as special representatives, envoys, as well as expanding the role of women in field-based operations (S/RES/1325). The examples given here refer to personnel within humanitarian actions and within the military, among others (S/RES/1325). The Secretary General is, furthermore, requested to equip the UN Member States with training guidelines and materials on women’s protection, women’s rights, and the importance of involving women in peacekeeping and peacebuilding (S/RES/1325). Additionally, the member states are urged to incorporate these moments into their own military- and police training (S/RES/1325).

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Furthermore, the UNSCR 1325 “Calls on all actors involved, when negotiating and implementing peace agreements, to adopt a gender perspective, including, inter alia:

(a) The special needs of women and girls during repatriation and resettlement and for rehabilitation, reintegration and post- conflict reconstruction; (b) Measures that support local women’s peace initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict resolution, and that involve women in all of the implementation mechanisms of the peace agreements; (c) Measures that ensure the protection of and respect for human rights of women and girls, particularly as they relate to the constitution, the electoral system, the police and the judiciary.” (S/RES/1325. paragraph 8)

2.2.2.3 UNSCR 1325 - The UN Secretary General’s responsibilities Lastly, the UNSCR 1325 also states that the UN Security Council should provide that their missions consider gender and women’s rights, and that both local and international women’s groups should provide consultation in this process (S/RES/1325). Moreover, the Secretary General is responsible for carrying out a report to study how armed conflicts affect women and girls, along with studying women’s role in peacebuilding as well as the gender dimensions within conflict resolution and peace processes and gender mainstreaming (S/RES/1325).

2.2.2.4 Four pillars of implementation The four pillars of implementation are also known as the thematic areas. These were derived from the five thematic areas of the 2008-2009 System Wide

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Action Plan, where four of the areas were operationalized in order to be implemented (S/2010/173). The four pillars of implementation are the following:

“(a) Prevention: mainstream a gender perspective into all conflict prevention activities and strategies, develop effective gender-sensitive early warning mechanisms and institutions, and strengthen efforts to prevent violence against women, including various forms of gender-based violence;

(b) Participation: promote and support women’s active and meaningful participation in all peace processes as well as their representation in formal and informal decision-making at all levels; improve partnership and networking with local and international women’s rights groups and organizations; recruit and appoint women to senior positions in the United Nations, including Special Representatives of the Secretary-General, and in peacekeeping forces, including military, police and civilian personnel;

(c) Protection: strengthen and amplify efforts to secure the safety, physical or mental health, well-being, economic security and/or dignity of women and girls; promote and safeguard human rights of women and mainstream a gender perspective into the legal and institutional reforms;

(d) Relief and recovery: promote women’s equal access to aid distribution mechanisms and services, including those dealing

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with the specific needs of women and girls in all relief recovery efforts.” (S/2007/567, paragraph 42)

The fifth thematic area is the normative approach, and was not included as a separate pillar of implementation as it was considered to be cross-cutting, and was rather deemed to be included within the implementation of the four pillars. The fifth thematic area was described as the following:

“(e) Normative: develop policy frameworks; ensure effective coordination and awareness-raising to advance the implementation of resolution 1325 (2000). “ (S/2007/567, paragraph 42)

In order to implement the UNSCR 1325, an Interagency Taskforce on Women, Peace and Security was established (OSAGI 2005). The Taskforce is chaired by the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women. Moreover, the Taskforce consists of representatives from several NGOs, UN organs, and other institutions (OSAGI 2005). The Taskforce has developed an Action Plan, in order to assist actors on all levels in terms of implementing the UNSCR 1325. The Action Plan is also aimed to aid the Secretary General in studying the implementation of UNSCR 1325 (OSAGI 2005). For states, the National Action Plan (NAP) therefore constitutes an important tool to concretize the UNSCR 1325, as well as a tool to apply the UNSCR 1325 to the national and local contexts. (WILPF 2016). As of today, 86 UN Member states have adopted their own NAPs. Moreover, there are also 11 Regional Action Plans (RAP) (WILPF 2020) as well as Local Action Plans (LAP) (GNWP 2013).

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2.2.3 UNSCR 1325 within the framework of feminist security studies In this chapter, the theoretical framework used in this study will be presented. In previous sections, the links between feminist security studies and UNSCR 1325 were discussed, and an overview of the UNSCR 1325 was given. Here, the two will be merged together in order to operationalize the indicators and thereby define the thematic areas of UNSCR 1325 from a feminist perspective, which thereby puts the UNSCR 1325 into a broader theoretical context. This will be done by focusing on two of the four pillars of implementation of the UNSCR 1325, namely; participation and protection. I will proceed to turn to feminist literature in order to define these concepts beyond the scope of the UNSCR 1325 within a feminist framework. Thereafter, these will be used as a tool in order to understand the context of Ukraine in the analysis.

2.2.3.1 Participation Participation is a key aspect of democracy (Dahl 1991). This concept is important for many feminist scholars in order to understand exclusion and inclusion from the political sphere and institutions based on gender. One key assumption among feminists is that institutional decision making is rooted in patriarchal hierarchies (Von Braunmühl 2012). Institutions and organizations are shaped by male norms and criteria for legitimacy, in particular within the field of peace and security, which thereby impedes participation and understanding of relevant experiences (ibid). For many, participation is costly, which at times can lead to gatekeeping and undermining of original political positions (Von Braunmühl 2012).

One concept that is closely interlinked with participation is representation. Hanna Pitkin is one of the most known authors tackling the topic of representation. In her book The Concept of Representation, she defines representation as “acting in the interest of the represented in a manner responsive to them” (Pitkin 1972: 209). Moreover, she distinguishes different types of representation; formal, descriptive, substantial/responsive and

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symbolic (Pitkin 1972). Formal representation describes the procedures of electing representatives (Pitkin 1972). Meanwhile descriptive representation describes the composition of representatives (Pitkin 1972). Substantial representation, on the other hand, describes whether the interest of those represented is reflected in the actions of the representatives (Pitkin 1972). Lastly, symbolic representation describes the trust between the people being represented and the representatives (Pitkin 1972). For Pitkin, substantial, or responsive, representation is the most important aspect of representation, however, all aspects are important to consider when analyzing representation (Pitkin 1972).

One main feminist assumption is that gender equality is vital for building peace and sustainable development (Reiman 2001). Feminist scholars believe that adding a gender perspective is important in order to understand the different impact on men and women that different institutions and policies related to conflict and conflict prevention have (Reiman 2001). It is also assumed that practices on conflict prevention depend on gendered roles (Reiman 2001). By having a feminist perspective, the gendered nature of policies and institutions can be exposed and countered (Reiman 2001). Moreover, feminist scholars emphasize the importance of including non- traditional security actors, as well as including gender perspectives in the processes and concepts related to conflict prevention (Basu & Confortini 2017). Additionally, feminist scholars criticize traditional security studies for failing to understand how local actors, women and women’s groups have agency in terms of conflict prevention, rather than having an essentialist notion of women as victims (Väyrynen 2010).

Likewise, Virginia Sapiro states that the interests represented are of greater importance than who is representing those interests (Sapiro 1998). While there

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is no guarantee that women will represent other women’s interests, nor that all women have the same interests, she claims that women nevertheless constitute an interest group (Sapiro 1998). This, she believes, is due to an existing self- awareness and identification among the group, which due to their position in society have shared interests (Sapiro 1998). This does, however, not mean that they are aware of them, nor does it mean that all women share the same interests as divisions may occur within the group due to factors such as race, class, or age (Sapiro 1998). While Sapiro (1998) does not believe that women in parliament does not per se mean that women’s interest will be represented. It nevertheless constitutes an important step as it will lead to a certain degree of responsiveness to women’s interests as well as it fosters democracy in terms of participation and a symbolic change (Sapiro 1998). Finally, Sapiro states that if only half of the population is represented, only half of the politics is understood (Sapiro 1998).

Diamond & Hartsock (1998), on the other hand counter this by stating that this itself says something about politics the last 2500 years. While they agree that women constitute an interest group who are not always aware of their interests, they believe it is of great importance to identify these interests to create a strong institutional foundation (Diamond & Hartsock 1998). Moreover, they state that men’s and women’s ability to act in favor of women’s interests varies across the policy process, but that only women can act in favor of women’s interests when it comes to identifying the common problems (Diamond & Hartsock 1998). Lastly, they claim that including women’s interests will change what is seen as political and public issues (Diamond & Hartsock 1998).

Additionally, Anne Philips (1998) presents the most common arguments for increasing participation of women, namely 1) a need for role models, 2) justice

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among genders, 3) women’s interests will otherwise be overlooked, 4) to foster and revitalize democracy (Philips 1998). She claims that there exists an unjust division of labor between the genders, whereas women’s lack of representation cannot be explained by lack of engagement since it is a matter of unequal distribution of participation (Philips 1998). As a consequence of this, women’s political impact remains unequal (Philips 1998). Moreover, Philips (1998) agrees that women are a group with similar interests. However, she states that these can differ and can be hard to define, thus making it of greater importance to have more women as representatives that can capture these interests (Philips 1998). Finally Philips (1998) states that a parallel can be drawn between descriptive representation and democratic participation as it can be put into the broader context of democracy.

Moreover, there are different views on explaining the lack of representation among women. Some believe that the lack of representation will come with time, and that the reason for it is a lack of resources and political engagement among women, as well as no countermeasures are needed to foster representation. Others, such as Dahlerup (2011), claim that lack of representation occurs due to discrimination and excluding mechanisms and that one solution is to work with setting objectives and targeting groups, as well as quotation (Dahlerup 2011). According to Dahlerup (2011) this fosters democracy through inclusion.

Another strategy to increase women’s participation, as well as lifting women’s interests is through gender mainstreaming (True & Parisi 2012). True and Parisi identify five different approaches to gender mainstreaming; 1) integrationist model, 2) “gender-as-difference model”, 3) “gender-as- intersectionality model”, 4) alternative/transformationalist model, 5) rejection of gender mainstreaming (True & Parisi 2012). In short, it can be said that the

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integrationist model is most common among organizations and governments, whereas little attention is paid to the basic procedures without changing the fundamental basis of the frameworks in the organization (True & Parisi 2012). Here, the term gender and women are used interchangeably, and is characterized by an “add women and stir approach” (True & Parisi 2012). The gender-as-difference model, on the other hand, is related to the previous model, but rather emphasizes gender binaries and differences, without discarding norms on masculinity (True & Parisi 2012). The gender-as-intersectionality model, in turn, adapts to different needs and recognizes that the identities of the population can intersect (True & Parisi 2012). Moreover, the transformationalist model emphasizes the use of gender perspectives in order to fundamentally transform existing frameworks (True & Parisi 2012). Finally, the rejection of gender mainstreaming models simply discards implementation of gender mainstreaming strategies, or only does so in a superficial manner (True & Parisi 2012). While gender mainstreaming is originally a feminist strategy, feminist scholars have nevertheless criticized the gender mainstreaming practices in different ways (True & Parisi 2012). The main feminist criticism identified by True and Parisi (2012) are the following:

“These criticisms argue 1) that resistance to gender mainstreaming by institutional actors, as in model 5 above, undermines its intended effects; 2) that gender mainstreaming is often based on a single normative perspective on gender, as a synonym for women thus reinforcing gender stereotypes as is the case in models 1 and 2 above; 3) that the gender equality impacts and outcomes of mainstreaming are at best challenging to monitor and evaluate; 4) that women ’ s movements and civil society have been largely excluded from the development of mainstreaming policy; and finally, 5) that the gender

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mainstreaming agenda has been variously co-opted as a means to other institutional ends such as those of state security and economic growth.” (True & Parisi 2012)

Within the context of the NAPs, feminists have criticized the notion of participation as well. In previous research, the NAPs have been criticized for seeing women as passive, as well as focusing on the presence of women rather than challenging the institutions, discourses and practices (Björkdahl & Mannergren Selimovic 2015). Björkdahl and Mannergren Selimovic (2015) claim that this focus on presence undermines participation and women’s agency. Moreover, the NAPs have advanced participation through a top-down approach which further undermines women’s agency (Björkdahl & Mannergren Selimovic 2015). Finally, the NAPs have been criticised for failing to include civil society as women’s rights advocates and their watchdog role, but have rather reduced their role to service provision in areas where the state fails to operate (Björkdahl & Mannergren Selimovic 2015).

It can thus be concluded that representation and participation are closely interlinked concepts as they both constitute an important pillar of democracy. Meanwhile, feminists have thoroughly criticized many aspects of women’s participation and representation. The indicators which will measure participation in Ukraine will be listed in the table at the end of this chapter.

2.2.3.2 Protection For feminist security scholars, the matter of protection of women during war has been of great importance. The UNSCR 1325 has contributed to portraying women as a particularly vulnerable group, particularly in conflict situations (Jansson & Eduards 2016). Within feminist security studies, these vulnerabilities are a result of existing gendered power relations that is not only

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prevalent during conflict (Jansson & Eduards 2016). Nevertheless, gender has been placed on the security agenda and thereby, gender specific protection measures have been justified (Jansson & Eduards 2016).

One subtheme of protection that has gained significant attention is sexual violence in war (Krause 2015). However, many scholars have criticized the way sexual violence in war has been portrayed in terms of ignoring the complexities of it (Krause 2015). One of the critiques towards how sexual violence has been treated is related to the way it is portrayed as a war tactic that will cease to exist when the perpetrators are prosecuted (Krause 2015). While there are many feminist explanations on why rape during conflict occurs, one important feminist notion is related to the continuum of violence, whereas it is recognized that sexual violence is prevalent during both war and peace (Cockburn 2010). Thereby, from a feminist social constructivist perspective it is argued that patriarchy is a precondition for wartime rape to occur as the patriarchal norms are used to justify it (Cohen et. al. 2013). It is thus argued that the notion of protection is closely interlinked with participation as it is an important factor granting protection (Krause 2015). Another context in which these matters have been discussed is in terms of sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers, whereas research shows that the larger the mission, the more likely the emergence of sexual exploitation and abuse (Nordås & Aas Rustad 2015). Moreover, it is shown that laws on prevention are ineffective, and that important factors are development levels and preceding conflict, as well as the intensity of the conflict (Nordås & Aas Rustad 2015). This can be understood in the context of power relations between men and women, as well as how masculinities shape the personnel, which mostly consist of men (Nordås & Aas Rustad 2015).

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Another related notion is the mortality rates during conflict. While it has been reported that male mortality is higher in conflict (Urdal & Primus Che 2015), one needs to consider the gendered nature of this statement. Some studies claim that women’s mortality overextends male when considering the health effects of conflict (Urdal & Primus Che 2015). These effects are seen at the different stages of conflict; prior to conflict the military expenditures increase and extract resources from health services and during conflict, the health capacities are decreased (Urdal & Primus Che 2015). During conflict, the access to contraception and abortions are limited due to poor access to health clinics (Urdal & Primus Che 2015). Due to the destruction of health infrastructure, maternal health is negatively affected (Urdal & Primus Che 2015). Some effects that are seen is a higher risk of unsafe abortions, a higher risk of malnutrition during pregnancies due to poor economy and poor food access, as well as an increased risk of infectious diseases during and after pregnancies (Urdal & Primus Che 2015). Additionally, since women constitute a great percentage of refugees and IDPs, they are also more vulnerable for diseases since they are more transmittable under the conditions in which many refugees and IDPs live (Urdal & Primus Che 2015). Moreover, in regards to IDPs, earlier research from several different contexts has shown that women constitute a vulnerable group as they experience violence at multiple levels, such as structural violence in terms of poverty, and community violence in terms of norms (Logie et. al. 2017). In many cases women IDPs experience sexual and gender-based violence, which can be understood as part of the general context of violence (Alzate 2007).

Another security aspect that has been focused on among feminist security scholars, which is related to protection, is the approach to trafficking. Traditionally, the view on trafficking has been related to border security and migration control (Lobasz 2009). A feminist approach, on the other hand, is

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related to the view on trafficking as a violation of human rights (Lobasz 2009). Rather than focusing on the state, the feminist referent object is the people (Lobasz 2009). Thereby, feminist scholars have focused on human rights, safe migration, social services, and sexual exploitation when examining trafficking (Lobasz 2009). Feminists have criticized traditional views on human trafficking for reproducing stereotypes related to race and gender by not accounting for the agency of women, as well as constructing a stereotypical image of the victim, along with focusing on white women rather than the experiences of all races (Lobasz 2009).

Feminist scholars also argue that political economic analysis must be understood when studying the causes of war by understanding the interrelationship between different types of violence, such as physical, economic and ecological (Bergeron et. al. 2017). Thereby, it can also be stated that the different types of violence does not merely emerge from the local context, it is rather rooted in the political and economic processes and dynamics of the global and regional arena (Bergeron et. al. 2017). Feminist anti-war activists in which this notion is derived form on a scholarly level, recognize gender as one of the forms of power relation emerging from coercion and violence (Cockburn 2010). Hence, women experience coercion and violence both in times of war and peace (Cockburn 2010). Moreover, war is seen as a system of interacting entities consisting of power dimensions, both economic, national and patriarchal (Cockburn 2010). War is also seen as a continuum of many kinds of violence (Cockburn 2010). This, in turn, makes gender one of the primary causes of war, which is seen when looking at the culture of social relations in the different steps at which gender operates (Cockburn 2010). As Cynthia Cockburn puts it: “The power imbalance of gender relations in most (if not all) societies generates cultures of masculinity prone to violence” (Cockburn 2019: 44). This means that violence is a

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continuum in gender relations, and to eradicate violence one needs to have a gender perspective in order to understand how violence affects the experiences of different genders (Cockburn 2019). One also needs to understand the power imbalances in gender relations, and how the patriarchal power structures contribute to violence in different institutions such as the family, the state or the military on different levels (Cockburn 2019).

Furthermore, Cockburn (2019) explores the warning signs of violence prior to armed conflict taking place. She identifies three particular phenomena, namely; economic distress, militarization, and divisive shifts in ideology (Cockburn 2019). In regards to economic distress, Cockburn draws on Johan Galutng’s concept of ‘structural violence’ by adding a gender dimension. Here, she states that long before violence breaks out, the power dimensions of the gender relations constitute an oppression and threat to women (Cockburn 2019). In economic terms, this can be seen in destabilized family relations due to unemployment among males or reductions in welfare which often affect women disproportionately (Cockburn 2019). When examining militarization, Cockburn (2019) states that an increased militarization and weapon flow is seen prior to a conflict outbreak. This affects men and women disproportionately due to for example, high arms expenditures at the expense of expenditures on public services such as health and education (Cockburn 2019). During these times, domestic violence often increases and is also often more lethal due to the weapon flows (Cockburn 2019). Finally, when examining the divisive shifts in ideology prior to conflict outbreak, Cockburn (2019) states that the discourse shifts to national patriotism, which in turn emphasizes the patriarchal family ideologies (Cockburn 2019). This is, for example, seen in how the gender roles are strengthened whereas women are seen as nurturers and men as protectors of the women, children and the nation (Cockburn 2019).

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By drawing on the logic of masculinity and femininity as ideas and values, one can further understand the concept of protection (Young 2003). Here, Young (2003), draws on the notion of the male as a protector of the family and its roles as protectors of a population on a greater level. The idea of masculinist protection implies that those subordinate to the male, namely women, distance themselves from decision-making autonomy in exchange for the male protection (Young 2003). Those in ‘feminine position’ thus become a subordinate object and are equated with the position of children to be protected by paternal leaders (Young 2003). Likewise, some feminist scholars are concerned that Western feminists reproduce this idea in interaction with non- Western women (Young 2003). Discursively, in particular within the context of UNSCR 1325, women are often portrayed as passive and fragile victims with no ownership to the war and peace processes, whereas the protector is the political elite (Björkdahl & Mannergren Selimovic 2015). Traditional gender roles are reproduced when talking about protection, as the UNSCR 1325 equates gender with biological sex (Sheperd 2011). The protection of women is thus also related to the notion of using women’s ‘vulnerability’ as a way of legitimizing war and securitization (Stiehm 2010).

According to Young (2003), a democratic approach to protection is therefore necessary from a feminist point of view. This entails the idea that no state can fully protect its citizens, and as a protector the government cannot require subordination in terms of citizens giving up their rights and dignity and their right to hold the government accountable in exchange for protection (Young 2003). True thereby states that “Democratic citizenship thus means ultimately rejecting the hierarchy of protector and protected” (Young 2003: 22).

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In summary, there are many aspects regarding protection from a feminist perspective. The most common themes identified range from focusing on sexual violence in conflict, power relations, women’s health during conflict, women IDPs, human trafficking, and the portrayal of women as victims and men as protectors. Listed below are the main points of the theoretical framework which will be used as units of analysis.

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Concept Definition according to Operational indicators UNSCR 1325

Participation Promote and support women’s active - Women’s participation in civil and meaningful participation in all society peace processes as well as their - Women’s participation in representation in formal and informal politics on a national and decision-making at all levels; regional level improve partnership and networking - Women’s participation in the with local and international women’s security sector rights groups and organizations; - Women’s participation in recruit and appoint women to senior peace processes positions in the United Nations, - Participation of IDPs and including Special Representatives of other minorities the Secretary-General, and in peacekeeping forces, including military, police and civilian personnel. (S/2007/567, paragraph 42)

Protection Strengthen and amplify efforts to - Protection from conflict secure the safety, physical or mental related sexual violence and health, well-being, economic gender based violence security and/or dignity of women and - Protection of women IDPs girls; promote and safeguard human - Protection from trafficking rights of women and mainstream a - Economic and labor gender perspective into the legal and protection institutional reforms. (S/2007/567, paragraph 42)

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2.2.3.3 Feminist Criticism of UNSCR 1325 UNSCR 1325 has been criticized by scholars of feminist security studies and queer theorist for not mentioning different types of femininities and masculinities, nor the LGBTQ population (Hagen 2016). Moreover, it equates the words gender and women, which results in individuals who do not conform to heteronormative gender constructions and do not identify as ‘women’ are not recognized in the monitoring of sexual and gender-based violence (Hagen 2016). Meanwhile, postcolonial feminist theorist argue that the WPS agenda reproduces norms and hierarchies through policy practices in a gendered, racialized, sexualized, and classed manner (Martin de Almagro 2018). Another example is seen in Nicola Pratt’s (2013) work, who reads UNSCR 1325 from a postcolonial perspective to understand the reinscription of racial-sexual boundaries of imperialist practices and how UNSCR 1325 reproduces these notions. She, moreover, argues that the understanding of racial-sexual boundaries can enable construction of counter-hegemonic feminist practices by problematizing how gender, race and sexuality are related (Pratt 2013). Amy Barrow (2009), on the other hand, uses interviews of several civil society actors to empirically examine gender mainstreaming and whether UNSCR 1325´s impact. Here, she concludes that the resolution has had limited impact in achieving gender mainstreaming, in particular on a macro level (Barrow 2009). However, she notes, the impact has been greater at a micro level since civil society have been able to use the UNSCR 1325 to raise awareness of issues such as gender based violence, but that this in turn is a problem since these organizations lack capital to incorporate it consistently and systematically (Barrow 2009). Moreover, she concludes that “UNSCR 1325 is not radical enough to be used as a transformative gender mainstreaming tool” (Barrow 2009: 1). Meanwhile, others argue that while the UNSCR 1325 has been hard to implement due to poor accountability mechanisms, it has nevertheless contributed with new norms and putting women, peace and security on the agenda at several levels (Tryggestad 2009).

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3 Method and material In this chapter an overview will be given on the research design and the research method used to conduct this study. Additionally, methodology will be briefly discussed from a feminist perspective. Following this, the materials used for the study will be presented and reflected upon.

3.1 Research design For this study, the research design consists of a combination of a descriptive and an explanatory theory consuming case study. A descriptive study aims to answer questions in order to describe a certain phenomenon though a classification scheme with the most important concepts used for the study (Essisasson et. al. 2017: 37). A classification scheme is an analytical tool created through a theoretical construction which helps to guide the researcher through the empirical material (Essiasson et. al. 2017: 137). Here, the first research question is asked in a descriptive manner, whereas the goal is to describe the extent that UNSCR 1325 has been implemented in Ukraine. The classification scheme is based on the UNSCR 1325 and the pillars of participation and protection. In this study, these are used as a part of the classification scheme with a basis in theories within feminist security studies. This means that the pillars participation and protection will be defined and operationalized from a feminist perspective and thereafter be used as a tool in order to understand and describe the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine. An explanatory study, on the other hand, moves beyond the descriptive aspects and aims to explain why a phenomena occurs (Essiasson et. al. 2017: 37). An explanatory study can be conducted in different ways, but in this case, the study will be theory consuming. This means that the case will

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constitute the focus of the study, whereas the theoretical framework will assist in explaining the case (Essiasson et. al. 2017: 42). In this study, the research question is of an explanatory manner. While a ‘how-question’ can be understood as descriptive according to Essiasson et. al. (2017), it is important to note that the research question in this case specifically asks for an explanation on the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine from a feminist security perspective. For this study, the case at the center will therefore be Ukraine within the context of UNSCR 1325. Meanwhile, the theory that will be consumed in order to explain the case will be a feminist security perspective.

The research method used in this study is therefore a qualitative empirical case study. The case of Ukraine was chosen due to several factors. Firstly, Ukraine is the first country in the world to start implementing the UNSCR 1325 in the midst of a conflict (O’Sullivan 2019). This makes Ukraine an interesting case to study in regards to the implementation of UNSCR 1325 from an empirical perspective. Secondly, it is also important to study the case of Ukraine from a feminist security perspective. By doing so, the case can be understood from a broader theoretical context, which is of great importance due to the geopolitical and traditional security focus that the region has traditionally attained. By choosing the case of Ukraine the study can contribute to new feminist insights to a case where mostly traditional security theories have been used, as well as contributing to feminist scholarly work by applying the theory on a case that has not been given much attention in the feminist scholarly field.

In addition, the logic applied to this research is deductive. In brief, deduction can be described as the following: “A deductive argument is valid if the truth of its premises guarantees the truth of its conclusions and is invalid otherwise” (Gauch 2013: 113). Moreover, the conclusions of a deductive argument are

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true with certainty and are not seen within degrees, as opposed to inductive reasoning whereas the conclusions are true within degrees of a high probability (Gauch 2013: 114). While the boundaries of the certainties are not always clear cut, one important characteristic of a deductive approach is to approach the problem from a general idea to a specific case, as opposed to induction where specific cases are used to draw general conclusions (Gauch 2013: 114). Therefore, a deductive approach uses a given theoretical model and applies it to expected empirical data (Gauch 2013: 114). In this study, the general theoretical model used is feminist security studies, whereas the empirical data it is applied on is the implementation on UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine.

When selecting the research method, one important aspect to consider is the validity of the study. Validity can be defined as consisting of three notions; conceptual validity, validity of results, and reliability (Essiasson et. al. 2017: 58). The conceptual validity is ensured by properly translating the theoretical framework into operational indicators and thereby reducing the risk of systemic errors (Essiasson et. al. 2017: 59). For this study, conceptual validity has been ensured by operationalizing the theoretical framework into indicators which aim to measure the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine. This has been done by using feminist security studies to define the concepts participation and protection from a feminist perspective in order to measure the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine empirically. Reliability, similarly to conceptual validity, refers to the absence of both systemic and random errors (Essiasson et. al. 2017: 64). For this study, the reliability will be ensured through a close reading of the material in order to reduce the risk of errors when collecting the empirical material. Finally, the validity of the results is ensured by having a strong conceptual validity along with a strong reliability, thereby ensuring that the study is measuring what it aims to measure (Essiasson et. al. 2017: 58).

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3.2 Feminist methodology Due to the distinctive features of feminist methodological contributions to the social sciences, a brief discussion and overview on the use of feminist methodology will be carried through in this section. Before proceeding with the discussion and overview on feminist methodologies, it is however important to note the distinction between the terms methods and methodologies, as methodologies are concerned with the procedures of validating knowledge (Ramazanoglu & Holland 2002).

In Ann Tickner’s (2005) article Gendering a Discipline: Feminist Methodological Contributions to International Relations she discusses feminist methodological contributions to the field of IR. Here, it is stated that most feminist IR scholars reject positivist methodologies in terms of methodologies inspired by the natural sciences where casual explanations and systematic inquiry was in focus (Tickner 2005). In order to understand feminist epistemologies one needs to understand what epistemology is. In short, epistemology is the notion of what can be considered legitimate knowledge (Ramazanoglu & Holland 2002). According to feminists, previous epistemologies have established the inferiority of women (Ramazanoglu & Holland 2002). This has been criticized by feminist by pointing out the pre- existing racial and patriarchal prejudices and power relations of the earlier epistemologies (Ramazanoglu & Holland 2002). Feminists have thus moved beyond the epistemological questions asked in the positivist social sciences by highlighting hegemonic masculinities in IR (Tickner 2005). Rather, feminist theories take an epistemological stance in gender relations as a central unit of analysis (Tickner 2005).

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Ontology, on the other hand, refers to recognized beliefs on what exists and the essence of the social existence (Ramazanoglu & Holland 2002). While different ontologies offer a variety of explanations to this, within feminism, the gender binaries have been contested (Ramazanoglu & Holland 2002). In regards to ontology, Ann Tickner states that “Feminist ontology is based on social relations that are constituted by historically contingent unequal political, economic, and social structures” (Tickner 2005). This is opposed to the ontological notions of traditional IR, whose claims on objective and universal knowledge have been criticized by feminists (Tickner 2005). This is due to being based on male experiences (Tickner 2005). Thus, the preference of feminist ontology lies in the focus of the individual lives and experiences and social hierarchies as opposed to traditionalist focus on behavior of states (Tickner 2005). Moreover, the aim with feminist methodology is emancipatory by focusing on the individuals who have been marginalized within traditional IR (Tickner 2005). Thereby, feminists have a bottom-up approach to IR by focusing on the everyday experiences of those in the margins and the power hierarchies and structures affecting them (Tickner 2005). Thus the boundaries between the private and the political are blurred (Tickner 2005). Feminist methodology is therefore to be understood in connectivity with feminist theory, epistemology, and ontology, as well as the political positioning and subjectivity of the research, which thereby makes it emancipatory for women (Ramazanoglu & Holland 2002).

The positionality of this study is therefore rooted in the previously discussed notions of feminist methodology. Ontologically, this study therefore recognizes the reality of patriarchal unequal structures of society, along with the connectivity between the personal and political. This study will thus be recognizing the lived experiences affected by the power hierarchies and structures in a patriarchal society. Likewise, epistemologically, the

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positionality of this study will be focusing on the gender relations and the hegemonic masculinities.

3.3 Material The material used for this study consists of several different types of sources that have been derived from a range of information outlets. One major type of material used is scientific articles, books and anthologies. These have mainly been used in establishing the theoretical framework, whereas previous research has laid the ground for it. Some main examples of such include the work of Cynthia Cockburn (2010), Hanna Pitkin (1972), Virginia Sapiro (1998), and Anne Philips (1998), among others. The material of earlier scientific research on the subject of feminist security studies has therefore been used to lay the foundation on which this study’s empirical material will be analyzed upon. Moreover, scientific material has been used in the literary review in order to give an overview of the field and put the study in a scientific context. However, scientific articles will also be used as empirical material in order to provide reliable substance and facts that will be analyzed. Other types of sources that have been used are official documents derived from the UN. These include the original UNSCR 1325 (2000) document, the Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women (1996), the Women, Peace and Security: Report of the Secretary General (2010), and the Report of the Secretary- General on Women, and Peace and Security (2007), among others. These documents have been derived online from the UN’s official websites and digital archives. Additionally, the UN’s official website has been used to provide background information on the UNSCR 1325. One example includes the website of the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women (OSAGI). Other sources that have been used for this research are those of civil society organizations which have been attributed a watchdog role in regards to the UNSCR 1325. One major reason is their reporting on the progress on implementing UNSCR 1325 as a complementary

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to the official sources used. These examples include the websites of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP 2013). In addition to this, material will be used from international and civil society organizations to the extent it is available in English due to the language barriers.

Upon selecting the material for this research, there have been several important considerations to keep in mind. Firstly, the relevance of the sources is one aspect to consider. The sources need to contribute with information that is of relevance to this research. This has been guaranteed by having the framework of the study in consideration when deriving information from sources. One way in which this has been done is by using relevant keywords when searching for material in terms of scientific articles. Examples of such include the keywords “feminism”, “feminist security studies”, “Ukraine”, “protection”, “participation”, and “UNSCR 1325”.

Additionally, the material used needs to ensure credibility. There are four main principles to consider when choosing material; authenticity, independence, contemporaneity and non-tendency (Essiasson et. al. 2017: 288). The principle of authenticity has been ensured by exclusively retrieving information from legitimate information sources. One way this has been done is by using the official university database of the Linnaeus University, Onesearch, when searching for scientific material. Another way in which this has been ensured is by using official material from the UN and other credible organizations. Moreover, the credibility of the civil society reports has been ensured by making sure they are recognized by official organizations such as the UN or OSCE, whereas they have either been cited by the organizations or published on their webpages. Meanwhile, the independence principle has been considered by using mainly primary sources. These include the original

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resolutions documents and reports, as well as the original research articles cited. Moreover the independence has been further ensured by using complementary material from a diverse set of sources when necessary. This has thereby also contributed to reducing the risk of tendentiousness. The only risk of tendentiousness can be found in the use of sources from civil society organizations and other international organizations such as the UN. However the risk has been minimized by using complementary material as well as putting the sources into a context by understanding them from a theoretical perspective. Lastly, the contemporaneity has been ensured by using material as close in time as the original events discussed in the cases where this has been relevant, which can be seen in connectivity to the principle of authenticity and independence whereas the original sources are of importance. In conclusion, the credibility of the material has been ensured by having these four principles in consideration when selecting the material for this research.

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4 Analysis

4.1 UNSCR 1325 in Ukraine Ukraine adopted its National Action Plan in 2014 and it applies for the period of 2016-2020. It was the first country to adopt a NAP in the midst of an ongoing conflict. Due to this, it has been criticized for linking the Women, Peace and Security agenda to militarism (O’Sullivan 2019). The NAP consists of a framework to implement UNSCR 1325, and it is the result of joint cooperation and synergy between several institutions (WILPF n.d.). The institutions involved in the effort report to the Cabinet of Ministries of Ukraine (WILPF n.d.). The NAP consists of six pillars of action, namely: 1) peacekeeping and peace-protecting activities, 2) women’s participation in peacebuilding, 3) prevention of conflicts and violence, 4) protection of women and girls affected by conflicts, 5) provision of assistance and rehabilitation of people affected by conflicts, and 6) Monitoring of the National Action Plan for implementation of UNSCR 1325. (NAP of Ukraine 2016).

These six pillars are divided into 10 main tasks or objectives, whereas each of them is operationalized into several indicators (NAP of Ukraine 2016). The indicators are, in turn, operationalized into activities which aim to achieve the said indicator, and in turn the said task (ibid). Each of the indicators has actors listed as responsible for the implementation of said activity (ibid). The actors include different ministries, regions, NGOs, international organizations, state administrations, and state security services (NAP of Ukraine). Moreover, the NAP lists the financial resources for each indicator, whereas it states whether the funding is derived from the state, local budget or other sources (ibid). Moreover, the NAP also forecasts the amount of funding needed in order to implement the NAP (NAP of Ukraine).

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4.2 Participation In this section the different aspects of participation in Ukraine will be analyzed from a feminist perspective. The focus will be on participation in several aspects of society such as civil society organizations, politics, security sector, peace processes, and participation of IDPs.

4.2.1 Women’s participation in civil society Ukraine has a vibrant civil society with a wide range of women’s organizations. In general, it has been noted that the Euromaidan protests strengthened civil society in Ukraine as opposed to the earlier ideas of weak post-communist civil societies due to low levels of participation (Shapovalova, Burlyuk & Youngs 2018). Since the Euromaidan, more civil society organizations have been registered, in particular humanitarian and housing associations (ibid). It has moreover been noted that civil society in Ukraine has been showing two main trends post-Euromaidan. Firstly, CSOs have taken on a service providing role and filling the gaps of service provision which are not ensured by the state (ibid). Secondly, post-Euromaidan CSOs have worked towards consolidating the Ukrainian democracy through reform advocacy aimed at the state authorities, often through advocacy coalitions in collaboration with Western donors (ibid). Another aspect that has changed since the Euromaidan is the composition of CSOs, whereas the organizations have become more heterogeneous with a wide range of groups such as volunteer groups, churches, journalists, think tanks, and LGBTI groups (ibid). The voluntary groups have particularly increased and now coexist with professionalized NGO groups (ibid).

Similarly, the Maidan protests provided opportunities for Ukrainian feminists in many ways (Philips 2014). During the protests, women participants made up around 41-47% of the protesters, but their role in the protests is often overlooked and reduced to stereotypically gendered work (ibid). Men often

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took on the barricades, whereas women’s role was to support men with food, cleaning the streets, as well as coordination and administration roles (ibid). Those women who did participate on the barricades, however, were excluded as the violence of the protests increased (ibid). Nevertheless, the contributions remain unnoticed by the public and it is often forgotten that women actively started their own initiatives during the protests (ibid). One such example is the “Night of Women’s Solidarity” where women protested patriarchy simultaneously as they protested the government (ibid). Several Women’s Squads were initiated during this period, some of them took on a far right nationalistic approach and were criticized by feminists for having a misogynistic and militarizing rhetoric (ibid). These groups have additionally reproduced gendered relations by connecting their activism to motherhood and being gendered in terms of their goals, tactics, slogans, and activities (Strelnyk 2019). This can be connected to the ancient archetype of the Ukrainian matriarch Berehynia which was revived amidst Ukrainian independence, defying the Soviet masculinized woman by raising the Berehynia as “the symbolic heart mother” and thus perpetuating traditional gender norms (Rubchak 2009: 131). Thus, many of the women’s associations formed in the 1990’s after the fall of the Soviet Union focused on women’s capacity as mothers, whereas simultaneously a larger scale of professionalized women’s rights NGOs grew after the independence (Hrycak 2001). While some of the latter groups adopted Western feminist theories, applied them to the Ukrainian context and gained grants from Western donors, they rarely called themselves feminist (Rubchak 2012).

Meanwhile, amidst the Euromaidan, other Women’s Squads were established by feminist groups and LGBTI activists (Philips 2014). The feminist initiatives seized the opportunity to educate the public on the feminist movement, and consisted largely of younger, educated women, (Philips 2014) thus making up

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shift from the earlier foundation feminism and hybrid organizations (Hrycak 2006). Since the Orange Revolution, feminists have gained leverage in Ukrainian society, whereas professional activism in terms of advocacy by gender experts for changes in policy (Hrycak & Rewakowicz 2009). This can be understood as being rooted in a new generation of feminist who rejected the post-communist norms (Rubchak 2012). One of the most known examples is FEMEN who mainly consisted of university educated women who initiated a grassroots movement in connection with an international network by provocative protests (ibid). Other new generational groups had a less provocative approach which at times overlapped with the approach of the earlier activists (ibid). Additionally, the internet has created even more opportunities for feminist networks in terms of forums in which women can connect (Hrycak & Rewakowicz 2009). Thus it has been noted that feminist organizations and women’s organizations are rather more independent in terms of ideology and financially, and have become more diverse since the Euromaidan (Philips 2014).

4.2.2 Women’s participation in politics Ukraine has a unicameral parliamentary system that goes by the name Verkhovna Rada (IPU 2020a). According to the Interparliamentary Union’s recent numbers, Ukraine’s parliament consists of 450 elected members whereas 88 of them are women, thus making up merely 20.8% of the members of parliament (IPU 2020a). In the Interparliamentary Union’s ranking, Ukraine is ranked 106 out of 192 countries (IPU 2020b). Moreover, out of all 17 ministerial posts women make up 6 of them, thus making up 35.3% of all ministerial posts and making Ukraine being ranked 33 on a global level (UN Women 2020). According to the Global Gender Gap Report, when looking at the total gender equality, Ukraine is ranked 59 out of 153, but however in terms of political empowerment Ukraine is ranked 83 (World Economic Forum 2020). According to the Ukrainian Constitution, equality between men and

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women is guaranteed in Article 24 whereas gendered restrictions are prohibited (UWF 2011). Discrimination based on other grounds such as race, political or religious views, gender, ethnicity or social status is also prohibited (ibid). Another important law in terms of gender equality is the Law on Ukraine on Ensuring Equal Rights and Opportunities of Women and Men, in which Article 4 requires a gendered analysis of all legislation and regulation adopted is required (ibid). While Ukraine has many laws in place in order to ensure equal participation of women, it is not reflected in practice (ibid). There are several limitations in terms of ensuring equal participation. This includes providing the means and procedures of enforcement, as well as the ability to protect individuals from discrimination and hold violators accountable (ibid).

To understand women’s participation in Ukraine, one needs to have the historical aspects in mind. During the Soviet Era, women rarely had positions of political influence (Hrycak 2001). While women’s rights was an acclaimed goal of the Soviet state, women’s participation was still mostly limited to low wage and low prestige jobs, and those who did participate were often reduced to stereotypically female policy spheres (ibid). During the 1970’s, women were increasingly active in the Soviet local organizations, and by the 1980’s gender quotas were introduced (ibid). Thus, during the 1980’s, women’s participation increased, whereas women held one third of the seats in the Supreme Council (ibid). However, the real influence of women was marginal due to the organizational immobilization and exclusion from position of influence (ibid). Thus, when the gender quotas were removed after the fall of the Soviet Union, women’s participation decreased leading to women only holding 2.9% of the seats in the Supreme Council in 1990 (ibid). Currently, Ukraine has no mandatory gender quota systems in order to increase the participation of women in parliament (IPU 2020a). However, a 30% quota norm was introduced in 2013 in the legislation in Article 8 of the law “On

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Political Parties”, where it is stated that a party needs a charter stating the amount of men and women on the electoral list, whereas it is recommended to take on a 30% minimum quota (Antoniuk 2015). However, there are no accountability mechanisms to ensure that parties comply, the position of women is not defined in particular, and it is not considered to be an obligation to comply with the quota (ibid). It has rather been reported that some parties put women at the end of the candidate list which impedes their possibility to be elected as members of parliament (ibid).

In 2015, a revision of the law “On Local Elections” was introduced where a proportional system with open lists to regional, city and district councils (Antoniuk 2015). In addition, the same 30% gender quota was introduced on a local level as well (ibid). Research shows that women are more represented at local governmental levels compared with national parliament (Dean & Dos Santos 2017). It is also seen that women are best represented in village councils in Ukraine, and in lower levels of governance (ibid). Meanwhile, it is also evident that the higher the levels of governance and political power, the fewer women are represented (ibid). Moreover, the size of the city matters as well, as it is noted that bigger cities have a lower representation of women (ibid). Despite the wider representation of women on a local level, women nevertheless constitute a minority in the local councils (ibid). The law, moreover, stated that, unlike national elections, local candidate lists of parties that do not comply can be cancelled in the local elections (ibid). However, it was ruled out by the High Administrative Court of Ukraine and thus stating that not meeting the gender quota was not sufficient ground for excluding a party from candidating (ibid). The quotas are therefore not providing enough incentives for parties to increase women’s participation (ibid).

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Additionally, civil society reports that women in politics risk facing violence, whereas the most commonly identified types of violence is humiliation in social media and mass media, physiological violence, sexism, verbal abuse and sexual harassment (La Strada 2018). This often can take the form of comments regarding appearance and clothing, private life, sexualization and comments in regards to reproductive health, or general distrust in regards to professional abilities (La Strada 2018). Moreover, it is reported that women and men face different types of violence online, as the content targeting women often is sexualized whereas sexualized violence against men often takes on homophobic, heteronormative and hypermasculine prejudices (IFES 2019). Online abuse is considered to impede women’s participation, as well as reproduce stereotypical views on women’s social and political participation (ibid). This was for example seen when former Prime Minister and oligarch Yulia Tymoshenko candidates for presidency in 2010, whereas opponents made sexist remarks towards Yulia in their own campaigns whereas it was for example stated that the country needed a father figure (Hrycak 2011: 74). However, it is also important to note that Yulia did not advocate for women’s rights during her campaign (Nikolayenko & DeCasper 2018). Other identified obstacles to women’s participation are traditional family and gender roles which lead to unequal family-work balance and lack of support by partners, thus leading to less time to engage in political activities (OSCE 2018). Moreover, economic inequality also constitutes an obstacle due to the cost of election campaigns and the difficulties to occupy unpaid council positions due to a poor economic situation (ibid). It has additionally been reported that since the emergence of the conflict, women have become more active in the communities on a local level, in particular relating to humanitarian and social issues, but the same development has not been noted in political councils (ibid).

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4.2.3 Women’s participation in the security sector As in many societies, women in Ukraine have traditionally been excluded from the security sector (Martsenyuk, Grytsenko & Kvit 2016). The military in Ukraine was for a long time a conservative institution with a low number of female soldiers (ibid). In recent years, the number of women soldiers has increased, in particular for the contracted positions (ibid). This development has, however, not given women a higher position within the military, it has rather been related to men’s unwillingness to occupy low status positions within the military (ibid). Therefore, despite the increase of women in the military, most women in the security sector have feminized positions such as in nursing, finances or communications (ibid). Women in the military face discrimination in terms of sexist remarks and employment discrimination, and in addition to discrimination there are legal and institutional restrictions on women’s participation in the security sector (ibid). While Ukraine has laws that prohibit gender discrimination, this is not implemented in policies and there is often a lack of accountability (ibid). Despite the prohibition of gender discrimination, there are laws that contradict the anti-discrimination laws in an attempt to protect women by thus reproducing traditional gender roles (ibid). One such example is the Code of Labour Laws of Ukraine, whereas there are gender specific laws that aim to protect women which perpetuate the gender stereotypes (ibid). Such examples include prohibiting women from being employed in hard and dangerous industries and professions such as mines and other heavy industries (ibid). The tasks that are prohibited include lifting heavy objects and working night shifts in certain sectors (ibid). There are thereby approximately 500 jobs listed as prohibited for women by the Ministry of Health (ibid). This directly affects women in the military as it regulates a number of military professions in a gendered manner (ibid). Most of the open positions are in service work such as being a cook, but it is for example not possible to be a drone operator (ibid). There are even cases where a woman has attained a certain position but has de facto nevertheless conducted tasks

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that are only to be performed within the positions open solely for male personnel (ibid). This leads to a situation where women are not granted the privileges of legal combatant status, along with lower wages due to their position and are moreover not granted compensation for injuries attained during the employment (ibid). Moreover, the military does not provide separate housing for female employees, and there is no gender-sensitive healthcare (ibid).

While there are many issues relating to gender equality in regards to security sector reform in Ukraine, the NAP has constituted an important tool for reforming the security sector (Martsenyuk, Grytsenko & Kvit 2016). Since the adoption of the UNSCR 1325 NAP, working groups have been established in order to ensure improvements in the security sector (UN Women 2017a). Some security related sectors have adopted their own NAPs for implementing the UNSCR 1325 (ibid). For example, the Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Internal Affairs, the National Police, and the State Guard Border Services (ibid). There have been legislative changes that have opened up more positions to women compared to previous years (OSCE 2018). Thereby, women who previously served in volunteer battalions have been able to become a part of the Ukrainian Armed Forces (OSCE 2018). However, the assessments made on the implementation of the NAP by said institutions states that the implementation of the NAP has not been reflected into the strategic, operational and tactical levels (UN Women 2017a). There is for example still a lack of knowledge on sexual harassment, there have been poor reporting mechanisms and a risk of not being taken seriously (ibid). While the Ministry of Internal Affairs has established a reporting mechanism in order to meet the needs, the staff still often lacks training on responding to the sexual harassment (ibid). The commitment on implementing the changes necessary for meeting the criteria of including women among leaders within the security sector is

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inconsistent and varies depending on the leaders’ understanding of gender equality (ibid). However, the Ministry of Defense has taken steps to work against gender discrimination and gender based violence by updating their Code of Conduct and Code of Honour for defense personnel (ibid). In addition to this, some security agencies have employed gender advisors as well (O’Sullivan 2019). Still gender stereotypes prevail in the Ukrainian society, whereas men are viewed as the protector and women are viewed as in need of male protection which is thus reflected in the security sector of Ukraine (UN Women 2017a).

The aspect of reforming the security sector in Ukraine has thereby been a crucial part of the implementation of UNSCR 1325 (O’Sullivan 2019). The Ukrainian implementation of UNSCR 1325 has thus been criticized for having a narrow militaristic focus (O’Sullivan 2019). The ongoing conflict has contributed with militaristic, nationalistic and geopolitical discourses which have been reflected by the feminist movement along with the rest of the Ukrainian society (O’Sullivan 2019). Moreover, since international organizations have been a strong driving force for the women, peace and security agenda, their response to the civil society actors has thus also reflected the militaristic focus and the conflict (O’Sullivan 2019). This has for example been seen in the OSCE’s Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine, NATO Liaison Office and UN Women’s focus on the UNSCR 1325 (O’Sullivan 2019).

4.2.4 Women’s participation in peace processes In order to understand women’s participation in peace negotiations, one needs to understand the context of the peace negotiations in Ukraine. In brief, the peace negotiations in the Ukrainian conflict started with the Normandy Format in 6th June 2014 where France, Germany, Russia and Ukraine participated

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(Golanski 2016). An agreement was reached on the 5th September 2014, and thus the first Minsk Protocol was established (Golanski 2016). It aimed to lead to a ceasefire, which was shortly breached leading to the deterioration of the situation (Golanski 2016). The peace negotiations were once again resumed in an attempt to de-escalate the conflict in February 2015, whereas a new ceasefire was reached along with a 13-point peace agreement known as the Minsk II (Golanski 2016). The new agreement was, however, not implemented and the ceasefires were breached (Golanski 2016). Despite this, the peace negotiations are ongoing and the Minsk II will provide the basis for future peace negotiations (Wittke 2019).

In Ukraine, it has been noted by the CEDAW Committee that women have been excluded from the formal peace negotiations (CEDAW/C/UKR/CO/8). Only two women participated in the high level dialogues, namely Iryna Geraschenko and Olga Ajvazovska (Warren, et. al. 2018). Moreover, the Minsk process has been criticized for having poor mechanisms for inclusion of civil society (ibid). Another reason for the exclusion is the view of the Minsk Process as deadlocked (Kyselova 2019). Hence, women and civil society have sought alternative ways to practice peacebuilding by engaging in and leading informal peace processes (Warren et. al. 2018). This has been done through engagement in civil society organizations, and sometimes even in collaboration with international organizations (ibid). Women have been active agents in organizing both mediations and dialogues on different community levels (ibid). Some examples include building bridges with the IDP communities through common activities, or organizing dialogues between women from across Ukraine and Russia, as well as organizing dialogues with regional civil society leaders with discussions concerning the ongoing regional peace processes (ibid). Women’s participation in civil society can thus provide

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an important basis for highlighting the women’s perspective on a community basis (WILPF 2017).

However, it is reported that women’s engagement in informal peace processes can be impeded by obstacles as well (WILPF 2017). One major obstacle for women’s participation in peace processes through civil society engagement is the socio-economic aspect (ibid). For women who do not get their basic needs met, participation in peace negotiations is undermined due to lack of economic resources which enable them to set aside time for civil society engagement (ibid). This is particularly true for women in rural areas whereas aside from the economic aspect of poverty, the poor infrastructure, lack of education and access to basic services impede women’s participation in informal peace processes (ibid). Another obstacle to women’s participation in informal peace processes through civil society engagement is that many groups that engage in cross-border dialogues report smear campaigns accusing them for being ‘traitors’, ‘enemies of the state’ or being pro-Russian’ (WILPF 2017: p. 5) Other types of smear campaigns have been taking the form of creating the false image that the civil society efforts undermine state security and are operating beyond the scope of the Ukrainian legal framework, and are rather to be conducted by the state (ibid). However, the civil society peace dialogues are within the legal framework and are even encouraged by the government (ibid). Nevertheless, marginalization of peace discourse and stigmatization of civil society remains prevalent, thus making some civil society organizations conduct peacebuilding activities without using the term peacebuilding when describing their work (Kyselova 2019). Rather, they sometimes use the term ‘dialogue discourse’ instead, or simply state that they work with human rights (ibid). Moreover, another problem with the work on peacebuilding by civil society are internal divisions (ibid). These include geographical concentration, whereas most organizations that existed prior to the conflict operate in the

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government controlled areas while many organizations launched after the conflict operate in the Southern and Eastern areas (ibid). Other divisions are seen between professionalized/formal NGOs and grassroots activists, as well as different ideologies relating to conflict resolution and transformation are to be found among the NGOs (ibid).

4.2.5 Participation of IDPs and other minorities According to the Ministry of Social Policy, there are currently 1,448, 615 IDPs registered, whereas 58% of them are women (IOM 2020a). Since the emergence of the conflict in Ukraine, IDPs have faced discrimination in constituting their legal right to participate in elections (Woroniecka- Krzyzanowska & Palaguta 2017). While the IDPs face many structural challenges, one such challenge is obstacles to political participation (Woroniecka-Krzyzanowska & Palaguta 2017). One reason for this has been the lack of registration systems and legal frameworks, whereas the standardized registration procedure was implemented late and it has for a long time complicated the process for IDPs (ibid). While laws affirming the IDP right to vote were adopted, such as easing the registration rules, these laws were poorly implemented by the authorities as the voting of IDPs was not actively promoted by the authorities (ibid). They were moreover not able to vote in exile for a long time (ibid). Thus the registration processes and bureaucratic procedures, along with a lack of information on how to register has constituted a great obstacle in fostering IDPs participation for a long time since the emergence of the conflict (ibid). Recently, Ukraine adopted Resolution No. 88 which enabled voters to change their electoral address for both national and local elections (UNHCR 2020). This would enable voters to accept a wider range of documents, including IDP certificates or lease contracts which link the address of residence to the electoral location, thus removing the barriers to equal participation of IDPs (ibid). This has

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additionally resulted in Ukrainian law being in harmonization with international human rights standards on the participation of IDPs (ibid).

4.3 Protection In this chapter, the empirical material will be analyzed in order to understand how the notion of protection within UNSCR 1325 is upheld in Ukraine. Here, the focus will particularly be on protection in terms of the continuum of violence, conflict related sexual violence and gender based violence, health effects, protection of IDP, trafficking and economic and labor protection.

4.3.1 Conflict related sexual violence and gender based violence One important aspect of protection is the protection from sexual violence, in particular conflict related sexual violence. While there have been many cases of conflict related sexual violence in Ukraine, it has not been reported as being used in a mass scale or as a strategic weapon (OHCHR 2017). Nevertheless, conflict related sexual violence has been occurring in other forms and several of the reported cases could be defined as war crimes (ibid). While it is recognized that many cases of conflict related sexual violence are not reported due to stigma and fear of reprisals, most cases that have been reported were occurring during detention or liberty deprivation (ibid). In these cases, sexual violence was used as a torture method to threaten, humiliate, and as a condition to release the victims from detention (ibid). However, it has also been reported that civilians are subjected to sexual violence and abuse around the conflict line at the checkpoints by both Government forces and armed groups (ibid). In addition to this, the presence of armed forces from both conflicting parties composes an increased risk for civilians to be exposed to sexual violence, in particular due to the economic issues and displacement following the conflict, thereby leading to harmful survival strategies (ibid). Examples of such include sex for food or for money (UN Women 2018).

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It has thereby been noted that many human rights violations have not been punished due to several factors. One reason for this is the ongoing conflict and the lack of government control of certain areas (OHCHR 2017). However, it is not solely due to the conflict since it is a reflection of earlier accountability challenges (ibid). This is particularly true in terms of sexual violence due to national legislation an practices being inadequately harmonized with international standards (ibid). Some examples of such deficiencies include only seeing rape as occurring between male and female and thereby excluding same-sex rape (UN Women 2018). The idea of consent is not defined in the legislation, neither are the coercive environmental factors related to the conflict, rather it is seen as occurring solely through violence which excludes the other circumstances where rape can occur (ibid). Additionally, forced pregnancy, sterilization are not defined as sexual violence and are not criminalized, nor is sexual violence considered to be torture (ibid). The problems also include, lack of knowledge by officials in terms of documentation and investigation, as well as inaction from both government officials and other armed groups (OHCHR 2017). Aside from the legislative aspects, both the medical field and the social services lack knowledge in terms of meeting the needs of survivors of conflict related sexual violence, which is particularly deficient in rural areas (ibid). This is also seen in how the terminology is misused by several actors such as the government, media and other service providers, which makes it hard to define the extent in which conflict related sexual violence occurs (UN Women 2018). Therefore, no official data on the prevalence of sexual violence exists (ibid).

A deficient service provision is also reported in areas controlled by armed groups, whereas the quality of medical and social services has been negatively affected by the conflict due to shortages in equipment, medicine and medical

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personnel (OHCHR 2017). Due to the poor service provision, civil society has taken on greater responsibility for service provision (ibid). However in non- government controlled areas this has been restricted by the armed groups thus negatively harming the service provision for survivors of conflict related sexual violence (ibid). However, it is important to note that many cases of sexual and gender based violence were not sufficiently reported prior to the conflict in Ukraine as well, which is related to the previously discussed deficiencies in the judicial and social services (UN Women 2018).

Thus, in addition to conflict related sexual violence, gender based violence remains widely prevalent as well (UN Women 2017a). According to civil society organization La Strada, 120 000 cases of domestic violence were reported in 2017 and they estimate that 1,5 million women in Ukraine are being subjected to gender-based violence (ibid). While there are challenges in collecting data on gender based violence, it has been reported by the National Police in Ukraine that the most commonly occurring gender-related crime is domestic violence (ibid). While it did occur prior to the conflict, since the emergence of the conflict women have been more vulnerable to be exposed to gender based violence (UN Women 2017a). The reason for this is the collapsed law and order as well as social structures, along with displacement and economic aspects (ibid). The challenges that survivors of gender based violence face are related to the challenges faced by victims of conflict related sexual violence, namely lack of knowledge by the judiciaries, poor social services, and poor legislation (UN Women 2017a). Despite the effects of the conflict, other explanations to the increase in registered cases of domestic violence are not related to the conflict, rather it is due to stronger legislation, awareness raising campaigns, and training of officials dealing with said cases of domestic violence (OSCE 2018). Nevertheless, officials within NGOs, health services, local governments, and law enforcement report that the

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conflict has affected the prevalence of domestic violence (ibid). One reason for this is PTSD among veterans and conflict affected populations whereas negative coping mechanisms such as alcohol and drug abuse has led to an increase in domestic violence (ibid). Due to the conflict, weapons have circulated outside the conflict zone, which has led to some incidents of domestic violence where weapons have been involved (ibid). Women are also not able to leave the situation due to financial deficits and unemployment (ibid). Moreover, the Covid-19 pandemic has also contributed to an increase in cases of domestic violence, whereas the number of cases has doubled compared to previous years (IOM 2020b).

From a feminist security perspective it is evident that sexual and gender based violence consists of many complex layers as it is not only used as a war tactic and is to cease when the perpetrators are prosecuted (Krause 2015). Rather, it is evident that patriarchy and the patriarchal norms are a precondition for conflict related sexual violence and gender based violence to occur (Cohen et. al. 2013). This is evident as the problems with violence against women existed prior to the conflict, which is seen in the fact that sexual and gender based violence was being underreported prior to the conflict, legislation was not conforming to international standards, and a lack of knowledge about sexual violence and gender based violence among medical, social and judicial personnel. This can be understood in terms of patriarchal power relations as a way that masculinity shapes personnel, as was mentioned in Nordås & Aas Rustad (2015). Despite the existence of violence against women in Ukraine in terms of gender based violence, the violence was amplified in times of conflict and crisis. It can therefore also be seen that in the case of Ukraine, the continuum of violence that women face is prevalent. It is evident that women have faced violence in different forms both in times of war and peace making violence a continuum in gender relations (Cockburn 2010). In the case of

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Ukraine this is evident when looking at sexual and gender based violence as it has been prevalent across institutions such as the military, armed groups, the family, the judiciary, and the social and medical services. The Ukrainian conflict related sexual violence and the gender based violence can thus be understood as a continuum of violence resulting from and being enabled by patriarchal power structures (Cockburn 2019).

4.3.2 Internally Displaced Persons IDPs constitute a particularly vulnerable group in the context of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. In 2020, the Ministry of Social Policy reported that 1, 448, 615 people were registered as IDPs (IOM 2020a). Half of them resided in the government controlled areas within Luhansk and Donetsk, whereas other areas with many IDPs include Kyiv city, Kyiv Oblast, Kharkiv Oblast, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast and Zaporizhia Oblast (ibid).

While all IDPs face struggles amidst the conflict, IDPs consist of many sub- groups such as elders, persons with disabilities, and different socio-economic backgrounds (UN Women 2017b). According to IOM (2020a), women constitute 58% of the IDP community, whereas 23% were over 60 years. In addition to this, 40% of the households had children, and 29% of them were female headed (IOM 2020a). Generally, the challenges that IDPs face relate to the labor market, financial situation, basic needs, access to services, mobility, and integration into the local communities (ibid). In regards to the labor market situation, 46% of the IDP population were unemployed and 24% were reported being delayed due to quarantine, and women were overrepresented in this category (ibid). Financially, many IDPs struggle due to a low average monthly income of 3350 UAH, whereas government support is the second most frequent source of income for IDPs (ibid). Due to financial issues, some IDPs return to the non-government controlled areas (UN Women 2017b). The

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Covid-19 pandemic has, as in many other countries, affected the most vulnerable population in Ukraine (IOM 2020b). For many IDP households, the financial situation has been tremendously affected since many struggle to afford food and due to closure of schools and social institutions women have taken on a greater burden in terms of caring for the family (ibid).

Women IDPs thus constitute a particularly vulnerable group for several reasons (UN Women 2017b). Firstly, women are overrepresented among the unemployed IDPs (ibid). There are several obstacles women IDPs face in searching for employment such as stereotypes relating to being both a woman and an IDP, in particular IDPs from non-government controlled areas (ibid). Another obstacle women IDPs face in accessing employment is lack of training in some cases, as well as lack of documentation from earlier employment (ibid). Due to the conflict, shifts in demographic have occurred which is particularly evident in the IDP community (Benigni 2016). The men of the household have in some cases either been left in the government controlled areas to care for the properties, or sent to combat, or emigrated to work, as well as due to divorces, it has resulted in female headed households (ibid). Along with women IDPs’ unemployment, the demographic shifts and traditional gender roles, women’s unpaid labor in terms of care for elders and children has become a reality for many IDPs in particular in conflict affected areas (UN Women 2017b). Moreover, the poor access to kindergartens has intensified this burden (ibid).

Another aspect regarding IDPs’ safety is the attitudes from the host community. IDPs may face discrimination, which can take on intersecting forms aside from gender, such as for women with disabilities, Roma women, single mothers, older women, and LGBTI women (UN Women 2017b). For women IDPs with disabilities, challenges include being cut off from support

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services, while LGBTI persons' needs have not been taken into consideration (ibid). However, some NGOs have for example provided shelters for LGBTI persons that fled from conflict affected areas, whereas the responsibility of taking LGBTI persons needs into consideration has been put on the NGOs (ibid).

Another major obstacle for IDPs is the lack of access to institutions (UN Women 2017b). Many IDPs have documents from the non-government controlled areas, which are not valid in their new residence and a long legal process is required in order to recognize them (ibid). The verification process is necessary for those who receive benefits and pensions, and takes place every six months (Kuznetsova & Mikhieva 2020). The verification is however problematic for several reasons. For example, it becomes a problem when collecting pensions as the IDP certificates are needed (UN Women 2017b). This affects women IDPs disproportionately as around 70% of the pensioners are women, and for many single headed households this is the main source of income (ibid). For those IDPs in government controlled areas that are collecting pensions from non-government controlled areas, the closure of bank offices has led to unsafe travels in order to collect the pensions (ibid). Moreover, the lack of official status becomes a problem in terms of access to health care as well (Kuznetsova & Mikhieva 2020). For women, this can be a problem in terms of access to reproductive and maternal health services (CSO Representatives 2016a).

As has been previously mentioned, the continuum of violence is prevalent in the case of Ukraine. This can be understood from an intersectional perspective when analyzing women IDPs’ situation in Ukraine. Even here, it is evident that women IDPs face violence across institutions due to patriarchal norms (Cockburn 2019). While all IDPs are facing hardships amidst the conflict, the

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experience is highly gendered due to the patriarchy. In the case of women IDPs in Ukraine it is seen in the economic aspects, the unpaid labor, vulnerabilities, lack of access to social and health services, and discrimination due to gender but also due to other intersecting identities and conditions. Thus, similarly to other contexts, women IDPs in Ukraine face violence at multiple levels both in terms of structural violence and community violence (Logie et. al. 2017). Moreover, while the sexual and gender based violence faced by IDPs can be understood as part of the general context of violence (Alzate 2007), it is nevertheless important to understand that being an IDP adds another dimension to it.

4.3.3 Trafficking Due to the conflict, human trafficking has increased in Ukraine (Benigni 2016). While the state does not distinguish the conflict related cases from the non-conflict related ones, it is evident that the conflict has constituted a push factor in terms of trafficking. This is particularly evident for women in terms of survival sex (Benigni 2016). Additionally, IDPs constitute a vulnerable group for being trafficked for both sexual exploitation and labor exploitation, in particular along the conflict zone and in the areas that are not controlled by the Ukrainian government (Benigni 2016). The Roma population also constitutes a vulnerable group for trafficking due to the lack of accessibility to social assistance (TIP Office 2020). According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM 2019), 1345 victims were identified and assisted in 2019, which is the highest number documented since the start of the IOM’s counter-trafficking program. The types of exploitation ranged from sexual; 5.6%, forced labor; 93.3%, begging; 0.7%, and other categories such as involvement into criminal activity and organ trafficking; 0.4% (ibid). Out of the total cases, 68% were men and 32% were women which is a decrease in women compared to the previous year. Moreover, 68% of the total cases were from urban areas and 32% were from rural areas (ibid). It has been reported

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that women and girls from conflict affected areas are kidnaped and trafficked for sex and labor (TIP Office 2020). While the majority of trafficking victims are men, it has been reported that the shift in demographic has occurred amidst the conflict where the amount of male trafficking victims have increased due to young urban males being trafficked as labor force and illicit drug smuggling activities (ibid). While the total numbers of trafficked people has increased, the investigations related to trafficking have not reflected this to the same extent (Benigni 2016). One of the reasons for this is the fact that the justice system in the Eastern Ukraine and Crimea has been eradicated due to loss of government control. Moreover, there is an ongoing decentralization process which has led to weakened mechanisms to help victims of trafficking (ibid).

Despite the Ukrainian government not meeting the international criteria for working against trafficking, it is nevertheless reported that efforts have been made by the government to improve the efforts to eliminate trafficking (TIP Office 2020). For example, the number of investigations have increased leading to a doubling of convicted traffickers, new legislations have been proposed in terms of removing recruitment fees, and an increase in victims being granted official status has been reported as well (ibid). Other efforts include criminalization of sex trafficking and labor trafficking, and aside from an increase in number of investigations the government has also cooperated with other states to conduct transnational investigations (ibid). Moreover, the budget allocations for anti-trafficking measures increased in 2019 and 2018 with a total allocation of 548 000 Hryvnia, which is an increase compared to previous years (ibid). However, it is also reported that protection efforts decreased to some extent (ibid). This is for example seen in failing to pass trafficking related legislations to protect persons with disabilities, ensuring victim status, expanding social services, and protecting foreign and stateless victims (ibid). Moreover, civil society identifies a problem in convicting

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traffickers, whereas many cases are either closed or reclassified, minimum penalties are imposed, and the duration of trials remains a problem, and a great burden is imposed on NGOs in terms of monitoring and service provision (CSO Representatives 2016b).

Thereby, by looking at trafficking from a feminist approach, one is able to see the human rights problem rather than focusing on border control as is done in traditionalist views (Lobasz 2009). In addition to this, feminists are also vary of the vulnerabilities to trafficking among different groups, but also of the agency of the victims (ibid). As has been stated above, the case of Ukraine shows that some groups in society such as IDPs, persons with disabilities, women, socio-economically vulnerable people and Roma are more vulnerable to trafficking. Moreover, trafficking in Ukraine is highly gendered in terms of the types of trafficking that is faced. Additionally, as with the case of sexual and gender based violence in Ukraine, trafficking can also be seen as a continuum of violence (Cockburn 2010). Trafficking of women in Ukraine has been occurring in both peacetime and during the conflict, however, it has nevertheless been intensified during the conflict making groups more vulnerable to it, in particular along the conflict line. The continuum of violence in terms of trafficking is also seen in the violence across institutions due to patriarchal norms (Cockburn 2019), whereas trafficking has not been stopped across institutions and a great burden has been placed on civil society. Thus, it is evident that trafficking is a part of the continuum of violence and is also a highly gendered process that affects different groups in different ways.

4.3.4 Economic and labor aspects of protection In addition to previously discussed aspects, protection can also be seen in economic and labor terms. It can be seen that the militarization of society in Ukraine has had economic effects on women in different ways. From an

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economic perspective, the militarization damages women’s economic security and disproportionately depends on women’s labor (Mathers 2020). While this was touched upon in terms of effects on IDP women, it is also true for women across Ukraine. The wartime militarization has placed a burden on civilian society in order to support the war (ibid). Since militarization is a gendered process, the social spending decreases in favor of spending on the military and defense sector (ibid). This has in turn put a greater burden on women who compose a majority of the voluntary civilians who provide emotional and practical support for veterans for example (ibid). During Petro Poroshenko’s presidential mandate, the budget allocations on social services were cut tremendously (ibid). For example, in 2016 the budget cut the health care spending by 36.3 %, the education spending was cut by 36.2% and the civil service were cut by 30.6% (Bogdan, Landesmann, Harlik & Gligorov 2017: 2) This has affected women disproportionately since they compose the majority of the employees in said sectors, whereas they have seen their wages drop and are due to the cuts risking to lose their jobs (Mathers 2020) Thereby, women’s unpaid labor intensifies since women take on the role as a caregiver, a development that was seen in the post-Soviet era when the state subsidies for care facilities were increasingly withdrawn, whereas women provide unpaid care for elderly and children (ibid). This has been intensified during the conflict as the Ukrainian care for its veterans in a long term manner (ibid). Rather, the state relies on women’s unpaid care and labor to meet these needs in the long term (ibid). The militarization is reproducing masculinities and femininities through patriotism, which is seen in Ukraine through the portrayal of the war as inevitable for Ukrainian existence whereas military mobilization is legitimized (ibid).

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5 Conclusions This research has aimed to examine Ukraine’s implementation of UNSCR 1325’s pillars of participation and protection from a feminist security perspective in order to bridge the gap between the body of work conducted on UNSCR 1325, feminist security studies and the Eastern European context. The research has been guided by indicators for each pillar. When examining women’s participation in Ukraine, the aspects of participation in 1) civil society, 2) politics, 3) the security sector, 4) peace processes, and 5) participation of IDPs have been in focus. Meanwhile, when examining the protection of women in Ukraine, focus has been on 1) conflict related sexual violence and gender based violence, 2) protection of women IDPs, 3) protection from trafficking, and 4) economic and labor protection. The subsequent section will demonstrate the concluding remarks on the Ukrainian implementation of UNSCR 1325 in terms of participation and protection from a feminist perspective.

Based on the findings, it can be stated that while Ukraine has taken on measures to improve women’s participation, there are still many challenges left. In terms of women’s participation in civil society, it is evident that Ukraine has a vibrant and active civil society in which women have participated and where many feminist have had the opportunity to influence civil society. The Euromaidan has as well provided with many opportunities for feminist to engage in civil society. However, there are nevertheless challenges to women’s participation in civil society such as gender stereotypes both externally, as well as internally due to the ideological differences among women’s civil society organizations. This can be understood in terms of the theoretical debate on women’s interests whereas Sapiro (1998) states that while not all women have the same interests due to intersecting divides, they nevertheless constitute an interest group which has the same interest due to

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self-identification and position in society, but that not everyone identifies with those interests. In the case of Ukraine, this is evident in the divides within women’s civil society organizations. Conclusively, Ukraine has a relatively high participation in civil society among women, but it is at times constrained by gender stereotypes and ideological differences, but has become more diverse and independent since the Euromaidan.

When examining participation of women in politics in Ukraine, on the other hand, it can be stated that participation is low. While there are laws ensuring the equality between men and women, these are not enforced in practice. This is not reflected in the extent of women in national parliament or local councils. However, the representation is slightly better in local councils. There are several explanations for the poor representation of women, including social, structural and economic factors. However, one important factor is the lack of gender quotas (Dahlerup 2011). This is evident as the descriptive representation (Pitikin 1972) decreased after the fall of the Soviet Union when the quotas were removed. However, it is important to note that the substantial representation (Pitkin 1972) was nevertheless low at the time due to women’s lack of influence. Nevertheless, descriptive representation is linked to substantial representation in terms of capturing women’s interests (Philips 1998). Thus, the lack of women’s descriptive representation in Ukraine can be understood as discrimination and an excluding mechanism (Dahlerup 2011) that excludes women’s interests from what is seen as political and public issues (Diamond & Hartsock 1998).

This is also evident when examining women’s participation in the security sector. In short, women’s participation in the security sector has been constrained by several factors. One of the factors is the Code of Labour Laws of Ukraine which prohibits certain dangerous professions and heavy industries

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from employing women. This has led to most women being employed in the security sector work in feminized professions such as service. Moreover, women who are employed within the security sector face discrimination and women’s de facto work often goes unrecognized, unabling them from attaining a combatant status. This can also be understood within the broader framework or representation and interests whereas the lack of descriptive representation can lead to lack of responsiveness to women’s interests (Sapiro 1998), which is demonstrated in the case of Ukraine by connecting the lack of representation in politics with the discrimination of women in the security sector. This is also evidence of how institutional decision making is rooted in patriarchal hierarchies and how institutions are shaped by male norms (Von Braunmühl 2012). Recently, there have been many reforms taking place within the security sector such as updating the Code of Conduct, opening up more positions for women, and employing gender advisors. In fact, the Ukrainian UNSCR 1325 NAP has constituted an important tool for these reforms. However, this has not been sufficient to ensure women’s meaningful participation in the security sector and there is still a long way to go. Rather, Ukrainian feminists have criticized the implementation of the NAP for having a militaristic focus.

Another aspect of participation that has been analyzed is women’s participation in peace processes. Here, the findings indicate that women are immensely underrepresented in the formal peace processes, but that they nevertheless have been leading informal peace processes through civil society engagement. However, the Minsk Process has been criticized for having poor mechanisms in terms of including civil society organizations. Despite high participation in the informal peace processes, women nevertheless face obstacles in participating in this manner as well. This is for example seen in socio-economic obstacles, the risk of being exposed to smear campaigns.

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Other obstacles of peacebuilding for civil society organizations include, geographical aspects, ideological divides, as well as the divide between professional NGOs and grassroots-activists. The lack of women’s participation in peace processes is problematic from a feminist perspective as gender equality is essential for sustainable peacebuilding (Reiman 2001), as well as to include non-traditional security actors (Basu & Confortini 2017) and understanding the agency of local actors, in particular women and women’s groups (Väyrynen 2010).

The last aspect of participation is the participation of IDPs. In Ukraine, the political participation of IDPs has been undermined by the bureaucratic processes in terms of registration and poor implementation of legal frameworks protecting IDPs. This has, however, recently been harmonized with international human rights standards whereas IDPs will be able to participate in subsequent elections, as opposed to previous elections.

In terms of the protection pillar, it can be concluded that women constitute a particularly vulnerable group. This is not solely due to the conflict but can rather be connected to the broader context of the continuum of violence that women face during both war and peace, which is intensified during conflict (Cockburn 2010). This is evident in all areas that have been investigated - conflict related sexual violence and gender-based violence, women IDPs, trafficking, as well as economic and labor aspects of protection. Both conflict related sexual violence and gender-based violence are prevalent in Ukraine. While violence against women existed prior to the conflict, it has been amplified during the conflict. Thus it is evident that patriarchal gender relations are a precondition for conflict related sexual violence to occur (Cohen et. al. 2013). Moreover, it was noted that conflict related sexual violence and gender-based violence was underreported, as well as that Ukrainian legislation

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did not harmonize with international standards, and that service provision for survivors was insufficient in particular in the conflict affected areas. Thus the prevalence of conflict related sexual violence and gender-based violence was not merely a war tactic (Krause 2015), but should rather be viewed in terms of the continuum of violence (Cockburn 2010). Thus it can be concluded that the protection of women in Ukraine in terms of conflict related sexual violence and gender-based violence is insufficient.

Moreover, in terms of protection of women IDPs, it can be stated that they constitute a particularly vulnerable group. While all IDPs face hardships in terms of access to the labor market, financial aspects, access to basic needs, services, mobility, lack of documentation and integration into host communities. However, being a woman IDP adds another dimension to the experience, as do other intersecting aspects such as being a Roma woman, single mother, woman of age, or being LGBTI. This can for example affect access to jobs due to stereotypes, or access to health services due to lack of documentation. Here it is thus evident that women IDPs face violence across institutions due to patriarchal norms (Cockburn 2019).

In terms of trafficking, the findings show that the conflict has constituted a push factor, whereas women constitute a vulnerable group in terms of sex trafficking and IDPs constitute a vulnerable group in terms of both sexual exploitation and labor trafficking. While men are the majority of the trafficking victims it is noted that a shift in the trafficking demographic due to an increase in labor trafficking and illicit drug smuggling activities has occurred. Thus trafficking in Ukraine is gendered in terms of what types of trafficking one is subjected to as it is noted that women from conflict affected areas are subjected to labor and sexual trafficking. It is moreover noted that the Ukrainian government has taken on some measures to eliminate

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trafficking, however it is not sufficient to meet the international standards. This is due to lack of social assistance and judicial capacities, particularly in the conflict affected areas. From a feminist perspective, this can be seen in terms of the continuum of violence (Cockburn 2010) as trafficking exists both in wartime and in peace. Moreover it can be seen as violence across institutions due to patriarchal norms (Cockburn 2019).

Lastly, it is evident that the conflict has had an economic impact on women by damaging their economic security as military spending has led to a decrease in social spending, which affects women disproportionately. This affects women in terms of budget cuts in sectors where women are overrepresented leading to job losses, wages dropping, and lack of access to social services which leads to a greater dependence on women’s unpaid labor through civil society. This thus proves militarization to be a gendered process and has impacted women in terms of economic and labor aspects.

Conclusively, it can be stated that while Ukraine has taken on some measures to improve the participation and protection of women, there are still challenges remaining. However by studying the context of Ukraine from a feminist security perspective, one can gain greater insight of the gendered aspects of the Ukrainian context that hinder the implementation of UNSCR 1325. By highlighting the first country to adopt a NAP during an ongoing conflict, one also gains insight in the capacity of the UNSCR 1325 in a conflict context. By doing so, this research has bridged the gap between work on a traditional geopolitically focused context namely Ukraine, feminist security studies and UNSCR 1325.

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