Democracy in Southeast Asia: Achievements, Challenges and Prospects
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Introduction Thinking Fascism and Populism in Terms of the Past
Introduction Thinking Fascism and Populism in Terms of the Past Representing a historian’s inquiry into how and why fascism morphed into populism in history, this book describes the dicta- torial genealogies of modern populism. It also stresses the sig- nifi cant diff erences between populism as a form of democracy and fascism as a form of dictatorship. It rethinks the conceptual and historical experiences of fascism and populism by assessing their elective ideological affi nities and substantial political dif- ferences in history and theory. A historical approach means not subordinating lived experiences to models or ideal types but rather stressing how the actors saw themselves in contexts that were both national and transnational. It means stressing varied contingencies and manifold sources. History combines evidence with interpretation. Ideal types ignore chronology and the cen- trality of historical processes. Historical knowledge requires accounting for how the past is experienced and explained through narratives of continuities and change over time. Against an idea of populism as an exclusively European or American phenomenon, I propose a global reading of its historical 1 2 / Introduction itineraries. Disputing generic theoretical defi nitions that reduce populism to a single sentence, I stress the need to return populism to history. Distinctive, and even opposed, forms of left- and right- wing populism crisscross the world, and I agree with historians like Eric Hobsbawm that left and right forms of populism cannot be confl ated simply because they are often antithetical.1 While populists on the left present those who are opposed to their politi- cal views as enemies of the people, populists on the right connect this populist intolerance of alternative political views with a con- ception of the people formed on the basis of ethnicity and country of origin. -
Speech by the Secretary-General of ASEAN, Dr Surin Pitsuwan 2008 ASEAN Business and Investment Summit Bangkok, 26 February 2009
Speech by the Secretary-General of ASEAN, Dr Surin Pitsuwan 2008 ASEAN Business and Investment Summit Bangkok, 26 February 2009 H.E. Governor of Bangkok Mr Arin Jira, Chairman of the ASEAN-Business Advisory Council Members of ABAC Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am here today to talk about business in the marketplace of ASEAN. As you know, the ten economies of ASEAN are being integrated into an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and implemented through the AEC Blueprint. This AEC Blueprint is the only one among the three that has been approved and is being implemented over the past year. I understand that you already have a preview of the AEC Blueprint yesterday. The AEC Blueprint is the roadmap of ASEAN integration. ASEAN would like to see the ten economies combine and become one market. ASEAN would like to be one market and an equitable landscape with not too much diversity and gaps. ASEAN would like to see all ten economies be competitive with the rest of the world and as one single production base integrated into the global economy. These are the goals. We have the strategies and projects to drive the ten markets into one single entity with 575 million consumers and the growing and rising middle-class, which is not much less than the middle-class of China and not less than the middle class of India. The purchasing power of the region is attractive for business, investors and MNCs. At the heart of our strategies is to reduce tariffs; eliminate non-tariff measures; reduce the gaps in order to increase purchasing power across ASEAN; attract investors; and, institute rules and regulations to protect investment and intellectual property. -
Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights, II Author(S): Karl Loewenstein Source: the American Political Science Review, Vol
Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights, II Author(s): Karl Loewenstein Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Aug., 1937), pp. 638-658 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1948103 Accessed: 07-08-2018 08:47 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Political Science Review This content downloaded from 35.176.47.6 on Tue, 07 Aug 2018 08:47:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms MILITANT DEMOCRACY AND FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS, II* KARL LOEWENSTEIN Amherst College II Some Illustrations of Militant Democracy. Before a more system- atic -account of anti-fascist legislation in Europe is undertaken, recent developments in several countries may be reviewed as illus- trating what militant democracy can achieve against subversive extremism when the will to survive is coupled with appropriate measures for combatting fascist techniques. 1. Finland: From the start, the Finnish Republic was particu- larly exposed to radicalism both from left and right. The newly established state was wholly devoid of previous experience in self- government, shaken by violent nationalism, bordered by bolshevik Russia, yet within the orbit of German imperialism; no other country seemed more predestined to go fascist. -
ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN INTERVENTIONS in DEMOCRATIC THEORY by BRIAN CARL BERNHARDT B.A., James Madison University, 2005 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2010
BEYOND THE DEMOCRATIC STATE: ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN INTERVENTIONS IN DEMOCRATIC THEORY by BRIAN CARL BERNHARDT B.A., James Madison University, 2005 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2010 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science 2014 This thesis entitled: Beyond the Democratic State: Anti-Authoritarian Interventions in Democratic Theory written by Brian Carl Bernhardt has been approved for the Department of Political Science Steven Vanderheiden, Chair Michaele Ferguson David Mapel James Martel Alison Jaggar Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. Bernhardt, Brian Carl (Ph.D., Political Science) Beyond the Democratic State: Anti-Authoritarian Interventions in Democratic Theory Thesis directed by Associate Professor Steven Vanderheiden Though democracy has achieved widespread global popularity, its meaning has become increasingly vacuous and citizen confidence in democratic governments continues to erode. I respond to this tension by articulating a vision of democracy inspired by anti-authoritarian theory and social movement practice. By anti-authoritarian, I mean a commitment to individual liberty, a skepticism toward centralized power, and a belief in the capacity of self-organization. This dissertation fosters a conversation between an anti-authoritarian perspective and democratic theory: What would an account of democracy that begins from these three commitments look like? In the first two chapters, I develop an anti-authoritarian account of freedom and power. -
Karl Loewenstein, John H. Herz, Militant Democracy and the Defense of the Democratic State
Virginia Commonwealth University VCU Scholars Compass Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2013 Soldiers for Democracy: Karl Loewenstein, John H. Herz, Militant Democracy and the Defense of the Democratic State Ben Plache Virginia Commonwealth University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd Part of the History Commons © The Author Downloaded from https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2995 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at VCU Scholars Compass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of VCU Scholars Compass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Ben Plache 2013 All Rights Reserved Soldiers for Democracy: Karl Loewenstein, John H. Herz, Militant Democracy and the Defense of the Democratic State A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Virginia Commonwealth University. by Ben Plache Bachelor of Arts, Virginia Commonwealth University, 2011 Director: Dr. Joseph Bendersky Professor, Department of History Virginia Commonwealth University Richmond, Virginia May 2013 Acknowledgements No scholarly work is an individual effort, and without the help of countless others this thesis would never have been completed. In particular I would like to thank Dr. Joseph Bendersky, my thesis advisor, for his time, his academic generosity and his commitment to education and scholarship. Without his guidance, this thesis, and my time in graduate school, would have been considerably different and undoubtedly poorer. I would like to also thank Dr. Timothy Thurber and Dr. Robert Godwin-Jones for generously agreeing to serve on my thesis committee. -
Download Regional Conference
ACKNOWLEDGMENT As ASEAN aspires to promote regional peace, stability and prosperity and become an effective community, there has been a relentless effort for the regional grouping to facilitate an even closer economic, political, social, and cultural cooperation. ASEAN also wishes to become a political and security community that is capable of managing regional tensions and preventing conflicts from flaring up. Notwithstanding positive developments, however, ASEAN still faces glaring challenges of both a traditional and non-traditional nature. These challenges include the unstoppable rise of China, the decline of the US and the deep flux of global institutional arrangements coupled with the ongoing territorial and sovereignty claims in the South China Sea. All of these pose serious uncertainty, as no one can predict the future of this region. As such, the Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace feels that it is timely to organize a regional conference on “Cambodia and ASEAN: Managing Opportunity and Challenges beyond 2015 to determine how the future will hold for ASEAN. CICP would like to sincerely express deep appreciation to all the eminent speakers who are experts in their related fields from government officials and from other credible think-tanks in the region who have contributed their perspectives to address common challenges in the region of Southeast Asia, including Cambodia. CICP would also like to thank Mr. Rene Gradwohl, Country Representative of the Konrad- Adenauer Stiftung, for supporting the hosting of this regional conference and for the realization of this conference report which we hope will promote wider debates and interest on how ASEAN could revitalize its critical duties to deal with new challenges that have emerged. -
Islam and Democracy: Is Modernization a Barrier? John O
Religion Compass 1/1 (2007): 170±178, 10.1111/j. 1749-8171.2006.00017.x Islam and Democracy: Is Modernization a Barrier? John O. Voll Georgetown University Abstract The relationship between Islam and democracy is a hotly debated topic. Usually the disagreements are expressed in a standard form. In this form, the debaters' definitions of ªIslamº and ªdemocracyº determine the conclusions arrived at. It is possible, depending upon the definitions used, to ªproveº both positions: Islam and democracy are compatible and that they are not. To escape from the predefined conclusions, it is necessary to recognize that ªIslamº and ªdemocracyº are concepts with many definitions. In the twenty-first century, important interpretations of Islam open the way for political visions in which Islam and democracy are mutually supportive. Does religion represent an obstacle to modernization and democratization? Does religion pose a threat to democracy if a democratically elected govern- ment becomes a ªtheocracyº? Does the majority rule of democracy threaten the liberty and freedom of other members of a society? If the majority imposes its will upon minorities, is that a departure from democracy in general or form of ªliberalº democracy? Does modernization strengthen or inhibit democratization and individual liberty? These broad questions are being debated in many different contexts around the world. They provide a framework for looking at the experience of Muslim societies and the relationships between Islam and democracy. Tensions between democracy and liberty -
Islam and Politics in Southeast Asia London
Book Reviews 517 References Allen, John. 2003. Lost Geographies of Power. Oxford: Blackwell. Baird, Ian G. 2008. Various Forms of Colonialism: The Social and Spatial Reorganisation of the Brao in Southern Laos and Northeastern Cambodia. PhD Dissertation, Department of Geography, Faculty of Social Sciences, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver. Cleary, Mark. 2005. Managing the Forest in Colonial Indochina, c. 1900–1940. Modern Asian Studies 39(2): 257–283. Jackson, Peter. 2004. The Thai Regime of Images. Sojourn 19(2): 181–218. Jonsson, Hjorleifur. 2005. Mien Relations: Mountain People and State Control in Thailand. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Le Billon, P. 2002. Logging in Muddy Waters: The Politics of Forest Exploitation in Cambodia. Critical Asian Studies 34(4): 563–586. Reynolds, Craig. 2005. Power. In Critical Terms for the Study of Buddhism, edited by D. Lopez Jr., pp. 211–228. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Islam and Politics in Southeast Asia JOHAN SARAVANAMUTTU, ed. London: Routledge, 2009, 188 p, with index. The present volume seeks to understand “political Islam” which the editor, Johan Saravanamuttu, describes as “aspirations to political power and the remolding of state and society in accordance with Islamic teachings” (p. ix) in Southeast Asia. The project originated in 2004 and later adopted the notion of “authoritarian democracy” to serve as the contributors’ common frame of analysis. This is a key concept and has been theorized by one of the book’s contributors, Chaiwat Satha- Anand, as especially relevant to the study of Islam and governance in Southeast Asia. As presented, authoritarian democracy posits a ruling style that adopts a façade of democracy masking an inher- ently undemocratic regime that disadvantages the country’s minorities. -
Surin Pitsuwan: Scholar, Asean Internationalist By: Datuk Dr A
Surin Pitsuwan: Scholar, Asean Internationalist By: Datuk Dr A. Murad Merican Published in: New Straits Times, Sunday 3 December 2017 Read More : https://www.nst.com.my/opinion/columnists/2017/12/310056/surin-pitsuwan-scholar- asean-internationalist We saw the passing of statesman, scholar and diplomat extraordinaire Dr Surin Pitsuwan on Thursday. Born Abdul Halim Ismail on Oct 28, 1949, the son of Pondok Ban Tan in Nakhon Si Thammarat, southern Thailand, Surin broke with tradition. Instead of the usual religious studies in “Kedah, Kelantan, Mecca, Cairo or Indonesia”, as he put it, he moved abroad as a high-school student in Minnesota, the United States, on an American Field Service exchange scholarship in 1967-68. He later returned to Bangkok to attend Thammasat University, and subsequently went to Harvard University, where he obtained his master’s degree and doctorate in Political Science and Middle Eastern Studies. Surin was, and still easily is, the public face of Asean. He was Asean secretary-general from July 2007 to December 2012. Contrary to convention, Surin took an activist role and was involved in the peace process as facilitator and negotiator in the region. Writing in the op-ed page of this newspaper on June 17, 2011, he articulated the future of the region. He expressed a clear vision of Asean’s direction, hopeful of more innovative breakthroughs as it develops into an integrated, open, peaceful and outward-looking region. He again narrated on peace at the recent two-day 4th World Conference on Islamic Thought and Civilisation (WCIT 2017), organised by Universiti Sultan Azlan Shah (USAS) in Ipoh, from Nov 20 onwards. -
Labor and Authoritorian Legacies in Comparative Perspective
Cornell University ILR School DigitalCommons@ILR Book Samples ILR Press 2015 Working Through The Past: Labor and Authoritorian Legacies in Comparative Perspective Teri L. Caraway (ed.) University of Minnesota - Twin Cities Maria Lorena Cook (ed.) Cornell University, [email protected] Stephen Crowley (ed.) Oberlin College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/books Part of the International and Comparative Labor Relations Commons, International Business Commons, and the Unions Commons Thank you for downloading an article from DigitalCommons@ILR. Support this valuable resource today! This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the ILR Press at DigitalCommons@ILR. It has been accepted for inclusion in Book Samples by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@ILR. For more information, please contact [email protected]. If you have a disability and are having trouble accessing information on this website or need materials in an alternate format, contact [email protected] for assistance. Working Through The Past: Labor and Authoritorian Legacies in Comparative Perspective Abstract [Excerpt] Democratization in the developing and post-communist world has yielded limited gains for labor. Explanations for this phenomenon have focused on the effect of economic crisis and globalization on the capacities of unions to become influential political actors and to secure policies that benefit their members. In contrast, the contributors to Working through the Past highlight the critical role that authoritarian legacies play in shaping labor politics in new democracies, providing the first cross-regional analysis of the impact of authoritarianism on labor, focusing on East and Southeast Asia, Eastern Europe, and Latin America. -
How to Oppose Authoritarian Democracy in Brazil: Human Rights
1 Latin American Human Rights Studies, v. 1 (2021) How to Oppose Authoritarian Democracy in Brazil: Human Rights as the People’s Constructions, Constitutionally Embedded, and Internal to the Community’s Self-Understanding Benjamin Gregg1 Abstract: Authoritarianism is a pathology of Brazilian democracy. Brazilians opposed to Bolsonarist authoritarianism could deploy human rights as mundane achievements of political action by ordinary people. They could oppose authoritarian democracy in Brazil by promoting liberal democratic constitutionalism committed to human rights, particularly by encouraging education toward rendering citizens better informed and more analytic, sensitive to the power of old identities and the power of new social media; by rendering human rights internal to a community’s self- understanding as a means to challenge authoritarian democracy; and by championing individual agency and rejecting centralized authority wherever it tramples individual rights. These various methods share a core feature: human rights thinking as a “cognitive style.” This feature can be pursued in the context of civic education that encourages citizen participation. Three models deploy this approach in different settings: one for professional activists, one for non-professional community activists, and one for educational use. Keywords: Brazil. Authoritarianism. Democracy. Human rights. Constitutionalism. Civic education. Social media. Individual rights. Cognitive style. Citizen participation. Brazilians opposed to Bolsonarist authoritarianism could deploy human rights as mundane achievements of political action by ordinary people. In 1 Professor of Political Theory at the University of Texas. He holds a Ph.D in Philosophy from the Free University of Berlin, a Ph.D. in Political Sciencie from Princetown and a B.A. in Philosophy from Yale. -
SPOTLIGHT on R2P High Level Advisory Panel on the Responsibility to Protect Public Seminars in Southeast Asian Capitals
P: +61 7 3346 645• E: [email protected] AUGUST 2017 • ISSUE 41 SPOTLIGHT ON R2P High Level Advisory Panel on the Responsibility to Protect Public Seminars in Southeast Asian Capitals Overview The HLAP Report crimes against humanity, the four In its Report on Mainstreaming the In the context of ASEAN member crimes covered by R2P. Dr. Surin Responsibility to Protect in South- states’ commitment to establish Pitsuwan, Chair of the HLAP and for- east Asia, the High-Level Advisory a peaceful, just, democratic, peo- mer Secretary-General of ASEAN, Panel on R2P in Southeast Asia ple-centred and caring community, stresses that the principle is not an (HLAP)1 sets forth the importance the HLAP Report’s primary purpose alien concept or contrary to ASEAN for ASEAN member states to imple- is to underscore the importance of norms. Anchored in existing inter- ment the Responsibility to Protect mainstreaming the R2P principle national law, it is not in conflict with in their effort to building a commu- in the region. On their pathway to- but instead complements traditional nity of caring societies. Since the wards this vision, R2P can con- norms of sovereignty and non-inter- Report’s presentation at the UN in tribute to promoting shared values ference, as it recognizes the primary September 2013, a series of public related to the protection of human responsibility of governments within seminars have taken place in vari- lives, adopting measures to end states. It is in symbiosis with ASEAN ous capitals in the region to promote human suffering, and in building in- values, its institutional mechanisms, awareness of the principle and im- stitutions to protect human beings and already a fundamental aspect plement the Report’s recommen- from violence and from genocide, of its mandate.