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Download (17Mb) University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/4165 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. THE SOLDIER IN LATE VICTORUN SOCIETY: IMAGES AND AMBIGUITIES Stephen Attridge Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD in the Department of English and Comparative Literature University of Warwick November 1993 to eý..ell CONTENTS Page No. INTRODUCTION I 1. THE MUSIC HALL 25 2. THE IMAGE OF THE COMMON SOLDIER IN CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS OF THE BOER WAR 65 3 RUDYARD KEPLING'S BARRACK ROOM BALLADS: THE SOLDIER AS HOOLIGAN OR HERO 103 4. EMPIRE OF THE HOOLIGAN 133 POPULAR POETRY OF THE BOER WAR 155 6. DISORIENTED FICTIONS: INDIAN MUTINY NOVELS 203 0 7. THE AFRICAN ADVENTURE GAME: RECONSTRUCTION OF THE HERO 233 CONCLUSION 276 BIBLIOGRAPHY 280 ABSTRACT This thesis examines effects of the Boer War (1899- 1902) on images of the soldier. The thesis argues that the trauma of the Boer War for British political culture may be explored in changes in representations of the soldier to be found in the production and reception of contemporary literary genres and popular forms. This change cannot be theorized adequately in terms of an intensification of patriotism, the development of nationalism or a crisis of imperialism. A pervasive approach, often drawing on the work of Edward Said, has as its central premise that imperial polity imposes a discourse of domination on its relacitrant Other. This approach will be found to lack the conceptual nuances needed to address the different forms of representation examined in the thesis. These different forms of representation articulate a range of responses to the repercussion of the war on the relation between the shifting external boundaries of Empire and the internal boundaries of civil society2 between state and civil society, civilian and military identities, class antagonisms and national projections. Changes in the image of the soldier bear the irresistable politicization as well as the contrary paradoxical burdens of the attempted pacification of those related external and internal boundaries. The thesis includes a study of a range of sources, including as yet undiscussed texts, which verify and explore further the argument that literary and popular forms and representations display the changing fault lines of political culture rather than simply present or act as vehicles for a truiumphalist and unequivocal discursive domination. 1 INTRODUCTION The common claim in late Victorian England that the British nation was the apotheosis of unity, became, for many, an imperative during the Boer War (1899-1902). The idea of the -nation as both a recognisable unity of peoples and as a unifying principle epitomised the fully developed Western nation-state, in which nationality and state were conflated: a people with a cultural and historical identity in a permanent territory which harboured the traces of ancestral lines, and in which the state, as an instrument of law and material distribution, was also assumed to be an instrument of the nation. Persuasively conceptualised, the nation-state could appear to transcend social classes, remain impervious to the different and conflicting interests of society and to signify what Hannah Arendt, in her discussion of nationalism in The Oriqins of Totalitarianism calls 1/ the true and only representative of the nation as a whole". The development of the nation-state was partly articulated and engendered by what Benedict Anderson calls "print capitalism", a term which implies a socio-political and economic nexus, including new technological means, which legitimises secular political authorities. When, as Anderson argues in Imagined Communities,, the three cultural conceptions of a sacerdotal script language, absolute belief in divinely sanctioned monarchs, and a temporal conflation of cosmology and history, lost their absolute ontological grip on a people's thinking, nothing was perhaps more precipitous than "print capitalism" in the search of "rapidly growing numbers of people to think about 2/ themselves, and to relate themselves to others, in new ways". At such a moment, he writes: "the convergence of capitalism and print technology on the fatal diversity of human languages created the 2 possibility of a new form of imagined community which in its basic 3/ morphology set the stage for the modem nation". Print had reached new levels of sophistication. political affiliation, communication and diversity by the 1890s and increased literacy meant new readerships. The ideological impact and directing of print towards political goals is part of the movement towards civil responsibilities and rights associated with the nation-state. Anderson proposes that the4oss, or loosening, of authority associated with the three great cultural conceptions of divine right becomes the historical moment when it is both necessary and possible to imagine the "nation" as the locus for new forms of political power and order. I argue, however, that it is also in the resistance to this process of redefinition that change is apparent, and that the language of resistance to new social relationships and the recognition of changed social actualities, in literary and popular forms, confirms the widening gap between cosmology and history. In this context, thq images, forms and representations I analyse this thesis that "imagining the in . suggest nation" primarily foregrounds the act of imagining itself, with its own individual or corporate contours: but, this imagining of the nation is ambiguously placed in its attempt to overcome the discrepancies between ideals of the nation and social and political actualities. Anderson is right to state that all communities larger than primordial face,-to-face villages (and perhaps even these) are imagined, in that members will-never know most of their fellow members, yet live in the image of communion. Even when social life is oppositional, hierarchical and exploitative, - the nation Is invariably imagined as a fraternal 4/ community, or in terms of a "horizontal comradeship". 3 It is in this alchemy of assumptions, beliefs and theories concerning the imagined community of nation that phantasmagoria were made. I show how, in the range of sources used in this thesis, the soldier is variously cast as a metaphor for the nation, as epitomising both the best and worst of the nation, as Romantic hero and as urban malcontent. Different kinds of certainties. uncertainties and ambiguities inform images of the soldier at a time when the army was very much in the public mind. If the relations, tensions and oppositions between image, representation, form and concept in the Boer War materials are to be analysed adequately, then it will be necessary to predicate them with an understanding of the historical contradictions inherent in the nation state. This approach requires that the reference to and use of terms, such as nation-state, nationalism, imperialism and patriotism be distinguished from each other, if they are not to be conflated to the point of collapse. It is difficult, for example, to see exactly why the three volumes of Patriotisrn. The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, edited by Raphael Samuel, are so called. I assume that the title offers a self explanatory definition of patriotism, but the Preface shifts its own rhetorical ground, so that in one paragraph "patriotic sentiments" elapse into "national identity", "nationalism" 5/ and "national appeal". Similarly, in, John MacKenzie's Propaganda and Empire : The Manipulation of British PubUc Opinion 1880-1960, sentences such as "Hugh Cunningham sees, the 1870s as the vital decade in the wedding of patriotism to the new nationalist, imperialist, and royalist ideology, in the new romantic treatment of the Indian Empire, and the famous outburst of jingoism of 1878" are offered as if 6/ the terms used are easily identifiable and more easily distinguished. 4 Arendt argues that there is 'a "secret conflict" between nation and state because the state is built on and contains class inequalities 7/ and conflict, yet seeks to transcend these. The structure of the modem state derived from centuries of monarchy and "enlightened despotism" which -constituted legal responsibility for defending its territorial inhabitants, whatever their national origins. Once absolutist monarchy, which had been the visible exponent of rule, law and common interest, became loosened, or was destroyed, as in France, and'replaced by a new republic or reformed constitutional monarchy, then ý the expressed common interest, even if feudally based, was in danger of being replaced by permanent class interests and conflict, particularly in the struggle to control the powers of the state. One result of this incipient problem was that the appeal to universal rights was coupled with the insistence on the'nation as 8/ sovereign, "acknowledging nothing superior to itself'. - Such a contradiction between universal rights and particular sovereign right'. Arendt states, leads the'nation into nationalism: "So that in a century when every-class and section in the population was dominated by class or group interest, the interest of the nation as a whole was supposedly guaranteed in a common origin, which sentimentally 9/ expressed itself as nationalism". In England the monarch had passed from absolute constitutional power to national symbol. The political powers of the monarchy' were circumscribed in what was 'now a, limited, constitutional nation-state, but Victoria was still both national myth and Empress of India, both mother to the nation and imperial icon. In such a political climate in which both the monarch and the nation had become part of a symbolic order. with the national flag as a 10/ valuable "commercial asset", as Cecil Rhodes was later to say, 5 there was a precarious balance between nation and state.
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