k! e k & 5 I a? i ;e
)l I f 1CAL r^k w
COPO pgg Lyncb Street Jackson iBfi^W* TABLE OP CONTENTS Introduction .... Historical Background SNCC Enters State Civil Rights Act Employed Summer Project Plans
Voter Registration « • » o The Freedom Democratic Party and the Challenge to the Seating of Delegates at the National Democratic Convention ...... 7 Mississippi Democratic Party Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party Basis for Convention Challenge Techniques for Field Work 11 Voter Registration Safety Canvassing Workshops Taking people to the courthouse Community organization Precinct and County Meetings Time and Place Content Passing Resolutions Records Freedom Registration Outline of Mississippi Project Areas 17 By Congresstional District and County Political Map of Mississippi 23 Number of Negroes Registered by County ...... 25 The Right to Vote: Summary of Relevant Federal Powers, History of Federal Action in Mississippi 27 Civil Rights Act of 1957 Civil Rights Act of 1960 Justice Department Actions in Mississippi Federal Litigation in Mississippi Afterword Panola County Report 31 INTRODUCTION X - i Historical Background In lb76 Rutherford B. Hayes, newly elected President of the United States, ordered the withdrawal of Federal troops from the South. That order, for all practical purposes, marked the end of Negro participation in Mississippi government. With the troops gone and Reconstruction in its death-throes, the white population of the state united with their brethren across the South to carry out the grand design of "Redemption." Redemption meant the restoration of absolute white rule, and it entailed, first and foremost, the disfranchisement of the Negro freedman. i Before the blacks could be dealt with--returned to their place*-they must be stripped of the power given them by the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments; they must be driven away from the ballot box. Mississippi and the white South accomplished this goal in less than twenty years. The method was simple terror: beatings, lynchings, arson, torture. It worked. Paralyzed by fear of the nightriding Klans, the Negro voter in Mississippi soon became all but extinct. The pat tern was repeated in all the states of the late Confederacy, and in 1901 the last Southern Negro Congressman left the House of Representa- tivons. if Mississippi's scourging of the black electorate seemed more brutal than that of the other ex-rebel states, it could be ex cused on the grounds that Mississippi had a far greater percentage of Negroes than any of them---and far more reason to fear. The means, in any case, was not important; the victory had been won. Mississippi was once more the undisputed realm of the American White Man. The black body politic destroyed, the way was clear to build, under the wing of the state government, a society in which black "arrogance and aspiration" would be impossible. Jim Crow was born, and the Mississippi Negro came slowly to understand that certain "privi leges" and facilities were "For White Only"--among them was the voting- booth. The unwritten law of the new order (they called it Segregation) did not long remain unwritten. Lily-white legislatures passed bill after bill--enforcing the new system in every conceivable area of life, buttressing the wall, building higher, filling the chinks. By 1920 the Mississippi Negro had come to understand that everything he did was a privilege, everything he had was a gift--subject to revocation at the whim of the "white folks." The equation .for the maintenance of this happy condition was simple: so long as the Negro could mount no power, he represented no threat to the system; so long as he had no vote he had no power. Keep him from voting. Negroes who objected either swallowed their objections, left for Chicago, or died objecting. And so developed the lunatic non-politics of the...Sovereign State of Mississippi. The state has always been too poor for economic is sues to form the basis of any meaningful political conflict. The state has always been too preoccupied with the maintenance of its iron grip on the, Negro to work toward eradicating its poverty. The status of the Negro has always been the one crucial, all-pervading issue: it-has al ways been the one subject absolutely closed to controversy. Concensus on the subject of the Negro has been essential, and required concensus in one area has a way of spreading to other areas. Solidarity became the keynote of Mississippi politics, but behind the wall of solidarity there existed only a vacuum. The prize always went to the candidate who could shout longest and loudest the word "Nigger," who was most eloquent in his appeals for the maintenance of "Our Way of Life." Bizzare stunts replaced stands on issues as a means of gaining support. There was always, of course, the vague antipathy of the hill folk for thW*JeW ricJ. J.V4hJ planterj»/j.wnuvi sU ov>fx thUUVe/ j_y\_Delta- j_ y« ,j buU^A.Vt c^AJ^anyy |JUJ.iUJ.VpoliticaU lA movemenlll\y V '—.WJA-1 J,t V coulv/vu^.d u easily be quashed by raising the spectre of Negro power and callin 2 for all-important solidarity. In 1954, with -segregation at last under attack, white Mississip pians began to organize and institutionalize the state's isolation; the White Citizens Councils were formed In Indianola. Under pressure from the Freedom Movement the Councils were to grow into a semi-of ficial Committee of Public Safety, exercising something that looked very much like political rule over most of the state. Spreading from the Delta, the Councils organized all over Mississippi, loudly voiced their unswerving devotion to the principles of White Supremacy and State Sovereignty, and girded for the coming attack on Mississippi's Way of Life. SNCC Enters State The attack came in 1961, in the person of Robert Parrish Moses. With him came a handful of college students, and the first stirrings of Negro political resistance since the nineteenth century were begun. The Freedom Rides had shown graphically that assaults on segregation per se would not work in Mississippi as they had in the upper and sea- LbarcPsouthern states. All of Mississippi was hard-core. The power structure of the state, as embodied in the state government, was abso lutely resistant to the idea of any change in race relations. The government itself could spearheaTtbe heavy-handed attack on "freedom riders," secure in the knowledge that the more vigorous and brutal the attack, the better the chances for re-election. There existed no political base for negotiation, no sound reason for moderation. It was clear that the Freedom Movement would make no positive headway In Mississippi until the racial composition of the electorate was radi cally changec. Voter registration, therefore, was chosen as the prime focus of movement activities in the state-. In comparison to the mas sive demonstrations taking place in the rest of the South, the program sounded mild. SNCC volunteers would be working under the legal um brella of hundred-year-old Constitutional amendments with the outspoken approval of the President---there was certainly no national controversy over whether the Negroes had the right to vote. There was no controversy in Mississippi either, the white popula tion was unanimous in the belief that voting was a privilege, one for which the Negro was obviously unfit. Moses' McComb registration drive met with mob violence and registrars who stood fast for disfranchise ment and White Womanhood. The balance of power In the registration books of Pike County did not change. In ealry 1962, SNCC workers moved north into the cotton counties of the Delta, and Greenwood be came the focus of voter registration activity. Here again the spec tacle of queues of would-be Negro registrants provoked the white com munity into vigilante action--this time with the added touch of Council- organized economic freeze-outs. SNCC's Mississippi work force was steadily growing--the new recruits being for the most part native Mississippians, and CORE'S task force had entered the state to begin projects in Canton and Meridian. COFO was in Its formative stages. The Mississippi staff settled down to the long dull grind of spreading the gospel. Canvassing and persuasion took up most of their time; a good deal of it was spent in dilapidated county jails. There was al ways the risk of an occasional beating; lynch mobs and shootings were infrequent but never unlikely. It became apparent that this was going to take some time. Ongoing projects were established in Hattlesburg and Greenville. In mid-1963 Negro registration stood at roughly three percent of all registered voters in the state; fewer than six percent of all elligible Negroes were registered. It was ddcided that no dramatic progress would be forthcoming in the actual registration of Mississippi 3 Negroes until the Federal Government saw fit to enforce the Constitu tion in the Sovereign State. Attempts at registration, however, were to continue. The pressure on Mississippi from within Mississippi-- and with it pressure on Washington--would Increase. Programs for the political education of the Mississippi Negro would be developed. Along with their regular voter registration activities field workers would be expected to organize communities and teach them the rudiments of Democracy. The Freedom Vote Campaign in the autumn of 1963 (in which large numbers of white volunteers participated for the first time) proved the basic soundness of this approach. Negroes in the state were eager for political activity; they wanted to register, they wanted to vote. Civil Rights Act Employed The U.S. Department of Justice in the meanwhile had not been com pletely inactive. The Civil Rights Act of i960 had empowered the De partment to institute suits against entire states as well as against individual registrars in cases where a "pattern or practice" of voter discrimination was found. Suite were brought against the registrars of Forrest and Madison counties, enjoining them from further interference with Negro applications. When Department investigators discovered "pattern and practice" in some sixty-odd of Mississippi's eighty-two counties, a suit was brought against the state itself, challenging the validity of the "constitutional interpretation" segment of the application form. An extremely important Circuit Court decision in the spring of 1964 ordered the registrar of Panola County to dis pense with both the constitutional interpretation test and the "duties of a citizen" section of the form. At about the same time a .consti tutional amendment outlawed the stipulation of payment of poll tax as a requirement for voting in federal elections. Summer project Plans By May of 1964, with the "invasion" of the Summer Project "Peace Corps" imminent, the focus of the COFO political staff had largely shifted to political education programs and state-wide community or ganization. A "Freedom Registration" campaign was conceived; field staff would be supplied with their own registration books, follow regis tration procedures similar to those in Northern states, and attempt to enroll as many as possible of Mississippi's four-hundred-odd thousand unregistered but "elligible" Negroes. The Freedom Registration rolls, like those of the state itself, would stay open year round, The final difference between the Freedom books and Mississippi's official books would serve as an Indicator of the extent to which Mississippi Negroes were Intimidated or discouraged from registering by official procedures In the June 2 Democratic primary of 1964, a black-belt miracle occurred. For the first time since Reconstruction four Negro candidate were in, the running for national office, trying to take three Congres sional seats and the Senate seat of John Stennis. No.one really ex pected that Mrs. Gray, Mrs. Hamer, Mr. Houston, or Rev. Cameron stood a chance of victory, but their campaigns were valuable in terms of staf. experience--and more Important, they generated a good deal of political Interest in the Negro community. The experience gained in their cam paigns would be Invaluable In the formation of the Freedom Democratic party. At about the time, the "Freedom" candidates announced themselves, field workers were put on alert that they were responsible for aiding In the formation of an opposition party in Mississippi. The Mississipp- Freedom Democratic Party was to roughly parallel the Mississippi Demo cratic Party in structure, but its platform and statement of principles was to be in polar opposition to those of that racist body. The plat form of the MFDP was, in fact, to coincide closely with that of the n National Democratic Party. Based on the fact that It has been several decades since the Mississippi Democrats, for all practical purposes, disassociated themselves from the National Democratic Party and its aims, an effort was to be made to unseat the "regular" Mississippi delegation to the Democratic National Convention and to replace it with the Freedom Party delegates. The new party was to composed en tirely of native Mississippians, and organizational efforts throughout the summer would be focused on the Atlantic City Convention in August, This is roughly where we stand in the summer of 1964. The State Legislature is in a panic; it has just passed what is probably the biggest batch of clearly unconstitutional laws in the history of this country. The Citizens Council is stronger than it has ever been. The Klu Klux Klan has revived in the southwestern part of the state, and burning crosses are spreading eastward and northward. The Hederman papers have managed, in a few short months, to foster a climate of panic and fear in the white community that has spread throughout the state, it is in this climate that COFO political workers must continue and intensify present registration drives, begin as many new drives as our numbers will permit, and aid Negro communities in the formation of purposeful indigenous leadership. The danger now is greater than it ever has been--and so is our hope. 5. Voter Registration Summer Prospects Voter registration, this summer as always, will form the backbome of COFO's efforts. Mississippi will not change until the distribu tion of power on the voting rolls is changed, and all the stopgap measures we can plan will not alter this fact. As the situation stands, we will probably not be able to actually register large numbers of Negroes this summer; what we can do is encourage large numbers of attempts. Every Negro who attempts to register represents a victory; every rejected apelication means another ounce of pressure on the State, another mandate for action for the Justice Department. The job of the voter registration worker is to get the people to try. No one can give you specific instructions on what to do in your area this summer: do as much as you can. What is possible depends on the mood of the area, on the level of fear, on the intensity of white resistance. There is no set one way—fake it. The stock work of ordinary voter registration is the simple day-to day business of canvassing, informal teaching, and taking grouas to the courthouses. The problem at this level is not the sheriff or the ' Ku Klux Klan, but the fear and apathy of the Negro c o. .aunity. Until a local leadership is developed, you, as the "outside agitator" are the leadership. You must become acquainted with the Ne^ro c oramunity — develop a general feeling of trust ana confidence in you. This is the the first step toward developing the community's confidence in you. This is the first steg toward developing the community's confidence in itself--toward the creation of a self-sustaining local movement. The worker must give the impression of being courageous but not foolhardy, competent but not all-knowing. Be yourself, do your job, preach Freedom, and the community will come. Keep in mind that you have just begun to t«ar down a set of attitudes that has taken three and a half centuries to build. Talk and keep talking; there are enough people anxious to shut you up \/ithout your own timidity interfering. Also keep listening, and remember that fear will often cause words to mask real responses and that you must learn to hear whfyt is beneath the words. Your job is communication. Find for yourself the best ways to spread the Word. It may be best to work through a group of strong TO potential leaders; you may have to screen the whole c oramunity t o find them. It may be that no local people are willing to step out and risk the special attentions of the white community; move those willing to move as a group until there is enough Negro i ' '• kg solidarity to make "stepping out" feasible. You will find in time that the dimple process of delivering small groups of Negroes to the courthouse is not enough. The people become frustrated, discouraged. Weekly mass meetings pale when the community can see no absolute progress in registration—what's the use? The entire community must somehow, be involved, a feeling of real movement must be restored. Calling a "Freedom Day" may revitalize the town as well as providing a ••
Time and Place 1. Use a regular county eetine t et eople are used to attending where possible. 2. If there is enough community organization^ hold separate grecinct meetinge in each precinct, Otherwise, just break a county meeting into precincts, and hold precinct and copnty meetings in tthe same place one right after the other. g. Seek to hold tne county meeting in the county courthouse—one's right as a citizen. 4. Canvar-sing, letters, telephones—all should be used to announce meetings and encourgge attendance. 5. anyone can attend the meeting. At the meeting people who are not already Freedom Registered should be registered before the meeting starts. Content 1. Election of Delegates: At precinct meetings you can elect up to 10 votes to go to the counuy meeting. You can split feotes, using the seme procedure as that used in regular Democratic party meetings. .You can secure the number of delegates and alternates to elect from r county convontions by calling Jackson. Election of. good delegates is.extremely important . People should be encouraged to nominate a strong delegation. The gerson nominated i.eed not be present. «*& inte0rated delegation, e/here poasible, is ideal. v ) 2. Election of the oounty executive Committee This committee, composed of 15 people, can serve as e political education committee for the county. If we can get these cbmhitrees elected in each county, they cen serve as e unit of county organiza tion for leter pert;/ ork. Theg normeilg control voting. 3. Passim,. Resolutions This is a valuable experience, even though the resolutions have no binding effect. Resolutions on supporting National Democratic Party candidates, civil rights, or any others can be passed and brought to tile state convention. You do not have to have resolutions. 4. Records Keep careful records of kio attend-d, what business vies transected, alio -*ere the delegates elected, any unusual occurrences. Send a copy of this information to Jackson end. keep a copy for --our files. page 15
Organizing for Freedom Registration
The success of COFO's entire political program will to a great extent depend on how well the freedom registration campaign goes. A thorough explanation of the significance of this pro gram will come later at the section meeting. What follows here will be a simple listing of the specific organizing jobs. Freedom Registrars: There will be 82 Freedom Registrars -- 1 in each county of the state. Each Freedom Registrar vail have as many Deputy Registrars working under him as possible. The job of the Mississippi staff and summer volunteers will be first to recruit these Registrars and Deputy Registrars. Freedom Registration Forms: People who work on voter registration during the summer Will also work on freedom registration. They will get. people to fill out the freedom, registration forms as they attempt to convince people to go down to the Courthouse to officially register.
Qualifications for Freedom Registration 1. Registrants must be over 21. 2. They do not have to be literate. 3. They must be able to answer questions as you read them and write the ansa'ers. (Illiterate people will sign "Xs" as you and others witness). 4. They must have lived in the state for at least 2 years and in the county for 1 year. 5. Both people who are registered and who are not regis tered on the "official" registration books are eligible to register on the freedom registration books. OUTLINE OF MISSISSIPPI PROJECT AREAS First Congressional District 1. Lowdnes County a. Columbus is the county seat. There has been relatively little activity there. Police harrassment has been minimal, but probably will" increase as workers become more active. Negro leadership seems to be somewhat reticent to the COFO programs and the local community is some what afraid of us. However, the fear is not so intense that it cannot be broken with persistent effort. There are several strong students (high school). The situation in most of the key cities in this part of the state are quite similar to that of Columbus. Second Congressional District !• Leflore County a. Greenwood is the oounty seat, and SNCC maintains a two story office there, manned by approximately five people. Leflore County is generally considered a hard core resistance area. The two years of activity there has resulted in hundreds of registration attempts by Negroes, with less than 30 actually getting registered. Voter registra tion activity in Leflore County has been documented with shootings, beatings, bombings, arrests, and at least one incident of lynch-mob violence. b. Itta Bena Is about 15 miles west of Greenwood. The effort there was first met with bombings (tear gas) of the church where meetings were being held. In June of 1963, harrassment culminated with the arrest of 45 local people as they marched In protest of the lack of police protection. In spite of this there has been persistent activity there; but the results in terms of people actually getting registered has been negligible. 2. Sunflower County a. Ruleville is the focal point of activity, some 23 miles from the courthouse in Indianola the county seat (which is the birthplace of the white citizens, council), Senator J. Eastland maintains an office in downtown Ruleville,, and has a plantation in nearby Doddsville. Ruleville also is considered to be a rural hard core resistance area, and activity there has been dotted with shootings, jailings, economic reprisal, and police harrassment and intimidation. Probably it wUll be one of the centers of resistance to the summer project. Local people are strong however and will stand up with the workers. 3. Holmes County a. Mileston is about 12 miles from Lexington, the county seat. We have a core of good people in the Mileston area. The county has resisted actually registering Negroes, and early in the vote drive the hone of one of the key local leaders was shot into and set afire with Molotov cocktails. Lately, harrassment has been minimal, but could increase with a real hard vote drive in the county. 18 4. Bolivar County a. Cleveland Is one of the county seats (the other being Rosedale). Activity there is comparatively recent, but it is the feeling of workers there that with Increased activity there will be increased resistance, interms of economic and physical reprisals. Cleveland has a history of police violence. Rosedale is a river town (Mississippi river) in the traditional rough and rowdy, depressed and violent sense. b. Shaw Is about 15 miles west of Cleveland and our activity there has been met with little resistance. It's a depressing little town physically, with virtually every Negro living in shacks, There has been a very good response to our programs. The town can be gotten to move. Mound Bayou is an all Negro town about ten miles north of Cleveland. The Negro leadership there is conservative, and the town itself is generally hostile to whites. However in terms of programs, the leadership can be circumvented and the local people reached. 5. Washington County a. Greenville is the county seat, and the center of our operations in the county. It is considered a liberal city. The editor of the local newspaper supports the voter registration effort. All city officials can be talked to at various levels. The Negro leadership is generally conservative (Greenville is the stronghold of black republicanism) and tends to articulate the white power structure line about "only the qualified" Negroes trying to vote. There has been some direct action (e.g. sit-ins, marches, pickets) in Greenville, and more Is likely to occur this summer. Psychologically, Greenville Is a difficult town to work (apathy as well as fear) but certainly there is plenty of mobility to work. 6. Issaquena County a. Mayersville Is the county seat (pop, I87) and no Negroes are re gistered to vote, in 196I they weren't accepting poll taxes. There Is a core of strong people in this very rural county (slightly over 3000 people). Activity has been sporadic In this county and as yet we have met with virtually no resistance. 7. Sharkey County a. Rolling Fork is the County seat and when we have had activity there, we have met strong resistance from the local authorities. Fear Is intense and at this point persons working the county will have to live outside of it. There are 3 Negroes registered. Workers should expect strong resistance from local v/hites. 8. Tallahatchie County a. Charleston is one of the county seats (the other is Sumner) and there is a core of strong people ready to move. Workers should expect active resistance from local white and local authorities. The sheriff of this county Is notorious for his violence to Negroes. b. Swan Lake is a rural settlement a few miles southeast of SumnePr. Recently it has been the scene of mob violence and beatings apparently not connected to voter registration since we have had no project there. However in investigating this violence we have established some good contacts and are able to house workers there. Workers should expect constant harrassment and intimidation and personal violence. 9. Humphries County a. Belzoni is the oounty seat and the scene of violence directed towards persons engaged in voter registration activities in the early fifties. A confederate flag flies before the county courthouse. There is intense fear in the adult Negro community, but a core of teenagers who can be mobilized. Persons working there should expect constant and extreme harrassment. 10. Marshall County a. Holly Springs is the county seat, a relatively moderate city. There is a strong core of college students who arc actively involved with COFO. 11. Panola County a, Batesville and Sardis are the county seats. This is profeably one of the most important counties in the state right now. The circuit clerk has been directed by court order to eliminate the use of the • literacy test, aid all people attempting to register, and hire deputy registrars if necessary, over a one year period. This means that aa;mi. virtually every Negro who tries can actually get registered. There is a potential of 7000 new Negro voters within a year. There is strong local adult leadership, and a number of interested students who want to get actively involved. Harrassment so far has been minimal but could increase in light of the court order and our Increased activity there. There has been one shooting into one of the churches used for meetings. One import ant thing about the local leadership Is that it takes the initiative (e.g. sponsored their own freedom vote, and drew up their own petitions to send to the justice department). Note: These eleven listed counties are all Delta counties, looated in northwestern Mississippi. All of them are well over 50$ Negro in pop ulation, it is also the area where we have met the most resistance to Negroes registering and voting -- the birthplace and stronghold of the white citizens council, dominated by the huge plantations. All of the delta counties have not been listed, but from areas such as Green^-^
and (JWOnwJUfl, -JT^TI f%nv* <>•.-. *" *• - -,..,.-„ ,t..% „ "1 r, ^ .? v, ^A-^^^^l- .-,, .,,,,,,4-T OS . Third Congressional District 1. Adams County a. Natchez is the oounty seat, located nn the Mississippi river. Our efforts there have been met with violence on the part of local whites (Natchez is one of the strongholds of the Klu Klux Klan) and harrassment by local officials. Workers can expect this to be oonstant during the summer. 20 2. Pike County a. McComb is just a few miles from the county seat located in Magnolia Some of SNCC's earliest work was begun in McComb, where student demon strations were sparked. Here too workers can expect active resistance from local whites. Workers can also expect to be met with suspicion by local Negroes as they feel that SNCC deserted them in 1961. ' 3. Amite County a. Liberty is the county seat. The county is rural and a strong hold for the Klan and a group called the Association for the Preserva tion of White Supremacy. SNCC also has historical roots in this county. Workers have been beaten and arrested. One local contact was shot and killed, and the witness to the killing has more recently been killed. At this point, Negroes are being systematically driven from the country, and white businesses are being forced to fire Negroes. Workers can ex pect extreme resistance to their activities at all levels. We have, however, a core of good strong contacts. Note: These last three counties are located in southwestern Mississippi, at this point, probably the most dangerous area In the state. Workers can expect organized violence, harassment and intimidation directed towards them. 4. Warren County a. Vicksburg is the county seat; comparatively urban and moderate in attitude. Workers can expect a degree of mobility. Harassment so far has been minimal. Local leadership tends to be conservative. With persi stant work, however, a good strong project can be developed. 5. Hinds County a. Jackson is the county seat and state capital. The leadership is conservative and dominated by the NAACP. Work in Jackson will have to be done within the context of building a community base to circumvent the established leadership after the summer. Workers should expect harassment from the police, and to a lesser degree, from the local whites There will also be an undercurrent of resistance from the NAACP and local leadership which can be somewhat dealt with by developing a kind of political relationship with them. Expect frustrations. Fourth Congressional District 1. Madison County a. Canton is the county seat, an extremely strong Citizens council town. Harrassment is particularly intense from law enforcement (?) officials seemingly directed mostly at local citizens. There has been consistent use of economic reprisals; very severe. Strong local leader ship has begun to emerge. Also there are very strong and very active young people. 2. Lauderdale County a. Meridian is the county seat, second largest city in the state. It is a comparatively moderate city in terms of resistance to COFO programs. The community center there has been operating for 4 or 5 21 months, with no resistance from the local authorities. There were some arrests in connection with a boycott on one of the stores. However, the store gave in and hired a Negro, and now the workers are thinking of ex panding the boycott. Meridian is also the base for operations in about five adjacent counties. Local leadership tends to be conservative and has generally ignored the project. There is a bi-racial committee (in existance for about 14 years) that Is slow moving and has accomplished virtually nothing. 3. Leake County a. Carthage is the county seat. A school desegregation suit is un derway there, and there is strong and enthusiastic local leadership. Can be a swinging project. Fifth Congressional District 1.Forest County a. Hattlesburg is the county seat. The circuit clerk is under court order to cease discriminating against Negro applicants. Almost continu ally since January 22nd, local Negroes have been picketing the county courthouse. There have been arrests on a variety of charges. Intensity of police harrassment seems dependent on the amount of activity taking place. There is a strong core of local leadership of both adults and students. The power structure seems to be keeping local white violence down. Workers should expect to operate in adjacent counties also. The community seems enthusiastic about the program. We expect Hattlesburg to be one of the key centers of activity this summer. Across the summer there should be mounting pressure focused at the circuit clerk who has failed to cease discriminating, and at the federal government for fail- inc to take action against the circuit oierk (be should be in jail for civil and criminal contempt of court). 2. Jones County a. Laurel is the county seat. It is one of the more moderate areas in the state, and harrassment should be minimal. The city has a conser vative Negro leadership and receptiveness to the COFO program has varied from lukewarm to cold. Two years ago there was a Laurel Nonviolent Move ment affiliated with SNCC. Most of the students involved have since left or ceased to be involved. Ooimaunlty Involvement will probably be slow at first, but can be built up across the summer. 3. The Gulf Coast Harrison county is the key county, with Gulfport and Biloxi being the key cities. Gulfport is the county seat. Harrassment will be minimal and workers can expect mobility. These cities are located on the gulf of Mexico where there are beautiful oe^r-ogated beaches. Here, alcohol Is sold freely, in a still prohibition state, and gambling is extensive. The Negro community forms a smaller percentage of the population than it does in other parts of the state. On the other hand, there has been more oi-gartlzation in this area (In the form of NAACP chapters) and as a result a high percentage of the Negro population is registered (some what better than 15$) Local citizens have been conducting wade-Ins for a number of years, and probably there will be more this summer. These wade-ms have been punctuated with violence. Most violence on the coast 22 has come from local whites. There have been a couple of bombings. As suming direct action takes place on the coast, workers can expect some violence from local whites to be directed at them. For the most part, however, the area is considered "liberal". Harrassment will be minimal and workers can expect mobility. 1. Harrison County a. Gulfport is the county seat. Here, as in other coastal cities, the NAACP is strong and local leadership is generally conservative. But the summer program has won support and workers can expect a good response from the local community. b. Biloxi has been the scene of considerable direct action in recent years(mostly at the beaches) and is now involved in a suit to desegregate the schools. The young people are anxious to engage In a broad assault on segregated public facilities, but local leadership is extremely cautious. Response to the summer project has been lukewarm and it is pos sible that only a limited program will be undertaken in this city. 2. Jackson County a. Pascagoula - Moss Point are actually two cities, though they are only separated by a bridge. There is one NAACP chapter which serves for both cities. MOR^ PiM.«-fe oomwaiy do»<]o t> © lie oijo mure aoUive of the two. Thp loaoorship has been extremely receptive to the summer program and h$ve made extensive preparation to house people and to find facilities for Freedom Schools and Community Centers. Workers can expect excellent co-operation on every level.
Actually, Mississippi is oppressive everywhere, and when we speak of moderate of liberal (as in Greenville) we are talking about a lesser degree of oppressiveness. Any one of these areas is liable to tighten up and become a terror hole at any given time. It must be understood that the state is determined to perpetuate itself in its present form at all costs, and will use any method - no matter how extreme - it deems necessary. ., ». A ! : BEE-J C DE SOTO llARSiL\LL,T0ei :*' *"1 JTISHO- TIPPAHL- ' - • -fUHGp
a gUEICA TATE ap * *• • • JtonisfD {U r~ r t ""': miiOH ek '>- • > j -' ; (PAHOLA VLAFAYEIT3 \ ITT-AYIAJpBA rp66niom.r^JTi*' OIITOTOCj LEE I- urn 11—•'"" * " •* >'. YALOBUSHA. T -' TALLA- CAL- ! HATCIUE jiouii qiucEASAi'i IIOEROE —kereoLiVABi l-'e-r*^ r' .•eA'g , . /„_• GREHADA CLAY- i .' < ' ITRnSTTCY;EBSTER t •r~ • I 7- 1 me fe-LL "-. I'lIOG- JOHTIBBEgALaillDgG r ; mi/ A IJJSP r - } ' L4G::r::Gio^ >j. • r
" ii-iJX-j-i ATTALA. |_eJIHST01I HOXUBEE j 3IIAE >• YAZOO
i'- e MJ e liAIS! .-i niHDS ,/i ' 'j*r*+J I—- V.ViJjilJJLUJUlU'l•ViIRBORlTEB V ' ^-'-.. „ j COPIAH SSIHPSOH I
COVIEO-j ~\ LineOLE ! -I VTOH , JOHES PJAY1IE j f:ADAMS jFRAImLII: LAVE- ' JEFF '*, '. • ; : pECEjIMTOr-! - -i- i [._._.< -J "X , w ' — v r a' I , IIARIOli JLAIIAR | •: YJTLKIKSOH [ AMITE IFKE .*; L '
, PEARL ' G-SORG-E . jilVER ST01IE :SSIGSIPPI < i / ' • JACKISPH | N.^ 'HARRISO»TT»-DT U J 20 40 60' 30 IlillCOCE j Cig- • -' ^ > scale of rdlei 25 Number of Negroes Registered by County The figures given here are from the 1961 U. S. Commission on Civil Eights Report on Voting. The figures are not exact, but they do indicate some of the trends and troubles, in the state.
County No. Non-whites No. Non-white io Non-white Eligible Registered Registered Adams 9340 1050 11.2 Alcorn 1756 51 3.5 Amite 3560 1 0.03 Attala 4262 61 1.4 Benton 1419 136 9.6 Bolivar 15739 612 3.8 Calhoun 1761 0 0.0 Carroll 2704 6 0.22 Chickasaw 3054 0 0.0 Clairborne 3969 138 3.5 Clarke 2988 0 0.0 Clay 4444 10 0.23 Coahoma 14604 1960 13.4 Copia 6407 20 0.31 Covington 2032 560 27.6 Desoto 6246 3 .05 Forrest 7495 12 .20 Franklin 1842 146 7.9 George 580 0 0.0 Grenada 4323 61 1.4 Harrison 9670 2000 20.7 Hinds 36138 5000 13.8 Holmes 8757 41 0.5 Humphreys 5561 2 0.04 Issaquena 1081 0 0.0 ' Itawamba 463 47 10.2 Jackson 5113 1400 27.4 Jasper 3675 6 0.20 Jefferson 3540 0 0.0 Jefferson- Davis 3222 96 3.0 26
Countv No. Non-whites No. Non-whites % Non-whites Eligible Registered Registered Lafayette 3239 134 4.1 Lamar 1071 0 0 Lauderdale 11,924 2000 16.8 Laurence 1720 356 20.7 Lee 5130 231 4.5 Leflore 13,567 472 3.5 Loundes S362 63 0.8 Madison 10,366 607 5.9 marion 3630 400 11.0 Marshall 7168 17 0.2 Pionroe 5610 9 0.2 Montgomery 2627 11 0.4 Noxubee 5172 0 0 Oktibbeha 4952 107 2.2 Panola 7250 10 0.1 Pearl River 2473 0 0 Perry 1140 127 11.1 Pike 6936 207 3.0 guitmqn 5673 316 5.6 Rankin 6944 43 0.6 Sharkey 3152 3 0.1 Smith 1293 24 1.9 Stone S68 39 4.5 Sunflower 13,524 161 1.2 Tallahatchie 6483 0 0 Tate 4326 0 0 Tippah 1281 176 13.7 Tishomingo 359 0 1.7 Tunica 5322 22 0.4 Union 1626 6 0.4 Walthall 2490 0 0 warren 10,726 1910 17.8 Washington 20,619 2563 12.4 Wayne 2556 0 0 Webster 1174 2 0.2 Wilkinson 4210 110 2.7 Winston 3611 57 1.6 Yalobusha 2441 4 0.2 Yazoo S719 179 2.1
Note: Not all counties are listed above. Some unlisted counties have more than 15% of the aegroes registered. For other counties there is simply a lack of data. 27 The Right to Vote: Summary of Relevant Federal Powers History of Federal Action in Mississippi From the U.S. Constitution: AMENDMENT FOURTEEN Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law whcih shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protec tion of the laws. AMENDMENT FIFTEEN Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of ervitude. Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. Civil Rights -lot of 1957 ThXs act, the fTrsTF of its kind since 1875* established the United States Commission on Civil Rights. The Commission's func tions, as outlined in its 1963 Report, include: Investigation of complaints charging violations of the Fifteenth Amendment, the study of information concerning legal developments constituting denial of "equal protection," the appraiool of Federal laws and policies with respect to "equal protection," and the submission of interim reports on its activities to the Congress. The Act also authorized the Department of Justice to bring civil suits to end discriminatory voting practices. Civil Rights Act of i960 Thil act strengthened the 1957 act by providing that entire states, as well as Individual registrars, could be sued. It also required the preservation of voting records for 22 months and per mitted the appointment of Federal referees (to act as "registrars of appeal") in cases where there was a judicial finding of "pattern or practice" of discrimination. Justice Department Actions in Mississippi In 196I, the Civil RigfnTs Commission found that "substantial numbers of Negro citizens had been denied the right to vote in 100 counties of 8 southern states." 38 of those 100 counties were in Mississippi, and, in the words of the 1963 Report, "subsequent investigation has indicated that this finding was conservative." Spurred in many instances by voter registration activities within the state, acting often on Its own initiative, the Justice Depart ment has brought 17 suits in Mississippi. Six of these involve police or private intimidation, ten are directed toward registrar discrimination, and one "attacks the entire system of registration In Mississippi as being inherently discriminatory." 28 Federal Litigation in Mississippi Date Filed July 6, 1961 Clarke Discrimination in registration. Injunc- I tion 2/5/63. Court (Southern Dist. Miss I refused to order Negro reg. on same ba- j sis as prior white registration, refused j finding of pattern or practice. Decision 'appealed to Fifth Circuit. July 6, 196I Forrest i Discrimination In reg. Court refused j to issue injunction. Injunction is- ; sued by Circuit Court on appeal. Re- : gistrar cited for contempt, found guilty ! 7/13/1963. Registrar appealed, trial date as yet unset. , August 3, 1961 Jefferson [ Discrimination in reg. Court ordered Davis ' monthly reports from registrar I/4/63. 1 Registrar applying standards strictly. August 3, 1963 Walthall ; Discrimination in reg. Court gave no l decision, but ordered removal from ; rolls of illiterate white voters : called by gov't. 3 Negroes have regis- ! tered. Oct. 26, I96I Panola .' Discrimination in reg. District Court found against the gov't, on all issues. Appealed to 5th Circuit, favorable deci sion 5/22/64. Court ordered registrar to dispense with interpretation section of application form. Nov. 17, 1961 Tallahatchie; Refusal to accept poll tax payments and i discrimination in reg. District Court i refused to issue injunction. 5th Cir- ; cult reversed District decision I/28/63. ; Issued injunction. Registrar appealed, I no trial date set as yet. 5 - 10 Ne groes registered. April 13, 1962 George Discrimination in reg. Temp, restrain ing order April 24. Gov't, requested tightened injunction April '63. Court giving registrar opportunity to recon sider rejected applicants before issu ing new injunction. 5 Negroes register- ed since filing of suit. Aug, 28, 1962 State of Challenge on Constitutional grounds of Mississippi 2 amendments to State Constitution and plus Amite, 5 statutes dealing with registration Clairborne, procedures plus discrimination by six Coahoma, registrars. The case is still in the Leflore, discovery stage. Lowndes and Pike. 29 Federal Litigation continued Date Filed County Remarks Jan 26, 1963 Sunflower jDiscrimination in registration. Not tried. July 16, 19 63 , Hinds Discriminakon in registration. Court held that closing of books was not discriminatory, but required that appli cants be served on a first-come, first- served basis when books opened. March 2, 1964 Madison District Court refused to find "pattern or prtctice", but ordered registrar to equip to handle at least 4 applicants at a time; to register at least 50 applicants a day so long as his services were in demand. Court limited to 25 the number of potential applicants who could stand in line at once. AfTERWORD It is obvious to any disinterested observer that the entire system of registration in Mississippi is designed to discourage the Negro applicant. The '•'Constitutional interpretation (or "literacy') test- and the ''duties of a citizen' sections of the application form give the individual registrar an incredibly broad discretion in the acceptance or rejection of applicants. The archaic and complicated poll-tax requirements (they are still legal in all state elections) form a further barrier to an equitable balance of power on the Mississippi registration books. Not until both these requirements are struck down as unconstitutional in fact will there be any hope of free elections in Mississippi. The Civil Rights Commission is considering requesting the appointment of Federal voting referees in every American county with less than fifteen percent of its Negro population registered. If enacted into lax?, this proposal would affect most of the Black-belt Deep South...it would affect all of Mississippi. Justice Department litigation in Mississippi must begin in the hostile atmosphere of the Federal District Courts. The Judges who sit on the bench in the Northern and Southern Districts of Mississippi are Federal Judges, but they are also Mississippians - and staunch white supremacists. A truly fair and objective hearing from Judge Harold W, Cox (Northern District) is generally considered to be impossible. Judge Cox is a Plississippian born and bred, and he shares the feelings of most white Mississippians. It is the feeling of most civil rights workers that "equal justice under lav/1' is a farce at any level beneath the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals. 31 PANOLA COUNTY REPORT The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals overturned a decision by the District Court of Northern Mississippi, May 22, "opening" the registra tion books to Negroes in Panola County, The suit had been filed originally by the United States with Leo nard C. Duke, Circuit Court Clerk and Registrar of Panola County, and the State of Mississippi as defendants. The complaint was that Negroes were discriminated against in attempting to register to vote. The hope was that the trial court would issue an injunction enjoining the appel lees, their agents, employees and successors, from continuing the discri mination. The district Court ruled, however, that while white voters had been registered who were unable to pass the test, the fact that Negro voters had had to meet the standards was not discrimination.. The Court said that not more than five or six Negroes had attempted to register- between 1932„and 1959 and one of these had been registered. Further more, there was no evidence showing that any Negro, who had been other wise qualified, had been denied the right to register. It should be noted here, that of 7639 voting age whites in Panola County, 5343 were registered to vote. Of 7250 voting age Negroes, 1 was registered to vote. The higher court, however, saw things differently. Citing the case "United States v. Harpole," the Court said that it was the respon sibility of the defense to show that the Negroes had voluntarily ab stained from voting. Additionally, it accepted the following evidence; , 1. A Negro Voters League had been formed between 195.5 and i960 and had attempted to register 10 Negroes. All applicants were delayed and/or discouraged by the appellee. None of the applicants were given the results of their test. 2. White applicants continued to register without such distractions. 3. Many of the white applicants were not qualified to be registered, according to Mississippi law. 4. Some Negroes were intimidated by people not directly connected with Duke's office against trying to register. The conclusion, then, was that the arousal of interest in voting by the Negro community had been met with polite, but effective, discour agement. Meanwhile, white people continued to register merely by "signing the book." It was not in the power of the Circuit Court to comment upon the constitutionality of the voting requirements. However, it was able to draw the following conclusions: • "The only effective relief(for the discrimination in registration) here is by applying the "principle of freezing the registration standards that were in effect when the majority of the white citi zens were registered. We conclude that the principle should be applied in this case without further delay." ".'..the. trial court erred in not finding a pattern and practice of discrimination. We also find that the trial court erred in not issuing an injunction to guarantee that the effects of the discrim ination should be eliminated and a repitition for the future be prohibited." Therefore the :-Court called for a special program of registration ~ In Panola County, to last one year, featuring the following: 1. Thatthe applicant be or will be 21 years or older prior to the next election. 2. That the applicant is entitled to apply for registration XArithout regard to whether he has paid the poll tax". 3. That the applicant be afforded the opportunity to apply and complete the application form whether the registrar himself or the deputy regis trar is present. 4. That applicants not be required to apply one at a time but persons presenting themselves to apply for registration shall be permitted to complete the applications simultaneously to the extent that the physical facilities of the registration office reasonably permit. 5. That applicants be advised at the time they apply, if a registrar or deputy is present, as to whether they are accepted or rejected and, if they are accepted, that they are registered, at,.such, time . Only the following qualifications should be considered: 1. He is a citizen and is or will be 21 years old or older at the time of the/-next election. 2. He has resided in the state two years and in the election district In which he Intends to vote one year. 3. He embraces the duties and obligations of citizenship as demonstrat ed by his willingness to .take and sign the oath to bear allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and the State of Mississippi. 4. He is not disqualified by reason of a conviction of a disqualifying crime, insanity, or idiocy. 5. He is able to demonstrate a reasonable ability to read and write by completion of questions 1 through 18 of the application form with or without assistance by defendant Duke or his agents, as" needed. Therefore, according to tho higher Court: "The judgment of the trial court is REVERSED and the case is REMAND- "gED^for further proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion. "Since the appellant was entitled to the Injunction following the conclusion of the trial, we conclude that no further delay should be occasioned and therefore direct that the mnn^^+.o iasnp forMmith.i County officials have complied with the order. Tillman McKinley and Gwenn Gillon, COFO workers,have been organizing a registration campaign in which 237 voters were registered at the Batesville court house in the first week. Since Panola oounty has two cuurthouses, the other at Sardis, when an organised registration is organized at^both places, an even grcot^- ntauiiei* of Negroes should be able to register. This is the strongest vocont rjoGlslou in a Mississippi voter rkcjlnti-atioii cap,a.
1<$C l»?ijr,V "**Ws* WE, THE PEOPLE OF MISSISSIPPI
WHO WANT TO WORK FORK FOR
REAL CHANGE HAVE JOINED TO^
GETH2R TO FORM OUR OWN
POLITICAL PARTY
The Mississippi Freedom
Democratic Party.
We did this
* because almost all Mississippi Negroes have been kept from having a say in the political processes which affect their lives.
* because the present political structure keeps IOOOnds of people so poor, it is another form of slavery.
* because people can no longer believe in lead ers... who ignore them, who say one thing and do another.
* because this country is run '• 'politically. THE WAY TO CHANGES.
We can do this by
political activity.
POLITICAL ACTIVITY is ways of organizing so that peoplo will get :-
* the things they want
* the things they want to keep.
* the things they want changed.
PEOPLE get together in small and large groups to fight for these things.
This is the way political parties begin.
THE MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM
DEMOCRATIC PARTY BELIEVES
THAT EVERYONE SHOULD HAVE
A SAY IN THE THINGS THEY
WANT. a-g aaa
•
.-ee-, -.,•--:•'•
- <.... - • a '
i *Neel
WIP/ DO YOU HAVE THE RIGHT TO
SPEAK OUT?
Because no-one else knows as well as you
* what you want.
* what you think should
be changed in your
community.
Because part of your money goes for Taxes.
* ycu have a right to say hew it is cpeat. THE PRECINCT
YOUR community is a precinct.
THIS is where you livej
THIS is where you vote.
* This is where the MFDP begins, because the MFDP is made up of people who live in Precincts.
* Several precincts make up a Superviso.rs district. Th ere are 5 in a county. 3 people from each supervisors district make up a county executive committee.
* Many counties make up the five Congressional Distri cts. 3 people from each district make up the State Executiv e Connittee.
WHO ARE THESE COMMITTEES RESPONSIBLE TO ?
To the people who elect them, to EVERYBODY in the Mississippi Freedom Demo cratic Party. HOW THE MFDP BEGAN.
April '64 * A Convention of people officially form the MFDP in Jackson, Miss,
Summer '64 * People from all over the State organise and el ect delegates to the Democratic National Convent ion.
Aug. !64 '»• FDP offered two seats at the Convention. Compromise was refused,
Nov. '64 * Freedom Vote - Mrs. Hamer Mrs. Devine Mrs. Gray..run for Congress.
Dec. 3,'54 * Seating of the 5 Mississippi Congressmen challenged.
Jan 4, '65 * Congressional Challenge - testimony is taken from Mississippi people and from Miss officials.
* testimony is sent to ( or recess , HOW WE GO ABOUT MAKING CHANGES ,.,.....'.
The Mississippi Freedom Democrat ,c Party believes that political
activity is more than just registering to vote, and voting.
IT IS THINGS LIKE :
* Running people for public officje. ORGANIZING ECONOMIC ACTION. The FDP ran people for Congress j last year. It is running people j The FDP gave rise to a in the Municipal elections this Labor Union, the Miss. year. Freedom Labor Union.
• DEMONSTRATING AGAINST UNJUST LAfS Challenging illegal AND GOING TO JAIL II NECESSARY.. elections.
e'e.0 FDP has held Freedom Days Trie FDP is challenging across the State, picketed the election.of the 5 schools and a factory. Congressmen from this State - because Negroes " Fighting the laws through the were kept from voting. Courts. The FDP is asking Congress to unseat them. The FDP has gone Into court to | challenge laws made by the State, HELPING PEOPLE TO FIND and those made by cities, such OUT WHY DECISIONS ARE as illegal ordinances banning MADE, AND gOW TO MAKE marches. THEM.
'• ORGi.NIZlNG MASS VOTER REGISTRAT The FDP dees this throu ION DRIVES.. gh Freedom Schools and workshops, where people The FDP is doing this in sit down together to lea Sunflower County and other places. rn together.
tor ..ves. IkV <3U /- /.s 7^ F~~JA/^ p
/ s 7% UAp~ dco^ SAv/o/ /^/sce. xC5<=-^7>^j- P^f^e*/ SY-rce+f ' v-T © 6 s A ^ /-or- OUr- C.A,/Jy<*S /C^/n^ c/yf~ ' /yA Ay £/<** {*.**i>~7~ f y\f h axTT~ is y^e_ /~j? l\/A*- / As 7^^ ^AA±//l^<^(IsAa-AAe P V ^JCr Otc^y, *A-" l/o-f-ZL. /tJy{*A~ &e~ FIRST JUDICIAI DISTRICT Negroes Total Negroes Total Thru Thru July 9 Thru July 9 Thru Ward July 8, 1966 July 8 August 15 August 15 (Jackson) 1 963 76 3 0 2 446 0 1 0 3 256 2 0 0 4 388 2 0 0 5 1384 1085 8 6 6 715 2 2 0 7 1155 809 4 4 8 501 23 0 0 9 512 0 4 0 10 754 0 2 0 11 848 0 1 0 12 590 0 3 0 13 1055 1 4 1 14 801 2 7 0 15 407 0 2 0 16 912 0 4 0 17 958 0 6 0 18 672 0 3 0 19 934 0 7 0 20 1536 1 8 0 21 623 6 1 0 22 2978 1068 13 10 23 1783 1139 13 11 24 1455 998 9 5 25 1972 1102 8 7 26 1206 590 10 8 27 387 52 3 1 28 1423 744 5 3 29 1929 779 6 2 30 802 0 2 0 31 1258 0 5 0 32 1282 31 10 0 33 759 0 1 0 34 713 0 5 0 35 1064 0 3 0 35 745 2 5 0 37 643 1 4 0 38 655 2 3 0 39 517 161 7 6 40 736 405 7 7 41 948 634 10 6 42 542 18 3 0 43 2404 1178 21 17 44 1824 376 17 8 45 2213 14 16 0 r».sJ Negroes Total Negroes Ward Total Thru Thru July 9 Thru July 9 Thru July 8, 1966 July 8 August 15 August 15 46 663 10 2 0 47 857 229 3 1 48 479 98 2 0 49 345 120 2 0 50 276 20 0 0 51 786 0 3 1 52 1768 1 17 0 53 709 0 13 0 54 587 2 5 0 55 1096 1 17 0 56 389 0 2 0 57 564 0 3 0 58 746 2 6 0 59 157 0 1 0 60 415 0 5 0 61 663 2 8 0 62 595 0 10 0 63 979 124 11 2 64 514 0 5 0 65 1099 1 9 0 66 1676 0 21 0 67 687 0 3 0 68 1101 0 8 0 69 1004 3 11 0 70 629 0 10 0 Terry 770 75 7 1 Van Winkle #1 1218 365 15 7 Van Winkle #2 766 34 5 1 Flag Chapel 544 13 7 0 Twin Pines 462 88 10 3 Tinnin 195 57 0 0 Forest Hill 1496 44 20 0 Leavell Woods 143 6 1 0 Liberty Grove 869 186 23 6 Byram 643 14 5 0 Clinton 2030 210 18 3 Pocahontas 215 99 0 0 2nd Judicial Edwards 1141 507 29 zu District Bolton 661 324 1 1 Brownsville 221 82 1 0 Newman 68 42 4 4 Dry Grove 138 27 3 3 Utica #1 763 183 6 6 Utica #2 686 313 16 13 learned 383 195 11 11 Raymond #1 513 176 8 5 Raymond #2 777 204 7 3 Cayuga 166 98 2 2 Chapel Hill 183 140 3 3 r 80-483 15,398 635 198 RULEVILLE, MISS. ;?e#*1f|k "V- Wee , the .... students who make up the staff of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com mittee, and the thousands that make up its base, have staked our lives on the principle that an interracial democracy can be made to work in this coun try, even in the fields, bayous, and deltas of our deep South. We have not spared our selves in attempting to make that faith good. We call on the federal government to do like wise. We would have it under stood that we are not calling on the country for what she might do for us, but rather to inform her of what she must be pre pared to do for herself. from SNCC testimony, before the House Judiciary Committee, May, 1963 STUDENT NONVIOLENT COORDINATING COMMITTEE HISTORY The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com mittee was born out of the history-making sit-in movement that erupted across the South in the spring of 1960. At Easter of that year, the first southwide meeting of sit-in leaders was held in Raleigh, North Carolina. Here a temporary committee to promote communication and coordination of activi ties among protest groups was set up. This Committee met monthly during the summer, opened an office in Atlanta, and at a second conference held in Atlanta, October, 1960, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com mittee was formally organized. One repre sentative from each Southern state and the District of Columbia made up the Coordinat ing Committee. Participation in the Freedom Rides in 1961 and a growing sense of the depth of fear that shackled most Negroes of the South convinced SNCC leaders that some one would have to TAKE the freedom move ment to the millions of exploited, disfran chised and degraded Negroes of the Black Belt SNCC DID JUST THAT. ... August, 1961—SNCC launched its first voter-registration project . . . choosing Walthall, Pike and Amite Counties of Mis sissippi.—This sparked nonviolent direct action by hundreds of high-school stu dents in McComb, Miss., and led to the development of a statewide voter registra tion program, recently dramatized by the use of snarling police dogs to stop Ne groes from registering in Greenwood, Mis sissippi. . . . October, 1961—SNCC workers went to Albany, Georgia, and became the cata lytic fuse for the massive protests of the Albany Movement. ... By November, 1961, some sixteen stu dents had volunteered to take out a year or more from school to work in the hard core rural areas for subsistence only. SAVANNAH, GA. ATLANTA, GA. PROGRAM SNCC's grass-roots approach is designed to ... . build indigenous, trained leadership . . on college and high school campuses, and in local communities . . . * * * In recruiting potential student leaders from college campuses and sending them to work in rural communities, SNCC hopes to bridge the gap between centers of learning and the work-a-day communities. * * * SNCC workers have organized and guided local protest movements which are never identified as SNCC projects. This is part of its program of developing, building, and strength ening indigenous leadership. This program has captured the imagination of students all over the country, and today more than 150 SNCC field secretaries are symbols of courage and dedication as they undertake the often tedious and tiring, and always dangerous work, in the most difficult areas of the South. . . . Mississippi—Southwest Georgia—Central Alabama—Eastern Arkansas—Southern Virginia These students work for subsistence salaries when funds are available, but at times they have chopped cotton and picked squash to secure food. They live in the community, often in the homes of local residents, for the weeks and months that are required to break through generations of fear and intimidation. The students' courage helps emerging leaders achieve a new self image and the strength to act. Sustained personal contact, discussion and persuasion and his determination to stay with them and their problems, give the local people confidence in the SNCC worker and the program he advocates. The people then begin to gain enough confidence in themselves to seek and assert their rights. In the community SNCC workers organize for voter registration and direct action. SNCC voter registration efforts give disenfranchised Negroes the right to vote in areas where they have been denied this right since Reconstruction. And, fully as important, the program deepens an awareness of the meaning of first class citizenship, develops a community of action, and creates mutual trust and support among people who too often have been suspicious and divided by fear. As of summer, 1963, SNCC had initiated and participated in ... . direct action campaigns in 49 cities in 13 states. . . . £Sc 3DSIJ THE FUTURE... The future means redoubled efforts to continue . . . —introducing educated and deter mined young workers into hard core areas; —maintaining a college contact that leads to militant action in cities and provides new recruits for full time work. The future means . . . —expanding our pilot voter registration projects in cities to provide workers in surrounding counties. —finding more funds to support stu dents willing to work at subsistence wages and share the life of the South ern rural Negro while trying to con vince him of his rights. —providing more and better workshops and conferences on the meaning and techniques of nonviolent community action and political involvement. Change will be slow, but change must take place. SNCC will need three times our cur rent staff to do the job we have only begun. We will also need three times our current budget. The future means your support... —in contributions and in stimulating your local community to break down every form of racial discrimination now. —in letting us know how we can help you and how you can help us. DANVILLE, VA. WE BELIEVE AND WE ASK YOU TO BELIEVE WITH US: WE SHALL OVERCOME! SNCC SNCC: Structure and Leadership The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee is not a membership organization, but rather an agency attempting to stimulate and foster the growth of local protest move ments. The Coordinating Committee itself con sists of representatives of protest groups which meet regularly to formulate strategy. The Committee elects an executive commit tee, which is responsible for employing staff and overseeing the general program. Chairman: JOHN LEWIS Executive Secretary: JAMES FORMAN Staff Coordinator: WORTH LONG Communications Director: JULIAN BOND Project Directors: Mississippi: ROBERT MOSES Southwest Georgia: CHARLES SHERROD Central Alabama: BERNARD LAFAYETTE Arkansas: WILLIAM HANSEN Eastern Shore: REGINALD ROBINSON Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee 8V2 Raymond Street, N. W., Atlanta 14, Georgia Telephone: 688-0331 Photos: Danny Lyon August, 1963 I4<"'^7<» "kc. .^as l 1 NAME fTcJr^/A lJ;JJ,^» /Je/~t*. AGE k^gT SEX tYt^U*. MISSISSIPPI ADDRESS /d/Y ^vs> COLOR HAIR—-TXrv^,^ COIOR EYES (lL^ HEIGHT ±''7' WEIGHT /to This document is provided for the sole and exclusive purpose of identifying the above associate of the COUNCIL OF FEDERATED ORGANIZATIONS (COFO). This document is for identification purposes alone. It shall not serve to obligate or hold COFO liable to any person, corporation and/or any other entity. COFO has assumed full responsibility for providing /^Tf^yr-jtLyi <&/- I^oi^z**? all decent needs as a respectable member of the community, including but not limited to board, lodging, necessities and a salary. Further information regarding obligations owing to / "^h-t/^-fcA ^ • yL/g/ySt^ tram. COFO may be obtained from Aaron Henry, Robert Moses or David Dennis, or their agants, of the COUNCIL OF FEDERATED ORGANIZATIONS, 1017 lynch Street, Jackson, Mississippi, or by phone at 352-9605 or 352-9788 in Jackson, Mississippi. FEDERATED ORGANIZATIONS by_£al \~J> and Co-Authorized by -J2*TIC /-x' ;?/? Yr*~ L^i*y£ ft#zr7i- <&>~Z*4~<, -4&*£*J/ 4£t±*~*y ^sn*~£~ 2A*f~ /tyyAtf C&Hi, ?kt^A*£2> /'<( sr&~~ /. Jj^^y ~~£^re*3?". ~*ftyC*A4^ay&**~y!*y* 4«Aa Jfk^c*^- ^ y^£** ° ^ **- ^«^ Pyyu^CZd -<2&~- {ys/?z?&oJ ^-y^t^ ytSaro f&yj (gr^y^y. s/C&z-m^A-^yu ^m^Z^ff yy/f%> ^c**^yyL s&c***±y*Z/^ _-=£..^^ct^^eyZ^, . .^.*£> ^^ ^y*±? t^ ^jZe^-dl*^ ~„ •i^r*yr\^^c •>^t ^SA±-_ £^*y*^C^ _~ *~ . ^^^fe^-^fc •«•*- ^zA^r^Jg^i J 6-c^yc y^^crr ^^^y^t^rt^yi ^^fe^*5i^*?_ ^se***-*^^ ^u^c^^L- ^yjiy& 1 ^c^^^^y fe»**p** ,*«•» ^ /fe $^_J /y&~&2r t^ct^Aj - ^^yhttm^ek -^^fc+yjtf J -^&£OJCZ^&I 4,*v ^&~^ - J^sy_^y,3- yh-4*yL ^y&t^ y**^^^y*t' £?^~ Jt, J~__^ ^tAc**? ^y£*g3L__~^ ^y2y*g. yfyHt^.'^i-^y A^i&c** PT £ ^2^fc^>>c^< *r___^ e ^a^tg* <£}L** ^ZS&^£-^<^.^-,k - <^J ^s£y£*C4-.kzl "' • ^j^£c**&y^ —^-^y^< . .' I , y^ ^^$£cct*^£& £y&& yiyl^£j lyzyzs- C^^ t^LP«*y ^T< ^7^ ~^£f~ , 7 A^^^-p^J -It ^^ ^ <**^fe"^ Y JJ&*c^m ^-s^*<*- e Tcn-4^-*' *^&yk£*v {K pTj^S^s-asr'se " y?f&?£if>^ ^^y k^?^e^< A_JL** y^C&*^e y?~ S c*y/y ^%Ctv -A^*y> •*£c^^^«--- j&A^y&iotr-eaL- . -y&. y^tz&m -—iL^5r**^y l > <^-t?- tyi-y^?^ d L?L&I ^&\*X£~* L_J ****/*< *^f ,'fm jy^ . j&Z*<^gy£~/ e^^jL ^ I < •*K; &*UAAALS cor from Mi**k »l rfl« ^* ^ • this la • V t lK5* for wrltles this sarr of a i • * W a ,...... ,*., ; •• • " • if ee- t tfc i • - '• * k f laalt w - la "- to \y It . «1 no % l^ft to Invotrad! la a 1* fau st ©•«r»« i snow...... Hnppaalng, •a»b«r I f ii ntaet T-l" snce ! S ful , tarr! f? -••*•• ' e. - - ffstwrnrnm aft •r « y«ar i nt tare}-:*- • I \ ^olt*| ' Ural I i lent "-«egro i — a --J . ' ' of . - . •• " • ru have keen tr ... i • Stfif «• . #g,„ ., • ,,._.. rf.r lely ' are i *» * :y LI lis, byt oral I : it a t i I :hat la c f I fl! -• 11 , »H -ms, I cm tit ccuntrr In t'h® \ i i r i •at •* t*1 ; 9f greai p«p«n ir -ad >lctur* I, t «t tlf^i , btit T ill* wm 11 a a we '• ' ar« in ! outh; particularly Laslppl,'{H*r« I ^ould paranthetlcly ask the q en -an but •• . g. »), • • Lppl aln south ant if I ev It. lych died . »k casaa*, j _ [g nothin •.-nt iv L, tha sl$ a« . .. islsslpi ! rt, e ... is If ' t jUSt ; • . the natlo onlyt is to abotii , wrba Ippl, 00 a ad tha pre'' t , i - m cosee ' iea j ppi, mm dix&t i education the V.E.B. , Fre«d< -cola, and o i a pollti Par son, In t! atr et s*n--" " in . i ho\ achj be tw Chee •;-, t ; FO &a axes is rarf • ..... are just that, T*er •'""" '"'" S l to. La llyf ''" f tw rat,. • • S cho t ars i-e sea (for • ,8!tlpT»3 .©StiflC to pure of Cba . , but it 3 n» e •tUC e..: and afforts, Tna Fraadom Schools axlst to e^I:* Intellect. e ••. j . . - t casft au Littoailset •• 3» l* ka , fclSO, £ONJLM A^-tuM&u: C0P^\ QP- Pe, 3J k ftT * • m* • - at : - i rtl »yi ' " ' V. b aria »vJ - i i© asi ' • • Iqqlaali - ; ?r o .... • I ': rsT ft ' e a rig: ' I '*'. , I ' tja ajnJ ! of ad e *>a •' -.....•••• • » . e • e *--,.- « • •• e ©r?5 • • • • - i • • . «^»r • - * '! * • • - • bm Si? a • * ere iqq, .0 Iqa-SfO- e ' s a » » * * » . I ' " • • 1 ,. I . i r to ba, H««*» • of i a, pajb 11 ca! I sr t's your h ... £0j. fS-4s ... ll, Lr tha "' i * '" - dkntm • '•••• As j. writs •" . tv of ppl, CQF0 4-1 it, will go o: ' 1 nctcs from Mississippi ...... Feb. 16, 1965 Today two carloads ~f us drove up frcm J. cksan te Issaquonnr; & Sharkey counties tr observe E 'me ef th im st i era rt ant current heppenings in the state; the tchc'l b'ycrt" In If. soquenna and Sharkey cr.untice, Isscqucnna Ccunty & Shcrkey Ccunty lie en the Mississippi HLcsis- iania border just c few miles ncrth cf Vickeburg,. Kharkov is known at as n "tough county". People etill talk rf the N-rre man who in 19£8 was "drug behind a pick-up truck" and than burned en the highway. Tc me 19S8 is a long time ago (a year befere I was born), but I suppese itss net sc leng If ycu're remembering o dragging and burning, Today thes r re still "tough ccunti.ee. Little more than a week age, a err driven by COFO worker Bob Weil and carrying another COFO wcrkcr (Ik Fueco) and five local high schcc-1 students, was stopped by pistil carrying white man in o pick-up truck who thought thet they were Voter Registration workers. Eut the men just wanted te trlk. This 1. Sharkey Ccunty and Issaquonne Ccunty; counties in the tail end > t th delta nrae { an area extending frcm Memphis tc Yioksburg), The Q: It- is ccttcn country and has a high Uegrc population (ever 60> far Sharkey & Iteaqacnna counties). Thus the white maai is very much •• fa.eg cf the Negro end his vote rnd powar that he will get. Sc the dr Il ls Q hard land, and if will be. tough te free. One of the most import'nt things happening In the state new ic th. sohcel boycott, an area of the state previously untouched by Civil ;/;* Eights workers is rising. Wo are pretesting peer schools, poor trr t- ment and the abuses ef i corrupt and decaying pervr structure, _nd all this is coming almost by r.ccid nt, fcr it is on accident that g*v-e—rie-e the thing that gave rise, te the bcyoctt, the veering cf SNCC buttcns,va.s ever noticed. On Frid- y, January 29, tve beys, students at the Iceaqucnnn-Sfc arkcy Ccunty 1-J c,rc high school, got in tc en argument and fight cvdr peer eien cf n SJJCC batten and the schfcl principal, Mr, Jordan, v;i c c lied, Ik reprimanded bcth yruthe '•nd told them not to wear SNCC eins. On Monday meri students were wearing pins, end by Wednesday 12/S) 179 students hrd he en suspended or expelled fcr "disrupting the school", end a tctal cf £00 students (the 179 plus sympathizers! wore cut ^f sohcel. In addition tc the high sohcel students, 700 students from clcmentry schools in Rolling Fork, Maycrevllle, C-rey and Angullla also struck* Hew there arar:many students cat :f sohcel, but ^durtlrn must continue even in the strange state rf I.fic£ieslppl, So Fi-cdcm Sch-'ls began in Tallula, Mayorevillc, E ;>cd lc , V-' la;. .~d, end ff r y. In the Pre dam Schools r. greet deal of educational milcage oemes from the boycott - here ic an object lose en in eivice , In histcrv, in government, in eeei'l studies - -.nd it ie being gained. But, rise the more basic education (eg, rrithmatio, spelling, etc.} gees en, The elder students toaQfc the younger and ,e •-g. r, and there are g Cafe workers in the Pr.e.dcm Scheie (Bob la.il, Lia Fusee, bt»n «lbr<-) and mere may eeme te help out during the beycett. But the beauty • greatness cf this boycott lies in the fact that it came frcm Missies— ippians and is m. intaincd by them. COFO may h«.-lr them (vc must} but they carry the t~rch end carry it high. Much pressure ic being brought te bear on students and porents tc end the boycott, and hence, kill the movement in 1:. £• ucnn-r and SR-Jtkcy. Sinc-T 1&„4 Mississippi hue h d nc cmpulscry -due ti-n 1 - (the law was .cpcalod to circumvunt the Su^r^ac Curt d^eit i.,nj, tut there is' a ruling that a student may be left back if he e a' re f than twenty 4 school a-.ys during a year. I .. te ks the bcyoc +* * "• y»c Kl *f~ T"TT E? (f*Vl " I I'ie will have missed twenty d'ye, The I ^(jtt.n , xx -^ x, ^ C O i^:- • JL 11' . written to all parents reminding them • e ie ):a}.- a i /I cilpi 4 .--•• ing that students and parents must pledg n*t t: a r the pins ageinc The high seh"- 1 scho 1 students •" r. subject to similar prcseutrc 'Ho return to eehoel, they mast pledge net to v--< r the pins again or eir- rupt the school, in i dditi*n many parents, particularly in M g : : k have been threatened with oat-offs in welfar0 payments if they e'en '•• return their kids tc seh:'1, Te•cut fcff welfare payments is illegal, Ther- is nc ocmpulseiy educatio(witheatn dislawc ria^iac-.ti»,a), end welfar*e Thpaymente students muss mat yg o lest"e thesa yeae ri n efnee schd ke f te. ah' t they ar deing is not illegal. Put this ie . a,.it cf the e' aa'P that hue gene beyond law and reason, I tried te onaerst°nd this situation. To do this, I had te k e rese-rch en aeifar- in Mississippi and listen to Mr, Jerim; h Bl' ck • well tell us ubcut Maycrsvillc, Mississippi and Sharkey end Iesaeaer.r count!es. • first thing te beer in mind is that Mississippi is - pr r state, and thus 4/5 cf the funds peid eut and l/2 of the rdminii.tr t- ive costs cf the state we 1 far: department ccni'" from fed' i 1 funds Without federal funds, ne functi n J e k.ei i ea ae1 eek t a. the state ef Mississippi. Your money, my tae: paying friends, year congressman1^ votes support this system. Te qualify and r ceive. federal funds a state vclfar program must 1} not discriminate in at; edministr ti-n, and 2) all peri nt :lig' bio must receive rid, Ncithcr thes- conditi"ns ' r "Teing mot, nd it ie illegal to cut Pa percens payments simply because cf their invelvement ia the mwcirent, But in Sharkey County & Ice qaenna Ceunt • wo can not talk ef ; for, basioly, there ie n'- law; only the capriei us whim of the white $ man in power. It is the white man who administers welfare, ahe extend er dit, ahe hires ^.nd fires ...... nd ahc deme.nc himself by demean ing rthoj/ men. The whole life of th i grc is determined by the white men, * nd Mr, Elackwell proc ' ;" tr tell as just how. The v et majority rf the p pie ("beat 90>o cf whitee & 70/b of "- Negros ace rding t" Elackwell) in Issaqucnna . nd oh rkcy arc tee^j receiving welfare payments. Mississippi eelf-*r< p yments re the j.' est in the country end tc subsist n credit. The' 1 eel : tcre is white owned, so if yu don't te ta .ne yc u 1 sc CJ There are s "me j-bs te be had (theuek m st g< tc ehitos), but very few, and if e Ncgrc gets t j:b hew much he g. tc peid depends en I ge d his ahitc cmpl yer feels. The man may premiss E but decide to a aily g2, and there's nothing yr-u. can de; yu need the coins. This is Mississippi, and things -.re hero. Sc wr asked Mr. Elackwell why he stays. "This is ray heme, and ne -no is g-ing to run mc eut." per freedom (• nd with nprlogics for k j and hasty typing), Free1 Hoinzc ;/i7 The COFO house in Laurel has been burned* THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL AND WHAT IT MEANS TO YOU Lc TITXE ONE ALL ABOUT VOTING A. THEYiCANNOT GIVE ONE TEST TO THE WHITE MAN AND A DIFFERENT ONE TO THE COLORED MAN B. ANY MISTAKE THAT YOU MAKE MUST BE A VERY IMPORTANT ONE FOR YOU TO FAIL THE TEST, a. ciOM TgP- T/ii C. IF A STATE DECIDES TO GIVE A TEST WHEN YOU REGISTER— 1. IT MUST BE GIVEN TO-ALL PERSONS WHITE AND COLORED. 2. THE QUESTIONS MUST ALL BE IN SITING 3. YOU CAN GET A COPY OF THE TEST. ****** A****A*********;c** ************************** ************** * TITILE TWO PUBLIC ACCOMODATIONS \ NO PERSON MAY BE TURNED AWAY FROM A PLACE BECAUSE OF KIS RACE, COLOR OR RELIGION, IF TEAT TLACE HAS FOOD OR PM1K CM IT THAT GO FROM ONE STATE TO ANOTHER STATE . t • A..' ** •••"— . g THIS MEANS, aivio OWT aoAq HOTELS AND MOTELS i ... RESTAURANTS MOVIE HOUSES • ' ******,A**********^^^JHrA******' *************** k:< & TITLE THREE IUKOC y>. CXLmES . I A PUBLIC FACILITY IS XBB OV.WED, OPERATED OR MANAGED, BY/A/ CITY OR TOWN. LIKE BUSES .crept AND PARKS fc********************^ TITLE FOUR DESEGREATION OF PUBLIC EDUCATION IF A PARENT OR A STUDENT WRITES THE ATTORNEY GENERAL AND SAYS THAT THEY ARENT'ALLOWED TO GO TO A CERTAIN 3SCHCQL , TEE GOVERNMENT 0* WILL SUE THE SCHOOLs Agi» _TRY TO GET THEM TO LET THE CHILDREN GO THERE._ yr^^^fr" ^~J???r?&rt? agkk). . $S £ , • AAP^AzA^^—" • -—yTi-rrJ p • • FAQi zAmi [SC 30 * .' TITLE FIVE COMMISSION ON IglVIL RIGHTS '' •'• '•' II.IIIHUI JII , . i I ... II ' ! '.J'»»'L..nW TITLE SIX NO DISCRIMINATION IN PLACES THAT GET MONEY FROM THE GOVERNMENT." ! " ~' ~ ; : \ ~"T THERE CANT BE ANY DIFFERENCE IN HOW MONEY IS GIVEN TO PEOPLE BECAUSE OF THEIR RACE, RELIGION OR COLOR IF THE MONEY COMES FROM THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. IF THIS DOES HAPPEN THE SMKK STATE WONT GET ANY MORE MONEY. THIS PART COVERS FARM LOANS WELFARE MONEY > HOUSES 1 ***************************** *****l***** ************* NOW, WHAT CAN YOU DO IF YOUR RIGHTS ARE TAKEN AWAY? FIRST, fiALL THE CIVIL RIGHTS GROUP THAT IS HERETO HELP YOU. JACKSON COEO : wee- 352 Short Street Jackson, Miss. 352-9611 • a THEN, WHAT WILL HAPPEN? THERE ARE MANY WAYS TO STOP DISCRIMINATION AND SEGREATION. ONE WAY IS HAVE A CIVIL RIGHTS SUIT,THAT IS A LAWSUIT, BY „.,_, ONE PERSON AGINST ANOTHER TO CONTEST A WRONG_ THAT IS CALLED A A CIVIL SUIT . THE PURPOSE IS TO GET THE COURT TO SAY THE PLACE YOU ARE SUING HAS TO SERVE YOU. YOU MIGHT ALSO GET MONEY FOR YOUR TROUBLE. ANOTHER EASY WAYS IS A SUIT THAT IS BROUGHT BY THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, AND IT FORCES PEOPLE TO STOP DISCRIMINATION AND SEG_ REGATION r* OR YOU CAN GET ALOT OF YOUR FRIENDS AND NEIGHBORORS TOGETHER AND DECIDE WHAT TO DO. YOU MAY DECIDE NOT TO SPEND ANY MORE MONEY AT A CERTAIN PLACE, IR YOU MAY DECIDE TO PROTEST THIS DISCRIMINATION IN A NON_ VIOLENT WAY, COFO CAN HELP YOU TALK MORE ABOUT THIS. "THIS STATE WILL NEVER BE FREE UNTIL ITS PEOPLE MAKE IT FREE" Council 0i federated Organizations 1017 LYNCH STREET, JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI September 9, 1964 Mr. Fred Heinze 216 East 13 th Street New York 3, New York Dear Mr. Heinze: Your letter of June 25th was addressed to Miss Peany Patch. During our long over-due desk clenaing we find your letter without notation, in our files. The let :er seemed to be in the nature of a personal request in a very serious vein requesting information and application to the summer project. If you were answer ed, please ignore this second reply. Please let us know your diapositon to the extension Cf the "Summer Project " into a year long endeavor. Tre are inclosing a sketch of our program. Please let us know . whether or not you would be interested in working o long term basis, because we are .' , our workers to stay at laest two months. Yours for Freed oip, I Myrra Thomas for 0.0. P.O. COFO Program (Winter 196U - Spring 1965) I The Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) is extending its Missippi Summer Project into a year round project. Both volunteers and paid staff will be used to implement the programs. The following pro grams are planned as part of the project: 1. Freedom Democratic Party and voter registration. Suits filed by the Justice Department have opened up several counties in the state to the possibility of registering large numbers of Negroes. Emphasis -will be placed on these areas, but voter registration will continue to form the basis for much of the community organization throughout the state. The Freedom Democratic Party experience of the summer has provided a basis for extensive voter education. This work will be carried on by local voter groups in different parts of the state. The Freedom Democratic Party operations may be worked out of offices distinct from the COFO offices, but there will be close connections in both staff and planning between the offices. 2. Freedom Schools. The Freedom Schools will be continued in all areas where possible, but their scope will be somewhat limited as the majority of students will be in regular school full time. Freedom schools will concnetrate on late afternoon and evening courses. Content will be Negro history, political education, modern languages—all not available in the regular schools—as well as remedial math and reading and writing. In some areas freedom schools will serve to intensify regular studies. In some areas freedom schools may serve in place of regular schools in the event of trouble in the regular school system. 3. Pre-school education. Plans are underway for pre-school day care centers in several areas of the state. This program will attempt to pro vide nursery school enrichment programs to better prepare children for school. The program will provide working mothers with a place to leave their children under supervision during the day. U. fllhlte Community Project. Contacts in the upper middle class and power structure will be continued, but these will be on a limited basis. Emphasis will be placed on trying to organize in the lowest classes, attempting to bridge the gap between the white and Negro communities. 5. Federal Programs. The project will attempt to implement various federal programs that are available for the Mississippi rural poor. Emphasis is being placed on programs for farmers, cooperatives—both housing and consumer, public health programs, and implementing the anti-poverty bill. 6. Community Centers. During the summer community center programs began in many areas of the state. Lack of buildings and trained staff delayed implementation of a permanent program. During the year the National Council of Churches will take on increased responsibility for some of the community centers. Emphasis in program will be on day care, citizenship, library, literacy, health program, and specialized progams arising out of skills of a particular applicant. 7. Literac^gPrqgram. The state-wide literacy program will be continued. SeveraTkdiJTereriF systems (each ono-toaoh one, •classes, self-help, etc.) s.rp. being used. 8. Medical Programs. The Medical Committee on Human Rights, a coopera ting group, will expand its work. The programs will be partly connected with the freedom schools and the community centers. The actual content of the programs will depend on local need and available personnel, but the minimum desired program will include public health, dietary guidance, first aid, pre-natal care, and instruction in available federal, state, and local aid. 9. Legal Programs. Legal assistance under the Lawyer's Constitutional Defense Committee and the Lawyer's Guild will be continued. Lawyers will be permanently stationed in the state and will work with visiting lawyers hero on a short term basis. 10. Audio-visual Program. A variety of movies and slides will be shown in different parts of the state. 11. Food & Clothing Distribution. Food and clothing is being distribu ted to people who have suffered harassment for movement activities or who are economically destitute for other reasons. The food and clothing is collected in other parts of the country and sent here. This distribution is done in cooperation with other interested agencies. 12. Mississippi Student Union (High School Student Organization). Chapters of this state-wide movement organization are established in many areas. Other chapters mil be added. The organization serves as a focus for all civil rights-connected activities on the high school level. 13. Libraries. Usually libraries will be a part of a community center program. In some areas there may be buildings only large enough to house a library. In other places mobile libraries may be used. The libraries are simple and are only sketchily catalogued. Emphasis is placed on training local people to run the libraries. New York Chapter Medical Committee For Human Rights 211 West 56th Street New York, New York 10019 February 27, 1965 Dear Friend, I am writing you because I know you would be interested and may not have heard of this new Health Program. SNCC staff workers are volunteers who work for irregular and small pay. They are daily., hourly, subjected to indignities, and attacks and threats. Their diets are often inadequate to maintain healthy bodies. A recent survey in Atlanta by members of the Medical Committee for Human Rights dramatically underlines the urgent need for medical and dental care for southern civil rights workers. A group of physicians and dentists, along with nurses and oral hygienists, has volunteered their services for intensive sessions of medical and dental eare. We hope to have the staff workers in New York a few at a time over a period of time,. Would you personally be able to provide a place for these workers to stay while they are here? The length of time needed for dental work would vary, but it will not be longer than a week for any one person. Besides doing a. humanitarian service in providing a home for these dedicated workers in the struggle for dignity and equality for all Americans, you would gain by having a living witness and reporter of the Movement in your home, a person able to give you a first-hand account of what is happening. If you have room, please help* Thank you. Sincerely, Sam Siegel D.D.S., Chairman Professional Courtesy Committee Enclosed envelope New York Chapter Medical. Committee for Human Rights Professional. Courtesy Committee Dr„ Sam Siegel,- Chairman 211 Wect 56th Street New York. New York 10019 I would be able to take person(s) in my home, Male Female . I would be able to provide breakfast I would be able to provide dinner Name Remarks Address Telephone COFO? Jackscn Project 852 Short Street Jackson, Mississippi March 2, 1965 Dear Friends I have just received a letter fron my mother (she nails out those letters); she closes with " I hope tho chocks are roll ing in." So far,with enc notable exception, they arc not, I have received some nice letters of congratulation; but I do not need to go out of Mississippi to hear "anens" and cries of "tell it like it is''. In all honesty, there is only one thing that yau cutsido cf lAssissippi really h,.ve (nest cf yau anyva.y) that we need dawn here: nancy. I or: tired of neney, and do net want tc, like tea nany preachers I have heard, keep trying tc 5,riilk the crowd", but I can't help telling it like it is. This is ny third letter fron Mississippi, I In.vc written sc reuch, because it is very impart- nt that those of us outside of Mississippi do not forget that kississipoi exists; and further, do not forgot how it exists. For it exists, not just as tho phys ical place where I an (sitting in a kitchen writing, while Mrs. Bell does the dishes); not just as an area of poverty, as a state whore people aro beaten, intinidated and denied the vote; not just as an area where peoplo are beginning to rise in revolt, Mississippi exists because the United States exists, Mississippi's despair is our nation's despair, just as hor hope is our nation's hope. Mississippi exists as it is because we allow it to (Ennanuel Cellers, a liberal congressman fron ny homo state cf New York, voted against Bill Ryan's Fairness Rosoulation; other "northern liberal" congressmen are also doing business with Mississippi); either openly or tacitly. Even now, when nany people are waking up to Mississippi's existence, I an far fron gratified or glad. It is too easy for those of us in Now York (whether still there or down here), New Jersey, Illinois, Kansas, etc.. to descry what is hap- penning here in Mississippi & ignore tho realities of Harlen, Chicago's south side, or tho glaring, grinding poverty that exists wherever we go in this country ( John Guber, not nearly as"radical" as Mike Harrington, naintains, in Problems of American Society, that the poor & the deprived constitute 53 % of the families in this nation), V.e arc able to send troops to Viet Nam to fight & support a war thar is singularly unpopular with the majority of the people;yet we are unable tc guarentec the safety (let alone con stitutional rights) cf our own citizens. What we seek to do here in Mississippi - and thus, in our naticr as a whale - is well stated in a paragraph Jane Adams wrote fn a report for one of our staff meetings, "One of our primary goals, as I see it, is somehow creating a society in which each person can act froely, Acting freely means in part eaoh person under standing to the best of his ability the forces influencing his life the forces that shape and direct him, I see no reason why, with our resources, we can't have free nodical care, free food for the basic essentials, free housing —a ninun annual in- cone. As it stands now, those with the most noney have the most power...... " accident statistics, infant mortality rates. election to public office, oapitol punishment, all document the sinple fact that one's chances for life are directly related to the level cf his incone. 2. So mudh for what vsc arc trying to do; so much for pur dreams and frustrations, What ie actually happening in Mississippi & Jackson ? Since I last wrote from Mississippi, eve have begun to organize a statewide freedom radio station (and by "TC" I mean the people of Miss issippi). The station is to be owned by the peeple of Mississippi, run & financed by the people and to be a voice of reason, and we hope, truth in Mississippi. Much groundwork hat- be-.n laid, but'-the station is still in the organizing and planaiag seago. Through out tho state (in lesaquenna & Sharkey,-, Pike, and Panola counties, and in indianola & Valley View1) have boycotted or stayed out of school for a day. Many aaople are distressed, and I agree that it is jerriblc that ki do, should he out of school, Er.t' I think thit the reality )f Mississippi schools, write and Negro, is more than any of us can im agine ^myself included)* There is no future in Mississippi schools - fewer & fewer cotton pickers are needed, no matter what there education a] qualifications ~ and nobody is- going to give a damn unless we make a let of Ooisds So, protest continues,, On Sunday, February 21, Jhe Freedom Democratic. Party had a state wide meeting here in Jackson,. Delegates came from aLl over the state, & heard from MFDP representatives in Washington (Mrs. Earner. Mrs, Grey, Krsj Ddvino), The second 40 days cf the challenge has begun. It is new the turn of the regular Democratic represent!tives to gather evid ence and attempt to rebut our (ie, FDP's ) charges that we have been shct, intimidar.edj buked & scorned simply beeaa.ee we want £&citfote, to excercise our birthrights as citizena, /aid we do not indict only Miss issippi for this; we indict oar countries governments - past & present - that have allowed this to come to pass. We do not speak only for the poor of Mississippi; we speak for all the peer who have no voice. The state is moving, and so is Jackson, though sluggishly and perhaps reluctantly, for this seems to be the way that cities move. COFO is faced with many problems in organizing Ja ;ksori- In an urban setting, rural tactics often don't work. There is no sense of unity in a city either geographic or persona.!. There are a number of Negro neighborhoods and tin established middle-class, often reluctant to see any change. The sprawling nature cf the town means-that we must be mobile enough to get around town quickly, i&fc the moment we are net. We badly need a car. Public transportation in Jackson is limited, very limited, and WL need to move. If any of you in the outside world know where we can obtain a car or money to buy one, let me know J Because of the static orientation of so many people in Jackson, the FDP was having 1ittle success with prccint meetings and it was decided at Mrs. Hazel Palmers' suggestion to try small meetings in the homes of some of the poorest people, Mrs, Palmer is the FDP chairman in Jackson. Her son, Will, works with the project and her eldest son served his time on parchman Farm (the state prison farm; a cotton farm reputed to be one of the worst prisons in the world & the only prison to make a profit. Mrs. palmer herself cannot insure her house or her car. Her husband has the only job (paying) in a large family, so they knew the meaning cf hunger. This my friends is your country and mine; the wealthiest one in the world. Tonight we arc having a student meeting at the Pearl Street Church for students to decide what to do. We are going to talk about, segreg ated seh:els and what to do about them. All week the students have been wiping SNCC buttons and talking. So far, we have had only threats and talk from school authorities. But the week is young. Now, I will close with hope for freedom...... and a car. Fred Heinze yyhk ""^7 77* A gkglt. ST. MARY'S SEMINARY 600 NORTH PACA STREET BALTIMORE. MARYLAND 21201 March Jl, 1967 ueer Fred Heinze, First of all I would like to •• sk you to answer this letter if at all possible. I get the Catholic worker an-"' reed your letter to Porothy Day. Really I w uj,d just like you to answer a few question*, Recently thert has been a lot In the pacers about 9NC1 thouah not too much about ekFO. 1 more or leas equate the two groups. Now I realize that you are doing Is It that many of the leaders in COFC and SFOG are Just Immature kids with a lot of unspent energy. I know that th t was too strong but reallv is this common or what? This summer I am working in a parish in ray own cit« (Wilmington, Delaware) but at the end of the summer I would like to return to *i»e, Gould I «%e.v with you If I went down again? I am in sympathy with what you sre dolrg but (I guess you get sick of hearing thdt "but") really this progr-m andther sem and I have going could work out very well. Well olease write and know that I will be praying for the success of your program. One last gripe. 'Thy do you use the name of DuQois? Isn't this Just asking for tee Communist label? 1 realize that he was a great man and turned only because of frustration but you really don't ex; ect the people of Jackson to understand that do you? Again, I will remember you in. rev am yens and I hope you will do the same for me. If you send out anv flyers I would a precis te if If you would send them to me from time to ti»e. Sincerely your a, a> rev .IT:: It 5.0 eionrly 1 AK and tha and of a long day that ha- taken mo through the poorestPof Jackson'o.ggegro sections .(.Doodyville), riding around Jackson In the 85 degree heat, and bade to Doodoyville tonight, '." ••'Two "things. Xawant to write. I a?ant tp dascriba .poods^rvUXe; so .: i£ lieeas r it^''•taste it on paper,-Thro, 1 want to taiea'gbout ecpnokic'realities .an I seae'thomi 1 have ..bean raadlng- a booh by /.Robert.;Theobald,. Free: ken &'P?ree-P'; IiarkataI tho central -taenia of which ic a proposal fofag guarxi'toad income, 0u*!3&"3*e4sj-£?pa£ad§iU ka live in van.-ago of abundance; .mora than g enough'-'to \ 1 leedapclothe, ande.allow to live ..-like hunaa.: kreelng,ci .every, cpul in the world- religious, social, etc,. kow 1 don't know -hat to Label ahe grounds for ny arg\Sfflottts*llhats povergy for all of tha above reasons* l,.knoT-7 poverty stinks (lit&raly)'; poverty hurtc and poverty hills.• Yep. Virgliiia.,k'in thls';jgpuntty people starve eto death, gnd finally, poverty even, cobtbAmonGy;,;an, ighare/sti Ing and ironical paradoa;.. Poor people 15,ve (or die) pp. relief; on tho gg' charity of others and in tha final analysis are •fob's t' of ton buriae", at the expense--of society. Go the poor ^ars costing us, mpnoy (mostly Padoral money in Llssissippi),.: though they aren't getting very nuch of what Is*'supposedly spent on them; money that --no can't afford --- partice-larly In, tha poor state of Mcclsoiospli •,"' ''*• T- ''i. •f. Poysrtya&ilib;, :i.t kills in many inoidioue ways. Itk;ilis spiritually and pcychoiogicaly •-»--;• the poor p :raon ..is;'k.e?basad; ha in a •-Qtthlobf: qbpact.pf society l.s (skimpy) charity,p He drains money (ndmitidly, not£ a hell of a lot; but tbat'eahot his fault) and nuts none back iaecd tha ocon'orfy, 'a • i •:• -X -•••'• • ...,.' P. ... ' ' "'" ' P ' ' kow Thotfbold pro-COD a", a guar en to •" income, and.one mustfednit thin '^oUld coot the govar.iH.iont eeonoy, gut iiicoatoe got* spent (and the lower ;t'-'a income tha mora of it that in spsnt,), and.money copes, back into tha economy. And, for the most part, thin nonoy •rill be spent'on'things'that TP havo a vast abundance of (l5.'es food) or a vaet capacit3? to produce, (You know, it's eas ier td'get a loa to buy a .car or a TV set than to food your chaldron, A car or a TV cat can be repose as ed .but -how. do you place a dollar value on an unfed child? Besides tP.eoy'ro too much" bbther :to r'epoaaes-)-.--••-•--.' * :' Poor people tend towards (aatty) crime; poor people tend to despair. When a man tends to despair he drinks, he mainl5.nen, ho smokes pot, he escapes Into a relision that offers hirs "a pie in tha sky** ha come itto suicide. How. I can't help but a ell ova that if God gave us life he surely ••'anted us to live it. So T-?e have a question -mo must ask of ourn Ivan 5: society. Ic it better for society (on -iiatever geoundn you choose) to allow poverty to "work itceif out" (which it won't) or to act (eg, through a g aronta d income) to allmln- ate poverty? And her,. 1 hasten to add that s guaranteed income is no panacea; it mould just make life and the solving of our comaon problems a bit easier. 1'va written a rather long, perhaps overly long, introduction to poverty (a poverty primer?), and --hat I've said can apply to poor persons anywhere, • ow I propose to describe a particular are- of poverty; to take you by the hand to south Jackson &. let you nee, fa el and smell the povertg' that Is there. Spring has arrived in Mississippi* For tho pant few dayo it liar, be n hot (85 degrees) with a hint of sira.ar'o mug yeheat, Tho wintar ic over; the hardest season on the poor is passed, But that don't mean lt*c eery babyi So put on your old, dirty dung are a and coma with ne to tie. promised land(you can't ap^roech tha poor in suit &. tie; besides it's too hat and dusty). But look out for that white nan In a pick-up true?.; ahoatt5aip {'gat off th'-j road"* And don't listen to my "fuck you buddy" as he passes. Or better yet, liston| for you might as well know that I am not a s--lnts nor Ghrictlik.3, There is anger in ny soul and it as hard to lev . your aiamiaS, i^oodoywllla is bo-nded by U*S; 89, South Gallatin St., Interstate 55^ &. a rail road yard. The stre ts are narrow, mostly unpavaa. The grass and weeds and trees are all graan and growing* all ecus ee are mostly poor <- very poor. They are dirty. How can you keep dirt out when tha roads are ueipaved and the dust blow1 xD/i '.nd tha people a:C- 15. kt the he uses; their clothed are dirty and they ar . po-r. kow X have a. ,;.ard that Ilegto's and aoor paonlo in general (Puerto kicans, poor white, COBO Mbeatni?;cM) like dirt; they always 15,vgp in it, But tell-me please, how can you 15.va ,5.ei else but dirt when you can hot afford water to Wash Ihfc", * eov row we come to the children, Bnotty nosad, dirty, often fat (starches do that) but undernourished, never having seen doctor or dentist and prob ably they never shall* But they -j th y hold your hand, they .like to iWoar our big strew hats. So they are. poor, and poverty ic not onobling (else why would soneono steal ny underwear - or anything- else?); and no body who has ever bedn poor will tall you that poverty,.6nobloo the spirit. But "there is so often the parado^r, that if you are hungry and i\oad a meal the poor will fee.d you, (my landlady is on relief), Read: some of Jack London's work, . The first thing X saw when X drove into DoodayVilla was a half starved dog with ribs showing,and I wished to God the dog would die so It would Stop suffering and I would not have to look at it. So poverty does not even anpble. the observer,, Doodoyville ha' four churche." and one cafe and on Friday &. Saturday nights one goes to the cafe. The cafe is small, crowded; There Is a -. juke box going - beat, beat, beat, Jlamenber Baldwin saying the Pegro lives by the. beat, oven humps ( a slang terra for fornication)' by the beat. People talk about vorything (the movement, women.," etci )\ the cafe is noisy (everyone talks and 1 am reminded of he Si ions points out, in Fpntamara that the pesaant e::pree' as himself t...rough the fluidity and feeling of his obscenity,)* But no one looks anyone else ip the ye and the overall impression is one of alienation, Pach parson, soens to bVan island, a lonely river; and I am reminded of a song -7.1th the 15.ne ."every lonely river must flow hone to the sea," But where oh-aiierea is'the sea? 'r; '• This ir Ooodeyvilla; thi" Is poverty. "..leal scarcity ha? b-. n abolashaae on a --orlcV-~5.de ba-isi The barriers cto changcnangea enrouthroughoug t the world ae not ps*lmarily economic but social and cultural," (Pr.0 en 'and Pro Parkats p«!50) /•.tf-"-- Ffad Heinze, Jackson Project' 052 "hort Street Jackson, P'issisr.ip^i - pa: pril 9-10, IS65 .'• f f/z^/^S '5U* -J -y& L^J / y /? E^U^L A^kAP. ;^ua . gyh~&\^y-at "T3C^*-<> &-*-*••: -JLJL oaf xjf c^fiL^ &y & mS*^ {&_ y£*&'e J ir~^L t F -4— & ^ . , _e Ufe # ?S\A - i--e- ,^/V ^.^vs^-^gV7\- .Jf^«PAL£t~>j> QA <~*APy±£ * GDAI^-CV_ c ^ ^gc..^i i^~t.X zJJ*A *A-t»M< v.aej. sifAA-*-- A**j> At* 1JL& ^^i . , /k],r ^CL . , .A ApPPs^ '.IJLTWQ- yw -* A~ > ^ a- v CS6~ASL. —- k$ ~~tA [A* .•I^A^ ..- AAA I PA . h-Jj. sfQA^C- •A& &i AJ h>n~0-a |^Ld *A*. \ -JL-i^^e^ a> /vg^a~«-<^(> Op"" C^v > k o 5V2^v.xU^fk a A_a - ^ • £^k> A J„.„ .. - a dj ^/> Zcgv , . t ey(jK^y£j -0K sy>^~&* • . \P\^2j>^ (2^. CL^S _LL^^V->i A C .£w '•OIL Qua • M Q^O: - , A~yfO^. ^ 13/ 3. ^Jls^J^ /-a->kf -rf ' r J U^V Wr-yCe^-a... . A^a«?v.-e 4- c* J if"-- , uiKC-ijt #r^~iA&* Ce-kot' • 1 •:/ ; ^(_D/^»k i 0 • \A~o / Au'i ..J HUB... ^ 0. —•*• X J^-Aj /-• -I kvd 4-A)- ~lAzA A^— ^{ h-Lx JP'cr" ^ l V^v-9±,\y~*— A* , 3 ,vUiv &-,.. ^6 &*y' ^+" ML kc-gy ( I »k"6p "ta^ -• irv^^M^. "te 4fpL . / a-v3f~ OS 4s= r"g*w—O-rf -c. t. . o>K *Jc( fAx t^rC JC=vi <. VA ' c#At~~tA**^- 9^r I JX^*^JLsS)-^L*-&( dL^o* - . o^-r-^y^^-Iim^. at > -A />/ ^4^. M^J&sl iy\y^i.Ji k k ^wa¥ PU(£ - 1 I v-u aX^st^-^^ . (y t^^a OV --e^' 7 A^jA ~th»-> L^rr^a-h ^^erv^-H ^^ ff-av,^ p IAJA~<0 ^-e^JJ- WvC^fck a A-»- I e- lX3 : ^*f= Tk -tae^i ^ ->• ai ^> t^fA^M^ j^ ^g^ea-fcag.^. ek gr ^ • (v .- d Kvw- iX~-% (P^'Ayh^ Cy< f9L t^^A^A^'kA^ C- tAr-jt&J} r^. Jhfa^.,)y /^ A• J -ty^T ifcju a' / ^ 'tt- LAJ- to* t- J( / I ^ i~ok^A 3 t v y A ' VJ> - a- fk'i-'' / L id B (-S^c-;f ^A AryZ^vP-^-i A' ^ AA^. jujr" oJLc . \^V-AK . oA <3" - . f 4 -tL^: -v^- r ixvk .-*--. "tr^-a £t^sJp /y-ea. ! '5CiC ( e •JljfiL (y a •- o^yx AA ^S^AP** rP X~fc* fyr~0-r^^"~tA*-T (^v-t?V^ 4ji^ 1 ^ U^-^f *JL ./I W^*/*- tfSSt&fi v- X!WJ ^^ti- -(^-w^ -i^-tL^ ^ Ca-fc- AU zAA~*^*^ Y\ -•,' • CTv\ AA- -1 ^^J^-iT<^y,%.j?.g.7u>' — <^yv^-^..l Uvw>.£ » Wi-Di 7 h-Ma-<-^^ • e. 3^ a^v^ ^: /^-^ ,}' V, ^s (^ ea v Ik. / 6 I JrJAAr^ ~pp\» ^ >^ cX k-£^ .g^. /^A^Cl^-IZ./y~V^-v~ 3> *-42LA1&L ^<=^JA fT77 C>iki^-J2t/*--' ( 3i./a^ /9.-w*J»- Ay^c^T cP*As*-t- Pf- ztAAyt '*21 yy-?> s>yy^irv- i>^hXX. - pjQ i "TX /£ ' -^f j N c c y" °" "'' \jLt^-^J^r^^ < ' •-—^-« C^--* ^ A Ai • ^ 'Afc^d VS. ' ' -^ r J ' A- a : • a,' - C*f&&* k yf Spec PPC. 1 ; I j* , l \ V .TO £L\ v^W c ^ • • -A c-v jgcafr/'i:/ ~~~ -^ ,^^^^—^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^— JJ. /%. 3*$: A^V*. e J£&IP-<) Jfa^ • x>^^xJ7 u**- cw oi ( 2 • •• Maria Silva was poor, and all the ways of poverty were clear to her. Poverty, to Ruth, was a word signifying a not nice condition of existence. That was her total knowledge on the subject. She knew Martin was poor, and his condition she associated in her mind with the boyhood of Abraham Lincoln, of Mr, Butler and of other men \?ho had become successes. Also, while aware that poverty was anything but delectable, she had a comfortable middle-class feeling that poverty was saluatory, that It was a sharp spur that urged on to success all men who were not degraded and hopeless drudges. So that her knowledge that Martin was so poor that he had pawned his watch and overcoat did not disturb her,,,,," (Martin Eden, by Jack London, Chapter 25) 11 Father: What do you want to be when you grow up, son? Son: X want to be a poverty tycoon,," ( Sixth Bi-weekly Report Block Development Project, Inc. 203 East 115 Street Hew York, N,Y„ 10029 March 29 - April 9, 1965) " Ours is a sick society „ " (paraphrasing a letter from a friend, May 1965) In East Karlera in New York City the Block Development Project Is in great difficulty. They work with the poor„ The}' even hire the poor as block workers. Now they can't pay them, but the hew block workers will work for nothing. In Jackson, Mississippi the Jackson Project has no money. They ma}'- be evicted from their buildings The water is already turned off. The staff of the Jackson Project all have no money. The)*- are idealists; the}" are crazy; they will outgrow it; they are un-American,, They are also poor. Why are they poor when so man}?- other people, people who are not poor, are making a great deal of money out of poverty? The most outstanding feature of the May 24 public meeting for Operation Headstart was the abscence of poor people,, Apathetic? Lazy? No good?...,... „ •• Or just not informed ? Poverty is a hard thing to understand and to feel; like so many other things you cannot understand it unless you live with it. This is why it is so important that, if the Economic Opportunities Act is to be success ful (and I doubt that it can be actually), the people who are actually the poor must have a say; must be the ones who do something about their own condition. And here we are faced with an historic contradiction. On the one hand we have a myth of ruggeded individualism, and on the other the pattern of people doing for rather than working with £he poor, (After all"the poor and the uneducated are not able to be any assistance in solving their own problems. Taey have been poor & uneducated too long) Now what we, COFO, FDP, the movement in general, are saying is that the poor know their problems (they live with them) and that they are capable of discovering if they do not know already, why they are poor, and that It Is they who, perhaps because they are most interested and concerned, can do something about the problems of poverty. Operation Headstart is a pre-school program, part of the Economic Opportunities Act of 1964, It is an eight week program designed to prepare the children of the poor for the first w©»k~©» school year* The program is also supposed to employ tha parents of these children as teachers helpers (at $30/ week... a living wage?) and in other capacities. Nin^jzy percent of financing comes from the federal government; the remaining ten percent (in dollars, facillities, personnel, etc,) come from the loxsai agency. In Jackson, the Headstart project Is being administered through the 3ethelehem Community Canter, The teachers and the people doing the coordindting of the program come from the proffcssional middle-, class (2'egro & white) of Jackson, Though man}? of them are competent people, I suppose well moaning, they are X believe, for the most part, unacquainted with the phenomenon of grinding povortjf, (In a state with no compulsory education law, the poor and the barefoot do not always find their way to school. Surely they are among the first to drop out,), and lacking in a faith in the ability of the poor to be of any help in a program such as this. In all of the federally sponsored poverty programs are have found that the poor have to work very hard to get invol ved in the programs. In Jackson wo have found a decided reluctenco to involve the poor or even inform them about meetings, even though. they,ie, the poor are the ones to whom Ksadstarts benefits supposedly accrue,, Way is it that poverty program funds go to the poor only at the greatest of difficulity and in tho smallest amounts? Baslcly then, COFO & the FDP are working with the poorest people. They are the people to whom we have the most to say, and it is through this move ment of the poor that we may make some progress, perhaps in spite of our- selvs, Tho headstart program Is pretty much a citywide operation, but we (ie, COFO & FDP) are operating in two other areas of the" city - Doodoyville or South Jackson, &. the # undor-the-hill" section. These are two of the poor est areas, and the areas we feel are most receptive to & most need the movement, Doodeyville (South Jackson) is the area we have been working in for the longest time, but people there are still watchful, still a bit afraid. The police still drive through, slowly, watchfully, at mid-night. The cafe is just closing and you step in to the bathroom & wait for "the man" to leave. He may (or ho may not, and there's really no way to tell) arrest you for being drunk. You're not drunk, but that doesn't matter. Even if a person is drunk in Doodoyville, is anyone interested in the why of that person's drunkeness? Whore is the poverty program now? In Doodoyville we have had two mass-meetings and tried to have a third, but found the church door locked in our faces. At one meeting we gave out clothing to needy people, but this is by no means enough and the people in south Jackson are beginning to realize this. They see a need to organize, to form something like an FDB precinct. The}? are beginning to ask what a precint can do. Many individuals will air gripes. There are no jobs; a woman is beaten by the police; a house burns down for lack of a fire hydrant. Kids can't use tho parks. What can we do? The littleraones^ people in Doodoyville have is being sucked out ( mor is sucked out than ever comes in). Some of the people are interested in keeping a little of the money that their sweat produces. They want to start a business of sorts and are interested in the" Poor Peoples Corporation (PO Box 977, Jackson, Miss,). These are the questions and problems that people see, and when you look at problems you have to ask why. Once you begin to see the why's you want change. We want change, "Under-the-hill" is similar, Em.±y Gordon who works there says it,s worse there. She may be right, but coverty is poverty and hainger is hunger and it's hard to drat? lines of better or worse. The "under-th.e-hill" section is in East Jackson, It is a small Negro community, very poor, surrounded by rail-road trades, white neighborhoods and the fair grounds ( tho Fairgrounds & Colosieum are closed to Negros - it's illeagal you say - except for the summer of 1953, People demonstrated, the police called it rioting, after Modgar Evers was killed. The fairgrounds was turned into a stockade.). The people are afraid, afraid even to become 5-nvoifcvod in operation Heads tart, and are just beginning to talk to us. They have had two meetings though and are interested in a community center for the area. There is a building there and the people are willing to put in fifty cents a piece to raise money to renovate the building. We have also distrubed much needed clothing "under-the-hill". Wo are also trying to open up two new areas of Jackson (we have three new people on the staff), north Jackson and the downtown area. Soon we will have a city wide FDP me ting. The political is the only sphere where we can, in the forseeable future,bring about changes. It is also, at this time, the most crucial. We have the beginnings of some good local organiz ations, but unless we (ie. FDP) can work on a city wide basis we111 never make It, •Jo are also working with the youth, of Jackson, The summer is coming and May 17 was "white Monday" 5.n Jackson, Governor Wallace spoke in the Colosium (or Stockade?) to a crowd of 7,000, Two COFO workers and an Inc. Fund lawyer wore chased out, Negros were turned away (what's that about public accomodations under the 1964 Civi .1 Rights Act?), The Citizen's Council sponsored tho rally & Sheriff Jim Clark attended. He was in town in April too. He spoke to the Mississippi Sheriffs Association on April 20. Seventeen peoplo from Maredlan & Clark county, led by Rev, Jesse Killings- worth tried to picket. They were are-ested (disorderXy conduct & blocking the sidewalk). May 1 was Law Day, On May 9 two Civil Rights lawyers and a woman SNCC worker had their car turned over by a crowd of whites. This happened in front of tho police station while they were inside paying a ticket. They had bean chased through, a red-light. But the papers toll us Mississippi is changing though tho Loon Acker family"(Negro family from Gulfport) Is still missing*o » On a statewide basis two important things are happening: the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union & tho Poor peoples Corporat5.on/ffln Shaw tho MFLU began in early April when workers in tho fields got together. They wanted just little things like $1.25/ hour, an 8 hour day, no child labor. Of course this will cut into profits like Senator Eastland's, Jim Eastland owns a lot of cotton land in Sunflower county. He also receives a groat deal of money In subisidy payments from the federal dictatorship he so despises. Or is that a part of the great society ha can live with? The Poor Peoples Corporation (PO Box 977, Jackson) is an attempt to involve the poor in changing their condition. One of the major criticisms of the poverty program is that it is a war on the poor; not on poverty. The poor aro not involved in tho decision making; the poor do not get the money. The poor peoples corporation will work this way: It will raise money; the money will be held in trust until1 a membership me ting is held. Every throe months the Membership (those persons who have paid twenty- five cents#yoar) will come together and be told how much money is in tho corporation's account. Tho membership will then hoar requests for money from spokesmen for self help groups, for the purpose of getting their group started. The entire membership (mostly poor peoplo/will decide what groups got funded and how much" each gets^. Money and technical assistance are to be raised outside of Mississippi also by donations and through the sale of Freedom Bonds ($10, 20, 50,"100, 500). For the first the planning and control of their economic destinies will rest in tho hands of the poor. I have been told that SNFC in Carbondalo, Illinois cannot support me any longer, I can't afford ts&m to leave the state so I guess I'll stay. If you like, you can even send me nones?. I'd like that, I could eat, and I could give some money to Mrs, Bell, She has no money. She lives on relief and puts me up. She oven feeds me. This summer she used to get threaten ing phone calls. I don't know if she still gets them; she wouldn't toll me anyway, I get very tired and when this happens Mrs. Bell makes the whole damn thing worth it. Fred Heinze c/o Boll 1200 Trinity St. Jackson, Miosis ip"i May, 1965 FRIENDS OF FREEDOM LIBRARIES 7 East 15th Street New York, N.Y. 10003 Joseph R, Dunlap, City College Library, Chairman Virginia Knight, Secretary Bartle'tt Sigerson, Rutgers University Lav/ Library, Treasurer Miriam Braverman, Brooklyn Public Library Ann W, LittleJohn, Brooklyn Public Library Louise Heirras", r New York University Library News Letter No. 1 May 1965 THE PURPOSES of the Friends of Freedom Libraries are 1, To gather and disseminate information about the work of the Freedom Libraries; 2, To encourage support for, and assistance to, Freedom Libraries by the contribution of books and other ma terials, by financial aid, by the visits of professional librarians, by bibliographic service, and in whatever other ways it is possible to meet their needs, A DESCRIPTION of Freedom Libraries and their relation to the present situation in the South is given in an article by Fred Heinze entitled "The Freedom Libraries, A Wedge in the Closed Society," Library Journal, April 15, 1965, The author shows the real contribution made by these libraries as they bring a know ledge of the outer world through the double barriers of isola tion and segregation, AT THE APRIL MEETING of the New York Library Club it was announced that in June Mrs. Miriam Braverman of the Brooklyn Public Library would visit Mississippi to obtain first hand information about Freedom Libraries in that state. She is now corresponding with a number of them, among which are those in Jackson, Vicksburg, Philadelphia, Canton, Hattiesburg, Laurel, McComb, Meridian, Tchula, Greenwood, and Greenville, This will give her a chance to find out what to expect and how to make the best use of her - 2 time. At-the American Library Association meeting in Detroit next July, Mrs. Braverman will report on her findings, ONCE we have fuller information about the situation in Missis sippi we'll be able to be more specific about the needs and what to do to meet them. We do know that the public library system in Mississippi is completely inadequate and, in most cases, closed to Negroes. The Mississippi State Citizens Com mittee for National Library Week reported in the Jackson (Miss,) Daily News of April 28, 1965 that no public library in their state reaches national standards. Five hundred thousand Mississippians have no public library'service. None of the libraries in Mississippi reach the $3,50 per capita expenditure national standards call for. Only nine of Mississippi's 71 public library systems have as much as $1,00 per capita in their budgets, -Of the 71 head librarians in the public libraries in the state, only 15 hold MLS degrees and only 28 are college graduates. School libraries are even poorer, and college libraries fall far below standards too, ONE SUGGESTION offered by two Freedom workers now in Mississippi was that they would welcome professional librarians who could spend some time in the state to train local residents to run Freedom Libraries in their own communities, MEANWHILE, BACK ON THE HOME FRONT, we have a couple of areas in which your help is needed: LAV7 BOOKS, new and used, are requested by the Law Students Civil Rights Research Council for distribution to offices of Southern Civil Rights attorneys. Lack of available law books has limited the quantity .of litigation currently undertaken by Negro attorneys, Especially needed are sets of Supreme Court Reports, Federal Re ports, and texts which emphasize constitutional law. FUNDS: The effectiveness of the Friends of Freedom Libraries will depend not only on your interest and cooperation but on financial support as well. Present expenses include the produc tion and mailing of the News Letter, other postal expenses, and whatever contribution can be made to assist in the expenses of Mrs, Braverman's trip. In going to Mississippi one must think' not only of transportation expenses but of possible bail money. YOU ARE INVITED to join the Friends of Freedom Libraries on' successive Monday nights until further notice, from 6-8 p.m, at the Tamiment Library, 7 East 15th Street (second floor) when there will be books to sort, typing to be done and decisions to be made. - 3 - I am interested in more information about FRIENDS OF FREEDOM LIBRARIES NAME PHONE ADDRESS LIBRARY PHONE FRIENDS OF FREEDOM LIBRARIES P.O. Box 398, Cooper Station New York, New York 10003 WHO WE ARE A group of concerned librarians and friends of libraries organized to assist the Freedom Libraries in Mississippi and elsewhere in the south which were formed in 1964 in connection with the Freedom Schools. Friends of Free dom Libraries has been designated as the New York liason for library materials for the AFT Freedom Schools Project. OUR PURPOSES To channel support to Freedom Libraries. To put northern libraries and organizations that wish to help in touch with specific Freedom Libraries To inform persons or groups who wish to donate books of the kinds of books needed and where to send them. To keep interested persons informed of the activities of the Friends of Free dom Libraries by issuing a Newsletter. In addition to Freedom Libraries, to assist the understocked, understaffed libraries of a number of southern Negro colleges. WHAT WE HAVE DONE TO DATE (on a shoestring) Nailed numerous cartons of books to Freedom Libraries. Compiled a list of books on Negro life and history as a guide for selecting books in this category to be sent to Freedom Libraries. Assisted two northern libraries to "adopt" Freedom Libraries. Issued four Newsletters. 3 One member visited a number of Freedom Libraries in June and reported on them at the American Library Association Convention in July. An article on her experiences appeared in Library Journal, v.90-5045-5047, Nov. 15, 1965. Two members are working this winter in libraries of Negro colleges; one at Miles College, Birmingham, Alabama, the other at Kittrell College, Kittrell, North Carolina. SPijE THINGS WE WOULD LIKE TO DO (were funds forthcoming) Have every Freedom Library adopted by supporting institutions. Find ^mobile librarians to spend several months visiting Freedom Libraries and helping them with their problems. Encourage several librarians to run workshops for the benefit of persons responsible for Freedom libraries. Obtain bookmobiles to serve areas distant from any libraries. b.l t BRING BOOKS TO JACKSON! "ERROR OF OPINION,» said Thomas Jefferson, "MAT BE TOLERATED WHERE REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT." In Mississippi, however, reason isn't left free to combat anything, let alone error of opinion. In one sense there isn't any error of opinion there—because there isn't any opinion. Only the mental retchings of a weirdly contorted "closed society." Mississippi is a state of terror and despair. Just knowing the truth won't be enough to make men free. But it is a beginning, a first step which must be taken. The South was against education for Negroes during slavery days. It is against it today. The little education Mississippi Negroes do get Is merely aimed at making them more docile. It is not for making them better members of the community—nor even members of the community at all. It is not to make them citizens, Mississippi Negroes are not taught about human dignity, about equality, about the values which we as a nation profess. One of the important aspects of the Council of Federated Organiza tion's work is to change this. Since the schools aren't adequate, COFO has established Freedom Schools, Since there aren't libraries for Negroes, COFO has established Freedom Libraries, The Mississippi whites have bombed and burned down some of these schools and libraries. They have impounded shipments of books. They con tinue to harass the COFO workers who run the schools and libraries, and the Negroes who take advantage of them. But COFO continues. Freedom will come to Mississippi, A new Freedom Library is now being started in Jackson. You can help by contributing books and money. Please Contact: THE TAMIMMT-TO-JACKSON PROJECT TAMIMENT INSTITUTE LIBRARY 7 East 15th Street New York 3, N.Y. AL. 5-6250 Kumbaya (Come by here) Come by here my lord, come by here Crosses are burain' lord, come, by here On the night of July 5, the KKK burned five crosses in Jackson, and at least tw two in'Rankin County. How do I describe a burning cross, burning fiercly in the so hot, so still night.? I had never seen a burning cross before, nor had the Klan been particularly real to me. Now it is important to remember two thing s: Klansmen will kill & Klansmen are human beings like you and me. In Mississippi we proclaim that we are seeking a political and social revol ution , We are not merely fighting racism and bigotry, we are a ttempting to change the social conditions of which this racism is a sympton (whites who who are poor; in the south suffer a great deSal also, it is not just a Negro problem). Ours is a very wealthy society, but people starve.' We proclaim democracy, but allow "Mississippi" to exist. We began as a nation of revolutionaries but now we supress any faction t that tries to effect a measure of social change. In two weeks, beginning Hume 14, the FDP in flacksonha s begun to protest the illegality of the political system of the state of Mississippi. Dont kid yourselves either, Mississippis lawmakers (Senators-and- ••-- Congressmen) influence your lives directly. By how people wk» should be familiar with the brutality and cruelty toward our fellow human beings, that happens all too frequently here. I cannot describe Mississippi police and press reactions in real terms, and wont try. Suffice it to say that t here was mass police brutality (and still is). Despite the mayor of Jacksons. Believe whom you choose. Now the city of Jackson is under an injunction prohibiting them from. arresting people for demonstrating or leafleting. Now they must find other ©syd ye etfcgdy «d. S-£©lie» ways to arrest us. A police state always needs arrests Up until now (I.E. as long as there was a police policy of instant arrest), bhere was no nqed for a Klan for now the police are enjoined and the Klan begins to organize. Now it is only cross burning,. Where will it go from thhere?? ; We have won the right to demonstrate, we are challenging the legality ( not to mention the mora lity) of our system, and out of this can come the changes that must be made. The special session of .the Mississippi Legislature is over and the demonstrations have ended now. Now comes the Ion ger and harder taik ofpolitical organization. The three staff people «eatiH«e committed to Jackson (me, Emily and Cephas) have had their ranks bolstefced by 17 new fresh summer volunteers. This vigor and freshness gives an impression of naivte that ii suppose they have to a certain extentt, makes me feel like a grandfather or an old cynic. ; . They seem so unaware of, the realities that are in Mississippi that are in Mississippi, yet for the first time since I have been in Jackson we have enough people to actually work the town. Now we must work with scared and apathetic people to try to create a radical political party , ina city dominated by the' more establishment oriented, hence, the conservative approach to civil rights. The spring 1965 issue of Freedom Ways is devoted to Mississippi. In this issur Jack Minnis (SNCC research doordinator) despribed the U.S. power structure as what C. Wright Mills calls "The Power Elite" and established the fact that given oup present economic set up, a grass roots or poor peoples cant acheive meaningful cnange. Baynaard Rustin, on the other hand, wring in 8ommintary maintains that the movement must seek ways to acheive its goali within the given political frame work, I feel that this is impossible (basically'our societies existence rests in the maintenance of a certain degree of racism* It becomes the movements task to find ways to initiate basic changes in our society.... such as providing all of us with control over our economic and political destinies. One way to begin this task of securing contfeol of our destinies provide a political party which allows the people a voi&e and this is just what FDP is attempting. SNCC operations in Mississippi and the 1964 COFO summer project gave FDP birth. Now COFO is being taken -over by FDP and in Jackson the FDP is trying to organize the FDP executive in H inds county. This will be thep;policy making body of FDPm and the group to which we will be responsible. Our summer program entails re-building the FDP organization and conducting freedom schools staffed mostly by teachers from the AFT. At the same time vie are trying to develop the young people. Th& task is long. From p recinct organization we may develop block organizations, from voter registration we must move on to actively engage people in politics. - From a concern with the need for jobs and income and title 7 of the Civil Rights Act, must come concern for basic economic reform in an increasingly automated age. We have over 20 people through -out the city and we are working i i We are fighting time, Most leave at t e end of the summer, we need money, cars and mimeograph machines. Me= HELPUl Before I close , let me tell you a story about Mississippi. Remember we live in Mississippi richest nation -in the world and there is no excuse for hunger and destution, Mrs. B e£L, a fine old lady of 80 puts me up. That is asking a lot. • She has put up civil rights workers for a long timej Our being here increases her worries (she fusses over each of us like a mother) and her expenses (I have no money to give her). She used to receive $25 a month welfare " (enough to live oh?) and surplus government commodities, much of which she cant eat. Once a year she must pay taxes. Hopefully she will get enough money from her checks now left to meet her taxes. And, if she cannot pay these taxes and loses her home, where does she go from here? Now her welfare check has been to $20 a month ostensibly because she is not having wiring done this year on hei* house. The wiring was done two years ago. Mrs. Bell has consistently kept civil rights workers since the summer of 1964. Her check was cut this past month (June), This then is Mississippi; but look and remember that there is' nothing new here. " In Blues From Mr Charly , Paine11, speaking of his native south land says," I didnt like it here; I love it*" This is our land and it gave us birth , and though we do not believe in the tortured American dream we must live it enough to change it. Fred Heinze July 1965 Jackson project P.O. Box 2755 Jackson, Miss, October 1, I960 BULLETIN #9 FROM THE NE7 YORK OFFICE OF S.N.C.C. This coming Thursday, October 7th, at 8 pm a meeting will take place which we urge everyone to attend. It villi be held at Local 1199 of the Hospital and Drug Workers Union, 709 Eighth Avenue. At the meeting, Arthur Kinoy — Attorney for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party — will give a full and fascinating report on what happened to the Challenge in the last ten days before Congress dismissed it by a vote of 228 to lh3 (only one Congressman in greater. New York voted for dismissal). fir. Kinoy's report will cover: — the attempted railroad job for quick dismissal of the Challenge — the surprising role of the Republicans — the closed hearings of the House Subcommittee...the confrontation — Mississippi speaks ~ the role of the liberal Democratic Study Group — the gamble of the House leadership — where the Administration stood — power politics — the caucus of the New York Congressmen — the showdown on the floor of the House...record attendance a fight to the finish — the vote for dismissal His analysis vdll be followed by A Report on the Future by Mrs. Victoria Gray of the MFDP. Some of us in the New York office have already heard Mr. Kinoy's report; it gives a remarkable inside view of the workings of American politics. Tfe urge you to come. FREEDOM INFORMATION SERVICE PRESENTS m INTER-OFFICE MEMORANDUM TO: prof. F. Heinze DATE: November 1, 1965 FROM: Mr. P. Sanders Lapsansky SUBJECT: Dire Importance Dear F.H. Before going into news and things, one bit of unfinished business. I discovered, after waiting in line for 4| hours to get my 1966 tags, that I need a notarized document flrom you transferlng ownership of the car. Like they won't give no plates without It. I guess some legal whiz up there knows approxamatily what's needed. If you can do that as quickly as possible it would indeed be most cool, as the car is imobil- ized until then. Also, date transfer after Nov. 1 or I will be subject to fine for getting tags late. As you can see from the imposing memo head and the return address, the Freedom Information Service is in business. Actually, we are still not but an undefined entity seeking a nitch In the movement, which at this time Is fraught with Intrigue and backroom pollticing. When I returned to the state most of our stuff was alieady moved out to Beulah and our facilities pretty much in shape. As you can see from the enclosed material, we have not been idle—actually, I'm pretty proud of the work we have been able to produce, considering the circumstances. The VW, incidentally, is a vital component in every effort. But within the movement as a whole, sectarianism is on the march. As you can see from our material on Natchez, reading between the lines only slightly, a battle for leadership is in full swing, with the FDP way on the bottom. And this is of course reflected in the FDP, additionally crippled by an Inability to face up to the fact of defeat based on a year of confused and non-existant perspective. We have recently concluded one of those deadly events in the state known as a state wide staff meeting. Part of the stuff in this package is Guyot's speech to that meeting, so you can enjoy some of the fun yourself. The meeting reflected just how far we have not gone and just how much we have deluded ourselves. We have made a lot of noise, but built nothing.. Confusion and political timidity have taken their toll, as is most evident in the Natchez events. Under the bluster of Guyot and Bob Smith and Chas MacLauren, we avoided an appraisal of some real problems of the past and present and instead the staff was badgered to accept a crash voter registration program in Bolivar county and other counties that now have federal registrars. The rationale behind this is what kills it: the assumption that union strong Bolivar county couldn't conduct a county wide vr campaign if it felt the need to do so. A lot of bitterness and confusion was sown at the meeting and little else. Since that time (Oct 20) a crash program in Bolivar county has crasbed--for no real explicable reason. Guyot demanded total mobilization, with people coming from all over the state. And they did come. And yy&, the much hearalded plan flopped. The result., the leader- ship(sic) will be hunting for the staff's scalp because obfiously those ratfink white volunteers and cowboy negroes who can't organize anything except their own little kingdoms sabotaged the effort. And, the staff will be raising hell because somebody's ivofcy-tower opium dream slowed up their county's ASCS program and other such things. Shit shall fly. and so in this happy mad dog factional context we optimistically forge ahead. So far we have had a very successful workshop on the coming ASCS elections, ^preparing an excellent handbook, which I'm not enclosing for lack of copies. In line with our concept of "living research" we are following this up with our cesource people covering the state—Roberta Galler and your lovely friend from Carbondale Kay Prickett(and I sure would like to)—holding workshops and spreading the word. This action is a decided feather in our cap in terms of overcoming the distrust and acrimony flying about the state at the time. In the hopper is a workshop on communications and journalism and a deep-probe workshop on welfare problems Am hopeful for the future of our effort. Resource people have resppnded well and our workshops are going to be just fine. We are planning to draw up corporation papers and have been giveD permission of Delta Ministry to tie in In some small way—just enough to get tax exempt status. Still, we face a powerful pr crises. We are currently under attack—by nameless voices in the movement, no idea how influential—for being a Delta Ministry front, spearheading some ne bulous conspiricy afflot to "take over" the movement—and you know, that wouldn't be hard. The. only way to offset this is through hard good work- good workshops like the ASCS and coming communications effort. Also, we are in a delicate position leading relatively comfortable lives at Mount Beulab while the rest of the movement suffers and dies in knock down hell holes of various Negro bars across the south. We have checked some of this by frequent forays Into the field—although I am of the opinio that my arrest An Natchez and subsequent trip to Parchman was an ^xy^g$/a#;# exagerated application of this essentially sound idea. So. . .what? Why don't you write a letter? It would be good to hear from you old man, so do just that. I am cbock-full-o-nuts right now trying to appraise up from down In light of Guyots "New Order" and am just too mind-addled to get down to interesting specifics.. A&so I have just been summoned to a staff meeting and so will probably be plunged into even greater lunacy for the rest of the day. Hear from you later. best comradely regards. tfki i^-osA ^fn iWr*.f; tU\ (I S*«N ao Soy-. ** -> CA—-a <- < { \ w ( j^t ^ ^ ' r |4o-/•> K^t £*- n^^^^s-5- <>rco~J e^'^f'^s o*{> «-'.. jL / A ' MUNICIPAL RETURNS in the Mississsipp i Democratic Primary Elec:tio n June 7, 1966 First Congressional District Eastland ,Mosb.y Whitley Abernethy Drummond ATTALA COUNTY Ethel 127 1 2 124 6 Kosciusko (6)* 1438 46 210 1422 307 McCool 140 2 0 132 2 Sallis 117 2 7 114 12 BOLIVAR COUNTY Alligator 70 11 7 77 8 Benoit 263 6 5 246 12 Beulah 79 2 2 77 3 Boyle 248 4 16 234 26 Cleveland (4)* 1992 50 232 1921 183 Duncan 104 0 0 99 0 Gunnison 205 12 2 199 13 Marigold 193 2 1 191 0 Mound Bayou (2)* 47 28 202 169 118 Pace 97 0 2 96 2 Rosedale 412 7 114 396 116 Shaw 417 9 213 400 215 Shelby 432 14 107 397 95 CALHOUN COUNTY Big Creek 115 3 0 114 3 Bruce (2)* 404 16 7 416 16 Calhoun City (2)* 571 13 3 575 12 Derma 199 6 3 202 7 Pittsboro 176 2 1 179 2 Slate Springs 116 4 2 108 2 Vardaman 341 5 1 346 2 CARROLL COUNTY Carrollton 281 10 105 28 104 Vaiden (2)* 396 8 140 382 152 West Carrollton 196 7 46 201 48 CHICKASAW COUNTY Houlka 346 14 9 363 7 Houston (2)* 1107 13 8 1129 6 Okolona (2)* 729 13 24 758 9 Woodland 96 2 1 101 0 CHOCTAW COUNTY Ackerman (2)* 207 12 11 315 11 French Camp 82 8 0 82 2 Weir 155 7 2 153 5 CLAY COUNTY West Point (3)* 1754 60 405 1652 492 LEFLORE COUNTY Greenwood (6)* 2875 146 864 3797 996 Itta Bena (2)* 510 33 142 406 142 Sidon 226 4 33 225 31 6/7/615 Municipal Returns - page four 2nd Dist. cont'd Eastland Mosby Whitley Hayes Whitten QUITMAN COUNTY Lambert 270 8 38 37 267 Marks (2) 608 37 122 128 623 TALLAHATCHIE COUNTY Charleston (4) 590 7 42 40 593 Glendora 140 2 60 61 141 Sumner 222 4 9 11 216 Tutwiler 215 4 19 22 210 Webb 188 4 9 11 216 TATE COUNTY Coldwater 187 4 31 26 191 Senatobia 562 8 13 5 564 TIPPAH COUNTY Blue Mountain 207 5 29 26 216 Ripley (4)* 804 24 75 61 821 Walnut 158 5 5 9 156 TISHOMINGO COUNTY Belmont 266 13 4 53 214 Burnsville 398 24 13 61 337 Iuka (3)* 360 11 17 33 319 Paden 50 8 5 11 43 Tishomingo 301 9 10 49 245 TUNICA COUNTY Tunica 452 8 19 19 448 UNION COUNTY New Albany (4)* 812 20 35 33 580 Blue Springs 67 2 5 4 66 Myrtle 143 2 1 8 131 YALOBUSHA COUNTY Coffeeville 378 5 12 17 378 Water Valley (5)* 730 12 6 9 737 Tillatoba 80 1 1 1 82 Oakland 143 0 3 0 145 Third Congressional District Eastland Mosby Whitley King Williams ADAMS COUNTY Natchez (4)* 1982 130 1239 1382 1812 AMITE COUNTY Crosby 72 1 2 3 75 Gloster 255 9 26 31 259 Liberty 484 9 103 105 495 CLAIBORNE COUNTY Port Gibson (4)* 606 49 1023 1073 616 6/7/66 Municipal Ileturn s - page three Eastland Mosby Whitley Hayes Whitten 2nd Dist. cont'd COAHOMA COUNTY '• Clarksdale (3)* 2216 181 NO 962 2420 Priars Point 150 25 LISTING 39 158 Jonestown 22 IN 207 212 179 ORIGINAL Lyon 161 9 TALLY 39 168 Lula 156 2 SHEETS 7 150 DESOTO COUNTY Hernando (2)* 484 12 68 62 492 Olive Branch 300 5 47 45 193 GRENADA COUNTY Grenada (6)* 1334 27 37 42 1343 ITAWAMBA COUNTY Fulton 363 1 6 8 331 LAPAYETTE COUNTY Oxford (4)* 1293 22 93 75 1320 Taylor 98 0 3 2 96 LEE COUNTY Baldwyn 122 0 1 13 101 Guntown 78 1 3 0 75 Nettleton 134 1 1 5 121 Plantersville 128 1 11 4 121 Saltillo 174 15 0 5 121 Shannon 203 4 6 14 179 Tupelo (4)* 1106 34 39 54 1124 Verona 192 7 2 9 185 MARSHALL COUNTY Byhalia 231 9 45 32 243 Holly Springs (4) 930 37 206 139 1031 Potts Camp 162 3 3 3 163 PANOLA COUNTY Batesville (3)* 1022 17 199 205 1005 Como 272 7 31 43 265 Courtland 89 4 16 27 89 Crenshaw 170 6 6 6 172 Pope 163 1 6 7 161 Sardis (3)* 691 27 121 155 671 PONTOTOC COUNTY Ecru 173 8 5 16 166 Sherman 96 3 0 4 91 Pontotoc (2)* 451 4 5 6 437 Toccopola 59 1 1 0 . 61 PRENTISS COUNTY Baldwyn 119 1 1 10 104 Booneville (2)* 641 11 7 56 563 6/7/66 Municipal Returns - page two 1st Dist. cont'd LOWNDES COUNTY Eastland Mosby Whitley Abernethy Drummond Artesia 62 0 0 60 0 Caledonia. 182 5 3 181 10 Columbus (4)* 1388 63 268 1504 266 Crawford 133 1 2 2 132 MONROE COUNTY Aberdeen (2)* 717 27 79 689 33 Amory (2)* 468 13 24 470 17 Prairie 47 7 1 50 4 Smithville 135 4 1 132 6 MONTGOMERY COUNTY Duck Hill 248 5 1 242 4 Kilmichael 212 11 11 213 7 Winona (2)* 996 16 27 999 26 OKTIBBEHA COUNTY Maben 215 2 5 217 2 Starkville (4)* 1324 26 51 1364 55 Sturgis 215 4 1 222 1 SU'TFLOWER COUNTY Doddsville 95 3 10 96 8 Drew 480 18 5 488 5 Indianola 775 36 226 789 238 Inverness 383 9 8 379 14 Moorhead 402 5 158 407 153 Ruleville 397 16 72 382 91 Sunflower 189 13 137 186 152 WASHINGTON COUNTY Areola 76 1 5 77 5 Greenville (9)* 3544 123 333 3482 330 Hollandale 414 7 8 515 24 Leland (2)* 710 25 21 719 25 WEBSTLR COUNTY Eupora 311 0 1 302 0 Mantee 117 1 0 119 1 Mathiston 176 0 0 179 0 Walthall 100 0 0 93 1 Second Congressional District Eastland Mosby Whitley Hayes Whitten ALCORN COUNTY Corinth (4)* 1106 20 7 31 1076 Kossuth 191 0 2 5 185 Rienzi 187 7 4 13 164 BENTON COUNTY Ashland (2)* 398 9 85 79 400 Hickory Plat 208 9 8 84 139 Per Cent of Negroes voting for Freedom Candidate for U.S. Senator, Democratic Primary, June 7, 1966 . .')•< Pirst District County Estimated Negro Votes for Whitley Per Cent Registration* ATTALA 1207 279 23 BOLIVAR 7162 904 13 CALHOUN 106 37 - 35 CARROLL 1420 523 37 CHICKASAW 543 112 21 CHOCTAW 176 19 11 CLAY 1695 :492 29 LEPLORE 7560 1137 15 LOWNDES 1273 297 ';r 23 MONROE 672 138 21 MONTGOMERY 772 44 6 OKTIBBEHA 930 88 9 SUNFLOWER 2325 627 27 WASHINGTON 5935 121 2 WEBSTER ;99 11 "''' 11 Total 31,823 5129 16# Second District ALCORN 394 35 9 BENTON 9Q6 246 27 COAHOMA 7216 1501 21 DESOTO 166? 539 32 GRENADA 1?58 37 2 ITAWAMBA 66 20 30 LAFAYETTE 851 .123 14 LEE ?44 72 10 MARSHALL 2g0, 638 25 PANOLA 2452 512 21 PONTOTOC 216 22 10 PRENTISS 114 14 13 QUITMAN 1382 252 19 TALLAHATCHIE im 161 14 TATE 1429 83 6 TIPPAH 38? 177 46 TISHOMINGO 55 71 128 TUNICA 5Q5 37 7 UNION 2g8 91 31 YALOBUSHA. 2„Q 24 10 Total 24,457 TT^55 TW Third District AUAMS 6005 1875 31 AMITE 995 373 37 CLAIBORNE 2^06 ' 1627 56 COPIAH 14-18 288 20 PAANKLIN 358 20 6 County Estimated Negro ?or Whitle y Pea Cen Registration* Third District (cont.) HETDS 16892 4647 28 JEFFERSON 2049 1717 84 UNCOLN ,,.,., ...... 520 a,175.g!- 34 PIKE 2417 918 33 WALTHALL 1293 290 22 WARREN 5229 .;.. 1680 32 WILKINSON 121 .162 134 Total 40,203 13f772 34% Fourth District CLARKE 1026 376 37 HOLMS 4655 1890 41 HUMPHREYS 1283 ;• 167 13 ISSAQUENA , 491 161 33 JASPER 1061 200 20 KEMPER 369 33 9 LAUDERDALE .< 5576 1358 24 LEAKE 849 ; 161 19; MADISON 6054 1284 21 NESHOBA "986 ^301 31 NEWTON 1127 213 19 NOXUBEE 1837 94 RANKIN 1644 489 30 SCOTT 705 " 147 21 SHARKEY 458 . 93 21 SIMPSON 1349 155 11 SMITH 106 37 35 WINSTON 757 171 23 YAZOO 1053 61 &. Total 31,441 7,391 24-% Fifth District COVINGTON 937 74 8 FORREST 2064 929 45 GEORGE 124 54 44 GREENE 264 39 15 HANCOCK 514 62 12 H1RRIS0N 4588 487 11 ).'• JACKSON 1436 332 23 JEFF DAVIS 1833 240 13 JONES 2110 665 32 IAMAR 178 51 29 : LAW RENCE V' 1080 ~:-45 4 MARION 1227 185 15 PEARL RIVER 474 55 12: PERRY 226 44 19 STONE 94 39 41 WAYNE 370 75 _20_ Total 17,519 ag -3,376 1 Qf. TO rrr- .ncludes people v/hpse -"ace is aa-naeagaa aa HOW TO PERPETUATE THE RACIST POWER STRUCTURE IN MISSISSIPPI USING FEDERAL FUNDS OR THE ATLANTA REGIONAL OEO IN ACTION (Materials for a case study of the Jackson, Mississippi9 Community Action Program) Prepared bys The over 2,000 poor people that compose the Hinds County Community Council, Ted Seaver, Co-ordinator of the Community Development Agency of Michael Scwerner Memorial Fund, and Nancy Levin, State Legislative Chairman of the Mississippi League of Women Voters June 14, 1966 1131 Corinth St. Jackson, Mississippi INTRODUCTION For over a year and a half, beginning in December, 1964, groups of one kind or another have been manuvering for the establishment of a Community Action Program in Jackson, Mississippi. Hovering godlike over the fray has been the Atlanta Regional 0E0, snug in their consensus minded Olympus, fearlessly ignoring the needs, wishes, ambitions, anger and frustration of the poor, cautiously avoiding contamination by the white liberals and moderates, always nudging towards control of the Community Action Board by the most racist members of the power structure. Herein are the materials for a case study of the process- sometimes objective, sometimes angry, but evidence, we think, of why the aims and ideals of the Community Action Program are doomed to failure in Mississippi, unless the 0E0 reapraises itself radically and is willing to work directly with the poor peoples of Mississippi. Ironically, this report was the result of a partnership that could be the most effective in Mississippi if given a chance—outside agitators, white Mississippi liberals, and tho poor peoples. June 14, 1966 Jackson, Mississippi (Photostats of orginal documents and primary sources such as newspaper clippings, letters, etc. are available from the Community Development Agency of the Michael Schwerner Memorial Fund, 1131 Corinth St. Jackson, Mississippi) Special Report Racist Background of Community Services Association; (Jackson,Mississippi Community Action Program) In understanding the influence of the White Citizen Council upon the present Commumlty Services Association (Jackson,Mississippi Communty Action P*rogfamTt There are two points to keep in mind; (1) The difficulty of obtaining inf cremations Citizen Council Membership roles are not open to the public. The only information which can be gatherkel" e eeai infaraafcAott found1! in newspaper, clippings and letterheads andi only the names of officers or prominent members are listed in those sounces. Our research has been limited because of this. (2) The replacement factors Some of the orginal". in corporators, those who promoted the charter for the orginal all-white board(see sujLjhlement #1)., designs*ad epu]^rdl»aJ'ec to represent them. Thus the replacemtns are lesser lights and there fore more difficult to finds they are often not listed in "Citizens0 Council clippings although they may be playing active roles in this racist organization. Let us begin by viewing two of the incorp.oratia'i who set up the charter for Governor Johnson (said charters registered on June l6th,1965 as the Community Services Association). These two men, Attorney Been Shall aa.i. .k keeeeeg'ghehby Rogers, are well-publicized member of the segregationist white power structaap^js Dan Shell is a member of the Satterfield, Shell, Williams and Buford law firm which represents the city of Jackson. This means that they have £ought all city cults against in- te,gaatiim. of schools and public facilities. We can assume they share Mayor Allen Thompsons" avowedly segregationist views and his unwillingnesseto.noetatfSfch. eagkbi-racial groups whatsoever. Satterfield, partner to Shell, is Secretary- Treasurer of the Committee on Fundamental Freedoms which received money from the State Soverelg. kty Commission (Watch dog on Segregation"). The Sovereignty Commission, in effect lobbied against the 1964 Civil Rights Sill through this Committee. Satterffeld is also an advisor to Ross Barnett. On June 14th, 1966 the Clarion Ledger listed Dan H, Shell as chairman of the Legal Advisory Committee for the Jacksons0 Citizen's Council. Shelby Rogers is a member of the firm of Watkins andT Eager. This firm is closely tied to Satterfield, Shell, et al| Watkins is also a city attorney active in civil rights cases and[ is a member and advisor to the State Sovereignty Commission. Shelby Rogers was co-chairman of the Paul B. Johnson gubernatorial campaign in I963. Johnson stated in one speech that "white supermacy and one party rule is the only way to maintain segreagtion and racial purity". "This is pre cisely the position taken by the Whtie Citizens Council. We can safely assume that the ten Governors' colorUols (campaign supporters) who are members of the eurrent C.S.A. board also support this racist position. Ray Canada of Edwards, (later replaced by Cecil Robbins, Mayor of Edwards and president of the Bank of Edwards) is a memteer of the Ihite Citizens Council Board of Directors. (2) Baxter Wilson, one of the original C.S.A. board members is director of the Mississippi Power and Light Company, is on the Mid-South Utilitica-Board ( which controls Mississippi Power and Light) and is on the board of the Deposit Guaranty National Bank and Trust Company. Baxter Wilson was one of the chief sponsors of the Carlton Putnam Day Dinner. Carlton Putnam is the author of Race and Reason, which purposee to show the mental inferiority of.Negroes. Race and Reason is highly touted by the White Citizena Council. Mr. Wilson was later "replaced55 by L.B. Hilburn of the Deposit Guaranty Bank and Alex Rogers of the Mississippi Power anf Light; both 'of these men are Governors' Colonels. T. M. Hederman, on the original all white board, is publisher of . Jackson^s only two daily newspapers. These paper have taken e. consiatchjily: £.nfci«pdve;rty;_ program,' aiati Lyndon Baines Johnson, anti-Civil Rights line. The new, or "second generation" C.S.A. board has at.its disposal thirteen hand-picked "safe" member of the Negro Community. This new "board also has on it two more men who are intimately connected with the Citizens Councili W. 0. McDowell, who also represents Souther Bell Tel&Tel, is on the Board of Directors of the Bhite Citizens Council. Marvin Collum (First National Bank) has been treasure, unti}. this past month, of the Jackson Citizens Council. .?,H2S5±Z: Thus we find that the orginal motivation for CSA is White Citizena Council and racist—:That 10 of the present membe"rs are Governors Colonels who supportt Paul Johnson's racist l-'ine(identic§. to that of the Citizen Council), and---' that al s.east 6 members ahe diredtly controlled by and are exponents of the Citizens Council. And This group was funded by the Atlanta Regional Office 3 These 13 Negroes were picked unilaterally by the orginal all- white board, after the white board had flatly rejected a list of 20 Negroes submitted by the Negro Community. Present Jackson Community Service Association Board Banks, Businesses, Private endeavor 1. R.B. Boutwell, Jr. Jackson-Hinds Bank 2. Tom Scott, Jr. First National Ravings and koad 3. Marvin Collum (white Citizen Counoil) First Nat, Bank Governor's Sol 4. L.B. Hilburn Deposit Guaranty Bank Governor'Col 5. J.W. Roberts Deposit Guaranty Bank Governon'Cpl 6. Cecil Robblns Bant of Edwards Mayor, Edwards Gov' Col 7. Marvin Gift son Contractor on labor list as unfair employer..Governor' Col 8. W.O. McDowell -Cit.Counci l Southern Bell Tel&Tel..Gov's Col 9. Alex Rogers Mississisppi PowerAlight.Gov's Col 10.A,S. Payne Gaddis Farmes{Citizen0 Council ?) Governor's Col, Mayor of Bolton 11. Bernette Y. Henningt on. Real Estate Broker, Democratic Committeewoman,Baenett worker 12. Randolph Peets. Mississippi School Supply, a virtual monopoly 13. H.L.T. Smith (Negro Bank ahd grocery, candidate for Con gress. ..1962 14. E.L. Lipscomb Insurance Company Unions 1. J. B. Anderson...... Labor 2. Louis Turner Cement & Plasterers' Union 3. John L. Erikson ELectrical Workers Union Professional..Private I.Robert Smith, H. D. (Negro) Attny. G. Wm. Hayes, Utica..Gov. Col 2.A.H. McCoy, D.D.S. (Negro) I: Attny. Jack Young (Negro) Ministers Services(Clubs) l.Chistoph Keller-Episcopalian 1. Mr. Charles Lenz, YMCA 2.W.P.Taylor-Negro-Methodist 2. Mrs. N. Wm. Comm Service Clubs(N) Education 1. A.A.Alexander....State Director, Negro Education (Negro) 2. Geo. McLendon..Ex-President, Jackson-Hinds Jr. Coll..Gov. Col. Welfare Federal Agencies 1. Natalie Dunn.Head of Welfare Dept. 1. Coll J. Davis, Sel.Serv. Lucille Price. Retired ; S.W. Oakle(N) 2. T.B.Fatheree, F.H.A. Home Demon Agent(County) 1. Sadie Hill (negro) Private Individuals Health Department (County 1. Mrs. Dave Callahan 1. Dr. Geo. Riley 2. Mrs. Geneva Denson (NegroO> Original white Chamberffl of Commerce Committee 1. Mr. McLendon (Hinds Jr. College) 2. Miss Evelyn Gandy (Welfare) 3. Mr. Alvis (School Board) 4. Col. Jimmie Davis (Selective Sa.) 5. Mr. T. M. Hederman (News Media) 6. Mr. T.B. Fatheree (Farms Home Adm) 7. Mr. Charles Lenz (YMCA) 8. Mr. R. Peets (SALvation Army) 9. Mr. Tom Scott, Jr. (Chamber of Comm) 10. Mr. Baxter Wilson (M.P.L. COi) a-a.) 11. Mr. Clarence Lot (S.B.T.&T.CO.) 12. Mr. George Riley (Co. Health Dept.) 13. Mrs, B.Y. Hennington (DEM. Natl. Comm) 14. Kir. Ray Canada (Edwards) 15. Mr. Mr. A.S0 Payne (Bolton) 16. Atty Hayes(utica) 17. Mrs. D. Callahan (Clinton) 18. Mr. Marvin Gibson 19. Mr. M. Callun (lit Natl. Bank) 20. Mr. J. W. Roberts (D.G.Bank) 21. Mr. Max Allen (J.H.Bank) 22. Mr. Walter Helm (Unemp. Sec. Comm.) Narrative Description of C.S.A. Board Among the twenty whites on this board are a tcfctal of fifteen people who represents the status quo, the power structure, the segregationist line, the past with a capital 'P5. Ten of these a number which shocks us to the core, are listed in the Mississippi Offical and Statistical Register for 1964-1968 as being Colonels (Aides de Camp) on the Governor's staff. This means that they were (are) faithful campaign workers or big contributors or people with political influence whg all in one way or another supports the govern or. You may remember that Paul Johnson ran a racist campaign last time (his third attempt)while his most serious opponent, J. P. Coleman, playedo-faheomodeiate game. Interestingly, Coleman beat Johnson in the first primary in Hinds County, so in effect, these segregationist colonels represents a minorityat least in this county. One colonel was listed as a farmer (see Exhibit A) but he is actually a segregationist mayor of a towm with a Negro majority. Interviews with Negroes from this community indicate a widespread belief that he is a White Citizens? Council member. They point out that mmpi. °f his associates appear to be Klan members. This man owns a plantation and is part owner of a large plantation corporation which owns 30 square miles of land in Hinds County. His pay scale is--43.00 per day for field hands and $4.00 per day for tractor drivers. A day is ten or twelve hours. Another colonel is also a mayor of his small town and is the president of the town bank; the practice in these towns is never to loan mCney. to Negroes, but bnly to loan money to the local mer chants who advance the "furnishing" (at the hlgest prices) to the Negro farmers... One of the Negrc ministers is not a member of either of the two large Negro ministerials groups. (2) One of the labor representatives is not known to the state board of ths AFL-CIO. One white member is a V°\%$.lP*?-figure and has worked for Ross Barnett as well as Paul Johnson. One Negro member who works for the state serves on a Help Advisory board. When a group brought some complaints to her she said she was put on the board as a figure-head and that she didn't want to rock the boat by making complaints because it might en danger her 0ob. Another"minister" does not function as a minister at all, but is chiefly a busfh©.o-.^.i|JsoojafciB^p0llt^ amd is also a self-appointed leader -6f the "Negro Commujfltty" although he has been called down in all-Negro meetings several times because many feel he does not cepresent them. Almost half of this board represents banking or big business or private endeavor, three groups not known, here at least, for their prior interest in poverty. This board does not have members of eithef Catholic or Jewish faith. It has ignored groups which have been active in bi-racial or ganizations, such as the League of Women Voters, United Church- women, or the Council on Human Relations. The board avoided getting representatives from the only two settlement housew in the county serving low-income families....the Bethleham Center and the Medg^r Evers Neighborhood Guild ( the only integrated state-licensed day cafe center in the county). It has avoided deliberately getting even white moderates on its board and has made every effort to keep out those people, Negro and white, who have stood up in the past for all those principles O.E.O. talks and writes about. $3) The white businessmen and bankers on the board represent al most segregated institutions. The board contrary to O.E.O. guidelines, has never held a public meefing. The whole board has met just once this year. - Histoty of Jackson'CAP: (S.S.A.) (Sjmopsis of report written by Dr, A.D. Beittel, AMer. Friends Serv.Com.) In December, 1964, Dr. A.D. Beittel, Director of the Mississ ippi Program of the American Friends Service Committee, called to gether a bi-racial group consisting of Rev. R.L.T. Smith, leader 1 in the Negro community, Rev. Donlad Thompsonf white minister of the First Unitarian church, Mr. Kenneth Crooks, Miss Jeweldean Jones and Mr. James Johnson all of the National Urban League. Thier goal was to attempt to get s&ate officials interested in the Economic Opportunity Act and to set up workshop on the Anti-poverty program. After a number of unsuccessful attempts to get the attention of state officia-ls, Dr. Beittel and Rev. Thompson set up another meeting at the Unitarian ohusch; this group was also bi-racial and very small. They planned to contact Mr. Gene Triggs, an official who was supposed to be a temporary contact for the Mississippi poverty programs. Although a number of visits, calls and letters were made in Mr. Triggs0 direction it took one month to get a written statements from him which explained that no staff appoint ments had been made for an O.E.O. Mississippi office and "there fore there will be no advisory committee'.' This letter was re ceived by Dr. Beittel on Feb. 18 (1965). Several days later Br. Beittel called a thfcrd meeting to discuss the need for a poverty workshop. Between receipt of Triggs's letter and this third meeting tho local newspaper announced that Martin Fraley, chairman of the Probation and Parole board, was named by the governor to head the state O.E.O. office. This done in spite of a few rumbling about the charac- 2 ter and ability of Mr. Fraley.* * Rev. Thompson was later shot from ambush in the parking lot of his apartment-hotel. *2 Mr. Fraley was thoroughly castigated by one reporter who works for (2) The third meeting was held in a downtown hotel and a number of people were invited, including Mr. Fraley, who came for a portion on the meeting and who seemed interested in the idea of a workshop. Mr. Robert Ezelle, president of the local Chamber of Commerce, stated that a Community Advisory Committee required more influential members and that he would try to bring in several of these; he asked the group to delay plans for a workshop until after he had met with two bankers and a leading attorney at a luncheon on March 15th. The group agreed. When Br. Beittel checked back with Ezelle on the results of. the l^nchegiJteeeting mentioned previously, the latter reported there was no enthusiasm on the part of these three influential gentleman for a poverty workshop. (Notes This rejection caused a flurry of meet ings on the part of the embronic advisory committee wihh the result that Ezelle approached the trio once more. This time the report was that the three were ready to support the organization of a Community Action Committee but were not "inclined to support a state-wide workshop on the anti-poverty program,") Ezelle them went to the Chamber of Commerce with the endorsement of the two hankers, Nat Rogers and Robert Hearin and the attorney, Sherwood Wise; the Chamber board approved the notion of ak'.A.P. and sent a small committee to the mayor for his approval of the project.* /see attachment 1. The Chamber of Commerce committee them called a meeting at the First National Bank bldg., inviting Dr. Beittel's small committee to participate. Other persons attending male a total of twenty-five.. Robert Ezelle presided; as the meeting drew to a close he suggested a CAP board of twenty ten whites and -ten Negroes. A * Mayor thompson did not endorse the plan becaude he was then inToe.vcd in a political campaign. (3) nominating committee of four from each group (Negro and White) was appointed to choose their own ten members. When the two committees came together at a subsequent meeting more names were presented but no decision was made concerning changing the size of the board. After this meeting several white, committee members raised objections to several of the names presented by the Negro group. When the next total meeting was called (this time at the Deposit Guaranty Bank &Trust Co. bldg.) it was discovered by the white group that no action had been taken on the part of the Negro nominating committee to drop the "objectionable" people from their group. This meeting was then postponed until April 9th. When the Negroes again refused to back down on the matter the meeting was again postponed. (Actually, this particular group was never called again, although a few in dividual Negroes were later asked to participate.) Dr. Beittel held a number of conversations with Ezelle, Wise, Hearin and Rogers requesting that the "Postponed" meeting be called. Because he had absolutely no success with tnis he aalled another group to gether at the end of July, using the Farish Street Baptist church (Negro) as a meeting place. This group was essentially a Negro and white moderate group with a few exceptions. During fell these struggles on the part of Dr. Beittel0s committee, Governor Johnson had signed a charter for the Community Service Ass- ociation and it was registered June 16th (1965) at the Mississippi Secretary of State0a office. The men responsible for this charter were Dan Shell and Shelby Rogers, both attorneys. Neither man has.the confidence, to say the least, of any member of either the white moderate community or the Negro community.. This C.S.A. board was a pure white board (see Attached sheet#l). This group.refused to work with the Negro-white moderate coalition (attached sheet #2) (4) Only after this list of twenty three white names was drawn up and by-laws written were Negroes asked to send nominations from their community. Of course this ploy left out the white moderate, not to mention the white liberal. When the Negro group sent in their twenty three names to the white committee for'their approvalaoniy*twelve; i amesi were found acceptable; this made a total of thirty-five, (Notes The composition was then over two-thirds white segregationist and one- third "acceptable" Negro. After some pressures from somewhere the white membership was changed somewhat but the make-up of the new group is »0 similar that it is still, apparently, totally acceptable to Mssra. Shelland Rogers and to Governor Johnson.)' (end of synopsis) Further History In September of I965 the Community Services Association met again. Col. Davis was made chairman and Major H.T. Frank was suggested as director. Except for an announcement in the local paper con cerning the funding of a Headstart program under C0S„A. and in April of °66, there was no public news on the Community Service Association. In May a brief article appeared in the local Sunday paper stating that the O.E.O. had funded C.S.A. T|iis did not appear to be an official announcement from Washington; in fact the information appeared to have been given by O.E.O.°s Atlanta office. In many cities the political and civic struggles so natural to Federal presentations of monies ace plainly printed in local news papers and elucidated on radio and television. Unfortunatlely, in Mississippi the murder of public trust is done behind closed doors. The abundant Misuse of Mississippi 's own public funds is one matter, but the flagrant violation of O.E.O.°s basic principles to the tune of Millions of dollars is quite another. The fact that all these millions come from the pockets of taxpayers allover this country should, give both the taxpayer and his congressional representatives much to think about. ATTACHMENT 2— Intial white and Negro moderate group, which present C.S.A. white board members refused to cooperate with. Cards signed at meeting in Farish Street Baptist Church on Thursday , July 29th, 1965 E.W. Banks Mrs. C.C. Mosley, Sr. A.D.Beittel Perry E. Nussbaum Robert EBergark IS. Sanders T B Brown R.L.T. Smith Mrs. Ruth Burney Wendell P. Taylor Mrs. George Bulter Donald A. Thompson Mrs. Emanuel Crystal Thomas E. Tiller Mrs. Pat Derian Roland E. Toms Mrs. L.C. Gooch Rev. Lawrence Watts Gordon Henderson J. G. Wells Allen L. Johnson Mrs. Nellie B. Williams Christoph Keller, Jr. W. H. Williams Fr. William M, Lewers (Visitor) Jack H. Young Dr. A.H. McCoy Dr. Grover C. Bagby(Vistor) Washington, D.C. Cleo MeGse Rev. Henry McKay aTACHMENT 3, 1072 Lynch Street Jackson, Mississippi July 30,1965 Mr. Shelby R. Rogers Attorney at Lavr Jackson, Mississippi Dear Mr. Rogers A group of representative citizens of Jackson, who are interested in implementing the Provision of Economic Opportunity Act, met Thursday, July 29, 1965 for the purpose of working out some jblans by which our Community may avail itself of the ppportunities provided under the act. After discussing the matter at length the group came to a decision that it would be in the best interest of the Community that a larger group of interested citizens of the Community meet with you, Mr. Dan Shell and other citizens whom you feel would be Interested at a mutually agreed upon time and place. I was instructed to convey the decicion of this group to you with the hope that this will meet your approval and that you will proposethe time anf place of this meeting very soon. Sincerely yours, Rev. R.L.T. Smith Temporary Chairman cc Mr. Dan Shell (Copy of letter to Shelby Rogers indicating the key role played by MSSx Shell and Rogers) History of the Hinds County Community Council (HCCC) and Community Services Association negotiations In the fall of 1965 as word filtered down, that the construction of a CAP board font Jackson wa.c*in progress jJeople began'asking questions in the NAACP Thursday night mass meetings. At first absolutely no information was forth-coming except via gossip and rumor. Al though the Rev. R.L.T. Smith, self-appointed leader of these mass meetings was an; early member of the C.S.A. board he disclosed nothing of the board's activities. Aiter several heated meetings, and then only reluctantly after a large delegation from the HCCC forced a Vote on the question, were even the names of the C.S.A. board members given out. This re luctance on the part of Rev. Smith and Rev, Taylor, both constant attenders of the mass meetings, led to the dissolution of their leadership. At this point the Hinds County Community Council became more formally organized and began holding neighborhood meetings in Jackson and out in small communities abound Hinds County. These meetings were highly publicized through leaflets paid for by the movement. At these meetings local groups were orgaized, They elect ed their own representatives to the H.CC.C. with instructions to present a certain position (see attached sheet #1A) xtfhich had been mimeographed and sent to all C.S.A. executive members as well as to the Atlanta Regional O.E.O. Office. (The choice most favored by H.C.C.C. people is listed as c. in sheet #1A and is as follows: tiThe HCCC can elect three(3) representatives to the executive committee of the Community Services Associaion, and agree to immediate funding for a program development grant to establish the following prop gram: (1) 32 local poor people are hired to be trained as community organizers and surveyers. Those people will have three functions. (a) to moblize the poor behind the CAP program by creating neighborhood organizations throughout the county. These neighborhood groups will then elect the additional 20 to the board, and create their own planning groups to more effectively meet the problems of poverty in that area. (b) to make the necessary surveys. (c) to interpret and analyze existing agencies and programs to the poor. (2). That as these representatives are elected by the local organizations they will be pla&©&, on an even basic, on all commi ttees. (3) That this program will be administered by a joint committee of three people from the Hinds County Commui£y Council and 3 from the Community Services Assooiationi' The H.C.C.C. then elected six member to present this position paper to the C.S.A. Board Executive Committee. These six were told only to present the position..They were not to accept any charges or compromises themselves, but were to bring C.S.A.°s reactions back to H.C.C.C. At the following H.C.C.C. meeting after the meeting w&the the C.S.A there was general agreement that the C.S.A had accepted alternative C(see above). One committee member, Mrs. Annie Smith, however was unsure whether the C.S.A had accepted all of alternative C, and how many rep resentatives of the poor would be placed on the board. To clear matters up, a letter was sent(March6) to the C.S.A. repeating proposal C, and listing three representatives of the H.C.C.C. to the C.S.A executive committee, besides listing other unsolved problems that the H.C.C.C. felt needed discussion. In a letter dated March 10th, the C.S.A. indicated that they had only agreed to 3 "poor" representatives to be picked from the county at large to be placed on the executive committee and 12 to be elected to serve on the total committeee. No date was specified for either of these, but they promised to keep the H.C.C. C. informed, and promised to present the rest of our ideas to the whole b&ard.(Which, incidentally, hadn't met since the fall—the whole application for funding was written and sent in by the executive committee without approval of the full board.) On March 31st the H.C.C.C sent the C.S.A another letter asking C.s.A what they were planning, pointing out the disagreement on what had occurred at the Feb. 19th, meeting, and offering to meet with them again. From then until May 24th, nothing was heard from either the C.S.A or the Atlanta O.E.O, until a letter dated May LO, was received on May 24th, came from the O.E.O. stating that C.S.A. would be funded if they would have elections to add 12 members of the poor. These elections would be set up by a joint committee of three from the H.C.C.C. and the full executive committee of the C.S.A. At no time before or since, have the designated H.C.C.C. members been contacted. At no time prior to the funding, despite the fact the 0.E0 had copies of all correspondence, did they tell the H.C.C.C. what they were planning. During the month of April and early May, members of the H.C.C.C. made repeated telephone calls to Atlanta to find out what Has going on. None of these were ever answered. The only contact made by Atlanta after the funding was in answer to a telegram sent by the H.C.C.C. opposing the funding and indicating that the H.C.C.C. didn't see how they could cooperate with the tokenism in the conditions of the funding. At that point, Mr,, Zierden of the Atlanta office called to say that they would be funded despite our protests, and that we had better cooperate or we would be left out entirely. Our questions ares 1. Given the obvious motives and composition of the board, of the C.S.A., do you think it is possible that 12 poor people can exert any kind of influence on a board of 48 that rarely meets, and was opposed to the inclusion of poor people in the first place? 2. Can any faith be placed in either the Atlanta 0E0 and the C.S.A when they apparently can't negotiate in good faith? 3. Why did the Atlanta office fund them before they held(and still haven't held) a public meeting? 4.Why didn't the Atlanta 0E0 ever check on the background of the • board members with the H.C.C.C? 5. Why didn't the Civil Rights division of the Atlanta 0E0 know of the existence of the H.C.C.C. when they were checking on the C.S.A.? What kind od a checking job did they do? 6. Why wasn't our letter of objection concerning the Jackson Head- start, which uras funded under the C.S.A., before the C.S.A. was funded (which strikes us as illegal) brought to the attention of Carol Clancy of the Atlanta staff, who was working on the funding of the Jackson Headstart? 7. Why, when the C.S.A. finally called a closed board meeting, to which no H.CC.C. members were invited, did they apparently not even refer to the conditions of the funding, or their sorrespondence with the H.C.CoC. 8. Finally, whose side is the O.E.O on? We thought that a federal anti-poverty agency would be the last group to give us the typical Mississippi run around. Hinds County Community Council 1525 Booker Street Jackson, Mississippi Mr. Frank Sloan Southeast Regional Director Office of Economic Opportunity 101 Marietta Street, N.W. Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mr. Sloans This letter is one we have prepared following the telegram we sent you on May 2?th indicating our opposition to the funding of Community Service Association. You aay remember that we also re jected the special conditions attached to the funding announcement. It is our feeling that either you are not aware of the kind of board you are funding or else you are hoping for some kind of miracle that will transform those people whose only concern1: has been maintenance of the status quo. Surely there must be some one in your office who is aware of the realities of Mississippi and is concerned with letting the poor people have half a chance. We have lived here all our lives and we know why our lives are like they are. Over 2,000 of us have organized ourselves into commu nity groups and elected representatives because of our faith anj4 hope in the poverty programs. We read words about two of the goals of this program being maximum feasible participation of the poor and the stimulation of change; we feel these two goals are impossible with the present board and its past history. Our position is that the Community Service Association is un healthy, impossibly political and probably illegal as set forth in your guidelines. You have asked us to trust you and to make compromise in order to get a good board set up. We tried to do just this; we talked with them and let you know the results of those talks. We Indicated our willingness to set up a proper board. They have yet to respond to us. (2) JToue first..response to us was a letter dated May 10 and received by us on May 24; you were evidently not in a hurry to let us know what you and C.S.A, had decided for us. Mr. Zeirden wouldn't ans wer our numerous phone calls. C.S.A. did not invite any of ..ur representatives to their meeting eventhough they told someone in your office that this would be done. Now you have funded them. You are responsible for funding them. You brokei faith with us and yet you ask us to cooperate with you in a plan which still leaves all the contrfclin thE hands of a predominantly white, political, segregationist board. We are supposed to be happy •;j ith this. We are supposed to trust those who have very recently proven themselves untrustworthy. Mr. Sloan, If you sere poor and black would you be happy and cooperperative and trusting with a board like the present one? We are enclosing some information on the history and makeup of tnis C.S.A. board along with our recommendations for what we feel would be a more effective and representative board. We alao in cludes a brief analysis of the composition of th&s board. It is possible to have a representative board in Hinds County, om which would follow the guidelines. If you really wish to back this kind of board, one which would be friendly or at least openminded to O.E.O. goals, you will find it necessary to withdraw your support from C.S.A. Our suggestions are as follows: 1. The board would be composed of three main gropps making a total of 40 people. 2. Fifteen persons would be elected from the five supervisory beats in Hinds County, three from each one. They would be elected from the low income population of that baat and the elections would be held at public meetings with plenty of ad vance publicity about the kind of elections being held. (3) 3. Ten persons would he minority "group representatives." Each group would be asked to send their elected 0:? selected members We feel the following groups would be appropriate; The Negro Ministerial Alliance, Tougaloo College, Jackson State College, Hinds County Community Council, B*Nai Frith, Negro Federated Women's Club, Hinds County branch of the Freedom Democratic Party, the NAACP, Mississippi Council on Hainan Relations, and the Jackson Deanery of Catholic Women* 4. Fifteen more persons would selected or elected from various agencies and group having some participation in poverty pro grams or that seem necessary according to 0E0 guidelines. The following groups meet our approvals AFL-CIO, WELFARE DEPT, County board of Supervisors, S.T.H.B., United giver02), League of Women Voters, CEGM, Chamber of Commerce, Iledgar Evers Neighborhood Guild, Agr, Dspt,, Extension Service, Com munity Service Association (3). 5. The executive committee would number eight and would be elected from the main body of members after it had met three times. Temporary chairman would serve"aaT'eacn oY"those first three meetings, nominations weald cone frcm the floor are" v voting would bo by pi 2vate written ballot«-«*o o 6. Cur final suggestion is the creation of an advisory board which would be open to any interested groups; this advisory board would rarely hold meetings tut would te available at all times to consult with individuals or committees from the CAP board. For example, if CA.P needed the cooperation of the banks for advice in building up a work-experience program, in dividuals on the Advisory Board who were representatives from several large banks would be expected to contribute their knowledge and skills toward such a program. Perhaps many of the bankers presently on C.S.A. would consent to serve in this manner. We hope you will read very carefully the other materials sent with this letter. Consider the difficulties of getting Infor mation from the CSA, this is not as complete as possible, but it will perhaps better let you understand our position. Sincerely, for Hinds County Community Council freedom information service # mailing address: BOX 120 - TOUGALOO, MISS. 39174 phone: 601-922-8812 or 601.362-7989 May 26, 1967 Dear "">lA^^Vu>V> M^-j^S The Freedom Movement in Mississippi is not dead, as one might think from the lack of coverage in the national mass media. The struggle at the moment is centered around the upcoming November elections when black candidates will seek county and state offices all over Mississippi. Whether or not we win these elections, they are important as a show of potential black strength and as a focal point around which black people can organize. The Freedom Information Service (PIS) has begun publishing a weekly Mississippi Newsletter to let people in the state know what is happening. It reports who's running for what in which county, what black people in the movement are saying, what civil rights groups are doing, etc. Although it is aimed at people in Mississippi, we have discovered some of our Northern friends find it a good way to keep themselves informed about what is going on at the grass roots level. The Newsletter costs about $90. a week to produce and mail. It Is sent to over 600 people in Mississippi and we have a growing number of requests from outside the state. We have sent this paper free to everyone so far. However, our finances have diminished as the demand for our material has grown, and we now find it necessary to charge our out-of-state receivers. Those who can afford no more may subscribe at the minimum rate of $5.00 per year, which will cover costs. We are urging those who can to became supporters of the paper by contributing at least $15., to ensure* ^'MF'lh'e^Newsletter will continue to "be distributed within the state. Any organization or individual may subscribe to 3?I8 services for $25. a year and receive all PIS publications, including the Newsletter. Enclosed is a copy of the Newsletter and a return reply card and envelope for your information and convenience. We hope you will help PIS continue its service to the Mississippi Movement, For justice, Jan Hillegas, treasurer WrJ) PROPECTUS FOR MISSISSIPPI INDEPENDENT COMMUNITY NEWSPAPER (MICN) North Parish Street Jackson, Mississippi The purpose of this prospectus is fourfold: 1. To outline the need for an independent, community- controlled newspaper that can serve the Negro com munity of Jackson and out-lying rural areas. 2. To present the history of past efforts to initiate such a newspaper. 3. To explore the existing potential for initiating, maintaining, and distributing such a newspaper as well our plans to actualize that potential. 4. To introduce ourselves, the group of people who plan to get that newspaper going. We have prepared this prospectus and given it to you to solicit your help in the form of financial support, equip ment, supplies, ideas, and good will. THE NEED To understand the need for an Independent Negro newspaper in Mississippi, we have to understand the role that major newspapers of this state play, in the perpetuation of blatant and subtle racism. White Mississippian, James Silver has called our state the "closed society". The sense in which this characterization is most accurate pertains to the introduction of progressive ideas and factual knowledge into the black ghettoes of Jackson or Greenwood, the plantations of the Cotton Belt in the notorious Delta region or wherever poor Negroes live. There is no significant newspaper published by and for Negro people in this state. This is not a result of chance cir cumstance, but an achievement of a conscious "science" of keeping the colored citizen in his place in the closed society. A look at the newspapers that currently originate in Jackson, the state's capitol and largest city, brings the situation forcefully to our attention. There are two major "white" papers and two "colored" papers published in Jackson. Let's look at them. The Clarion Ledger. The Clarion Ledger represents, in Mississippi, what the New York Times represents in the North east. That is, the Clarion Ledger purports to be a sophisti cated-, analytic journal that objectively presents the news of local, regional, and national, and world-wide events. However, the facts contradict this projected image. In 1966, the Clarion Ledger attacked the Child Development Group (an outstanding Headstart Program that served 1,200 poverty stricken Negro tots) as a "lefty wing" conspiracy manipulating witless Negro dupes with "Black Power" propa ganda. This distortion helped to churn up white antipathy and political pressures strong enough to force Sargent Shriver to delay funding this program for four months, at the expense of innocent black children. In November of the past year, four independent Negro candidates, with histories of consistent work in civil rights and anti-poverty programs, ran for seats in the U. S. Siena te and the House of Representatives. These independentsA"en dorsed by the Freedom Democratic Party, an Another example of the Clarion Ledger's reporting and editorial policies can be seen in its treatment of the Meredith March of last summer. On its editorial page, the Ledger's writers contended that Meredith deliberately provoked his own shooting and that incidents like the tear-gassing of children in Canton were the intended result.of undercover schemes by Negro Leaders. Such examples of the Ledger's misrepresentations are rife. The Ledger is rivalled by only the Jackson Daily News. The Daily News out-strips the Clarion Ledger in the rudeness and blatancy of its support for such demagogues as Eastland and George Wallace of neighboring Alabama. Like the Ledger, the Daily News argues that the one-party system of Mississippi represents the zenith of American political development. Further, the Daily News freely paints Negroes as baboons and apish clowns, sees communists in every anti-poverty program not controlled by the local white power structure, and "ex poses" Northern white liberalism as carpet-bagging subversion. The similarity between the Clarion Ledger and the Daily News is not surprising. Both papers are owned and published by the same concern. They share the same reporters offices, machinery, newstands and editorial staff. Their Sunday editions are combined as the Clarion Ledger-Daily News. What is important to understand is that these journals will not and can not change their policies. They are con trolled by the financial interests that support Eastland and his co-reactionary, Stennis. We can turn to nowhere to create a journalism of honesty but to that majority segment of the Negro community that is denied all meaningful in-roads into the racist political and financial oligarchy. However, the existing "colored papers" suffer from one major problem: white-control. The first, the sporadic Jackson Advocate, parrots the propaganda of the Ledger-News but gives occasional kudos to Negro professionals whose ac tivities do not touch on controversial issues. ^ke Advocate is the organ of Percy Green, a prominent Jackson Negro, who apparently enjoys privileged entry into the council chambers of powerful Mississippi whites. Green has earned the scorn of most Negroes in the Jackson community and the envy of others by his alleged disdain for his racial kinsmen and his obvious affluence. Green's Advocate receives financial assistance from the tax-supported Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission. The Sovereignty Commission also contributes tax-monies to the Mississippi White Citizens Councils. The Advocate, then, can not be accurately called a "Negro newspaper", rather, it is an organ of the state's apparatus for the defense of "States Rights" and the per petuation of white supremacy. Finally we look at the Mississippi Enterpriser weekly newspaper published by the proprietors of Stevens' Kitchen (restaurant) and Stevens Rose Room (nightclub). The Enter prise exists primarily as an advertisement for the Steven's enterprises. It contains news and announcements of social events that involve the miniscule Black Bourgeoisie of Jackson, Greenwood and Vicksburg. Besides the support of the Stevenses themselves, the paper gets financial support from local white merchants. Already, the paper is barely solvent. Any effort to revamp the Enterprise and bring it closer to the model of sensitive, politically significant weekly that freely examines contro versial issues would mean the immediate death of the Enter prise and would probably subject the Stevens' businesses to reprisals. Moreover, the owners of the Enterprise have indicated no inclination toward such a change anyway. Xf this portrait of Jackson's journalism seems bleak, then let it suffice for us to point that the situation in rural areas is many times less attractive. We do not have to be social psychologists to evaluate the damage that the kinds of journalism described above do to the total psyche of a community s$hackled by poverty, powerlessness and the lingering marks of oppression. We cannot state emphatically enough that the deliberate distortion of news to perpetuate the myths that buttress reaction and racism radically undermines any and every effort from whatever corner to lead or coax Mississippi Blacks out of the psychological torture-chamber of fear, ignorance and consequent apathy. The apathy completes the circle of poverty and literal oppression, the "neo-colonialism of the modern South" as it has been correctly termed by Chairman Lawrence Guyot of the Freedom Democratic Party. PAST EFFORTS The most ambitious effort, in the recent past, to create a countervailing Negro press in Mississippi was the Mississippi Free Press. We will not spell out in detail the goals of the Free Press, for they substantially concurred with those we will indicate in this prospectus. Rather, we want to look closely at the Internal reasons that the Free Press failed. The Free Press was born in 1963, during the rush of activities of the Freedom vote project and preparations for the already legended COFO-The Council of Federated Organiza tions ( NAACP, SCLC, CORE, SNCC ). The Free Press received some support from Northern liberal sources and was welcomed by the Negro community throughout Mississippi. Yet it died after two years. The reasons for the failures of the Free Press, aside from the barrage of attacks from white bigots in the state, were primarily lack of permanent staff and "poor timing". The workers that created the Free Press were largely youthful civil rights advocates without long-term organiza tional experience and without guarantees of personal financial support. Many of these young workers returned to colleges or occupations that do not allow them to give full-time to the movement. As though conscious of the high "drop-out rate" in the rights movement and anxious to do as much as possible in the shortest possible time, many of us were hasty in under taking projects and accepted too many diverse responsibilities at one time. Consequently, all projects were underpaid, under-staffed and over-worked. Many false beginnings petered out. Suddenly, the short-term volunteers pulled out. Forcefully, priorities asserted themselves. As a piece of ironically good fortune, the glamour faded away. Slogans were tested against programs and ideas against realities. Only the hard-core activists and the most indispensable projects survived. A Free Press was as imperative then as it is now. How ever, in those early, crucial days, other programs seemed even more imperative. The Free Press was, frankly, an idea ahead of its own originators. Of course, the foregoing criticism of the Free Press tells only a fraction of the story behind its demise. However, this fraction interests us most since it tells us what chall enges we must meet to avoid incorporating past mistakes in to our current efforts. Other smaller efforts at newspapers and newsletters are too numerous to recount. The most frequent short-comings have been: 1. Lack of financial resources,, 2. Lack of equipment, 3. Lack of permanent staff, 4. Lack of a distribution system/ 5. Lack of rapport with the community to be served. THE PRESENT POTENTIAL AND OUR GOALS Over the last four months, groups of people have met several times at various places in Jackson to discuss the history presented above and to develop plans for creating an Independ ent newspaper. In October, a state-wide conference was held in Jackson to select a permanent board to draft a concrete program. In talking about the potential for developing the news paper, the first question that had to be answered was, Where is the readership? The answer: all over the state and esp ecially in Jackson. The Negro Community in Mississippi com prises approximately forty-five per cent of the state's pop ulation. In Jackson alone there are about eighty-thousand Negroes. Yet, there is no newspaper that addresses itself to "everyday colored folks." We are anxious shoppers without a market place. The paper that we plan will meet this vital need by being' first and foremost a community paper. We have worked and lived in these communities for years. For those of us who are not Mississippians by birth, Mississippi is our home by choice and commitment. Without immodesty, we must admit that the board we have assembled uniquely combines an intimate knowledge of two worlds, that of the poverty-stricken victims with the world outside of Mississippi. We can translate that outside world and act as a conduit of the facts and ideas that are so acc essible to most Americans, yet so dear to the average man or woman in the Black Belt. Further, the newspaper will be, must be independent of all financial and political interests that have a stake in the Mississippi status quo. A basic concept in a democratic society is an unfettered press bound only to the demands of factuality and relevance. Concretely, this requires long-term commitment and per manent staff. We learned this from the Free Press. Our board has been carefully selected with this requirement in mind. Staff workers will be recruited on this basis, also. Thus, we must be as prepared financially as we are programa- tically for the long haul. This prospectus can only hint of the planning that has kept us busy for the last four months. Already, a distribution system, interwoven through church, community action, and civil rights groups is being established through-out the state. Finally, the newspaper program is projected as a living institute. Each six-months, we will involve two trainees in the print-shop. These trainees will gain technical skills, job experience and, hopefully, an; alternative vision to the society they see around them. Similar training experiences will constitute vocational preparation for the office workers, second-level staff writers and volunteer workers. Our goals are high. Our plans are ambitious. They have to be, for the task at hand is very difficult. CONCLUSION What we have tried to do here is present some of our preliminary thinking on the problems and possibilities of getting this project off the ground. The goals of all the suggested activities have been stated, as we see it, as a gaining freedom and self-sufficiency from the impoverishing system here. The program will be geared to the Mississippi community in the main; however, other places in the U.S.A. could be considered in this same class. In this sense, this paper will be a demonstration project adaptable to other areas. As is evident from the preceding pages, we felt it necessary to describe a good deal of the background on condi tions here. (Still there is a great deal more of this sort of material which is worthy of and probably more suitable to verbal discussion). This is not only meant for to "sell" the idea of using Jackson, Mississippi as a pilot area; but also, to decipher out the problems and needs and make the program as compatible as possible with the local conditions. Again, we feel that continued discussion can be quite helpful and would welcome a personal discussion with you about the program. (Please reply to Reverend Donald W. Jackson or Mr. Jesse L. Harris MICN 614 North Farish Street, Jackson, Mississippi) Attachment #1 Board of Directors of MICN Mr. Robert L. Bolden, Chairman Mr. Jesse Lee Harris, Vice Chairman Miss Linda Wilson, Secretary Rev. Donald W. Jackson, Treasurer Mr. James Travis Mr. Douglas M. Cotton Mr. Jesse T. Morris Mr. Hollis Watkins Mr. Samuel Wesley Howze Mr. Robert L. Bolden, 34, is a native of Jackson. He became actively involved in civil rights activity in 1962 with the Jackson movement. Presently he is a leading figure in the Poor Peoples' Corporation, the M.C. of a Gospel Radio Program, and a deacon of the church pastored by his father. Mr. Bolden is employed as a sales representative for a soft-drink firm, the first Negro to hold that position in the state. Mr. Jesse Lee Harris, a 25-year old native of Jackson, is widely known as one of the initial SNCC workers in Mississippi (1961). He was one of the first people involved in the Free Press, also. Since 1965, he has been a key worker in developing anti-poverty programs. A capable administrator, Mr. Harris served as one of the 16 area directors for the Child Development Group through-out 1966. (Jackson State College) Rev. Donald W. Jackson, a 23-year old native of Chester, Penn sylvania, has worked with tutorial programs and community action pro grams since 1962. He also headed the Chester CORE chapter in 1964 and 1965. Rev. Jackson has written for numerous periodicals and edited a small newsletter. (Williams College, Massachusetts and Lincoln University) Mr. James Travis was born in Jackson 24 years ago. He was an early voter registration worker. Mr. Travis is a former SNCC worker, and one of the organizers of COFO. He, too, has worked with the Free Press, (Tougaloo College) Mr. Douglas M. Cotton, a graduate of Tougaloo College in History, is a 25-year old native of Kosciusko, Mississippi. He has worked in the rights movement since 1961 in voter registration and community organization. Mr. Cotton has been employed as a community organizer by an 0E0 funded anti-poverty program. Mr. Jesse T. Morris was born in Wilmington, Delaware. The 27-year old Mr. Morris is also a former rights worker. His economic analysis, "The General Condition of the Mississippi Negro", is regarded as a brilliant definitive work. Presently, Mr. Morris is executive director of the Poor Peoples' Corporation, a network of 15 producer cooperatives throughout Mississippi. (Los Angeles City College) Mr. Hollis Watkins, 26, was born in Summit, Mississippi. After two years at Tougaloo, he became a full-time movement worker in 1962. He works presently as a volunteer administrator-organizer for the Leflore County Freedom Democratic Party in Greenwood. Mr. Samuel Wesley Howze is a 23-year g>ld native of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where he was a NAACP young adult^before coming to Missis sippi in,1964. Formerly the head of the Holmes County COFO project, Mr. Howze later held the position of Community Services Director for the first state-wide Headstart program in Mississippi. Miss Linda Wilson, 21, hails from Hattiesburg, Mississippi. Miss Wilson was COFO project director in her hometown in 1964. She also taught in the Freedom Schools of 1964 and played an active role in the initiation of the Freedom Democratic Party. Attachment #2 Budget Summary (Per month) A. Office and Supplies 1. Office space rental $125.00* 2. Consumable supplies (includes newsprint) 250.00 3. Typewriter rental (5 at $20 per month) 100.00 4. Adding machine rental 10.00 5. Telephone (WATS line, wide area service) 525.00 6. Office furniture Donated B. Office Personnel 1. Business Manager 435.00 2. Office Manager - Stenographer 350.00 3. Field worker (distributor) 305.00 4. Clerk-typists (2 at $220 per month) 440.00 C. Editorial Staff 1. Editor-in-chief 435.00 2. Reporters (3 at $305 per month) 915.00 D. Printing Shop Staff 1. Printer 425.00 2. Trainees (2 at $155 per month) 310.00 E. Travel Allottments (Fuel and car upkeep) 1. Field worker (distributor) 100.00 P. Travel Allottments - cont'd 2. Editorial staff (2 at $75 per month and $200.00 2 at $25 per month) 3. General (including out of state travel) 250.00 4. Automobiles Donated ** F- Printing Equipment Rental 1. Surety deposit (payable once) 4,000.00 2. Rental of Press and folders 455.00 (at $105.00 per week) G. Incidental 50.00 Total Operating Cost 1. First Month $9,680.00*** 2. Each succeeding month 5,680.00*** We are currently operating in a very small office, but must expana facilities as the actual publication of the paper develops. I'i-k We are already assured 1 car in very good condition. We still need 3 more to assure program efficiency. *** This difference reflects the $4,000 initial deposit. f*Jl bp\ k. A*^~~-' 3k ^ ' 6- ' Cr^-ir— *kw-*Jtet«(PjA^.- - B _.. \^AJXA P^L c^y^^ H«*^^AT\Pi. S.J^.J alTk • &~. **w 'i ^a °^A^g' A *^ - ^^^A^TPP^ ^ >• ~-**- hpy^ 1 ^PZPA^P <*kC=t~ ,v-& AZ ^^^ , n /> ~r&- ^*^nLLi ££A fPPPPPk *> /vJL. 0^r^*^'--t&**' • ^^ /> /) „ \sAUJLx- i&^ w^-^ hJL^tZ, w^£=--f-^iL^- \A&* *<£*&$ A PPT py^\ ^/~\My u^^v/u A^ ^jo^a^-^^T^v^-k^ •£3ltA. %PP pAp^^ttz c^o^C^- A^AJ' ^g^^J^ ^-Ije^ U_^AJ^o i^- ^"k^2 k^ • ^rtr1 j^-&ka-kaek'rda jjge^fc. /^- L i " 1.^^. U»MI_. 5A/CC ^ j-,^-. .ark, «>~fciU&Y'l"*-**s*~~— 5^^^^1S!f k^"X &X^^^AxP^ /^^^\^v/-&^/>h- \/y^y\Ji-'\J- "^ r-~ /9 /W o^^<-^~ y~AA~ —h*A^ V^^x. )fr^kx^ ^ AypAcAPPPAPP- &*, ^ ^P-yr1 /Ad- ' J •*+/ ~s> ^-a*~~SF~AUi ~TA~G* ky^r^e-^*- <-y- f^Kfttt^'^' ce>-^ \i^r**s<^~^>s~**~*-*r~< v«~ ' / fc ^^i ^ x^J^r~JA^_- SL -*-* -^T -^J^ J"*"" /ve-^-a- IXJU^. ^ t^r-/2«g^ \Jyr*^- s>^yiA^^- *A4-~ * ™^~^~- &f {jhcsyr*-^ ys^Jl AP^^AyZk.- ^igr'kke^wekSg^ t aigwftfc^ ^kgp;; ^_^ y. _4 \r> n$PP CT^^^k^gr'^^ jtjvc&l YX*r*~A -b~-*--+° i—lUa--uu #^ i^ry^yzfA^^rA ^PPP^~ ~l~jt^A' APPPP- tcuc M<~ o+J **-*T(' Y~' T*> t~* ^Wk^wg. ^ -#~i **** ' INTRODUCTION This pamphlet meant to fill a direct need. As the civil rights movement continues in the South, it has become apparent that the real problems faced by the Negro cannot be solved until he captures political power. The task before us is the creation of a large group of well-,crganized voters who know their own bost interests and how to attain them. Yet the first step— organizing the precinct — is the most difficult. It is so difficult bocauso we aro dealing with non-voters who have never had any personal experience with political organizatien or political power. Still, this lack of political know-how may bo helpful in getting people to take part in a democratically-styled political organization. It should be pointed out that the ideas set forth in this pamphlet stem from political experience gained in the North. Eventully the precinct organi zations being set up now will probably have to meet certain legal requirements. Most of these can be found in a book by "William F. Higgs called "Mississippi Political Handbook", available through tho MFDP office in Jackson. This will only happen if and when tho MFDP chooses to become a legally recognized major political party under Mississippi law. WHAT IS A PRECINCT? k ..Mississippi has 82 counties. Each is divided into small,areas called pre- cinctsiThe precincts are the smallest political units in the state; they are the basic building blocks of politics in.Mississippi. Every precinct has its own poll ing place where people go to vote on election day*. This is usually some public building, school, or church. ;, In a town or city a precinct consists of about 20 blocks. In a rural area a precinct may contain several square miles but include only a few people. The boundaries of your precinct are set by the County Board of Supervisors. HOW CAN WE ORGANIZE OUR PRECINCT? .'. : The following ideas about how to organize a precinct are offered as just one possible method% there are certainly other methods. Because no two precincts are exactly alike, no set rules can be given for organizing all of them. Yet there are some things which do apply to most of them. We hope the following ideas will be valuable to people with little political experience who are trying to start an organization in their own precinct. (1) When a group sees the need for a political organization in their area they should first find out the boundaries of their precinct. This information is available at the county court house and, in somo cases, at the MFEP office. (2) A mass meeting in the precinct should then be called. Every attempt should be made to get all the adults in the precinct to attend the meeting. The people can be contacted by passing out handbills from door to door (the younger peoplo can be a big help with this), by announcements in churches, and by telephone. (3) At the beginning of the mass meeting the people should elect a temporary chairman who will preside until the permanent officers are elected. (4) The people who plan the meeting should be ready with some issues which the people feel strongly about. Issues such as paved streets and street lights, -2- low wages and high taxes - every precinct will have issues that concern tho people - will load -y^uiJL ill to a lively discussion. As the issues are talked over, some of aj ' H fc the reasons that they exist •will probably come .-^ ^ ^k _' ^ ^ ^ _r„^g up. The people will realize that the only *^ t**^ <^S /^ *5 answer to these problems and many others like r''c <•'• ""u ' ' 'N 'r "'^ ^ them is through the use of political power. Because the way to get political power is to have large numbers of peoplo voting as a group, tho people will themselves see the necessity of building a strong precinct organization. (5) At the end of tho meeting or at a follow-up meeting held in about two weeks, the permanent officers of the precinct - the chairman, vice chairman, and secretary - can be elected by the people. WHO.SHOULD "RUN" A' PRECINCT? a . . e.aia .- No one person or small group .'of people should "run" a precinct (or a city, ' or a ecounty, or a state, or a nation). The precinct should reflect the thinking of most of tho people who live there. THE PEOPLE SHOULD "RUN" THE PRECINCT (AND THE CITY, AND THE COUNTY, AND THE STATE, ANB THE NATION). TECS IS TRUE DEMOCRACY. HOW'BO THE PEOPLE "RUN" THEIR PRECINCT? To direct the programs and activities of the precinct, the people elect a "precinct chairman" (or captain) at their general meeting.~He.presides over the precinct meetings and is responsible to the people. The precinct chairman should know his precinct and its people, their needs and problems, and what each can give to the precinct organization. He must see that regular general precinct meetings are held so that control continues to rest in tho hands of the people and enthusiasm in the precinct doesn't die out. He presides p.. -• •-•' -3- these meetings. Tho chairman must keep an up-to-date list of all the registered voters in his precinct with their addresses and phone numbers. A copy of this list should be made for the county organization. This allows important information to be quickly mailed out to every voter in the county and state. The job of precinct chairman is one of great responsibility. It demands much time and energy. A good chairman will mean an active and effective political organization, while a weak one may load to a loss of interest in the community. To help him in his work, a precinct chairman appoints block captains. Because tho chairman must often contact his captains quickly, it would be good if they had telephones. WHO ARE THE BLOCK CAPTAINS? WHAT DO THEY DO?, The block captain is responsible to see that all the people living in his block(sometimes two or throe blocks) are registered to vote, attend precinct meet ings, are told of precinct activities, and get to the polls on election day. He should keep a record of all people of voting ago in his area(see below). Tho block captain is a vera important person in the precinct. Ho should SAMPLE VOTER RECORD CARD Re gistored? last name first name initial ADDRESS phone no. WiLl help byJ canvassing , telephoning , donating money , poll watching , contributing food , furnishing a car , typing addressing envelopes _, other -4~ know the people living on his block and when new families move in he should get to know them right away. The block captain should be able to quickly pass on any valuable information ho gets from the precinct chairman. WHO ARE TH^_0jieia2£kCTi;?CT_ OFFICERS? It may be a good idea for the people to elect certain other precinct officers. For example, a woll-run precinct should, have a secretary to keep minutes of the meetings and to take caro of such jobs as answering mail and mimeographing. A yjffii, cha^ipan should be elected to take over in case of tho absence of tho chairman. Ho often also servos as one of the block captains. If tho precinct organization has any money-raising projects a treasurer or fig!£gLgk,gkjaggki should cither be elected or appointed. Money raised or f ¥ s m8 collected is usually turned oyer to ng 1/ - .\~J-~- ~:a. e tho County Executive Committee unless somo other arrangement has been made. (For more about finances, see Appendix A at the and of this pamphlet.) The chairmen of any cofflarLttGos tho precinct wants to set up can either be appointed by tho chairman or elected by the people at a general mooting, whichever the people prefers It might be a good idea to let the committee chairman select the members of his committee as ho will have to work very closely with them. HOW_CAN Peg INSikE MASS FA;DICTATION? A good precinct organization ie one which involves as many people as possible in its activities. Two important guidelines in precinct organization are: (l) CExIgRAL MEETINGS SHOULD NOT BE HELD TOO OFTEN. ••--- -5- ' (2) ALL IMPORTANT DECISIONS IN THE PRECINCT SHOULD BE MADE BY A VOTE OF THE PEOPLE IN A GENERAL MEETING. Human nature being what it is, only a few people will be willing to attend frequent meetings (say, weekly). If meetings are called too often, these few peoplo will end up making all the decisions for the precinct. The peoples' interest in the organization x-ri.il then die. Therefore, unless an election or other impor tant event is near, it is suggested that general precinct meetings be held only once a month. The officers and committees of the precinct may wish to meet more often to take care of the day-to-day business of the organization. However, to keep most of the people involved, all important matters should be left to the general (monthly) meetings to decide. These meetings should be held regularly and advertized well in advance. People should be told about the topics to be discussed at each meeting. There should be open discussion of each issue. All decisions should bo made by the majority of the people at the mooting. To make sure that every person gets a chance to speak if he wants to, a certainamount of parliamentary procedure is a great help. (For moro information ' on parliamentary procedure, see Appendix B). It is the job of tho precinct chair man to run tho meeting, subject to the approval of the people. By following the above suggestions it should be possible to get a large number of peoplo to take part in deciding the affairs of the precinct. And by getting them to take part, wo will bo building an active precinct, one of well-informed and intelligent voters. WHAT IS THE PURPOSE OF PRECINCT COMMITTEES? Peoplo have problems. Often people in the same community have the same problems. If people work together, they are often able to handle difficulties they could not have handled alone. The purpose of a precinct committee is to try to solve a problem by using all the available resources of the community. They act as a source of information and advice (and often action) to the peoplo of tho precinct. Following are the descriptions of two such committees, but it should'be obvious that a committee can be set up to handle any problem in the precinct which the people feel Is nec essary. .-./J.-, j* PIHAT IS A SOCIAL REFERRAL COMMITTEE? ... f j/(kj $Ap 0-) %A^^Aj^~^5^ it\l The Social Referral Committee has the responsibility c y-^y*> y> e-"\-Tg /f |-j _g~ g~——W / to find out about all the social agencies (financial, • •I •hit. anrr*"tg~' IL: IL I JU\'i aev/ak-^ \] P U. peopllegale, medicalin their, precinctetc.) tha.t Muc mighh monet boy oanf servicd many esorvico to thes are available today5 yet the avorage person is confused as to where to go to got whatever help he might need. This is because there are so many kinds of help available. This committee must be ready to give this information and to send people to the right place to got the help they need. To simplify things, committee members might divide the responsibility in several ways. One way might be to let one person make himself an expert on jobs, and unemployment benefits, another on medical and disability problems, etc. /mother way would be for ono person to study all tho federal services and programs available, another person the state and local, and a third study the church programs and other private agencies that provide welfare services-,'--They should set a time and place'for' regular meetings so that -people can come to them with their problems. These meetings should be frequent (say, weekly), regularly at tho same time and place, and bo x-ri.dely publicized in the community. This is a very difficult job, and demands much time, energy, and research. Yet, nothing could help to build tho precinct organization fa3tor than to have people realize the real benefits that can be had from such a political organization. Therefore, tho peoplo must choose carefully tho chairman and members of this -7- committee. The committee should be encouraged to take advantage of the legal and medical services available at the state MFDP offices at 507f North Farish Street in Jackson. WHY A VOTER REGESTRATION COMMITTEE? To create a strong political organization, it is necessary to have a large bloc of voters. Because this is such an important point, a special committee should be created to work all the time at getting everyone in tho precinct regis tered. This committee can also serve as a "Get out the vote" committee at election time. Many methods can be used to get peoplo to register. "Block parties" can.be given by block captains where the precinct chairman gives a short talk and people can practice filling out a sample registration form. "Voter registration workshops" or "Freedom Days" might be hold in the precinct as a whole where people eould fill out sample forms and then be driven by volunteers to the courthouse to register (contact the funeral homos for transportation!). People must constantly be reminded that registration is not the end of tho job, however. Plhen serving in a "got out the vote" capacity, this committee, could provide valuable service at the ond of a political campaign. A telephone chain reminding people to vote, getting babysitters and rides to the polls for voters on election day, and the assignment of poll watchers are only a few things they might do. A FEW LAST WORDS If wo want a voice in our government whether at the precinct, county, state, or national level, there arc certain things we must do, (1) WE MUST BE REGISTERED. It is now much easier to register in Mississippi than it used to be. (2) \"JE MUST VOTE. It does no good to beregistored and have the right to vote -8- .... ; if we don't use that right. . (3) WE MUST BE ACTIVE IN OUR PRECINCT ORGANIZATION. Wo must be willing to serve as block captains, officers, and on committees. Only if all take part can we have true democracy. Only when a large number of Negroes are registered,and. .organised can we exert the political pressure necessary to get things done. One vote will scare no politician^ therefore, a person is throwing away his vote unless he sees that his neighbor votes too. Also, to be politically effective, a large group of voters must bo organized. (A group of voters-••who--haVo~cc^ion''interests and vote alike is called a "bloc".) In this way they can exert constant pressure on elected officials to see that their own best interests are being served. A "bloc" of Negro-voters would be,a constant throat to any politician who did not cooper ate. - Thus a person's job is not finished when he has registered and voted. Ho must see to it that his neighbors arc registered and votings and, very importantly, he must be active in his precinct organization so that his vote will have some meaning and bring some political power to his community. APPENDIX A - FUND RAISING All organizations have their expenses, and political organizations aro no exception to this rule. The precinct should be able to raise enough money from its own community resources to cover the cost of such materials as paper, station ery, postage, campaign literature, and so on. It will also be called upon to help the county and state organizations in covering their operating and campaign costs. A good way to "painlessly" collect money and at the same time strengthen the ties of the community to the precinct organization is the sponsoring of some sort of social event. A simple example is that of a bake sale, where neighbor hood people donate pies and cakes and tho money collected in their sale goes to the precinct organization. More elaborate events might be tried if the proper interest and response exists in the community.A dinner, dance,.or a picnic might be organized whereby much of the work and materials are donated.. Admission can be charged to these events, the profits going to the precinct organization. A more direct approach might be a door-to-door collection by precinct workers in the neighborhood on a designated "Dollars For Freedom" day. (Workers should be cautioned to accept any small amount, even a penny or two, because often more can be collected this way in a poor neighborhood than i-ri.ll be in a more middleclass neighborhood where they ask for a dollar). Because this type of drive needs a lot of publicity to succeed, it would probably bo better to organ ize and operate it at the county level. APPENDIX B --TARIlAfrlBNTARY.PROCEDURE Meetings can sometimes be very confusing and the can accomplish very little unless tho peoplo at the meeting follow certain rules.The rules foreconducting meetings arc called "parliamentary procedure". There Is hot room ih this pamphlet for all the details of parliamentary'procedure. However, there are a few basic rules that everybody should know about. -...'.• •,.;;•- ••.••-. .•- ORDER OF BUSINESS - A meeting should proceed according to some definite pattern. Usually, the 'chairman calls tho mooting to order and then has the secre tary read the minutes of the last meeting. Aftor the minutes aro read the Chairman asks if there are any corrections to them. If there aro any corrections they are- made, if not, the chairman announces that the minutes aro approved. Aftei* the '-• minutes have beon approved the meeting can consider any'business that the people" wish to bring up, MOTIONS - In order to discuss a subject at a meeting, a motion is usually made by someone In the group. Suppose that someone feels that a committee should be formed to investigate getting street-lights in the area. He may say, "Mr. Chairman, I move that wo form a committee to seo about getting street lights in our precinct0 " Until someone says, "I" second the motion", no discussion can take place. Aftor it is seconded, the chairman asks for discussion. Then everybody who rants to talk ;; about the subject of the motion - but not anything else - may have his say. This is not done to stop people from talking about different things.-It is done to in crease the number of topics that can bo talked about, but it insures that the a topics aro discussed ono at a time. After'tho discussion is finished the chairman calls for a votoe Those in favor of tho motion vote and then those against it. The way getting the most votes, of course, wins. (To get more information about parliamentary procedure, read "Roberts Rules of Order", You can get it at your library.) t«#«* «*<**. I n_ VJi I • L. L^. -w^-5. u-«*^< ***—A ' • *"** 4 5 CUA»* i- f- ,-»*»•» '* '^> u„ -V *U-VA U A,-.. *-3 — ^ ;~k> Y~ ^*-u -^ L< *-* ********* ^ °> - ^V .U'.U- V-» *r^eJ ^ "~'+ ML, -, >..* ^->c- "- ** IV u v^* ;aAv'-\ rr3—*-• S —*~j v^-cV v~vh -f *~ U«**- -' J'-3 U> \A \M- eve, ^>;(^ Ci^^c^ i-u,t lAJ * *. *-.« A r *•» < v-# P * *""" *> *• V*. •€ «-° 0*f €>** »«-V \* *~ vo-c «*- * "V * ~***>V*^c~ +£ \u* U.S. gvv*, C^^^v s<^«V* <-v*s* V»r- www*., ^^ H* * > fc^-A* \» r^ u^X \s^ JUU*U«* A(0 "^ $52 Short Street Jackson, Mississippi. Dear Clear Creek Friends: St last comes the long planned letter! I have intended to write for the past several days, but haven't had the fc&ne. For the moat part, we. work 9 to 14 hours a day, and I em tired when I arxiva at Mrs. 3ell's (the Negro house where I an sfaying). The nature of the work is not glorious (this, of course, I knew before I came) and is extremely hot (it stays'around 65 degrees). There are many things of which I would write concerning the movement as I see it. Accusations concerning cotmsunist infiltrat ion, internal strife, the psychological adjustment which I have gone through, all provide material for interesting letters, not to mention economic ties of the Negro community, the fear of the people with whom we are working, and the Mississippi Freedom Party (which is a new concept in politics). Clearly, I can t cavil with all of these in one letter so I shall deal with only one j,* and pick up others later. The Mississippi Freedom Democratic party, which will be the main thrust of all civil rights organisations in Mississippi this summer is basically an attempt to provide the negro with a channel through which he can speak and be heard. Even more important, it attempts to provide the lower class negro (the one's with whom COFO is primarily concerned, while the NAACP works^ primarily with the middle class nergro) with such a channel. This is somewhat revolutionary because it means that not only can a middle class negro (with collar and tie) speak up to a state representative hue the low class negro, who is dirty, with 18 kids and little support, living in a shack has this channel open also. The FDP is also open to any white. Also, if the FDP is successful in unseating the state reps, this means that not only would Mississ ippi be affected, but the whole nation (since these reps vote and it influence the whole nation). Right now the word seems to be not to upset the applecart. If Johnson wants to, he can use the congressional challenge to put pressure on the reps to follow his leadings. Also,at present, Alabama and Louisiana are inter ested in the FDP. Politically this could raise widespread changes, and right now, the feeling within the movement is that neither LBJ vov the Gov. (also Johnson) wants this. This might explain why Johnson is going as far as he is on the matter of civil rights. He can then say that He has done this, and so the challenge should be eased off. I have listened to the hearings on this challenge and have heard stories of beatings, etc., etc. At present, there is within the movement a deep suspicion of Johnson, Another point to watch out for is that Barnett is able to 'run again in 68 and evidently has the desire to do so. While he relinquished his office in 64, he did not relinquish his polit ical power. You will hear more concerning the FDP, and perhaps this will provide a background. A word about the psychological adjustment necessary for one who comes into Mississippi. I wish that I could communicate to you what it means to drop into a situation where it is necessary for one to watch for the police every minute of the day, and to expect that it is just a matter of time until you get picked up, or worse. Or what it means to be afraid to go into white sections and when it is necessary then to feel nothing but relief when you arrive in the safety of the negro section. Yesterday, two'white men knocked on the door of Mrs. Bell's, and I wish that I could express what it does to look up and see two white men standing in the door of a negro house in a negro community where two civil rights workers stay. They said they were insurance salesmen$to Mrs. Bell and then came in and started asking questions, Pictufce it...two supposed insurance salesmen, white, just happen to walk into a house where two civil rights workers are staying and start asking questions about COFO. At the time tt all added up into only one thing...the klan. (by the wa£, the klan drive around here with 2-way radios in their cans). Well, it turned out that they were FBI. They must keep a pretty close watch on the movement, because before they left they took my name and the general area La which I would be working. Whether they do anything about it is something else. It made me feel a little better until I real- iaed the information could be made available to the House Unamer- iaan Activities Committee. All of this in addition to the cultural s^ock"one meets when he come's into the state has required the most drastic psychological adjustment of my life. woncerning the danger. There is danger, of course, but at present it is the occasional car that passes, the occasional cop, that we have to be concerned with. There is no wide-scale effort on the part of the po] on one of two < which makes it throw the government, and 2) contributing to the delinquency of minors. These two charges are good any time. It becomes quite a game to try to fig^ura out as you go about your daily work, the number of charges tor which they could pick you up. The most dangerous thing, and this is very dangerous, is riding through Mississippi at 2:00 in the morning with integrated groups. This is necessary, however, and one soon comes to accept what comes. As for Harrassment, it is restricted right now to cursing, hate- stare, stares of curiosity, and being followed by police. I have had people bump into the car I was driving(from behind) and shine their brights on, etc. etc. I would tell yom much more, for there is much that needs to be said. Time and space, however, prevent it, so I will close. I would welcome letters for two reasons...1) to answer questions, and 2) it does get lonesome and there is no way nor money to blow off steam. Yours in Concern, Barry 7 OJ//TlMCf/ Uy/9^6 f Pc//6Cuss*7#f M£f$ r OA=/^ 7frf STuJffi/r tefy/fag, W/%fft^AA// WP^rtf&^w*?^ Ufcs&:MJJ^rAi( jy A*G&s'/irfAfo0 //AAAASTZT) fix/rYF-.¥- Dj^u/jptmopi l$L*£+C A?S SA)Z<>A (nQLt+m so ro/krs J3 f % fiO/7///arrM x /? re> g /gfeo JiAo^O l/JTfcL, 4l(*~jt> a ASIA cJot s ?-4 MePQiaiA scW -/us cowiptem/y ?, f .cavvipjefEo less ^M_5: y\<> ^Lvrol JQ-J^I sz ^Tuoet4t^> i^ college LP lull ^ M& Q&rtcuxtuAji Cvwrumftm fnoi/io iM 3>So !,QU irtQYi i>c/w*i* tfvaoWt u'UUaxee-t pmc^a, ?**•<»*"* £7\(LCCiX7tiV\ rtifr, (\hWI. C£lklZ\ CPU joirtj l^S/dA^u^ cAir u4= PIA^TO T^^O . X S73S^ "b(joe:if/AQ WKiQ /£(P0 - ^?fo "? P#f° /ned/^^ d /ZacMtz yyUyi &# /£_ >/ J 3f- / %L_ . -^oc^sm /&/_ AM^^Y^ f.O ^/gy?/4 p^y? {//?// &s./ % w/ AfMie #t0# tfw rAtjsoM /m jPAanm- floujljto nccc/Ay/eo st ^Pf- MglMQlrt 9ross TZg^r pr-r? iAJMVJ fizz iro SC, S" 7o AyyOyO//^ATSr /s? JVQ/£d6fl # 6//7AK ft- ? ikmu^kice^j^s^- LiAKlT) tkl F ft IMS 72-ft nnn acifers ^.JASL^eOJ^lMA- gueA.a^a-_LQ3 acifes M ^-ariA/s Uinocff? (Q ocrr,s *7 (t jooo en ou^r lU 9/£> roWin/IQACtOL^ OfMi ^\>5~ ^>e(l U<^ tttfifxl^. yoo a i| tar nf7^ pQAT. T/lfl/lP <=^r^liS 2£"S •J2TM^—/UJL. ! OLxcinnofis A ^AArjiAxA, \f\cjik 'forms!' ^^ H)AO.%JIr\ko/%Ji ^arncr^js , £JJ£J{1 ^__AIA O [Q(A„O l_5\o mail QDMCJPL^ uXur> !-i - unrQ r ya^ i^-Xiivie Ufl 14/ *: L£ salts x $s*o £ 3 ArA(\(\ £ & -fae. G?s mes^ca •-|W] M c^ i/VLOK ? (J) 1A l 5 S. UoLi^Lot-U LOO^/L UJOj) c/W&JJA ejii\ TOTGM nf o JL^Q£G Canlf L CLodo^b ^rawi.5 uo/ TCIC •sf.9? CX TPfKrtn s -[flAOT^ TfZil£l4A f 9* 7 ?a ^LCM £J£ nrry.£.es 'prrh -for Uu&STcxfc: 4. pfujHre.^ rfc;QJ^Q£> = hlfe_r^_[aE_or _ ^3^ pop "4-grw\ g^AQ-ttn ^I^IM ^0<^~ ff-lf^S UAJ^C P [>juino^o c&umu^ \P\ A\t\T(6Yi s (°£> m I^AJj ( 7D JLocal pvp AiAWlAkJL .e/p-e. w LPLTU^ edxjicatrfvi Grim k,Q<^ Z Of Ofcfc CL.L>i(ie) gPU kker f,peoC S/OSt 3 ?.%7(T a,sk? i p. «9 g [Of 5. 500 k^9 5,sa° 3,*>f t tWop&te^ 5=& cci" _ J-T ? /J, -Ch'ftecT.c^ ~7~o &ATe*\/*i-LS c0rto COUEGS ofrAs A/UJ\/. <£ZP~ < nw\j> N5V vj g. ft^Ul /-jv* ^ O *b 1 f> f Aft/ IM m* y lo [ $A >\ "l P/k \^ \ %nv» < 0 0 , / rtiu# f -<- IT IS TiffOI.Ti.NT THAT YCU OBSERVE ALL S1TTD LIMITS. WITHIN TEH TOWN THE LIMIT IS 2$,MPK AND 15 in THE WHITE SCHOOL 'DISTl Iutf; cf&LtW THIS -MAI k YOU MAY KNOW A SLCHTEL 1.0UTE, BUT YOU KIGHT NOT KNOW WEBl'vE THE fffOP SIGNS ARE, WE DO, HOWEVEL, HAVE NICE TAILS, tt» in OIF Y®M VOTE THE WRY YDU GET YOUR V0T//VG MOICE o^j — you ItavA aWuA ^Ke people. 'TO £/ecf« V€ p' N oo.. Vftafftr N> Tkihd * /?tad -Ue. /U*u>SpAftn Skew ?P .REPRESENT r-^ Oho Siu^u tAe p*©\oWw^s o.Kn»ses 4k* Gandhi dies **N«fct. ffnel Cowwv\ss\oYvt>S To \'o" av\^ "^Ke Y«an «joko yb'vll ute>*£ -&»*» >fo«A\ To.x Ars'tf.sso*- T«ur Coticc'fo^ FoCjfrfjt - Mtfffc 11\ tVfc ^»v\Y*va.vu . CivcuVt - Solici-tov you EM/ 8>oa.v<\ ^ EducctTi'e* ^£^ DO THFy REPRESENT A I I THE MRN WW DOESN'T MOTE WHEN WE UK THE CHRNCE ARK BE HUM A^ 1. ft TOVA -Pet flit. CkohAc X fin MrJuefice. -fof l>*4 QeOtthrnent 4. /) uicW aC S;^ C»»W ACM VOTT COWHi' ! I*P \j&U P6te i Uote.} you, /it/p «./e cf the >v\av^ ^ou. cUvOi u>av>£, \ U.SC s^ouv- U6"XC, -fo a^uiJe. a©u«try\vy\evd -Pov- ti*e CKOOA o§ giL, 73/s is /«*~» vem- uolt spe«.i^s — > LOHEN hhc men uuho hur\ ar>a auiae_ aooevnwvevvf listew to you. a^ I HEN ^ also %H in Mc ck/wrj s^7*l GET L• . 1! • I / / WHEEL WELP GUIDE GOVERNMENT in U* RI&H 7 DIRgC 7/0.4/ 0V£/WMEAIT is SU?rD5ZE> TO HELP THE PEOPIE. *ouc.ryvmev\t is //^e- ex Oar, lieu) and tohtkt- IT o^ees de|*en. J£ CAh hun o^tf^ y«^i a«ei y#«^ ckiiJ^tnJ OR. /c C4« >•#* i£f v>*< , W TO/* yo« ui*ere you. o y YOUR MOTE RIIHS V GOVERNMENT Ybuh Vote Con Help (5oss I he. j he H'-F fj (gjoutmot-. Because owlu fcj^ peo^W's ufffe /OUV- Voce put "rtehi ujde^e thtu a^c . TWM he -6c I is it ^ "tc irke. ^ca©^\e, ^oko o&"te. . MOW VQUL C$M VBT /ou-r S/ote ta^ CHOOSE SPERK M Sunflower County lies in the heart of the Mississippi Delta cotton country. The total population of the county in i960 was 45,750 14,730 white, 30,855 black. The voting age population is 60.6# black. In 1960,35# of the white families and 90.8$ of the black families had yearly incomes under #3,000. Of the negroes who were employed in i960, 47.256 worked as farm laborers and 13.6$ worked as domestic servants. Corresponding employment categories for whites were respectively,31.7# and 8.256. Thirteen percent of the negroes and8.5# of the whites 25 years or over had no schooling. Fifty - nine percent ©f the negroes and 4l# of the whites over 25 years had completed between one and six years of school. T The largest cotton produce r in the county is the Mississippi State / penitentiary at parchman. Other large producers in the county include / Senator James 0. Eastland something over 2,000 acres, and the Billup3 I plantation, owned by the same family whidh operatesflut- rat e gasoline in / several states. -"*" There is very little Industrial development in the county. The only indu stry of any size is the bagging plant of the Ludlow Corportation in In d- ianola. Ludlows headquaters is in Needham Heights, Massachusetts. Sunflower is the home of Senator Eastland, and also a state representati ive of Carroll County In 1964 Pierce introduce into the Mississippi House a bill providing for mandatory sterilization of unwed mothers, which wasxites designed to drive negroes out of Mississippi. The county has a long record of lawless violence against negroes, tn 19 04 the current Senator EasfelaidEftxti Eastland father led a mob crowd which burned Mr. and Mrs. Claude Holbert was accused of killing the elder East land brother, the senator namesake, In a fight over a woman. Mrs. Holbert was not accused of anything. Both were negroes. The county is represented in the Mississippi House by J Fred JOnes of In- vrrness and John H. Hough of Indianola. Hough identified himself as a metatoac mber of the white citizens Council. The county comprises the 12th Missi ssippi Senatorial District and sends Robert L. Crook of Ruleville to the State Senate. ' There was another particularly brutal lynching at parchman in 1929. A nfenegro prisoner had escaped from the pententiary and in doing so had killed a guard. Here is a description of the lynching from the Memphis press - Scimitar. The negro was chained to a log and burned slowly. Now and then someone would step forward and throw a little gasoline on the blazed. The whole tot" burning took a little more than an hour. THe negro was alive and screaming 40 minutes of that time. The fire ate it way slowly through the body. His right leg arched when the flames licked his calf and he begged members of the mob to straighten the leg, saying it hurt him. One fellow came forward with gasoline, threw it on the leg, saying, this will straighten ten ,it you black , The fire ate of his legs, and the negro,a won derful physical speciman, raise crying, You Whites .„ s' At this pal Point a man with aknlfe came forward and cut of inegro ears , proudly dls playing them later In the evening at filling station at Drew, Miss. The moment the negro stoped screaming and died , the mob rush forward for souvenirs,links of the chain with which the negroes had been bound,piece 1 s of his charred bones, on of his feet , part of Reproduced below is a facsimile of the form currently used for voter registration tests. SWORN WRITTEN AMPLICATION FOR REGISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI (By reason of tho provisions of Sections 244 of tho Consitution of Mississippi and House Bill #95, approved March 24, 1955, the applicant for registration if not physicially disabled , is required to fill in this form ,jn his won handwritting in tho presence of tho registrar and withoumassistanco or suggestion of any other person or memorandum) 1. Write tho date of this application: _ 2. What is your full name? 3. Stato your ago and date of birth:. 4. What is your occupation? 5. Where is your business carried on?. 6. By whom aro you employed? 7. Arc you a citizen of the United States and an inhabitant of Miss is s i'ppi ?___ - 8. For how long have you boon residing in Mississippi? 9. Where is you place of residence in tho District? 10. Specify the date when such residence began?' 11. State your prior place of residence if any?_ 12.Chock whict oath you dosiro to take: 1. Foneral 2.Minister 3.Ministers wife 4. If under 21 years at present, but 21 yars by date of general election . 13,-, If there is more than one person of your same name in the proCint by what name do you wish to be called? 14. Have you ever been convicted of any of the FOLLowing crimes? bribery, theft, arson, obtaining money under false pretences, perjury, ofrgcry, embezzlement, or bigamy? 15, If your answer to #14 is "yes" name the crime or crimes of which you have been convicted , and the date and place of such conviction 16 Arc you a minister of the gospel in charge of an organized church or or the wife of such a minister? 17 If you answer to #16 is "yes", state the length of your residence in the election district. over 18. Wtite and copy in tho space bloow- ;Soction of .the consitution of Mississippi; 19. Write in the space below a reasonable interpotion (the meaning ) of the section of the consitution that you just copied; 20. Write in the space bfclow a statement setting forth your understandin of the duties and obligation of citizenship under a consitutional form . of government. 21. Sing and attach hereto a oath or affirmation named in question 12. tho applicat will sign his name here STATS OF MISSISSIPPI COUNTY OF Sarorn to and subscibed before mo by tho within named_ ' on this , the_ day of ., 19. COUNTY REGISTRAR yss k •• : B K V •-• H '•' ^ k e gx/ H N ! Gk. ; •1 g (/j g4 a-, /i t i GUI k^a ak k gka , 'e<*,. ,'k y h H U... ^ K -• i i) P (s-^! *ksAA ^egk T s u y • . • /?-• / i -. y 0 a / ; \ / v.„ As v--' Many "important" people esissippi nowaday e concerned about "Mississippi's Image." If one reads the newspapers, wate or listens to the radio, one always finds some businessman or politician expressing concern about "Mississippi's 3 k' So impce : is this image that It often forces businessmen and politicians to say things they would rather net say. Such Is the case when on Jaraa 21, 1964, Governor Paul B. Jc I in his inaugu i reas: "I would point out to you that the Mississippi economy Is . ; divisible by- party or faction, or even by race, e or cree. e a practical matter, we are at; this a. Ln the mains'' eiona'l light. National policies., ha v.- i dlr ea economy, on our poll- P freedom, on oar da . \elng, whetbe • or not--If I must.fight it will not be a rearguard Nil ar share'of tee a." '" -odera I • i .ar a bitter, racist ca gn. % it that ca eonce.. ippi's Image Basically It is e -ct that hether it likes it i not, Missis - slppi needs money from it of : ey for litli to run the state and busk •of it. issippi talks about state's rights and the interfeven ae.;. but the facts .hat in rec ers Mississippi ha rived more money from the Federal Ge• In taxes to it. Mississippi is trying desperate ly to get astry I come to the; a Pate to provide more jobs for ure yed ' ::;r- employed people. Mississippi needs the tourists• dol e. There- fore, Mississippi Is concerned about it a image, In ot •. rd s, what people think about Mississippi. Immediately a number of qu na come up. "What Is behind "Mis sissippi's Image?" Is there really a "New Mississippi?" If so., how does it differ from the "Old Mississippi?" Have the people of Mis sissippi benefited from the ci a that have taken p.; AGRICULTURE otton is stP K>st important crop In Mississippi, but things are changing; it is not nearly as Inge tfc a crop was just 25 years age. In 196l the money rece I by the i'e •ned from kl cree of the state for selling cotton including ' and cotton seet was only 45k all the money earned ;. ps money earned : by selling all kinds of crops. In . cotton 1940 the money received fro- c o 11 c r ing • on was 6l.£e" - money made from sell na era including cotton. More and more cotton is bell raised on oi ae large plane tions of the Delta, where rj CHART #] soil and more and more use of machinery like cotton pickers ha in la and larger crops on less and less land. 1940 1 mill ore acres of cotton were planted than in i960; but in I960, because of the use of machines and fertilizer, much more cc eaves ted. 2//economi c There are also fewer acres being planted In corn now than in 1940. In 1962 2 million fewer acres of corn were planted 'than In 1940; also the total corn harvested was one-third less. What agricultural pro ducts are taking the place of cotton and corn being planted. Although the number of acres of rice and soybeans is being increased in the Delta, most of the land not planted with corn or cotton has become pasture and woodland. The greater amount of land In pasture shows that more and more cat- and poultry are being ralsec In 1940 for every $100 made from selling farm products, $28 of•it all money made from selling made selling cattle and poultry. In all farm products, including I960, though, for every $100 of farm livestock products sold $40 was made from sell ing livestock. (See"Chart #2) - In n rr All money mode i960 3 times mere beef cattle were from selling sold, than in 1940, and 5 times more livestock is broilers were sold in i960 than in the colored in 1940. . part 1940 i960 What portant to the people ef Mississippi, particularly the CHART #2 Negroes, is the fact that less and less land is being planted with crops and more and more land is becoming pasture and woodland; and even more important, the greater use of machines and fertilizer in agriculture, have resulted in the loss of jobs.' The Mississippi Economic Council's report,"Mississippi Agriculture and Forestry Trends and Prospects," talks about It this way: "The substantial increase, in farm output has been accomplished mainly through research and the adoption of a vast array of management and technological improvements. Many farmers and farm workers have left the farm. The 252,000 people employed on Mis sissippi farms comprixe less than half the 1940 number. The enormity of the increase in farm labor efficiency made possible through better management and technology is emphasized when we consider that Missls- stnnl farms are now able I ; re than lj times the volume of their 1940 output with only 46% as many workers Perhaps an example taken from a report on the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union can help put these numbers into more human terms, to show what this means to human beings: "What the union Is fighting is the rich farmer who operates his plantation like a huge, inhuman Indus trial corporation. Visitors from other countries come to Mississippi to s.ee one Iof e world's largest plantations, e ;lta Pine and Land Corporation, a square tie . of land in Bolivar eoomty alone. They are amazed at a eien can run so many-'acres ?so well with so few wore Delta Pin-; and Corpor ation, owned in England, is typical of the way bigger- I bigger farms a re__rBi singe most of the era; this country. From the civil war to about 1930 the large aner's plantations v Lded up among large numbers of sharecroppers. But since 1930 the number of Negro sharecroppers and renters has become smaller because farm land costs too much for poor people today--!500 peracre. And the 3 very lit tle land' for sale. For'the Negro., there Is practically none at all. Although the sharecropper has never been able to earn enough to feed and house his family in the Delta, he at least lived on and farmed some land. In a sense, the land was his to work, though not to own. But for 2//economics this the day laborer/was and he works for him on a day-to-day basis, ae t security, without tenure, without rights of any kind. The important change that has come about Is that most of ahe Nega state are day laborers, without money, without property, without thing except today's peice jof bread and lard. In the wealth of America today the Negro day laborer has no share. And, with the use of more and more machinery he Is rapidly becoming permantly without a job, for there is no need for him." For years the Negro day laborer •eceived $2.50 or $3.00 for 10 hours or more work a day--in Shaw there has been talk about the wages going down to a $1.75 a day~-ar it looks like even this amount will soon be gone. These facts lead some very, very important questions: Fjirst of a Ik t can these people who are losing their jobs do to change what appears to be a future without a job, housing and food? What -c*ri the MFLU do? What can the MFDP sre any 11? MANUFACTURING In 1940 about 12 of every 2b J were we ; In agriculture, by i960 only 4 of eve . ?a were working on farms. (See chart #3.) At the same time, in 1940 about 2 of every 20 workers aked I. ustry. By i960 4 of every 20 workers worked in industry, (See chart #3.) You can see that in 1940 there were a lot more work er's on the farms than in Industry, but In i960 there were as many workers in industry as on the farms. The fact that more and more Chk 1940 x ra y y\ 0T0 o p o QOO A A A OOOOOQO DO ££2 f\ A A i* A A A /\ The little men stand for all the workers In A the state in 1940 and i960. The litt I g- mres wihh circles around them stand for a • people who ak on the farms In 1940 and in I960. The little figures around them stand for s I the workers who worked in factors n 1940 and i960. people are working in Industry shows that Industry "is more TmportanTT"' in this state now than in 1940. This inc ae in industry Is not so Importa nt because more people are being e mployed than in 1940^ but because It means that Mississippi is more on the reb't of the Uni 3. Mississippi needs the rest of the country becautee ds money from outside the state to buy new products. This Is why the state officials are worried about ssippi 's image,'1 If the bombings, beatings, demon, ions and the Congressional Chal- lenge c ontinue., industries will not want to come to Mississippi, and around the ©©"utntry will not by Mis pi products or- 4//eleetier are id money as tourists in thestate. This concern in Mississippi with "Mississippi's Image" can be seen in a recent article by a col nist in the Jack. !larion-Ledger: "Yessirg e are coming to Mis Lppi se proud to c are. To them, the image of our state is such that they are will! er to stake heir futai us." • aid lo. smsnei es, along with k' sslssip] aomic Coune.. .a I D obtain more manu facturing plants. Aside from etislng the advantages for new industry in their st i local ireas, an important part of their ... Indue Mississippi been the Pi Industry Progl k . BAWI : -. om any particular community may I for ee • . . trig in an in due ehat tea-, want by prom; to give the i . place to build and/or buildings in which to set up, ae ailsing that tl new industry will n< ' exes that In most i I they would have to p e " aity may hold a election to deterft I a or not the bonds to pay for the place and/or fc! •. should be sold. For a bond Issue to poo • of all the ' Led vet vote at the election must vote for the b< id Issue, a . g, very few Negroes In te can vote for any band Issue, but tl have to pay the increased taxes needed to 1 issa I result of not being able to the bone'. xed about later in this section. In Ltion the issuane. bonds, state law permits city govea ats to let nee expand; irms to avoid paying any taxes on their property for'a period of 10 year Furthermore, when the city or courr nt pae an of a new building or buildings for a new Industry, the inda does not ha\ i pay taxes as long as the city or c owns the founding. i , In may i trie eommu, ;ot only es fcr the building In which the ictory is housed, feul the Industry does not hove to pay any taxes for anything ie, lib. schools and city improvements, and the pec; e cost of the industry plus all ot ." --xpens-.- question must be asked: Has the BAWI program do: set out to do? To a cental i eent It probate .3, Ck ely a industry has move' •.. . ssippi since the pro; dj however, how much of this came because of the BAWI or . . Lffl- cult to say. When 1500 factory owners that bad into the Sou . ere asked what had made th & side to move fch, it was found that the officials of these companies felt 14'things . re more important a ;ial aid whe they were deciding where to put r p its. T - people benefltei froi Fobs have been provided; however, most of one c have used the BAWI p] ;re clc [tile or furniture and electric , all e which are kinds-of industry that p. Negro people h y benefits from the BAWI pro gram as the white people. In Ig- ' every 100 of the" employ ed Negro men wea 23 of every 100 white oen working were working in Industry, '.••'. he eo men who were working In Industry were wo of apanles fc] pay the lowest e--furniture, lumber and wo. 5//economics product companies. This leads to some very important questions: We light happen to the BAWI program If Negroes were allowed to vote? Should the FDP work to eliminate the BAWI program/ Are there ways of providing work for people and still have industry help pay the taxes that the people a: all of now? What are some of the methods that can be used.In getting more and better jobs for I In the Manufacturing plants? What will be the effect of the iricr ...e of machines rather than re on the problem of more and better jobs? INCOME In 1929 in Mississippi most people earned $510 or less in a year, and this amount was less than | of what most people in the rest of the country earned in ere year. By 1962 In Mississippi most peoa earned $1259 in a year, which, was a little more than 4 of what the people In the rest of the country made. Most 0 - Increase in income and the fact that income . j eissippi has come closer to Income earned in the rest of the United s done during World War II. At the end of World War II,Mississippi had a per capita personal income (which Is a shorter way of saying what most people earn in 1 year) of almost $1000 a year, which was about A of what most of the rest of the people In the countrp ted in"a year. While percapita income in Mississippi want from $500 to almost $1000 in the 15 years between 1929 and 1944, it has grown to only $1250 a year since 1944. This means that the amount of money that most people in Mississippi made in a year inert st $500 from 1929 to 1944, but In the years since 19M--2C years--the amount of money most people in Mississippi made In a year Increased only about $250. This information from the Mississippi Economic Council's book let "A Blueprint for Mississippi's Economic A ess" clearly shows that the income of most of th eele In the state is not growing larger; in for the people in the rest of the country has grown a great deal whI ilsslppi's has not. In fact, if the poor, unemployed Negro farm leers had not moved to the northern cifci in search of jobs, their tragically low pay woul 1 re meant the state uld have meant that the state would be even poorer than it is now. It Is mostly because of the low farm income that Mississippi has remained so much poorer thee the rest of the United States. However, even in industry the a •. 1 lower lor-n the rest of the nation. In 1963 the usual wage paid per hour for production workers In manu facturing was $1-73 and the normal 0 in the rest of the country were $2.46 per hour. booklet published hy the eissippi Power and Light Company tries to in the low wages in Mississippi by saying that it is cheaper to live in Mississippi than in other parts of the country. The booklet says: "...we in Mississippi do 1 feel that the prevail wage r indicate cheap labor. When si factors behind the cost of living are considered, It is felt that the rates are adequate. Some of fc] factors are: With plenty of space, gardens will be found at practically e home supplementing cash income. The cost of rent or the construction cost of a home is less because the same labor costs going into construction is less and the type of construction costs less. Storm windows, basements, and 6//ecomomics large heating systems ere . iry in thi: climate. Abun dance of electricity, natural gas, and wat eomomlcal rates. With natural recreate.. facilities the year-round, this item is also inexpensive, Ru- I r will usually consist wives, sons and daughters of farmers living on the farm am -.'king in the plant. To these families the wages of the plant workers supplement! cm Income and in most ca All mean \ over and above the accustomed existence. Rural labor pool th transportation, and this item is ices cast. - than in large industrial centers," The above statement reveals two the tsed th wages paid in th aring companies. First of ail, Missiasip has a large number of very poor farm families fr- • Pch to get people who are willing to we a little money because it is all they ret. e a bor, together with the BAWI program, has helped to attract the large number of industries wich . . ges into the state. The second eon that wages are lea hat BC parts of the state a .ery much against labor unions being organized. This feeling has ca laws like the Right to Work 1 i law which prevents labor unia izlng well--to b I in the ste legislature. If people were .: ed tc organise labor unions tl; could strike and get higher wagi The fact that Mississippi does not like unions, m wages, bhey are proud it the state has poor unions - low wages, is shown by the follow ing statement by the Mississippi Agricultural and I istrlal Board, which the governor is the president of: "Missise has lost a smaller portion of the total working tin of labor strikes a has had fewer strike. • • a worker*:- elved in strikes relative to employment ' pe sta! r areas end in the nation. These fac be that Missis s had -bor- eagement re I which ere a! rer te last statema is a true; what these facts do « is that workers are not allowed to organize in W1 --ippi, and the result is employers and owners can pay low wages without worrying boul together to complain. 959 h °~ fc'ne F aippi mac ear or less; aver, for the usual income per year for white people was $2028, i the Negro e $724 a year. The/- ets clearly show the" for ; ' port, not received are what lltfcle Industry has eome lnfci eessippi. Th en can only get jobs in agriculture, pri households-----which effers, etc.--and the most menial and lowest paying Job in industry--like j Pc. The Keg erien can only get jobs as maids, cooks and housekeepers, a lobs rms. Th aough decent jobs for the white workers, .arefore, the Negro workers hcldie threaten the white workers, and'businessmen ai I . Liticli i used this et to pre vent the poor Negroes and p rhites from getting to- e and work- • to Improve conditi be of Mississippi. This leads to some very Important questions: What ca done to increase job opportunities for Negroes in Mississippi? What can the FDP do to improve working conditions and la »? Will it ever be possible for the poor Negroes and poor whites in Mississippi to wor ether to "overcc^ e politicians and businessmen that exploit them both? If so, how can this b ne? 7//economics TAXATION A brief comment on the tax 1 further n 1 hew the politicians and businee [the system they work in, aes advanta. ppi. The facts are it most of the taxes that are paid are no corporations or wealthy individuals tie tost th< on those fami- ersone that are j the least i it of money. The BAWI program has already I described, and it he en shown how the local taxee not paia rarithy corporations, but that the people in the community pj tes rep- iustri.ee. Further more, sc^' . ilties which have paid* for Industries in their towns have greatly . . e The face k the I by people who c t afford them can be seen in the foil ; booklet • srn- raent and tax policy put oat by t' ssisslppi B< ' mcll: "Tax policy in Miss has, • iurse, been affected by the rel atively low incor'. tas bee- ,-essary to fc relatively a etc incor -a in order finance necessary - ement rata. (In 1 plicated langu- . aio ae ; people in Lssippi ha .of what they earn for l axes bee p stat eee ugh, or as much as people in - ' i es.} Certain classes taxpayers, however, be . kly than . ees In a majority of include homeown ad persons In middle- and upecr-.iricome brackets. Other important fea tures of tax policy include heavy reliance ooi consumptive and pro of tax indue- i ndu e . _k! Ag-kn, the people who make the least amount of money arc responsible for more than their re of the taxes. "The genefol sales and use: I -accounting fc about §• of fchc ,. tiera) fun ' he most Impor tant source of .. . a according to revenue a eee fiscal I960, an. actor fue3 i -ion to •• tobacco tax, oil . e." One questions stands out i' B ill these facts: What shoue 'DP position ew people end ind taxed, an es the FDP feel SUMMARY The polite.. balk abc ippi"s Image;" they continual r to a h. sippi. . Per- ent from "Old M " er to* that is "No." The . • hidden and :r to une eg it may look . ood sys- a on the ; it e eem to Ide more - le of b stafce--new factories highwa buildings--but basically it is tin i Id Mississippi. hafc < ' be lone t all oi this. a HO