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The Making of Westmount, Quebec 1870-1929: a Study of Landscape and Community Construction

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The Making of Westmount, Quebec 1870-1929: a Study of Landscape and Community Construction ( THE MAKING OF WESTMOUNT, QUEBEC 1870-1929: A STUDY OF LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNITY CONSTRUCTION John Stephen Bryce Department of Geography McGiII University, Montreal December 1990 A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Geography © John Stephen Bryce, 1990 ( ( ABSTRACT This thesis analyses the making of the landscape and community of Westmount, Ouebec from 1871 to 1929, when it grew from a quiet r,Jral area into Montreal's foremost anglophone elite inner-city residential suburb. A cultural materialist approach to landscapes is adopted, viewing them analytically as a means to organize and assign existential meaning to human action towards the environment at a given time and place. The making of Westmount is placed within the context of Montreal's society in the 19th century, when rapid industrialization created massive wealth for the city's English-speaking business elite, but threatened its political domination. Westmount became the 'suburbp,r} solution' to this problem, providing a sanctuary where, by careful and pioneering use of municipal bylaws gov­ erning both land use and social conduct, a 'model' elite community and landscape was created and maintained. The degree of control obtained through the maintenance of Westmount's suburban autonomy allowed a strong expression in the landscape of a shared ideolog~' of difference and privilege. ( RÉSUMÉ Le présente thèse analyse la construction du paysage et de la communauté de Westmount, Québec, de 1871 à 1929, période pendant laquelle elle passa d'une paisible zone ruralE à la banlieue bourgeoise anglophone la plus en vue de Montréal. On adopte une approche analytique matério-culturelle dans laquelle le paysage est vu comme un outil pour l'organisation et l'attribution d'untl signification existentielle à l'action humaine face à l'environnement, en un temps et un lieu donnés. Le construction de Westmount s'inscrit dans le contexte de l'industrialisation rapide de Montréal pendant le 1911 siècle, laquelle fut source d'une richesse extraordinaire pour sa bourgeoisie anglophone, mais aussi une menace pour sa domination politique. Westmount est devenue la 'solution suburbaine', offrant un sanctuaire où, par l'utilisation judicieuse et avant-gardiste de règlements municipaux concernant l'aménagement du territoire et le comportement social, une communauté et un paysage bourgeois modèles ont été créés et maintenus. Le contrôle obtenu par la défense de son autonomie a permis à Westmount d'exprimer, par son pay­ sage, une forte idéologie de différence et de privilèges. ii T ( TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Ab st ract Résumé ii Table of Contents iii List of Figures v List of Tables vi Acknowledgemem., vii INTRODUCTION 1 Il THE LANDSCAPE OF WESTMOUNT 8 Location and Environmental Context 8 The Built Environment of Westmount 11 Conclusion 15 III THE STUDY OF LANDSCAPE IN GEOGRAPHY 21 Landscape and the Berkeley School 21 Humanistic Geography and Landscape 24 Landscape Evaluation 25 A Cultural Materialist Definition of Landscape 27 Conclusion and Method xx IV THE CONTEXT OF WESTMOUNT'S DEVELOPMENT 35 The Frontier and the Commercial City 35 The Impact of Inciustrialization 39 The Emergence of Corporate Capitalism 42 Conclusion 49 V THE CONSTRUCTION OF WESTMOUNT 51 Building Cycles and the Pattern of Westmount's Development 51 Early Development, 1870 to 1880 53 The Second Cycle, 1881 to 1901 61 The Boom, 1901 to 1914 64 The Twenties 66 The 9uilders of Westmount 73 Conclusion 79 ( .. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS (Con't) Page VI CONDUCT, POUTICS & URBAN PLANNING 81 "Nuisance", Zoning and the Landscape of Westmount 81 Urb~n Reform and Government "Without Politics" 87 Conc,!usion 92 VII INSIDERS, OUTSIDERS AND SENSE OF PLACE IN WESTMOUNT 93 T"le Insider's View 93 The Outsider's View 97 VIII CONCLUSION 101 Bibliography 104 - iv ( LIST OF FIGURES No. Tltle Page 1.1 Location of Westmount in Relation to the City of Montreal 3 2.1 The Topography of the Westmount Area 9 2.2 View of Westmount from St. Henri 12 2.3 Elite Aow Hous€s on Elm Avenue 12 2.4 Terrace Castle at 4026-4030 Dorchester Blvd. 13 2.5 Apartment Buildings on de Maisonneuve Blvd. 13 2.6 Red Brick Semi-detached Dwelling at 575-577 Roslyn 15 2.7 531 Clarke Avenue 15 2.8 4314-4316 Montrose Avenue 16 2.9 58 Belvedere Place 16 2.10 56 Sunnysl(!G Road 17 2.11 Westmount City Hall 17 2.12 Westmount War Memorial 18 2.13 Westmount Park 18 2.14 Westmount Public Library 19 2.15 Victoria Hall 19 4.1 Population Growth in Montreal, 1820-1940 41 4.2 Montreal Annexations, 1883-1918 46 5.1 Building Permits Issued in Montreal and Westmount, 1870-1940 52 5.2 Sample Streets and Geographie Areas 54 5.3 Development of Westmount in 1879, 1910 and 1929 56 5.4 Purposes of Building Permits in Westmount, 1894-1935 65 5.5 Apartment Building Advertisement, 1913 71 5.6 4459 de Maisonneuve Blvd (C.J. Brown) 77 5.7 63 Sunnyside (C.J. Brown) 77 5.8 562-564 Roslyn Avenue (Jo~n Stewart) 78 5.9 572-574 Roslyn Avenue (John Stewart) 78 5.10 Housing Features in the Westmount News, 1910 80 { v LIST OF TABLES Table Tltle Page 4.1 Population Growth, Montreal and Selected Suburbs, 1871-1931 45 5.1 Westmount Population by National Origin, 1881-1931 58 5.2 Westmount Population by Religious Affiliation, 1881-1931 59 5.3 Most Common Occupations in Industrial Montreal and Westmount 60 5.4 Most Common Occupa!ions in Corporate Montreal and Westmount 63 5.5 Westmount Areas by Assessed Value of Dwelling in 1901 67 5.6 Westmount Areas by Assessed Value of Dwelling in 1914 68 5.7 Westmount Areas by Assessed Value of Dwelling in 1929 72 5.8 Westmount Building Assessment Values by Area in 1901, 1914, and 1929 74 5.9 Major Builders of Dwellings in Westmount, 1894-1937 75 6.1 Purposes of Bylaws in Westmount and Maisonneuve, 1875-1920 85 vi as ACKNOWLEDGt;MENTS 1 would like to thank the McGiII Geography Department for providing me with funding through a teaching assistantship and a (perhaps overly) comfortable academic environment. 1 would also like to thank my fellow graduate students at McGill, and especially Peter Gesiarz, Mireya Folch-Serra, at1d Jacques Critchley, who contributed to an exciting intellectual milieu where many of these ideas were stimulated. 1 would also like to gratefully acknowledge the contributions of both of my families for their financial and food aid. This the sis would not have been possible without the generous assistance of a number of peoiJle in Westmount. In particular, 1 would Iike to thank the City Clerk, Robert Wilkins, and his staff for access to and help with the city archives, and the Reference Librarian, Brenda Smith, and the staff of the Westmount Public Library, for their patience and helpfulness. 1 would Iike to thank Audrey Kobayashi for her wisdom, patience and guidance as my thesis supervisor. Since 1983, by her encouragement and her own pr~ctice, she has made me aware of the importance of theoretically-informed empirical research in geography. 1 would also Iike to thank Bryan Young of the History Department at McGill and Jim Duncan of the Geography Department at Syracuse University for their encouragement and stimulation. Most of ail, 1 would like to thank and acknowledge the contribution of Susan Gyetvay, my partner and wife. Susan has lived with this the sis almost as long as 1 have, and without her friendship, love, support, and perhaps most of ail, her irritation at my slowness, the cursed thing might never have been finished at ail. As always, credit is gratefully acknowledged to everyone who assisted me; of course the responsibility for ail errors and misinterpretations is mine alone. vii 1 l CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION SO THIS IS WESTMOUNT A model city, run by men who know Their business. Every year we see it grow More beautiful, with money wisely spent By those who have in charge its management. Parks, Playgrounds, Civic Buildings, Streets, And lanes, Prove to the World, here Law and Order reigns. Crities who come to scoff, remain to praise, Only tao glad ta find the me ans and ways To buy a hou se and lot, and settle down Within the confines of this model town. No resident was ever known ta knock rt- (A vulgar word, 1 should have sald. Ta mock it.) But ail, with one accord, dehght ta slng Its praise in Summer, Winter, FaU and Spring; While those who travel-wheresoe'r they roam, Still point with pride ta Westmount as their Homel Charles Benedict, 1933 Westmount in song and story Thus ... the nightmarish, smog-covered IIfe of Saint-Henri stands out menacmgly between the dreamed of heights of Westmount (with its fresh air, security, pnvate gardens, and steel fences) and the childhood "Eden" on the banks of the Lachine canal...an unrealized future and past. Gabrielle Roy, 1942 The Tin Flute, p. 10. These quotations present the two predominant views of the City of Westmount, Quebec by the end of the first hait of the 20th century. To the poor French­ Canadian outsider trom the n,~ighbouring working-class district of St. Henri, just across the CPR railway tracks but a social world apart, Westmount's landscape was - a sy~bol of English power and domination. To Charles Benedict, the edltor of the 1 • city's weekly newspaper, it was a model city whr~re "Law and Order reigns", run and inhabited by businessmen and professionals. Both of these characterizations of Westrnount were partly true, and to a considerable extent they remain so today, almost half a century late r.
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