UNIWERSYTET WARSZAWSKI WYDZIAŁ NAUK POLITYCZNYCH I STUDIÓW MIĘDZYNARODOWYCH

Labinot Hajdari

Public Diplomacy of Small States: The Case of Kosovo

Praca doktorska napisana pod kierunkiem naukowym prof. dr. hab. Jacka Wojnickiego Promotor pomocniczy: dr Małgorzata Mizerska-Wrotkowska

Warszawa 2020 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Completing my doctoral studies and authoring my dissertation would not have been possible without the academic, professional, and moral support of many people. Ph.D. is not only a degree, but a process that involves everyone around you, therefore the support of the University, Supervisors, colleagues, family, and friends is crucial to achieving success.

I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisors Prof. dr. hab. Jacek Wojnicki and Dr Małgorzata Mizerska-Wrotkowska for their academic support and professional encouragement. Without their academic support, the goal of this dissertation would not have been realized.

I would like to recognize the support of the Ph.D. Office of the Faculty of Political Sciences and International Studies, particularly dr hab. Maciej Raś and Ms. Monika Tomaszewska, and the invaluable assistance that they provided during my studies.

I gratefully acknowledge the support from the interviewees and respondents of my research. It is because of their willingness to respond that I have managed to present a valuable piece of research in this dissertation.

I am indebted to all my friends and family who have shown their unconditional support towards me throughout this journey.

I particularly dedicate my Ph.D. to my parents, my sisters, and my brothers, to my wife, and my beautiful baby girl Jula, who has been the main source of my motivation to complete this Ph.D. research in record time.

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Streszczenie

W swoim słynnym stwierdzeniu Joseph Batora utrzymywał, że „dyplomacja publiczna stanowi okazję dla małych państw do wpływania na agendę międzynarodową w sposób wykraczający poza ich ograniczoną powierzchnię, siłę militarną i ekonomiczną”. Niniejsza rozprawa doktorska stara się odpowiedzieć na pytania badawcze: jakie znaczenie dyplomacja publiczna ma dla poprawy pozycji Kosowa w stosunkach międzynarodowych i jakie strategie powinny stosować małe państwa w stosunku do dominujących potęg regionalnych i globalnych. Uczeni często debatowali o pozycji małych państw w stosunkach międzynarodowych, w których powiązania i działania są zazwyczaj wyjaśniane przez pryzmat tradycyjej dyplomacji. Ta faworyzując wielkie mocarstwa, przypisuje gorszą pozycję małym państwom, które pozostają niewidoczne w polityce międzynarodowej, dysponując ograniczonymi możliwościami dalszego rozwoju i relacji z innymi krajami. Główna teza badawcza rozprawy wskazuje na fakt, że dyplomacja publiczna jest szansą dla małych państw, takich jak Kosowo, na poszerzenie swoich wpływów i realizację ich planów w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Argumenty zostały przedstawione przez pryzmat analizy dyplomacji publicznej i miękkiej władzy (soft power), mającej na celu wyjaśnienie zaangażowania podmiotów państwowych i niepaństwowych w budowanie wizerunku państwa. Stworzyło to nowe możliwości dla polityki zagranicznej, czego klasyczna dyplomacja nie była w stanie zrobić. Rozprawa poszerza zakres tego pojęcia, stosując je w szczególności do małych państw w stosunkach międzynarodowych, wyjaśniając w jaki sposób poszczególne osiągnięcia mogą służyć interesowi narodowemu. Ponadto pokazuje, że małe państwa obejmując dyplomacją publiczną wszystkie podmioty państwowe i niepaństwowe w celu stworzenia powiązań ze społecznością międzynarodową, zdołają przebić się tam, gdzie klasyczna dyplomacja ma zamknięte drzwi. Na zakończenie analizowana jest rola edukacji nieformalnej w dyplomacji publicznej. Przedstawione zostały ustalenia na temat tego, jak edukacja nieformalna może zmienić postrzeganie małych państw przez społeczność międzynarodową i jak małe państwa muszą korzystać z narzędzi dyplomacji publicznej na swoją korzyść.

Słowa kluczowe: dyplomacja publiczna, soft power, małe państwa, branding narodowy, Kosowo.

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Abstract Joseph Batora famously notes that “public diplomacy is an opportunity for small states to influence the international agenda beyond their limited size, military and economic power.” My dissertation addresses the question what is the importance of public diplomacy in improving the position of Kosovo in international relations and what strategies should small states use in relation to dominant regional and global powers. Scholars have often debated about the position of small states in international relations, where connections and relations are explained through traditional diplomacy, favouring dominant big powers and assigning an inferior position for small states, which remain invisible in international politics with limited capacities for further development and relation with other nations. In this dissertation I argue that public diplomacy is a chance for small states like Kosovo to expand their influence and advance their agenda in international relations. My arguments are presented through the prism of the investigation of public diplomacy and soft power, aiming to explain the engagement of state and non-state actors in building the image of the state. My dissertation expands the range of this concept by applying it specifically to small states in international relations, on how individual achievements can serve to the national interest. Moreover, I argue that small states through public diplomacy includes all state and non-state actors in order to create connections with foreign publics, and achieves to break through where classic diplomacy has closed doors. I conclude with the role of non-formal education in public diplomacy, providing my findings on how non-formal education can change the perception of foreign publics for small states, and how small states need to use these tools of public diplomacy to their advantage.

Keywords: public diplomacy, soft power, small states, nation branding, Kosovo.

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Table of Contents Abstract ...... 4 List of Figures ...... 6 List of Tables ...... 7 List of Abbreviations ...... 8 INTRODUCTION...... 9 CHAPTER I. ORIGIN AND HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY21 1.1. Public Diplomacy during World War I ...... 23 1.2. Public Diplomacy during World War II ...... 32 1.3. Public diplomacy during the Cold War ...... 37 1.4. Education and Cultural Programs during the Cold War ...... 45 1.5. Public Diplomacy: Old and New ...... 51 CHAPTER II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 57 2.1. Public Diplomacy vs. Traditional Diplomacy ...... 62 2.2. Public Diplomacy and Soft Power ...... 68 2.3. Public Diplomacy and Propaganda ...... 75 2.4. Public diplomacy and Nation-Branding...... 84 2.5. Public Diplomacy and Public Relations ...... 88 2.6. Spheres and Dimensions of Public Diplomacy ...... 93 CHAPTER III. THE SMALL STATES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ...... 97 3.1. Defining the Small States...... 98 3.2. Foreign Policy of the Small States and their Public Diplomacy ...... 106 3.3. Niche Diplomacy and Empirical Evidence of Public Diplomacy of Small States ..... 116 3.4. The U.S. and EU Public Diplomacy in the Balkans ...... 119 3.5. The Small States Foreign Policy in the 21st Century ...... 126 CHAPTER IV. STATEHOOD OF KOSOVO: HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS...... 136 4.1. Historical background ...... 138 4.2. The Process of Dissolution of Yugoslavia ...... 148 4.3. The War in Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and NATO’s Intervention ...... 153 4.4. Post-War Period 1999 – 2008: UNMIK and Institutional Consolidation of Kosovo . 160 4.5. Post-Independence Kosovo: The Path to International Recognition ...... 168 CHAPTER V. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY, NATION BRANDING AND THE IMAGE OF KOSOVO ...... 177 5.1. Governmental and Individual Projects in Promoting the Image of Kosovo ...... 180 5.2. The Role of Non-formal Education in Public Diplomacy ...... 196 5.2.1. Research Design...... 197 5.2.2. Research Findings and Conclusions ...... 204 CONCLUSIONS ...... 221 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 230

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List of Figures

Figure 1. “Uncle Sam' points an accusing finger, admonishing young men to join the U.S. Army during World War I.”...... 29 Figure 2. “Side by side - Britannia! Britain's Day Dec. 7th 1918. mass meeting” ...... 29 Figure 3. “Are we afraid? No!', British illustration”...... 30 Figure 4. ”Britons: Lord Kitchener Wants You. Join Your Country's Army! God save the King.” ...... 30 Figure 5. “We Teach You To Run,” German propaganda postcard.” ...... 30 Figure 6. “Russian pre-revolution poster portraying the Red Knight (1919).” ...... 31 Figure 7. ”February 17, 1947, The U.S. State Department group after the initial shortwave broadcast in Russian to Russia from New York City.” ...... 39 Figure 8. “Logo“ Kosovo - The Young Europeans. “ ...... 182 Figure 9. ”The Self-Determination’s counter-campaign. “ ...... 184 Figure 10. “Rita Ora’s posts on her Instagram.” ...... 190 Figure 11. “Participation of the states in KSA 2015-2019 and the countries that participated in the survey.” ...... 200 Figure 12. “Level of education of survey respondents.” ...... 205 Figure 13. “Q3. Have you been to Kosovo before KSA?” ...... 206 Figure 14. “What were your main concerns about travelling to Kosovo.” ...... 209 Figure 15. “How was the reality in Kosovo different from your existing knowledge.” ...... 211 Figure 16. “What is your relations to Kosovo (Balkans)?” ...... 212 Figure 17. “Engagement in Research, Work, or other activities related to Kosovo after KSA.” ...... 213 Figure 18.“What is the most significant impression of Kosovo after your participation in KSA?” ...... 214 Figure 19. “Have you recommended Kosovo as a place worth living?” ...... 215 Figure 20.“Would you consider Kosovo as a possible destination for living, working or studying?” ...... 218

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List of Tables

Table 1.“The Old Public Diplomacy and the New Public Diplomacy.” ...... 55 Table 2.”Differences between Traditional Diplomacy and Public Diplomacy.” ...... 68 Table 3.”The key differences between public diplomacy and propaganda” ...... 81 Table 4.”Niche’s Small States Diplomacy.” ...... 119 Table 5.”EU-Western Balkans: Trade in goods 2016-2018.”...... 123

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List of Abbreviations

- AMA - American Marketing Association

- BBC - British Broadcasting Corporation

- CIA – Central Intelligence Agency

- CNN - Cable News Network

- CPI – The Committee on Public Information

- CIPR - Chartered Institute of Public Relations

- EULEX- European Union Rule of Mission in Kosovo

- UNMIK– United Nations Interim Mission in Kosovo

- EU – European Union

- INTERPOL– The International Criminal Police Organization

- ICTY – International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

- IPR – International Public Relations

- IVP - International Visitors Program

- MOI - Ministry of Information

- NATO - North Atlantic Treaty Organization

- NGO – Non-Governmental Organization

- PR – Public Relations

- PSYOP - Psychological Operations

- UN – United Nations

- UNESCO – United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

- USA – United States of America

- USIA – United States Information Agency

- KLA– Kosovo Liberation Army

- USSR - Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

- VOA – Voice of America

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INTRODUCTION Ever since the concept of public diplomacy was first used in 1965 by the U.S. career diplomat Edmund Gullion, until now, different views have been given on how to define public diplomacy. However, regardless of many thoughts and debates that have characterized this field throughout history, only recently this field has started to draw attention to more theorists and scholars and has become a target for researches, considered as a practical field for implementation. Besides the development and revolution in the information and technology, the emergence of media and rapid growth of the power and influence of public opinion in creating and determining global foreign policy objectives and agendas, as an exceptional trend in international politics, have had a significant impact on the factorization and fast evolution of public diplomacy in the last decades. In international relations, it started to be distinguished as public diplomacy, being considered by the states as a more convenient way to implement national interests and the interests of the society. Among most prominent opinions given regarding public diplomacy, what it is and what in which field it should be accommodated, its scope and limits, if the term itself refers to the efforts that are made by the state and non-state actors and other international stakeholders, to promote their interests, either political, economic, cultural, religious, or even expand their field of influence through soft power. Notwithstanding, public diplomacy is a tool used by the states to organize and activate resources of soft power to attract the public of other countries as well, rather than their governments themselves. Public diplomacy is exclusively used as a tool or instrument in professional and academic spheres, but not solely. This research is focused on the public diplomacy of small states, having in its main attention in the efforts and struggle of small states and the manners they use to gain visibility in the international arena. To accomplish the overall objectives, initially the research focuses on the history and progression and advancement of public diplomacy and soft power in international politics, the concept and theories and scholar debates on public diplomacy, the role of public diplomacy in international relations and international politics and how countries are utilizing these tools in the pursuit of their foreign policies. To have a clear picture of the development of public diplomacy, among small states, this research needs to put the focus on big countries like the USA, where public diplomacy has been coined in the first place and developed in its early stages and shapes. Bearing in mind the successful manners of U.S. public diplomacy and its way of promoting and spreading democracy and human rights values around the world through its soft power, cross-cultural cooperation,

9 successful exchange programs such as Fulbright, International Visitor Leader Program exchanges, etc, NGO’s and media, I consider that it is important in this research to take references of U.S. public diplomacy, although the focus of the research is on public diplomacy of small states, which brings me to the argument that great powers have aided the development of small states and which assumption I aim to develop further in this research. Meanwhile, through the case study of Kosovo, this research aims to shed light on public diplomacy as a tool of small states, which aim to become current, promote its image and survive in the international arena. The issue of improving the image of the country is not a matter that belongs only to politics, diplomacy or media. As a capital issue, it is tightly related to the international reputation of a country, which belongs equally to all state and non- state actors, starting from individuals, NGOs schools, universities, cultural centers, academia, etc. These actors are inevitably contributors and beneficiaries of the positive image of the country, as much as they are responsible and affected by the negative one. To be more pragmatic in this research, I will focus on the Public Diplomacy of Kosovo. One of the best examples to be considered as a case study has been taken as a model of a country which in the last decade has faced challenges to convince the international community of the legitimacy of its statehood, the capacity and ability to stand on its own feet, respect and promote human rights and the rights of minorities, enforce the rule of law and build a strong democracy. As for the attempts to improve the image of Kosovo, It is worth mentioning the campaign that cost 5.7 million EUR, realized by an Israeli company Saatchi& Saatchi, called The Young Europeans, sponsored by the institutions of Kosovo, launched in 2009. The slogan presents the Republic of Kosovo as one of the youngest countries in the world and home to the youngest population in Europe. The TV commercial has been aired on six major international TV channels, namely BBC World News, CNN, and CNN Turk, Bloomberg, Euronews, and Eurosport. I have mentioned this because Kosovo is a small state, with developing economy and high potential, the youngest population in Europe but not very high living standards, many obstacles in international politics and foreign affairs, however, have used public diplomacy as one of the tools to approach deep waters and improve the image of the country. Based on the content of the research, the reflection of some factual elements proves that public diplomacy has resulted quite successful in foreign affairs, especially in those fields where classic diplomacy has found it impossible to breakthrough. Even Kosovo is new to the field of public diplomacy, the need to promote the image of the country in international publics and impact public opinion where the amount of skepticism continues to prevail, using forms of public diplomacy in cooperation and

10 coordination with international allies, through promotion and support, has opened the gates for Kosovo. Kosovo as the youngest country in Europe, with the help of its allies, is strongly lobbying to receive as much recognition as possible from UN members, but as well as to disseminate in the international arena, the new reality created in Kosovo, entirely different from what everyone used to remember. However, due to political barriers, Kosovo is facing many obstacles in the consolidation of its position in international relations, the creation of new relations with and societies around the world. After the independence of Kosovo, the 17th of February 2008, Kosovo’s foreign policy initially took the steps of the advancement of the position of Kosovo especially in deepening the relations with the countries that had supported the independence of Kosovo. Getting more recognition is one of the key objectives of foreign policy. Except for the new recognitions, it is the membership of Kosovo in international and regional organizations. Therefore, this research aims to investigate public diplomacy as an important tool for the creation of the image, survival of small states in an intensive international environment, and as a tool for creating long-lasting relationships between states and their citizens. Following the scholarly debates that have elaborated and given their definitions on soft power and diplomacy, regarding public diplomacy in particular, this research will be situated in the field of liberal theory, however not limited to only, since from the time when public diplomacy emerged in other forms of its existence the world had a bipolar system and therefore small states were dependent and influenced by the great powers and their military strategies. Moreover, this study investigates different approaches followed by small states, to represent their national interests on the best way and gain influence to the point where they can influence international politics and agendas, which is far beyond their limited resources, and aims to present this through most adequate approaches on this narrative of small states’ behavior towards this goal. Moreover, small states always must rely on the help of other states and institutions to preserve their national security, which is one of the main flaws of these countries. Considering the importance of public diplomacy and the soft power in general in the intensification of relations between states, especially after WWII, based on the liberal approach, public diplomacy can be considered as a tool of implementation of interdependence and cooperation between states. Therefore, the school that elaborated in the field of public diplomacy and soft power, is Neo-Liberalism, particularly the school of Liberal Institutionalism, found and developed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye as the main scholars behind the development the argument on the importance of the soft power in

11 international relations. The main concepts of institutional liberalism claim that international institutions and organizations such as the UN, NATO, and EU, can increase and aid cooperation between states. Notwithstanding, this research also aims to argue that public diplomacy even with moderate involvement of international organizations, is a path of cooperation between countries, where classic diplomacy has not been able to succeed. In parallel to the soft power in a more generalized scope, David Vital was one of the first to concentrate on small states. He argues that a small state is small concerning a greater power it is interacting with, while Robert Keohane, consider that small states are those that are system ineffectual, and that they are unable to influence the international system. Robert Rothstein defines small states as weak within the international system and requires external security. In addition to existing theories related to public diplomacy of small states, this research aims to provide theoretical and practical arguments, which I consider that are lacking in the arena of public diplomacy. Therefore, also through Foreign Policy Analysis theory I aim to elaborate and investigate the establishment and development of the foreign policy of Kosovo. In my research in the field of public diplomacy itself, but also related specifically to the case study of small states, I have found that there are a considerable literature gap and lack of researches concentrated in this field. Based on the research area and problem described above, but also taking into consideration that existing researches and literature are insufficiently argumentative, especially related to new emerging countries as Kosovo, I raise the question on: RESEARCH QUESTION: What is the importance of public diplomacy in improving the position of Kosovo in international relations? To specify and provide more relevance to the research area, I will raise the supporting questions on what strategies should small states apply concerning the dominant regional and global powers? The aiding questions in this research are placed to provide a deeper insight into what path should small states pursue to become visible in the international system and create a positive image. HYPOTHESIS: Public diplomacy is a chance for small states like Kosovo to expand their influence and advance their agenda in manners that go past their military capabilities and economic powers. Kosovo has to promote its unique assets, such as tourism, religious harmony, sports, arts, culture, education, its geographic position as stabilizing factor in the region, using new diplomatic alternatives, respectively using public diplomacy as a new and easier and more effective approach, in promoting international cooperation and insisting in interdependence, and to the new realities in IR.

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To answer my research question and test my hypothesis. I have used a mixed-methods approach, which includes tools of qualitative and quantitative research methods, which are described in detail at the end of the introduction. This study is relevant initially because there is a literature gap in the field of public diplomacy, and there is a gap in the field of public diplomacy of small states and their position in international relations. Moreover, as small states have no visibility they need by the foreign public, Kosovo has no diplomatic power in the international arena, no influence, with the baggage of unsolved issues from the past, lack of diplomatic experience, and other issued related to young statehood and its legitimacy. In parallel, except for the struggle with internal statehood issued, Kosovo also faces the unsolved problems with Serbia, who is a very strong opponent, and relatively stronger power and influence in the international arena, a network that is inherited from the past, in economic, political and other aspects. In comparison to Serbia, Kosovo’s diplomacy efforts are still at the beginning. Thus, in a realistic ground, the diplomatic efforts of Kosovo compared to its opponents are not a hope- giving source, regarding the future support for the statehood of Kosovo. In this regard, Kosovo needs to use the tools and instruments that can penetrate those areas where classic diplomacy has it impossible. As a second argument on the relevance of this research, I also consider the other issue being the interdependence. Thus, public diplomacy except for being a tool of opportunity, has also to be a tool of survival and necessary connections, considering that interdependence is crucial for the development of the state. Thus, through public diplomacy, Kosovo can ensure the support of its partners and, manage to open new ways of reconciliation and cooperation, in addition to the ongoing diplomatic disputes. However, it is important meanwhile that Kosovo establishes cooperation even with not recognizing countries, who have however not hindered the progress of Kosovo, mainly for the support that Kosovo needs in joining important international organizations of political, economic, military and security aspects. Therefore, based on the abovementioned, and into my existing research findings, the field of public diplomacy of small states, and especially of a small state of the character of sui generis like Kosovo, is significantly unexplored by the academia.

Overview of the Dissertation Structure: The plan to conduct this research is divided into five chapters. The focus I will give to the classification phases of this research: In the first chapter, I have presented the history of appearance and evolution of public diplomacy. Therefore, in this chapter, I have presented

13 how the word public diplomacy has initially appeared during World War I, where it initially represented the openness and transparency of the governmental debates and agreements. The world had started to become very intensive, while the governments to the Second World War where the battle for hearts and minds started along with the war of missals. During this phase until the end of the Cold War, the tools of public diplomacy had been developed, including educational programs and cultural and youth exchanges. A particular focus in this chapter is given to the United States public diplomacy as, throughout the history of its evolution, it was a primary channel of persuasion of hearts and minds, broadcasting messages and planting mutual understanding. As it will also be explored later in this research, propaganda or the public diplomacy of the U.S, throughout all the phases of the history has been significantly more advanced compared to other states like the Soviet Union, Germany, Britain, France, and Italy, which represented the major powers at the time. Therefore, the genesis of the historical and theoretical part of Public Diplomacy leads us directly to the United States, a country whose public diplomacy especially in the 21st century has been a guide and, in most cases, even a sponsor for small states and their public diplomacy. In this chapter I have presented the manners of implementation of propaganda, used as a tool to win hearts and minds, especially during the World War I period, highlighting the role of the former U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and the establishment of the Committee on Public Information as an independent bureau of the U.S. government, which was created to influence the public opinion and increase the public support for the participation of the U.S. in the World War I. To complete the bigger picture of the propaganda that is aimed to be fully presented in this research, I will present some of the most important current posters of the time, disseminated by the U.S, Germany, Britain, and the Soviet Union, which intend to shape the influence in the public opinion of other countries, but also served as counter-propaganda tools. Except for Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt was another U.S. president that plays an important figure during this time. It was under his command that the Office of War Information was established, which provided the American public, through newspapers, films, photographs, posters, and other media, information about activities of the World War II counterparts, Axis and Allies. Office for War Information moreover expanded in many branches, which launched large-scale propaganda campaigns around the world, with a particular focus on the Voice of America (VOA), which also today operates as the official government service broadcasting for the United States of America. As it will be presented in this research, the U.S. was not the only country to use propaganda to cover up facts, influence the public or even change the course of events. Likewise, in this operation happened to be as

14 active as they could, the Axis Powers, with a particular focus on German propaganda that used films and newspapers and documentaries as well to spread Hitler’s propaganda, justify their means of war and keep the public restrained from the foreign propaganda as well. Therefore, it appears that the war was opened on two levels, where propaganda was a particularly useful tool, especially radio, for the dissemination of information in particular countries. For example, the Soviet Union took good advantage of radio, to reach the population in deep rural areas as well as those illiterate. Unlike First and World War II, during the Cold War public diplomacy was far more advanced, dynamic, and all-inclusive. It certainly played a significant role as it emerged from the initial years after a devastating war. The Cold War shaped domestic and foreign policies for many decades, worldwide. With the United States and the Soviet Union as the main protagonists of the bipolar world created, using international broadcasting shaped the attitudes of the countries in favorable stance for the two superpowers, comply with the competing ideologies. In this chapter, the role of the United States Information Agency, British Public Service broadcaster, BBC, Radio Free Europe, and Radio Liberty will be specified, where the CIA founded the latest. Meanwhile, in 1957 the launch of first space satellite Sputnik by the Soviet Union made people believe that the Soviet Union had advanced technologically and in space ahead of the United States and European Countries, and that science had found a better place in the Soviet Union’s culture than the American one! Nevertheless, except for broadcasts, educational and cultural programs launched by the U.S. and Soviet Union during the Cold War characterize this era as well. Educational and Cultural programs played an especially influential role in the superpower’s strategies and agendas during the Cold War. Among the distinguished are Fulbright Program, International Visitors Program, “Peace Corps”, “People to people” initiative, and many other projects that intended to attract people to the life of the other side. During this time, the Soviet Union even used radio jamming to prevent its citizens from listening to the BBC and Voice of America, trying to prevent their seduction from the western life. In this chapter, a special attention will be given to the agreement achieved between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, and particularly on the role of Mikhail Gorbachev, as a person that understood the deepest importance of public diplomacy and the “glasnost” and his decision to make huge steps towards the end the Cold War. After presenting a clear historical narrative on how public diplomacy came to its full name and meaning that it has today, how it was born and transformed into what it is used in the contemporary politics, the historical phases in which it went through that shaped and

15 marketed its transformation, the second chapter will present a theoretical framework of public diplomacy. This chapter, likewise, will represent the theoretical discussion related to the evolution of the concept and notion of public diplomacy. The reason of this division is not founded on the idea that historical and theoretical debate over the history is separated processes, however due to the large importance that both of these narratives have in parallel, I have decided that the theoretical debate should be divided from the practical evolution during the history. Thus, this chapter will represent the theoretical discussion related to public diplomacy and scholars that have attempted throughout history to define public diplomacy, so that there could be one definition of what public diplomacy is, and this way they would also know what it is not. These efforts raised a fruitful discussion among scholars, diplomats, and politicians, in their attempt to show the similarities and differences of many related concepts with public diplomacy. Edmund Gullion, Joseph Nye, Hans N. Tuch, Nicholas Cull, Gyorgy Szondi, Mark Leonard, Carnes Lord, Nancy Snow, Josef Batora, Jan Melissen, Gifford Malone, and many other scholars have deeply investigated this field, attempting to provide definitions on the related concepts as well. Thus, the concern in the debate is focused on separating public diplomacy from traditional diplomacy, propaganda, nation branding, public relations, nation branding, and while it is already detached from all these concepts, what does it remain. In the meantime, public diplomacy scholars do not attempt to estrange public diplomacy from other concepts, but rather argue and stand on the ground of facts that public diplomacy is inclusive, however, it is a separate field, concept, and area as well. Each of the subchapters will present one related concept and the relation or difference between them and public diplomacy. In this chapter, we will first present basic distinctions between public diplomacy and traditional diplomacy, then some of the concepts that deserve attention to analyses and discuss differences, relations and similarities between public diplomacy and public relations, public diplomacy and propaganda, public diplomacy and nation branding, public diplomacy, which various scholars and practitioners often use in the same context, but the relationship between these concepts remains vague. This chapter aims to elaborate on the theoretical aspect of public diplomacy, by initially introducing the definitions of public diplomacy as a concept and assessing the developments and evolution of the theories of public diplomacy. Secondly, this chapter will evaluate the significance of public diplomacy in the changing environment of international politics and provide the characteristics of good practices where public diplomacy has been applied. Third, this chapter aims to provide the debate that gives an insight on the differences and similarities of public diplomacy with traditional diplomacy,

16 propaganda, public relations, nation branding, providing also a distinction between public diplomacy the old and new, what it is and what is its future according to the scholars. In the third chapter, based on the focus of this research and the importance that public diplomacy has for small states, I will present theoretical and empirical definitions of small states. One of the main definitions of small states is given by the World Bank and the Commonwealth, which tend to use a threshold of 1.5 million people to count nations as small states. However, there are different views on what small states are and what makes them small. Therefore, I will also present the discussion and characteristics presented by scholars, such as Baldur Thorhallson, who defines small states as actors with limited capabilities and influence. Also, I will present the factors that minimize ore to enhance these capabilities. In parallel, other scholars such as David Vital, who uses parameters such as population, size, GDP and GNP, as elements of power and capability, which further define small states. This chapter aims to present the challenges of small states in international politics, besides what makes them small states, and how public diplomacy has challenged this traditional view of the “position, place and importance” of these small states. However, in academia yet there is no exact definition of small states, no agreement on how to define a small state, what similarities we would expect to find in their foreign policies, or how they influence international relations. Further this chapter will also present the role of public diplomacy of small states and how they become visible in international relations. Nevertheless, except of the opportunities and benefits that small states have from public diplomacy, another challenge that remains is the commitment of these states develop a clear and professional public diplomacy, which appears more challenging due to the limited economic resources that they have in comparison to middle size and large states, which is the exact situation with the case of the state of Kosovo. To have a clear overview, I will present empirical studies of middle and small states power diplomacy, known as “Niche diplomacy”, that is associated with states that don’t have enough political and military power to impose their position to the decision-making process on the world stage, but have significant influence in many cases. However, “niche diplomacy” is probably the best known of the types of approaches followed by small states to get their voice heard in the international arena. Further, I will also portray the role of the United States and the European Union’s public diplomacy in the Balkans, in general and particularly since the 1990s and on, starting from the beginning of the end for the former Yugoslav federation. The role of the U.S. and the EU has been determining for the Balkan region, which has scored tremendous progress from the wartime, during the transition phase,

17 disintegration process and implementation and consolidation of democracy, a market economy, defense and security reforms and the path opened for integration in the Euro- Atlantic structures. In the last part of this chapter, I will elaborate on the foreign policy of the small states, chiefly in the 21st century, mainly focusing on the progresses and initiatives that were started to initiate the cooperation between small wealth states, since the end of the 20th century, as several small states felt that if they cooperate more closely with each other they can have a real influence in world affairs. Examples of this are the establishment of the Forum of Small States (FOSS) in 1992, which is an informal grouping of states at the United Nations with populations under 10 million. In the fourth chapter, the case of Kosovo will be analyzed, starting from the historical perspective, followed by the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia, coercive diplomacy concerning the War in Kosovo which led to NATO intervention. The situation was followed by the establishment of the UN Interim Mission in Kosovo under resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council. This chapter will present the developments step by step, from the declaration of independence in 2008, until the path that Kosovo’s foreign policy has used to gain international recognition by countries individually, to strengthen the legitimacy of Kosovo’s sovereignty and statehood. This chapter also will include the post-independence period in Kosovo, formation and development of the foreign policy of Kosovo, diplomatic missions and all the challenges that Kosovo has faced, as a new and small state, both accepted and unlikable, which was reflected and continues to be in its development even today. I will also present in this chapter the process of integration in international organizations, and how public diplomacy plays a role in this regard. The fifth chapter elaborates on public diplomacy, nation branding and the image of Kosovo in the international arena. This research aims to present the actions that have been undertaken so far from government, international organizations, civil society as well as individuals. This chapter will also present the importance of individual successes and how they contribute to the national interests in the case of small states. This chapter will elaborate on the nation branding campaigns undertaken by the Kosovo government as well as the promotion of the state of Kosovo through individual successes. Meanwhile this chapter will present the main findings of this research, from the survey conducted with participants of Kosovo International Summer Academy, who have been taken as a sample to investigate the role of non-formal education in public diplomacy of small states.

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Research Methodology and Limitations

This research will use a mixed-methods approach, which will include both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The initial desk research includes research of the archives, legal research on the law and regulations that are related to this field. The research will have its main focus on small states, the connection of their territory, military capability, economic development, and their influence in international politics. The research has involved an in- depth, empirical study of the public diplomacy efforts of both Kosovo and other small states. This dissertation will describe in what way the main problem will be approached–including the core concepts, theories, data and the analytical approach. A cross-state comparative study in any discipline is not an easy task because of the overwhelming logistical barriers, among other things. The effectiveness of public diplomacy and its use for small states to become visible in international relations and be able to go beyond their hard power capabilities, include a wide range of disciplines, including other factors that influence it, such as history, international politics, philosophy, traditional diplomacy and soft power, and all the related concepts that associate to it. Meanwhile, I will also do historical research, to provide more clear approach regarding small states and public diplomacy, especially connected to the comparative research, where I plan to compare the strategies of small countries with the strategy’s public diplomacy of Kosovo. Thus, historical research will be necessary to establish a comparative ground for selected small states with the state of Kosovo in the field of public diplomacy. In the meantime, international sources of law, treaties, and agreements related to diplomatic activities, media analyses, as well interviews with experts in Kosovo who have had a hand in the development and evolution of the state of Kosovo, as well as part of Foreign Policy of Kosovo. To investigate the evidence in the field of this research much deeper, including all the supporting and circumstantial evidence in practical field and academic area, this dissertation will use qualitative and quantitative methods combined, with even additional branches of methods which are applied in some contexts that will help develop further the theories and estimate programs and analysis. Any progresses with the built or development of theories will be affected by more constraints from the problems that arise from within existing theoretical frameworks. To overcome the obstacles, the methodology is divided into parts that will help its detailed development. Initially, the review of literature and analysis of the main concepts, such as public

19 diplomacy, propaganda, small states and soft power, is important in this regard, to investigate the connection between the concepts and the real impact on international politics, for the small states. The main source of this information is mainly acquired from books, journals, reports, international media, websites, and statistical analyses produced by reliable sources. Also, these sources will help to determine different approaches regarding small states and public diplomacy, particularly because the attention had been given mainly to the big states and great powers and their behavior throughout history. Moreover, the literature review aims to find a theoretical base for the development of the dissertation and further exploration of the case study of Kosovo and its public diplomacy, with more specifications that will help to complete the bigger picture of the entire dissertation. Additional to qualitative research, to investigate the role of non-formal education in public diplomacy I have surveyed with participants of Kosovo International Summer Academy, which is an international summer academy in Kosovo held for international participants who come to Kosovo to learn about peacebuilding in post-conflict areas. This program aims to change the perception of youngsters around the world about Kosovo and aim to invest in exchange education as a tool of public diplomacy which will have a long-lasting effect. Therefore, I have conducted an online survey, comprised of 10 questions, which was distributed to the KSA participants through online channels. In total 115 KSA alumni have responded to this survey. Participants in this survey are between 18-32 years old. The respondents of this survey comprise 29.11% of the entire number of participants in Kosovo International Summer Academy between 2015-2019 editions. Through this survey I will be able to investigate the role of non-formal education, exchange programs, extra-curricula school activities concerning studies abroad, on public diplomacy of small states, with significant focus on the case of Kosovo, and the impact it has in the present and the future, in changing its image among world youngsters.

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CHAPTER I. ORIGIN AND HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY

The concept “public diplomacy” in contemporary meaning was first used in 1965 by Edmund Gullion, who was also the dean of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University in the United States,1 as a replacement for the word propaganda, as well as on the time when it was already discovered that propaganda could be positively used, however, not with the same name that already had a negative meaning.2 In contemporary times, the more developed variations of the term have made the area attractive even for researchers and practitioners of this field, as well as its application in practice. However, the meaning of the term in the genesis of its establishment has had different use and meaning throughout the decades and political eras. The establishment of the term leads us to the roots of the Cold War era, which epoch had significant impact and influence in the shape that the entire evolution process of public diplomacy would take.3 It is important to mention that the initial usage of the word public diplomacy in the era before Gullion’s new modern meaning of the term, public diplomacy started to be used to describe the publicity of diplomatic actions. Considering that the United States was considered the most advanced driving force of democracy, it was logical to think that it has started in the United States. However, although many scholars have described public diplomacy as an American Peculiarity4 it was Nicolas Cull that said that in fact, the term had made its first appearance in leader piece of the London Times Newspaper in January 1865. It was purely used as a replacement for a courteousness critique towards President Franklin Pierce that “The statesmen of America must recollect that, if they have to make, as they conceive a certain impression upon us, they have also to set an example for their people, and there are few examples so catching as those of public diplomacy.”5 In the United States, the first recorded use of the concept of public diplomacy was in January 1871 by the New York Times, reporting a Congressional Debate, where Samuel. Cox, an American Congressman and a former journalist criticized the conspiracy of the state to take over the Republic of

1 Allen C. Hansen, USIA Public Diplomacy in the Computer Age (NewYork: Praeger, 1984), 2. 2 Nicholas J Cull, “Public Diplomacy: Seven Lessons For Its Future From Its Past,”Place Branding And Public Diplomacy 6, no. 1 (2010): 12. 3 György Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding: Conceptual Similarities and Difference (Clingendael: Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, 2008): 2, accessed November 8, 2018, https://www.clingendael.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/20081022_pap_in_dip_nation_branding.pdf. 4 Walter Laqueur, “Save Public Diplomacy: Broadcasting America's Message Matters,” Foreign Affairs 73, no.5 (1994); 20, accessed September 8, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/i20046822 5 “The American President with a laudable desire,” Times, London, January 15, 1856, 6.

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Domenica, expressing his belief in what he called “open and public diplomacy.”6 It was an inclusion of the term which predicted the major articulation of the phrase thirty-five years later in the World War I.7 Public Diplomacy gained a valuable place in the diplomatic service as one of the main tools of soft power, even before the modern debates on the concept of public diplomacy arose. Communications were one of the most attentive fields during the cold war, particularly by European powers, the United States and the Former Soviet Union.8 Over time, the concept and definition have evolved by various scholars and practitioners. According to Nicolas J. Cull, public diplomacy during history took the form of contact between governments and the public of other countries, as an attempt to conduct foreign policy through engagement with people from other states.9 According to Snow and Taylor, trends of the 21st century which included in themselves the drastic development and advancement of proactive military invasions, information technology and communication which have shifted their meaning by also changing the classic concept of time and distance, rise of the importance of the non-state actors, and terror disseminated through blogs and online services, have entirely changed the policy of states as well as dominated public diplomacy.10 The third principal factor in making public diplomacy a necessity of contemporary international relations was the proliferation in the post – World War II era of new states in the international arena – forty-seven of them between 1948-1964-each with its stake on the word of ideas, its politics, economics, traditions, and culture, each interested in promulgating its policies and views to the rest of the world, each with a profile to show and a face to save. Using modern communication technologies – or demanding equal access to them from the industrialized world if they did not yet possess them – these newly emerging nations have become both practitioners and targets of public diplomacy. Fourth, the ideological struggles that buffeted the world for over forty years required that the democracies be able to compete vigorously in the contest of ideas. The United States needed to be able to promote their views and values, culture and society, to peoples of other

6 Alexandru Lucinescu, “The Concept of Public Diplomacy in the 19th Century: Samuel s. Cox on moral and Legal Diplomacy,” Annals of Spiru Haret University, Journalism Studies 16, no.2 (2015): 32-44. 7 Nicholas Cull, “Public Diplomacy before Gullion: The Evolution of a Phrase,” in The Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor, eds., (New York: Routledge, 2009):19. 8 Jan Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,” in The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations, e.d. J. Melissen (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005):4, accessed October 3, 2018, http://culturaldiplomacy.org/academy/pdf/research/books/soft_power/The_New_Public_Diplomacy.pdf Ibid., 19-29. 9 Nicholas J. Cull, Public Diplomacy: Lessons From The Past (Los Angeles: FIGUEROA PRESS, 2009), 12. 10 Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor, Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy (New York: Routledge, 2009): Preface and Introduction.

22 cultures, traditions, and ideologies, as in President Truman’s “Campaign of Truth.” Finally, the most obvious yet elusive factor is that in the formulation of public opinion, perceptions are often as important as reality. If people believe something to be true, it is frequently the same, in political terms, as if it were true. In the United States, a free press allows for a variety of information, opinion, and ideas. But most of the world’s people do not have ready access to multiple and independent sources of information. Thus, it is a function of U.S. public diplomacy to try to correct the perception that clouds reality.11 This chapter is divided into five subchapters, aiming to elaborate in detail the most important parts of the evolution of public diplomacy by scholars and practitioners. The term public diplomacy had entirely different meanings during World War I and World War II, to continue with the negative meaning of propaganda that seemed to have replaced it during the Cold War. This chapter also aims to shed light on the positive aspects of public diplomacy that this evolution brought up, through education and cultural programs, which are considered to have brought down the Cold War itself. Moreover, the evolution of the term continued even when theorists and practitioners considered that they had already drawn the line between the old and the new public diplomacy. The events such as the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States have proven to start a new chapter of public diplomacy, which continues to have the motto of “winning the battle of hearts and minds”.

1.1. Public Diplomacy during World War I

The use of the term public diplomacy during the War World War I was mainly done to describe “public diplomacy” as a collection of approaches and practices of classic diplomacy. The assembling of these practices would include from concluded practices reached by German public officials regarding submarine warfare to public declarations for peace terms and accords, to the vision of Woodrow Wilson and his idealistic 14 points. In the first inauguration of his 14 points in public on the 8th of January 1918, he states that his vision entailed an entire international system founded upon open conventions for a stable and long- lasting peace, on which everyone would agree upon. Many writers and reporters at the time preferred to use the term “open diplomacy” to elaborate Wilson’s points, however, as the term public diplomacy had already created its followers, the French reporting used the phrase “diplomatie publique”. The use of the phrase public diplomacy by the American newspaper New York Times in May 1915, was done in the overage of the alleged Sussex Pledge, which

11 Hans N. Tuch, Communicating with the World: U. S. Public Diplomacy Overseas (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1990), 4-6.

23 was a declaration of the German Government done on the 4th of May, related to the restriction of the submarine warfare. In the review of the U.S. response, the New York Times quoted in the coverage declaring “one of the evils of public diplomacy is the necessity of continued letter-writing, in which the responsible head of each nation must save his face with his people as well as communicate his purposes to the other side.”12 Revealing the new era of the responsibility that public diplomacy would require from the leaders of the respective countries which were in hostile relations. According to this quote, leaders had to respond to their public in any move that would lead to any deepening of the hostility. This feeling of being under surveillance including deep and dangerous transparency in every problem that the leaders face now, and can be echoed all around the world, is something felt even nowadays. The third time the word “public diplomacy” was used by the newspapers such as Washington Post and New York Times, was on the issue of the 28th of December 1917, this time quoting Berlin Tageblat on Russo-German negotiations that were happening at Brest-Litovsk. The quote “nothing can so shake the wall of arms as the new public diplomacy,”13 also expressed the view and the hope that public diplomacy as a new refreshment had brought, with the greatest expectation that it had changed the course of the history. The Wilsonian use of public diplomacy endured over the public in the United States. In his speech in Congress in 1918 regarding the alleged “Four Principles” and his response to the peace talks between German Chancellor von Hertling and Czeslin’s peace terms, Wilson noted that Hertling ”accepts the principle of public diplomacy.”14 His speech was adopted by the original statement of the Reichstag in 1918 when Hertling talked publicly about the diplomatic agreements.15 From that time until 1965 when Edmund Gullion used public diplomacy in an entirely different meaning, only Christian Science Monitor used public diplomacy once more. However, it was in 1918 that U.S. Senate attempted to officialize the openness of debates over treaties and conventions, however as the proposal by Senator William Borah, was beaten by fifty votes over twenty-three.16 Nevertheless, the phrase public diplomacy had already won the hearts and minds of

12 “An Understanding of the German Note”, Boston Herald, 9 May 1916, 12, cited on p.2. 13 “Forms Outline of Future Peace”, New York Times,20 January 1871, 2, cited on Nicholas J. Cull, “Public Diplomacy' Before Gullion: The Evolution of a Phrase,” USC Public Diplomacy,University of Southern California, April 18, 2006, accessed October 28, 2018, https://www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org/blog/public- diplomacy-gullion-evolution-phrase 14 “President’s address to Congress a reply to Hertling’s and Czernin’s peace terms,” Washington Post, February 12, 1918, 5. 15 “Chancellor Graf Hertling about Wilsons 14 points,” The World War 24 January, 1918, 1st World War Archive, accessed 13 October, 2018, http://www.stahlgewitter.com/18_01_24.htm . 16 Washington Post,“Public diplomacy opposed in Senate,” Washington Post, June 11, 1918.

24 people, who continued to use it in the idealistic meaning of Wilson, of open conventions, and the moral duty that throughout the interwar rhetoric, the press is obliged to report global affairs truthfully and neutrally, to reduce the tensions. Clarence Streit and James Shotwell, in Christian Science Monitor as well as in 1928 a Christian Science Monitor editor, James Roscoe Drummond, declared the era of public diplomacy.17 Moreover, the media used the term to describe the victorious appearance of new British soldiers in Saarland in front of Nazi defeated troops, as well as the pressure of the leftists in France towards Albert P. Sarraut, to use public diplomacy in foreign affairs. Although in politics the publication of diplomacy was still seen with high skepticism, many scholars consider when the meaning of public diplomacy was already developed into the direction of propaganda. It was during World War I that evidenced the use of propaganda by states, in war and peacetime.18 Thus, if it could not be used to open up in public, then it could be used as a tool to influence the public on how they perceived the events that followed the relations between states. Using media as a tool to of influence gave public diplomacy another direction during the World War I period. This War was the first one where media played a noteworthy role in circulating news for the public in their countries, to inform them about what was taking place on the battlefield. Nevertheless, it was the first war where the governments emitted systematic propaganda, directed at their public to influence their opinion.19 Moreover, David Welch considers as well that patriotism and nationalistic cards were used as the most important tools to increase the efficiency of propaganda during the time.20 However, except of the intention of propaganda, educational programs flourished, cultural projects and anything that would show the superiority of one side from the other.21 The first foray of the United States government into cultural projection was in the field of international education. Sometimes it was sought as an intrusion in the European countries, and in others as an enthusiasm like the one of a religious mix between America and China

17 “New arms treaty arouses interest,“New York Times, June 19, 1924, 10, “The Power of Public Diplomacy,” Christian Science Monitor, May 12, 1928, 18, “Press and Diplomacy,” Christian Science Monitor, April 14, 1931, 6. 18 Ian Cooke, “Propaganda in World War I: Means, Impacts and Legacies”, Fair Observer, 8 October 2014, accessed September 10, 2018, https://www.fairobserver.com/region/north_america/propaganda-in-world-war- one-means-impacts-and-legacies-73296/. 19 David Welch, “Propaganda for patriotism and nationalism,” British Library, accessed September 12, 2018, https://www.bl.uk/world-war-one/articles/patriotism-and-nationalism. 20 Ibid. 21 Clayton Funk, “Popular Culture, Art Education, and the Committee on Public Information During World War I, 1915-1919,” University of Illinois Press 37, no. 1 (2011): 67, accessed October 22, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/10.5406/visuartsrese.37.1.0067.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3A01266689d85ab0d7 e9f069e941864451.

25 missionaries in early 1847, which was also used to distribute military knowledge. The fear of the spread of American political ideas and envy for American life and skills even at that time influenced that the first educational mission that arrived in 1871 in China, to leave a decade later in 1881.22 Shortly after the decision of the United States to join the war, and the declaration issued by the Congress against German Government in April 1917, President Woodrow Wilson saw the need to involve the American public and officialized that on what was named later, the Committee on Public Information (CPI).23 In his book “Wilsonian Public Diplomacy” Gregg Wolper considers the fashionable work of CPI during World War I, and the activities coordinated by scholars and statesmen, as early foundations of public diplomacy.24 The formalization of CPI as the first government agency,25 and the major one in history to cover the propaganda of the United States26, came in April by U.S. Secretary of State, Secretary of War and Secretary of Navy.27 The main job of the agency was exactly the mobilization of American public opinion in support of war efforts, through education, press, advertisement through artists, scholars and journalists in 1917.28 Soon enough it experienced expansion into dozens of divisions in the U.S. and abroad, with the main aim to educate the foreign public about the United States and its major role in the war efforts. The range of activities included the creation and establishment of reading rooms, distribution of Presidential speeches, publish stories about successes of the U.S. in the local media, produce movies showing the military capability of the United States, with a positive spirit of victory, upholding the morale of the public as well as getting their support as a feedback.29 To maintain the intensified fear of the nation at war, the CPI or also known as Creel’s Committee, which was chaired by George Creel, increased their activities by opening the

22 Nicholas J. Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy, 1945-1989 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 3-5. 23 “Executive Order 2594—Creating Committee on Public Information”, The American Presidency Project, Washington, D.C., 1917, accessed September 12, 2018, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/executive- order-2594-creating-committee-public-information. 24 Gregg Wolper,”Wilsonian Public Diplomacy: The Committee on Public Information in Spain”, Diplomatic History 17, no. 1 (1993): 17. 25 Stephen Vaughn, “First Amendment Liberties and the Committee on Public Information”, The American Journal of Legal History 23, no. 2 (1979): 95-96. 26 Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion, (New York: Cornell University Press, 1995), 69 27 Eric Van Schaack, “The Division of Pictorial Publicity in World War I”, The MIT 22, no. 1 (2006): 32-35, accessed November 12, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/25224029.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3A7889cb87d4716b6bb82ccb1235a72169 28 Clayton Funk, “The Committee on Public Information and the Mobilization of Public Opinion in the United States During World War I: the Effects on Education and Artists”, Journal on Social Theory in Art Education 14, (1994): 120-121, accessed November 15, 2018, https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/jstae/vol14/iss1/10/. 29 Vaughn, op. cit., p. 103-112.

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Division of Pictorial Publicity, calling the best artists in the country to contribute with their side of fight, through encouraging the public that everyone could contribute in the victory through their skills, creating posters, more than any of the countries that they were fighting with.30 All the posters, pamphlets, magazines, photography and all other productions that were done by the Creel’s committee were called the “Four Minute Men” issued in daily newspapers to shape the public opinion and influence on the press by keeping the public informed on the Events in Europe and share e-message that would last for about 4 minutes.31 The Division created by Creel was remarkable. Their work included creating 75 million pamphlets produced by CPI, issuing the first U.S. official bulletin, which got more than 100,000 subscriptions,32 and was distributed for free in every news agency around the country.33 The Congressional Report of 2009 on “U.S. Public Diplomacy: Background and Current Issues,” CPI represented the first efforts of the large scale of the U.S. government to broadcast information domestic and foreign publics. The report also mentions that Wilson created the Creel’s Committee intending to counter the harsh German propaganda, but in the meantime, it started to diffuse distorted truths to the U.S. and foreign publics.34 The propaganda of CPI during World War I was of the American model. The distinguishing feature of its work was that other than gaining support, there was no other hidden political force behind it, but rather upholding the public moral and celebration of its superiority, just like the Nazi regime did in World War II.35 Propaganda during World War I was also disseminated among European countries as well. In Germany, Matthias Erzberger established the Zentralstelle für Auslandsdienst (Central Office for Foreign Services), and its principal role was to defy anti-German propaganda abroad. The German government also heavily employed the Wolff Telegraph Bureau as a means of international propaganda. After the British cut Germany’s undersea telegraph cables, the Germans relied upon their wireless Nauen station (the most powerful transmitting station in the world) to continue a constant feed of pro-German news reports to

30 Funk, Popular Culture, Art Education, and the Committee, 70. 31 Chloe Maxwell, "George Creel and the Committee on Public Information 1917-1918", Tenor of Our Times 4, no.4 (2015):74-76, accessed September 10, 2018, https://scholarworks.harding.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1054&context=tenor. 32 Dan Nimmo and Chevelle Newsome, Political Commentators in the United States in the 20th Century: A Bio- Critical Sourcebook (London: Greenwood Press, 1997),64-66 . 33 Maxwell, op. cit., p.77. 34 Kennon H. Nakamura and Matthew C. Weed, U.S. Public Diplomacy: Background and Current Issues, (Congressional Report for Congress, 2009), 9, accessed November 13, 2018, https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R40989.pdf. 35 Maxwell, op. cit., p.82.

27 the world.36 Germany did not have as much propaganda as other countries, yet they still send out posters and news urging men to go to war as well as to buy war bonds.37 In the United Kingdom, it was expressed through pictures, literature and film. British propaganda also put significant stress on atrocities, aiming to mobilize the public against Germany.38 In response to German propaganda, the United Kingdom established Wellington House under Charles Masterman, which would later be known as the British Bureau of War Propaganda.39 The Wellington House until 1916 was the only British propaganda house, which cooperated with the United States, but by 1916 due to the increase of the work of these organizations, new departments such as Foreign Office and Neutral Press Committee took over, headed by the former assistant editor of the Daily Chronicle of the British Newspaper G.H.Mair.40 The task of the Neutral Press Committee was to supply neutral countries with information regarding the war, analyze the neutral news and promote cooperation between English and foreign press, maintain English newspaper sales and postal distribution of articles even before the wireless services of news was introduce. It was the British Foreign Office that played the role of the department of state that maintained the media relations and foreign policy promotion of Britain and other countries.41 Posters were one of the most common tools of propaganda used during World War I, which were used to either motivate the domestic publics, or influence their opinion by representing imaginary and creatively negative images of the other side. One of the most common uses of posters during World War I was to persuade men to join the army. The imagery on the following page demonstrates some of the major themes covered in WWI propaganda posters.

36 David Welch, Germany, Propaganda, and Total War, 1914-1918 (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2000), 22-23. 37“World War I Propaganda, “German Propaganda,” January 15, 2011, accessed November 9, 2018, https://worldwaripropaganda.wordpress.com/2011/01/15/german-propaganda/ 38 Gary S Messinger, British Propaganda and the State in the First World War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), 75-79. 39 Michael L. Sanders,”Wellington House and British propaganda during the First World War,”The Historical Journal. 18, no.1 (1975): 119 . 40 Ibid., p, 121. 41 Philip M. Taylor, “The Foreign Office and British Propaganda during the First World War”, The Historical Journal 23, no. 4,(1980): 876-878.

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One of the most famous posters was that of “Uncle Sam” which was illustrated by famous American artist James Montgomery, which illustrated a man who was supposed to make the U.S. army an attractive and fashionable action. Uncle Sam’s Flag was published in July 1916 in Leslie’s Weekly Magazine with the title “What Are You Doing for Preparedness?”42

Figure 1. “Uncle Sam' points an accusing finger, admonishing young men to join the U.S. Army during World War I.43

Another illustration of Flagg was the one “Side by side Britannia – Britain’s Day Mass Meeting” of 1918. In this illustration, Uncle Sam, which represented the U.S. government, was standing side by side with Britannia, having the British lion and the U.S. eagle standing against Germany and their allies. This was another typical poster of World War I is that of December 7th of 1918 was created to inform the public about the level of teamwork between countries in the war.44

Figure 2. “Side by side - Britannia! Britain's Day Dec. 7th 1918. mass meeting” 45

42 Kelly Knauer, “I Want You: The Story Behind the Iconic Recruitment Poster”, TIME, 6 April 2017, accessed November 15, 2018, http://time.com/4725856/uncle-sam-poster-history/ . 43 Library of Congress, “The Most Famous Poster,” American Treasures of the Library of Congress. accessed November 20, 2018, https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/treasures/tr11c.html. 44 Library of Congress,“Side by side - Britannia! Britain's Day Dec. 7th 1918 / James Montgomery Flagg 1918 ; American Lithographic Co. N.Y,” Library of Congress, 1918, accessed November 22, 2018, https://www.loc.gov/item/2002712329/. 45 Ibid.

29

The poster 'Are we afraid? No!', of 1915, was a British poster of propaganda illustration, with a bulldog that represented motherland and five others that represented countries like Canada, India, New Zealand, Australia and South Africa standing together against the mutual risk.46

Figure 3.“Are we afraid? No!', British illustration".47

The poster “Lord Kitchener Wants You. Join Your Country's Army! God save the King,” designed by Alfred Leete who was a British artist in 1914, portrayed Lord Kitchener, the British Secretary of State for War, wearing a British Field Marshal cap, addressing people “I Want You.” The poster represented the British call to the public to join the British Army against Germany and Austro-Hungary, Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria, of the side of Central block.48

Figure 4.”Britons: Lord Kitchener Wants You. Join Your Country's Army! God save the King."49 The illustration, “We Teach You to Run!”, made by the German Psychological Operations (PSYOP), envisioned to enhance the morale of German public by portraying a successful war of Germany, casting enemies away and install fear among people of Allie countries.50

Figure 5. “We Teach You To Run,” German propaganda postcard.”51

46 British Library, “Are we afraid? No!'A propaganda postcard depicting the British Empire,” British Library, 1915, accessed September 2, 2018, https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/are-we-afraid-no. 47 Ibid. 48 “Kitchener: The most famous pointing finger,” BBC News, 4 August, 2014, accessed September 2, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-28642846. 49 “Your country needs you, a British advertisement,” British Library, 5 September, 1915, accessed September 2, 2018, https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/your-country-needs-you. 50 World War I Propaganda, op. cit.

30

The image below portrays a pre-Russian revolution Knight, Red Russians, and their struggle against evil forces of central powers. The man with the hammer portrays the Russian citizens during the World War I, who suffered 1,800,000 casualties, making the largest number of casualties for one country the Russian government turned to propagandized images during World War I.52

Figure 6.“Russian pre-revolution poster portraying the Red Knight (1919).”53

With the purpose to legitimize their war, the government created propaganda images of the enemy, to help the citizens overcome the fear of unbeatable Germans and their war machines and increase the public moral of both citizens and soldiers. The Russian idea was to represent Germans as inhuman as possible, representing their ways of treating War prisoners, and their inhuman camps, to encourage soldiers to fight harder to defeat the enemy. An important role in Russian propaganda played the Investigate Commission of 1915 which was led by Aleksej Krivtsov, whose task was to investigate the legal violations done by the great powers and reveal them to the public. In this regard they published photos, letters, and other compromising items found in German soldiers, which ordered German soldiers allegedly, to take no prisoners and commit massive crimes. Moreover, a museum was instituted to show the inhuman side of Germans and the way how they treated prisoners of war.54

51 Ibid. 52 Alec Davis,“Generic Russian Propaganda Poster,” Guided History, accessed October 15, 2018, http://blogs.bu.edu/guidedhistory/moderneurope/europeanpropagandaduringworldwar1/. 53 Mile Carey, “Violence and terror in the Russian Revolution,” British Library, accessed October 18, 2018, https://www.bl.uk/russian-revolution/articles/violence-and-terror-in-the-russian-revolution. 54 Oxana Nagornaja and Jeffrey Mankoff. "United by Barbed Wire: Russian POWs in Germany, National Stereotypes, and International Relations, 1914–22." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 10, no. 3 (2009): 475-498.

31

1.2. Public Diplomacy during World War II

World War II was marked with the annexation of Poland by Germany in 1939. Although according to historians the world was already rumbling around with tensions. World War II divided involving nations massively, divided the fronts into Axis Powers and Allied Powers. Axis Powers included Germany, Italy and Japan, while Allied Powers aligned France Britain and Russia.55 It was only on the December 7th of 1941 when Japan attacked Pearl Harbor, considered to be a direct attack to the United States who had stayed neutral until the date, when President Roosevelt urged the Congress to declare war to Japan, and that would mean to the entire alliance of Axis, while the U.S. aligned itself among Allied Powers.56 Even during the active years of War, propaganda was a present tool of war among countries, used to support war efforts and represent the other side as enemies. Especially Allied Powers eagerly promoted their virtues and values they were protecting, to intensify the flame of hate and irritation of the public towards the Axis powers. Thus, propaganda was seen as a force that would keep nations morals together and states united on the cause they were fighting for. Propaganda during these years has also served to influence people’s perceptions and views for one another. Europeans for Japanese as well as for Americans, however for the U.S. it served as a tool to win the war.57 The United States propaganda aimed to make sure that the public would back up the war and thus have a country united. In this regard the government of the United States made a lot of effort that the country would see prosperity after the war.58 The U.S. opened two largest agencies that were involved in information and propaganda. The first called the Writers War Board established in 1942 handled the writing of the propaganda made by infamous writers, while the Office of War Information, established by President Franklin Roosevelt, had the duty to provide America and foreign publics with news on war, activities of the Allies and Axis powers, as well as the aims and goals that the Allies were following to defeat the enemies.59 The Office of War Information established by Roosevelt was broadcasted by the Voice of America (VOA), which was also founded by the Roosevelt Administration, to make

55 Christian Tomuschat, “The Legacy of Nuremberg, ”Journal of International Criminal Justice 4, no. 4 (2006):.833. 56 Victoria M. Grieve, Little Cold Warriors: American Childhood in the 1950s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018), 8. 57 Lincoln Riddle, “The Luftwaffe’s Trial Run – 1937 Bombing of Guernica,” War History Online, 6 August, 2016, accessed September 18, 2018, https://www.warhistoryonline.com/world-war-ii/the-1937-bombing-of- guernica-spain.html. 58 Ibid. 59 Nakamura and.Weed, op. cit., p. 9.

32 sure that the voice of propaganda would be far-reaching, and which would serve the purpose of disseminating political propaganda. Voice of America thus, has its roots in the propaganda war of World War II.60 Office of War Information used films, radio, photographs and posters to spread propaganda anywhere in the world where they could reach. Voice of America (VOA), which is the oldest of the U.S. government radio broadcasting services was an integral part of OWI’s programs.61 For this reason the OWI opened many branches overseas from where they launched large scale propaganda projects, used to justify the American war and soldiers and keep up the U.S. support.62 Nevertheless, the role of VOA was far more reaching during the Cold War, for which it will be elaborated in more detail later on in this chapter. Exceptionally, during World War II the American propaganda prevailed through Hollywood movies, which comprised propagating topics that targeted the American people and their opinion about the war. Hollywood that had an audience of about 90 million people per week chose to portray hundreds of characteristic movies that bore breeding themes.63 These powerful themes not only that motivated the soldiers, but also diffused hate against Axis powers.64 Hollywood used the popularity of the movies to persistently glorify the achievements of American war and its soldiers while at the same time, using it to ruin the image of the Axis powers and their position in the battle.65 The U.S. wasn’t the first or the only country to use propaganda to cover up, change facts or sources. Similarly, in the opposing country among Axis Powers, Germany, press, radio, films and newspapers, as well as documentaries were used to spread Hitler’s propaganda.66 It was the Ministry of Propaganda and Enlightenment found in 1933 by Hitler himself, and led by one of his most loyal followers Joseph Goebbels. Moreover, the duty of the Ministry of Enlightenment was to make sure that the Nazi message was broadcasted and touched by people through art, music, culture, books, reading materials and any other tool that could reach the public, in Germany

60 Holly Cowan Shulman, “John Houseman and the Voice of America: American Foreign Propaganda on the Air',” American Studies 28, no. 2 (1987): 23-30, accessed September 10, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40642209?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents. 61 “Executive Order 9182 Establishing the Office of War Information,” The American Presidency Project, Washington, D.C., 13 June, 1942, accessed September 12, 2018, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/executive-order-9182-establishing-the-office-war-information 62 Grieve, Little Cold Warriors, 8-10. 63 Theodore Kornweibel, jr., “Humphrey Bogart's Sabara: Propaganda, Cinema and the American Character in World War II,” American Studies 22, no. 1, (1981): 8, accessed November 18, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40641606?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents. 64The Artifice Magazine, “World War II’s Secret Weapon: Propaganda in Film,” The Artifice Magazine, accessed September 15, 2018, https://the-artifice.com/world-war-ii-weapon-propaganda-film/. 65 Rober Fyne, The Hollywood Propaganda of World War II (The Scarecrow Press, 1997), Preface. 66 Aristotle Kallis, Nazi Propaganda and the Second World War (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillian, 2005): 30- 33,

33 and abroad.67 In 1939, The Ministry joined with the Foreign Ministry, creating a coordination office called Concordia. Bureau Concordia moreover had the duty to transmit messages to Britain, France and all other countries, but appear like the message was coming from within the country. Thus, the aim was to deceive the public of these nations like the ideology and support for Axis powers were rising inside other countries as well.68 The Nazis had great use of propaganda in every situation. Initially they won the support of Germans to win in a democracy time, then turn into a dictatorship, start massive persecution, war and lastly commit genocide. Manners that they used included stereotypes that were already familiar to their targeted audience,69 such as moral factors, the call on putting the nation or community before individuality, while even several agencies were engaged in maintaining the respectability of these factors such as Secret Police, the Party or the Gestapo70, who would make sure that while the propaganda machine was running, they would ensure a proper implementation. One of the most important and effective slogans was the one “One People, One Reich, One Fuhrer.”71 In comparison to the United States which promoted production, being also a part of American strategy of development of the nation, Germany did not promote production compared to their activities promoting nationalism and seeking support for the Nazi party actions, apparently seeking for full support and justification for everything they were already doing and were about to do. Propaganda was a powerful tool throughout the World War II time, thus it was a competition especially between the U.S. and Germany of who would control the most powerful weapon in the war.72 The U.S. and Germany though were not the only countries that used propaganda during World War II to gain support and uphold the moral of the nation. In Britain it was the Ministry of Information (MOI) formed in 1939 that was tasked with the duty of influence into the public morale, as well as gain support from the British nation.73 MOI is known to have broadcast a large scale of films, books, magazines, pamphlets, as well as creations designed

67 Urvashi. Gautam, “Image of The Enemy: German And British Propaganda in The Second World War,” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 73 (2012): 1099. 68 Becky Little, “Inside America’s Shocking WWII Propaganda Machine,” December 19, 2016, National Geographic, accessed October 8, 2018, https://news.nationalgeographic.com/2016/12/world-war-2-propaganda- history-books/. 69 The Holocaust Encyclopedia,”Nazi Propaganda”, accessed September 23, 2018, https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/nazi-propaganda. 70 David Welch, “Nazi Propaganda and the Volksgemeinschaft: Constructing a People’s Community,” Journal of Contemporary History 39, no.2, (2004): 215, accessed September 25, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/3180722?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents. 71 Ibid., 218. 72 Chris Rudiger, “World War II and Propaganda,” 2003, accessed September 13, 2018, https://web.stanford.edu/class/e297a/World%20War%20II%20and%20Propaganda.htm 73 Gautam, Image of the Enemy, 1099.

34 exactly with the content of the wartime.74 However one of the major problems with British propaganda was the relationship with the Middle East and Muslim nations, which was also a zone of interest in Nazi Germany. Middle East during World War II was one of the biggest propaganda arenas between Axis and Allied Powers. While Axis Powers used their propaganda by distributing leaflets and brochures in the Arabic language,75 treating Islam as a natural ally, the propaganda spread by Radio Berlin in the Persian Gulf it seemed that it had made its place. The language used by Nazi Germany found a way to win the hearts and minds of the Muslim population in the Middle East, especially their call to listen to Nazi’s secular political messages. The importance of propaganda games that Berlin radio was conducted in this regard went from broadcasting religious messages in one minute while the other minute was sending secular messages from the government to Arabs, expressing the full support and comprehension.76 In parallel, aiming to win the hearts and minds of Muslim population in the British tried to beat the German propaganda in the Middle East with the same tools such as posters, leaflets, etc, distributed and prepared by MOI, which in contrary demonstrated that Christianity and Islam had so much more in common that they needed to sympathize and join together to defeat the “godless evil of Hitlerism.”77 Using media broadcasting and exclusively radio as a tool of dissemination of propaganda was very useful during World War II, particularly in some countries. For example, the Soviet Union took good advantage of the radio specifically to reach the illiterate part of the population. Having radio broadcasters in so many places and locations where it could easily reach peasants and working class of the population was a strategy of the Soviet Union to propagate against Germany. Pravda (truth) which was a newspaper that used to be controlled by the Communist Party and the Soviet Union, while it was the most influential newspaper in the country, represented the Germans as murderers, cannibals and committers of atrocities.78 German prisoners of War were notably used in this regard, where they would be brought to ensure the families that their family members were alive, while

74 Bell Philip M. H, “British government views on the importance of public opinion during the Second World War,” Mélanges de l'école française de Rome Année 108, no.1 (1996): 33-35, accessed November 19, 2018, https://www.persee.fr/doc/mefr_1123-9891_1996_num_108_1_4420. 75 Jeffrey Herf, “Nazi Germany’s Propaganda Aimed at Arabs and Muslims During World War II and the Holocaust: Old Themes, New Archival Findings,” Central European History 42, (2009):.715. 76 Ibid.,720. 77 BBC, '”Persuading the people: British propaganda in the Second World War,” BBC History Magazine and BBC World Histories Magazine, December 9, 2016, accessed September 23, 2018, https://www.historyextra.com/period/second-world-war/persuading-the-people-british-propaganda-in-the- second-world-war/. 78 Richard Overy, The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia Penguin Adult (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2004): 516.

35 using the situation that in the meantime to insert propaganda.79 The propaganda of the Soviet Union was more consolidated than the German one. However, in the Soviet Union the power was on one person only. It was Stalin that centralized the information office, controlled the editors and newspapers, and coerced the censure, crushed the real efforts out of people who showed an opposite portrait of Stalin of what it was presented, because of the war he had to loosen his control. For him it was more important to control the people than activating them, creating totalitarian propaganda, rather than one of his German counterparts. There was no other equal of the Soviet totalities in Europe during the war. The best example is the confiscation of radio transmitters from the Russian citizens, leaving only wire radios as an information receptor, which portrayed the fear. Stalin’s regime had very less support even under Lenin, and while the war with Germany was threatening, the main fear relied on the disloyalty of his citizens. Therefore, Stalin chose to tell the population that Nazi Hitlerites were killing innocent people, women and children and the elderly, and his propaganda was soon supported by refugees, who told these tales from first-hand information. Meanwhile, while there was no real reporting from the battles, the civilians and soldiers continued to be in increased danger. Soviet citizens because of the censorship did not even expect to be informed and this created an outrage among them and shattered the mobilization and public morale. Not having radio messages and newspaper information constituted the biggest Soviet flaw and thus the biggest vulnerability. Technical insufficiency and incapable distribution created an environment where people did not get informed in the time of war.80 Throughout World War II, one of the bloodiest battlefields was that of winning hearts and minds, as well as keeping the public morale intensified throughout the war. All sides needed the unconditional support of their publics, especially trying to avoid the insertion of fear among the population. While World War II ended in favor of Allied Powers, the Axis Powers propaganda lost the battle. However, a new era of war in silence would start between two world superpowers, which will be elaborated in the next part of this research.

79 Anthony Rhodes, Propaganda: The art of persuasion: World War II (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1976): 212- 224. 80 Karel C. Berkhoff, “Motherland in Danger: How Stalin Micromanaged the Media during the War with Nazi Germany and Hurt Mobilization Efforts,” Historically Speaking 14, no. 3 (2013): 20-21.

36

1.3. Public diplomacy during the Cold War

The Cold War was a long struggle, setting the United States and allies as capitalist countries on one side, in opposition to the Soviet Union and supporting countries on the other side, the Eastern Block. Although there is no common ground that historians would agree when the Cold War started, it is acknowledged that the relations between Moscow and Washington had already started to worsen by 1945.81 The term itself “Cold War” was first used by George Orwell in 1945 in an article he published, to describe what he called a nuclear deadlock between two gigantic superpowers that possessed weapons that would wipe millions of people from the earth in only a few seconds.82 While in the United States, it was Bernard Baruch, a presidential advisor who first used the term to describe a post-war opposition between the USA and the Soviet Union in 1947, not of military but a political character.83 Separately, historians with the Cold War described a situation between the United States and the Soviet Union, where the international politics was captivated by the conflict between the two sides, both of which dominated overpowering force over other countries, which forced particularly small countries, to align with one side or the other. Moreover, even some of the historians mark the beginning of this war in 1945 while some others in 1947, but then it still lasted for more than 40 years. The USA and the Soviet Union remained global enemies until the 1990s, however it was the collapse of the Soviet Union that evident the end of the Cold War.84 For more than forty years the Cold War drove the entire system of world politics. Dominating foreign policies of the two opponents, and affecting the societies deeply in political, economic, social and military aspects. The Cold War dominated and shaped the domestic and foreign policies of nations worldwide. In this bipolarity, there were only a few countries that managed to escape from direct domination and influence, therefore it is essential to study this part of history in the framework of public diplomacy, to have a completed picture of the international politics of the last part of the twentieth century.85 Public Diplomacy played an important role during the Cold War, emerging in the

81Eleanor Roosevelt papers project, “Teaching Eleanor Roosevelt Glossary: Cold War,” The Eleanor Roosevelt papers project, accessed October 28, 2018, https://www2.gwu.edu/~erpapers/teachinger/glossary/cold-war.cfm. 82 George Orwell,”You and the Atomic Bomb,” Tribune, London, 1945, accessed 18 September, 2018, http://orwell.ru/library/articles/ABomb/english/e_abomb. 83 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Cold War,” last updated January 22, 2018, accessed January 28, 2018, https://www.britannica.com/event/Cold-War. 84 Wesley M. Bagby, America's International Relations since World War I (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999): 141. 85 Melvyn P. Leffler and David S. Painter, Origins of the Cold War: An International History (New York: Routledge, 2005): Preface - xi; accessed December 15, 2018, http://www.hist.asu.ru/faculty/cafedrs/library/Origins_of_Cold_War.pdf .

37 initial years of the war itself. It was understandable at some point that the information and persuasion would play a crucial role, in an era that was beginning, where there were enormous destructive weapons of mass destruction, and that the campaigns would be equally powerful weapons that would be used by superpowers to induce the strategic ideological struggle. Among the most popular models of using public diplomacy was that of a hostile nature of relationships, intending to achieve results in foreign publics. The hypothesis was that if the images persuaded the targeted foreign public of the other side, they would pressure their governments to change the hostile positions and politicize towards the other side. Meanwhile, while the foreign public was exposed to domestic propaganda, the idea was that the other side needed to keep the counterbalance through information provided by the other side of the curtain. Gilboa in his article “Searching for a theory of Public Diplomacy,” says that Public Diplomacy became substantially important, dominated by campaigns, to balance the nuclear power competition, but it was an ideological war that aimed to gain influence and win the support of the international global society, and it inspired different countries except of the superpowers, to used different tools to achieve their international goals.86 It was Germany the place where the Cold War began, dividing the country into four zones of occupation. It was also the place where the United States put public diplomacy into practice, even before the term was mentioned at all.87 Using international programs has been a specialty of the American foreign national security policy dating back to World War II.88 Soon after the Cold War started, the Voice of America, as the first U.S. government-owned radio, started to disseminate as far as to the Soviet Union. “Hello! This is New York calling. You are listening to the first radio broadcast of Voice of the United States of America.”89 This is the first mutual greeting that was radio broadcast for the first time on February 17, 1947, in the Soviet Union.90

86 Eytan Gilboa “Searching for a theory of public diplomacy,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 616, no. 1 (2008): 55, accessed September 29, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/25097994.pdf. 87 Yale Richmond, Practicing Public Diplomacy: A Cold War Odyssey,(Berghahn Books, 2008), 5. 88 Clayton D. Laurie, The Propaganda Warriors: America’s Crusade Against Nazi Germany (Lawrence, Kan.: University Press of Kansas, 1996), 237. 89 Marissa Melton, “VOA Russian Service Celebrates 70 Years,” VOA News, February 17, 2017, accessed September 23, 2018, https://www.voanews.com/a/friday-marks-70th-anniversary-of-voa-broadcasts-to- russia/3728545.html. 90 Ibid.

38

Figure 7.”February 17, 1947, The U..S. State Department group after the initial shortwave broadcast in Russian to Russia from New York City.”91

The engagement of the VOA to broadcast radio programs in many languages since 1942,92 and other wartime propaganda and psychological operations soon found an institutional home in the United States Information Agency (USIA).93 Furthermore, the CIA in the 1950s created the Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, intending to act as proxy radio transmitters for the Soviet Union.94 The United States of America and the Soviet Union both used international broadcasting to shape public attitudes into a more favorable stance, where they could convince their competitive ideologies.95 Radio Liberty, Radio Free Europe as well as the Voice of America together with the United States Information Agency communicated the standards of democracy and individual freedoms, as well as free-market principles. Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty were the biggest anti-Soviet sources that disseminated democratic values into the Soviet area of interest.96 They reached the Soviet population every week and even more than 70% of the eastern bloc throughout the cold war97 and it was the promotion of these values that helped the collapse of the Soviet Union in the first years of the 1990s.98 In contrast, it was the Soviet Union that spent billions in active public diplomacy including the promotion of culture, dissemination and broadcasting propaganda about the Western counterparts, as well as sponsoring antinuclear protests, youth movements and

91 Ibid. 92Hansen op. cit., p. 4. 93 Kenneth L. Adelman, “Speaking of America: Public Diplomacy in Our Time,” Journal Foreign Affairs 59, no.4 (1981): 921. 94 Carnes Lord. Losing Hearts and Minds?: Public Diplomacy and Strategic Influence in the Age of Terror (Westport: Praeger Security International, 2006), 1st edition, 66. 95 Gilboa, “Searching,” 59. 96 Carnes Lord “The past and future of public diplomacy,” ORBIS 42, no. 1 (1998), p. 51, accessed 30 Nov. 2018, https://ac.els-cdn.com/S0030438798900503/1-s2.0-S0030438798900503-main.pdf?_tid=a4bedec3-6fec- 40a5-9cbd-cdf3c43e5723&acdnat=1548538387_9d991d615e6e9cecfacab27aaf803c36 97 Joseph S. Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,”The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 616, no.1 (2008): 98, accessed 28 August, 2018, https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716207311699 98 Helle Dale and Carnes Lord,“Public Diplomacy and the Cold War: Lessons Learned,”The Heritage Foundation, September 18, 2007, accessed September 3, 2018, https://www.heritage.org/defense/report/public- diplomacy-and-the-cold-war-lessons-learned .

39 organizations.99 Scholars are careful in expressing themselves about the reasons behind the fall of the Soviet Union, however without a doubt, the American and European broadcasts as well as cultural and educational programs and other public diplomacy strategies, slowly opened a grave for the Soviet Union Empire. Broadcasting is of particular importance during the cold war. The creation of the USIA in 1953 was done exactly to tell the American story to the world, and through international broadcasting and information, culture and education exchange programs, as an essential factor for American foreign policy. Public diplomacy had identified itself with fighting the cold war so that the American population understood that the information revolution, as well as soft power, was becoming even more important.100 Helmer Helmers argues that historically the public diplomacy began in the Cold War when the USA instigated a propaganda war against the Soviet Union and the soft power never before had been exposed on a larger scale and more sophisticated than during the Cold Wartime.101 Therefore, broadcasting the United States during the Cold War persuaded the European audiences regarding the democratic values and the superiority of their war compared to the Soviet Union. The daily broadcast of the Voice of America in the nations of Warsaw Pact intended to destroy all the myths and propaganda that the domestic ideology had spread about the West. Distribution of books and history readings about American history helped to expose American principles that would raise the support for the U.S. policies.102 In parallel, broadcasting has also been used from the other side. The Eastern Block had historically developed means of broadcast and radio starting with the establishment of Radio Moscow in 1929, under Lenin’s orders. Radio Moscow was internationally launched first in October 1929 initially in German then later in English and French.103 In the era of the Cold War Radio Moscow played its role by continuing to broadcast with increased intensity in more than 70 languages104, in the Soviet Union, and as far as in Cuba.105At the beginning of 1948, the Soviet Union started jamming the

99 Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, (New York: BBS Public Affairs, 2004),73. 100 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,” 99. 101 Helmer Helmers, “Public Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe,” Media History 22, no.3-4 (2016): 401, accessed October 28, 2018, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13688804.2016.1174570?needAccess=true. 102 Richard J. Samuels, Encyclopedia of United States National Security (Sage Publications, 2006), 609. 103 James Wood, History of International Broadcasting, (London. The Institution of Electrical Engineers, 2000): 110. 104 Mark D Winek, “Radio as a Tool of the State: Radio Moscow and the Early Cold War,” Comparative Humanities Review 3, no. 9 (2009): 5, accessed January 2, 2019, http://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/chr/vol3/iss1/9. 105 Daily Mail, “From Russia with dogma,” Daily Mail, June 6, 2018, accesses January 5, 2019, https://www.pressreader.com/uk/daily-mail/20180606/282879436444211.

40 broadcasting waves to prevent the Soviet population as well as the one in the Eastern Block, to get seduced by the American propaganda through Voice of America and BBC as well.106 The purpose of this was to prevent Soviet citizens from being able to tune in the Western broadcasters, fearing Western “cultural infiltration.” The Soviet propaganda spread information among the Soviet population that the United States was using chemical weapons and that the CIA invented HIV.107 The influence and disruption that the American public diplomacy had caused in the Eastern Block had a profound influence, especially the propaganda spread through music, dance, pictures, and programs, although the censoring was tight by the Soviet Union. The United States propaganda managed to infuse patriotism and envies for freedom, wealth and prosperity. The messages broadcasted sparked an illegal audience of oppressed people who wanted to experience the liberties portrayed by the American media. The American culture was disseminated into that form that it provoked social movements which became a great challenge to the system and communist ideology. It was portrayed as psychological warfare against Communism, which as a U.S. foreign policy strategy to interrupt communist propaganda before it spread beyond Eastern Europe.108Creating a closed system in which the Soviet Union remained until the 1990s.109 As Joseph Nye says in his Book on Soft Power, because the Soviet Union lacked a popular culture, and the heavy and inflexible foreign policy, implied that the Soviet Union never stood as a challenging competitor for the United States in the cold war.110 During World War II, the word public diplomacy was used infrequently, however, just after the post-war periods, the term public diplomacy and Woodrow Wilson’s assessment of the term, re-emerged. In 1946 during the UN General Assembly session in October, French Premier talked about the “age of public diplomacy.” In the meantime, London Times mentioned spoke of public diplomacy as a phrase that was easy catching but masking behind the principles of foreign policy, which was exactly why the diplomat Harold Nicolson started

106 George W. Woodard, “Cold War Radio Jamming,” in the Cold War Broadcasting: Impact on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, ed. A. Ross Johnson and R. Eugene Parta (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2010), 53. 107 Anthony Pratkanis, “Public Diplomacy in International Conflicts: A social Influence Analysis,” in the Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor, eds., (New York: Routledge, 2009): 111. 108 Rochelle Nowaki, “American Idol: American Pop Culture and Soft Power in Cold War Europe,” Journal of Academic Writing 13 (2014): 51, accessed October 16, 2018, https://hilo.hawaii.edu/campuscenter/hohonu/volumes/documents/AmericanIdol- AmericanPopCultureandSoftPowerinColdWarEuropeRochelleNowaki.pdf. 109 Walter L. Hixson, Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945-1961 (New York: Palgrave McMillan, 1997), 33. 110 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 75.

41 calling out for “private diplomacy.”111 The term “public diplomacy” had already taken the meaning of propaganda, shifting in international information scale. By the 1950s it was not that the term has changed, but it was rather being used differently and practiced differently under certain circumstances and key diplomatic events that understood and appreciated the importance of the public performing. In 1953, the American writer Walter Lippmann in his column wrote that practices of public diplomacy and propaganda during the cold war had become an epidemic that makes it necessary for the Soviet – U.S. negotiations to be kept in private. In 1958 the UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld in his speech said “The value of public diplomacy in the United Nations will depend to a decisive extent on how far the responsible spokesmen find it possible to rise above a narrow tactical approach to the politics of international life and to speak as men for aspirations and hopes which are those of all mankind.”112 While other observers including Louis Halle, Lord Strang and James Reston, who were distinguished personalities in Britain and the United States, used public diplomacy as a term to remove the element of a showdown from the diplomacy of Kennedy or Khrushchev.113 It was only during Kennedy’s presidency that the United States Information Agency became what it was intentioned to be, domestically and internationally. In 1961 the director of USIA was appointed Edward Murrow, who is considered to deserve the credit for the development of the USIA. Murrow was not only a director, but he was a believer and practitioner of public diplomacy, who believed in its power.114 He created and educated generations of diplomats. Murrow considered public diplomacy as an art, which helped to get a message in the minds of foreign listeners, through a loudspeaker, or touch a consciousness of people through books.115 Cultural programs during the Cold War were particularly designed to reach the targets. One of the examples is the meaning of the exchange program among American and Russian artists and writers which happened after the death of Stalin. The idea intended to increase the respect for the Russian culture and intelligentsia, by showing both cultures, the American and Russian. Some of the brightest minds from both sides, such as Artur Miller, John Steinbeck, Vasily Aksyonov, Joyce Oates, etc., started their

111 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 21-22. 112 Dag Hammarskjöld, Public Papers of The Secretaries General of The United Nations, ed. Andrew W Cordier and Wilder Foote (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 89. 113 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 21. 114 Tuch op. cit., p. 25. 115 Ibid., 26.

42 mutual discussions on the art and the circumstances in which it was mended.116 Historically music has been used by both individuals and governments to ease the tense relations over specific periods, or concerning specific states. The U.S. State Department-sponsored Jazz Ambassadors program exactly for this reason. Organized tours overseas for jazz musicians for Louis Armstrong, Dizzy Gillespie, Benny Goodman, and Duke Ellington, aimed to improve the image of the U.S. due to the racial inequality and tensions between 1956 and 1978 by bringing American culture to the Soviet public in the middle of the cold war.117 However the Soviet Union had already declared through its propaganda that their regime was scientifically oriented. Therefore, the launch of Sputnik as the first space satellite in 1957 by Russia, made many people believe that the USSR was scientific oriented, and science held a respectful position in Soviet culture and that the Soviet Union was far more advanced in this regard than the United States! These investments just enforced the Soviet Union’s soft power and supported the statements that Communism was a scientifically oriented social regime.118 After the Berlin Wall fell, which marked one of the major milestones of the latest history of politics and diplomacy, the traditional meaning of the term public diplomacy was changing again and being replaced with economic assistance, education, knowledge, skills transfer, and transition. The reason why the term “public diplomacy” was brought up by Gullion in 1965, was because it was a need for a new version of such concept in the United States. After decades of work, the USIA that had been deeply involved in public diplomacy which had a malignant meaning of propaganda needed a fresh start of the same concept, which would turn the term into something positive. Thus, the concept of the Gullion of public diplomacy fit exactly in every activity and profile of USIA, and the portrait of people working for propaganda now changed into diplomats, as well as in the State Department, accepted as legitimate individuals working in foreign relations.119 Academically it did not appear in the literature until 1972, until Glen H. Fisher, U.S. Foreign Service Officer, elaborated the term in his book “Public diplomacy and the behavioral sciences.”120 Exactly because the job of propaganda had overwritten the work of public diplomacy, it took Gullion

116 Cynthia P. Schneider, “Culture Communicates: US Diplomacy That Works,” in The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations, e.d. J. Melissen, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan., 151, accessed October 6, 2018, http://culturaldiplomacy.org/academy/pdf/research/books/soft_power/The_New_Public_Diplomacy.pdf 117 Penny M. von Eschen, Satchmo Blows Up the World: Jazz Ambassadors Play the Cold War (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), 10-25. 118 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 74. 119 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 21. 120 Glen Fisher, Public Diplomacy and the Behavioral Sciences (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1972).

43 time to restructure the entire term to give it an entirely new meaning, as the positive alternative of propaganda.121 One of the major controversies that remain, is the role of Ronald Regan which is expressed in the book of Said Dockrill “The man who beat communism,” published in 2004. Dockrill stresses how the Cold War depended on the trust of the Soviet Union on Reagan, about important issues. He says the Soviet Union did not believe that Reagan was willing to establish good relations with Moscow even in 1983 and would have removed the concessions from Moscow long ago.122 Edward Djerejian, a former U.S. diplomat who served initially to John F. Kennedy than to Bill Clinton, in his report to the Committee on Appropriations of the U.S. House “Public diplomacy helped win the Cold War, and it has the potential to help win the war on terror.”123 The attraction and soft power that grew out of cultural contacts among elites made important contributions to American policy objectives.124 Meanwhile, Oleg Kalugin, former head of KGB operations in the United States, in an interview in 1997 said that “Exchanges were a Trojan Horse for the Soviet Union. They played a tremendous role in the erosion of the Soviet system...They kept infecting more and more people over the years.”125 In the chain events of the 1990s, public diplomacy was finally accepted in foreign policy range also in Europe.126 It was Britain that launched the Public Diplomacy Strategy Board, to promote the UK and build new relations with nations around the world.127 However, according to the scholars, public diplomacy entered for real into the American public’s consciousness after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. In the wake of the tsunami in Indonesia, President Bush declared that the American aid would make a difference in the aftermath of the tsunami devastation, however, he said that the public diplomacy of America was already not as good as the ones who were still using propaganda against the U.S.128

121 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 21. 122 Michael F. Hopkins, “Continuing Debate and New Approaches in Cold War History,” The Historical Journal 50, no. 4 (2007): 925, accessed November 23, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/20175133.pdf 123 Report of the US Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy for the Arab and Muslim World, 2003, “Changing Minds Winning Peace: A New Strategic Direction for U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim World,”, 13. 124 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 46. 125 Richmond Yale, “Cultural Exchange and the Cold War: How the West Won,” The Polish Review 50, no. 3 (2005): 358, accessed September 5, 2018, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25779557. 126 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 22. 127 Mark Leonard, Andrew Small and Martin Rose, “British Public Diplomacy in the ‘Age of Schisms’,” The Foreign Policy Centre (London, 2005), accessed October 21, 2018, http://media.leeds.ac.uk/papers/pmt/exhibits/2228/407.pdf. 128 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 23.

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1.4. Education and Cultural Programs during the Cold War

The cultural and educational awareness and understanding it as a vulnerability, initially started in the European states. It was in the 1880s when European countries started to commit to international cultural projects. In 1881 private citizens of Germany created the German School Society for Germans living abroad.129 Similarly, French scientists, diplomats, artists and novelists in 1883 established the French Alliance, intending to promote the French language globally130 and same with Dante Alighieri School for the promotion of Italian culture and language.131 However, the promotion of language, culture and education became negatively competitive during the cold war period, where promotion was used as a tool of gaining support or changing the bad image that the enemies were trying to impose in your account. Education and Cultural programs were a very important component of the United States propaganda and public diplomacy strategy during the Cold War.132 For more than four decades, the U.S. Government cooperated with private institutions and professionals to expand the cultural and exchange educational programs. Especially the educational exchange became a competitive key point with Soviet propaganda and a tool creating favorable images of the United States, portraying the wealth, free trade and consumption, culture and technological advancements, individual freedoms and political democracy.133 In 1945 Senator William Fulbright, presented a bill in the U.S. Congress that called for the use of the war profits and the surplus to promote the United States goodwill through educational exchange programs in the field of culture and science. In 1946 the so-called Fulbright Act was signed by President Harry Truman and the Fulbright Program was created.134 In 1948 the Educational Exchange Act called Smith Mundt Act, became law and the U.S. Government specified that it aimed to promote better communication and understanding between the

129 “Homepage,” Allgemeine Deutsche Schulverein-Berlin, accessed November 10, 2018, http://www.vda- kultur.de. 130 “Homepage,” Alliance Française Paris Ile-de-France, accessed November 10, 2018, https://www.alliancefr.org/index.php. 131 “Homepage,” Dante Alighieri Society – Rome, accessed November 10, 2018, https://ladantesa.com/about/ 132 Kenneth L. Adelman, “Speaking of America: Public Diplomacy in Our Time,” Foreign Affairs 59, no. 4, (1981): 921. 133 Liping Bu, “Educational Exchange and Cultural Diplomacy in the Cold War,” Journal of American Studies 33, no. 03 (1999): 394. 134 “Fulbright: History,” Fulbright U.S. Student Program, accessed November 11, 2018, https://us.fulbrightonline.org/about/history.

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United States and other nations.135 Countries like China, Burma, Philippines and Greece signed Fulbright agreements with the United States in 1947 and 1948.136 It was also President Eisenhower that expressed his interest in cultural exchange, especially during his campaign in 1952, stating that “firmly believe that educational exchange programs are an important step toward world peace.”137 It was President Eisenhower that in 1953 established United States Information Agency,138 with the mission to lead the Government’s Public Diplomacy, until it combined into the Department of State in 1999 “to understand, inform and influence foreign publics in promotion of the national interest, and to broaden the dialogue between U.S. citizens and institutions, and their counterparts abroad.”139 Later on the Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, described USIA as “the most effective anti-propaganda institution on the face of the earth.”140 In 1956 President Eisenhower created the “People to People” program, with which he intended to widen the international understanding of friendship and cooperation through education, philanthropy and humanitarian activities that involved the exchange of ideas and cultures, which contributed to the diversity.141 “People to People” initiative created the opportunity for non-governmental contacts between people of different countries.142 The other US-funded Cold War program, which had a major role in promotion of the world peace and to enhance mutual understanding between the citizens of the U.S. and such as the “Peace Corps” found in 1961 during Kennedy’s administration, created as a cultural exchange program and directed by the United States government, ever since over 220,000 Americans have responded to this enduring challenge.143 Despite the efforts of the Soviet Union to stop this exchange even through governmental agreements, between 1958-

135 United Department of State, “United States Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948 (Smith- Mundt Act),” January 27, 1948, accessed October 2, 2018, https://www.state.gov/documents/organization/177574.pdf. 136 “Fulbright: The Early Years,” U.S. Department of State, accessed October 2, 2018, https://eca.state.gov/fulbright/about-fulbright/history/early-years. 137 “Overseas Information Programs of the United States,” United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations, Washington (1953-54), 583. 138 Alvin Snyder, Warriors of Disinformation: American Propaganda, Soviet Lies, and the Winning of the Cold War: an insider’s Account (New York: Arcade Publishing, 1995), 16. 139 James P. Farwell, Persuasion and Power: The Art of Strategic Communication (Washington: Georgetown University Press, 2012), 48. 140 United Department of State, “Remarks at Ceremony Commemorating the Consolidation of the Department of State and the U.S. Information Agency,” Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright, October 1, l999, accessed October 14, 2018, https://1997-2001.state.gov/www/statements/1999/991001.html. 141 Presidential Libraries System,“People-to-People Program,” The Eisenhower Presidential Library, Museum, and Boyhood Home, Presidential Libraries System, accessed December 27, 2018, https://www.eisenhower.archives.gov/research/online_documents/people_to_people.html. 142“People to People International Beginnings”, accessed December 27, 2018, https://ptpi.org/about/ 143“Peace Corps Mission,” History, accessed December 28, 2018, https://www.peacecorps.gov/about/history/

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1988, about 50,000 writers, officials, artists, musicians, journalists, academics, professors, and dancers visited the United States, while a larger number of Americans went to the Soviet Union.144 Until 1956, the Voice of America was the only way that Soviet nations would receive information from the United States, until the agreement was achieved between the United States and the Soviet Union to exchange press and magazines. Thus, the magazines America and USSR in the English language, which later changed into Soviet Life started to be exchanged among two nations.145 America was a monthly U.S. magazine, in the Russian language which was produced by USIA during the Cold War, with the purpose of distribution into the Soviet Union146, intended for Soviet people, to inform them about the American life.147 The magazine contained polished propaganda, fulfilled with photographs and articles about daily routines and lives of American citizens, as well as photos of U.S. institutions and famous people and celebrities.148The dialogue was another major production of USIA, which was the most prestigious magazine for international distribution and it had an academic profile, a scientific magazine, issued in English, Spanish, Polish, Russian, Greek, French and Romanian.149 The magazine intended to elaborate on social issues as well as trigger debates among scholars about high profile problems. The Dialogue USA, which was a Russian edition, was issued in 1969 and was distributed four times per year in more than five thousand copies by the American Embassy in Moscow and Leningrad General Consulate, starting from 1988.150 Another major program launched in 1982 by the United States International Communications Agency was a global telecast called “Let Poland be Poland”. The half- million US Dollar telecast broadcasted by satellite in more than 30 countries around the world, intended to influence Russian-Polish relations, and soften the harsh attitude of the government against Poles, as well as enhance the support of Western Europe towards the United States efforts to solve problems between Poland and Russia.151 During the Reagan administration the Soviet leadership was going through a crisis.

144 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 46. 145 Tuch, op. cit., p. 51. 146 Hansen, op. cit., p. 84. 147 Creighton Peet, “Russian 'Amerika,' a Magazine about U. S. for Soviet Citizens,” College Art Journal 11, no.1 (1951): 17-20. 148 Hixson, op. cit., p. 118. 149 Hansen, op. cit., p. 84. 150Yale Richmond, Cultural Exchange and the Cold War: Raising the Iron Curtain (Pennsylvania: Penn State University Press; 1st edition, 2004), 151-152. 151 Hansen, op. cit., p. 88.

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Leonid Brezhnev who died in 1982 was succeeded by Yuri Andropov, who stayed in the office only for two years, succeeded by Konstantin Chernenko, who also had major health problems. Thus, it has already become a joke in Moscow that the presidential mandate was as long as a season ticket, which followed with the death of Chernenko in 1985.152 It was Mikhail Gorbachev that became the General Secretary of the Communist Party in Russia, who was a charismatic leader that brought up many challenges for USIA. Gorbachev was a media-friendly personality leader, who had a relaxed approach in press conferences and started a new friendship with journalists that was unseen by other Soviet leaders before. In 1986 the western media used the word “glasnost” to express the personality of Gorbachev, raising skepticism along Western Europe, as the Soviet stance was the same, but the propaganda had increased. The Geneva negotiations in 1985, a Soviet-America arms negotiations summit, which was the first meeting between the U.S. and Soviet Union during the period of Cold War, was used by Gorbachev to launch a major campaign that portrayed Soviet Union as a source of peace while the United States as an aggressive military fount who sought for superiority.153 It was the time when USIA had the hardest time, working on the anti-disinformation aspect, while Reagan and Gorbachev were preparing to address several speeches. At the end of the summit, Gorbachev and Reagan achieved several agreements, including agreements in the field of scientific and educational exchange, and technical and cultural cooperation, which were suspended in 1980154 and authorized “to find as yet undiscovered avenues where American and Soviet citizens can cooperate fruitfully for the benefit of humankind.”155 Following this summit, in 1985 President Reagan and Gorbachev sent televised greetings for New Year to the public of the respective countries.156 In June 1986 the two governments already revealed an exchange of ten pupils who had a particular interest in space discovery.157 Fulbright and other existing educational exchange programs between Russia and the U.S. already expanded.158 Due to the changes that had happened between the United States and Russia, the ratings among countries had already started to change, regarding the perception of the Soviet Union and the population. For example, compared to 1959 where

152 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, 443. 153 Ibid., 444. 154 Ibid., 446. 155 U.S. Department of State Archive, “United States Relations with Russia: The Cold War,” https://2001- 2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/pubs/fs/85895.htm. 156 Michael Wines, “Reagan and Gorbachev to exchange TV Talks,” Los Angeles Time, December 28, 1985, 1. 157 New York Times, “US and Soviet Set '86 Youth Exchange,” New York Times, 1986, p. A12. 158 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, 454.

48 only 32% of Italians, 24% of British, 17% of French and 7% of Germans had a fair opinion about the USSR, in 1981 the 17% of Italians, 12% of British, 19% of French and 8% of Germans had already favorable view about the Soviets. The ratings went much higher in 1989 when Gorbachev decided to end the Cold War rising all the percentages over 50%, which was also considered as “the glasnost” together with the vague “perestroika,” to mean “openness and transparency,” public diplomacy and soft power of Gorbachev.159 One of the greatest educational exchange programs is the International Visitors Program (IVP) consolidated in 1952 but derived from the Foreign Leaders Program that dated back in 1948 in the Smith-Mundt Act. International Leaders Program aimed to enable leaders and potential leaders of the future, specialists and professionals to visit the United States for up to one month, and experience the diversity of the United States life in political, social and cultural aspects of life.160 In 2004, the IVP was renamed to the International Visitor Leadership Program.161 This program hosted many leaders from all around the world including Anwar Sadat, former President of Egypt, Helmut Schmidt, Former Chancellor of Germany, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, former President of France, Margaret Thatcher, Former British Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, Former Prime Minister of India, Heinz Fischer, former President of Austria,162 including here former President of Kosovo, Fatmir Sejdiu. More than 200,000 International Visitors have engaged with Americans through the IVLP, including more than 500 current or former international leaders, and thousands of leaders from the public and private life.163 The other major project in the 1985s was the radio project which launched VOA in Europe, which aimed to pull the new generations away from anti-American feelings and propaganda that were inserted during the World Wars and the Cold War. The VOA operated initially from Washington and then from Munich, combining news and American life and culture through music and other artistic features.164 Certainly, intensifying cultural interactions created soft power for the United States, resulting from nongovernmental institutions such as playhouses, museums, and music houses played in the Soviet Union. One

159 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 74-75. 160 Hansen op. cit., p. 136. 161 “International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP),” U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs Exchange Programms, accessed September 14, 2018, https://eca.state.gov/ivlp/about- ivlp/program-history. 162 Iftikhar H. Malik, Islam, Nationalism and the West: Issues of Identity in Pakistan (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), 227. 163 “International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP),” U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs Exchange Programms, accessed September 14, 2018, https://exchanges.state.gov/non- us/program/international-visitor-leadership-program-ivlp. 164 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, 451.

49 of the Soviet artists concluded that they were taught to confide in the degenerate West, time and time again professional symphony orchestras which came from Boston, Philadelphia, New York while educational programs and exchanges played an important role in boosting American soft power.165 Many changes in the conduct of international relations since World War II have been particularly significant in making public diplomacy such a vital element in the foreign affairs process. Since the end of Cold War, the dynamic has shifted toward a platform where people have much easier to connect with the international world, through technologies and communication platforms; governments are joined by nongovernment organizations, international organizations, corporations, and nonstate actors as practitioners of public diplomacy; and communication happens in real-time without clear distinctions between a domestic and an international new sphere.166 First, the communications revolution, which began shortly after the Second World War and continues today, makes possible the instantaneous transmission of information of all kinds across oceans and over mountains to the remotest areas of the world, disregarding national boundaries and penetrating the tightest fortresses of thought control. Transistor radio, computer link-ups, satellite, and transportation through a supersonic jet, electronic data processing, and telefax enable people everywhere to receive and pass on information that may previously have taken days or weeks to reach them, if at all. It is no longer only nations governments that know what is going on abroad; their citizens can obtain the same information at almost the same time – and act on it. The second reason for the rise of public diplomacy follows on the first: The information now available to the large public everywhere directly affects the formation of public opinion. Thus, public opinion has become an important factor in international affairs, exerting influence on the decision and actions of governments. The end of the Cold War increased the importance of communication between countries especially overseas. The access to news and information was increased with the spread of democracy and in parallel also the rise of international non-governmental movements and organizations, which had no borders but fought for the cause, putting more pressure on their national governments. The battle for hearts and minds once again was made very clear on the 11th of September 2001. The Western governments ever since continue to strive and convince the Muslim world and allies that the war is against terrorism and not

165 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 45. 166 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, Preface.

50 particularly against Islam, which makes it clear that this war will also have to be won initially in the hearts and minds of top policymakers.167

1.5. Public Diplomacy: Old and New

Edmund Gullion defined public diplomacy in 1965, attempting to free it from propaganda.168 Ever since the concept has been adapted and changed in the international arena. In modern times, also called as post Gullion period, considering that the circumstances have changed, and the communication mode has changed, targeting more mutual understanding rather than persuasion, even the meaning of public diplomacy has already changed. Historically as was also elaborated above, especially in the Cold War period, Gullion defined public diplomacy as “the means by which governments, private groups and individuals influence the attitudes and opinions of other peoples and governments in such a way as to exercise influence on their foreign policy decisions.”169 After the cold war, the view of international politics and the explanation of public diplomacy already started focusing on enforcing communication.170 Tuch for example described public diplomacy as a “government process of communication with foreign publics in an attempt to bring about understanding for its nation's ideas and ideals, its institutions and cultures as well as its national goals and current politics.”171 Different scholars, academics and practitioners have given different assumptions about public diplomacy throughout history, which has changed the meaning and the place of public diplomacy in different periods. As I have already elaborated earlier, starting as an attempt of an open diplomacy, that would include the public in the decision making, or at least the public would be transparently informed about the conventions and treaties signed at the U.S. Congress,172 to its changed meaning during the World War II, the idea of what public diplomacy can do and be used for has gone through different changes. During the Second World War public diplomacy was seen as a negative tool, taking the meaning of propaganda, which created another virtual war during the Cold War. However, throughout that time, as it has been presented above, so many manners and tools have been explored that

167 Mark Leonard, “Diplomacy by Other Means,” Foreign Policy, no. 132 (2002): 48, accessed September 20, 2018,https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/3183455.pdf . 168 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 19-23. 169 Edward R. Murrow Center of Public Diplomacy, n.d). Definitions of Public Diplomacy accessed September 3, 2018, http://fletcher.tufs.edu/Murrow/Diplomacy/Definitions. 170 Beata Ociepka, “Nowa dyplomacja publiczna – perspektywa teorii stosunków międzynarodowych i komunikowania politycznego,”Przegląd Strategiczny, no1 (2012): 130, accessed January 23, 2018, https://pressto.amu.edu.pl/index.php/ps/article/view/6015. 171 Tuch op. cit., p. 3-4. 172 “Public diplomacy opposed in Senate”, Washington Post, June 11, 1918, 3; “Open treaties beaten”, Washington Post, June 13, 1918, 2.

51 brought back later back the positive meaning of public diplomacy, both by definition and in practice. During the Cold War the actions and efforts to promote educational and cultural exchange through different programs, is what many scholars think that brought the Soviet Union down.173 Moreover, as it was already elaborated above, Gorbachev finally saw the power of public diplomacy and decided to raise the figures of support and favor for the Soviet nation. It was in 1965 that Gullion introduced the new term of public diplomacy which had an entirely new meaning. Public diplomacy of Edward Gullion intended to detach the propaganda from public diplomacy and emphasize a whole new theoretical elaboration about the term. In the meantime, the United States needed to continue with the work, however the war was already over, meaning that the tools had to be the same, just positive ones. Based on the evolution of the term public diplomacy, many scholars distinguish two eras of the term: the old public diplomacy and the new public diplomacy. Public Diplomacy of Gullion according to Nicolas Cull’s arguments, is what divides the term into two parts, when public diplomacy was a tool in the hands of governments and used for propaganda, and after Gullion, when it took a shape and the meaning of cooperation, education, exchange cultural understanding, etc.174 In the meantime, according to Jan Melissen, the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, gave the scholars the right to speak about new public diplomacy, in a practical term.175 However, a new chapter of public diplomacy starts in 2001 after the 9/11 attacks in the United States.176 The academics and scholars have again shifted the meaning of public diplomacy orienting towards relationships, engagement, understanding the needs of other countries, making up for mistakes, correcting wrong perceptions, changing the misinterpretation of other cultures and peoples.177However, although there has never been a one and only definition of public diplomacy, scholars and academics taking into account the historical evolution of the term have agreed in several principles of public diplomacy. Thus, public diplomacy describes: - the director mass-mediated communication activities by individuals, governmental and non-governmental organizations to a foreign government and/or foreign publics and/or the domestic public;

173 Richmond, “Cultural Exchange and the Cold War,”,355-360. 174 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 19-23. 175 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,”,8. 176 Ociepka, op. cit., p. 129. 177 Mark Leonard, Catherine Stead and Conrad Smewing, “Public Diplomacy,” The Foreign Policy Centre, London (2002):8, accessed December 12, 2018, https://fpc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2006/09/35.pdf.

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- aims at directly or indirectly reducing negative clichés and prejudices, generating sympathy and understanding for a nation's ideas, goals foreign policies, its institutions, culture and model of society. - aims furthermore at building positive images and relationships, facilitating closer political ties with alliances and encouraging tourism and foreign direct investments.178 New trials and necessities of public diplomacy after the cold war and after 11th of September terrorist attacks, have been heavily influenced by the interrelated revolutions in mass communication as internet, the democratization of politics, and globalization of public relations, which has enriched the definition public diplomacy in communications and international politics.179 These included utilization of such concepts as “soft power” two-way communication, strategic public diplomacy, information management, media framing, Public Relations and nation branding.180 The deep-rooted change in the technology was divided into two innovative deriving sectors: internet and networks such as CNN, BBC, Al-Jazeera and other networks of the capability of broadcasting live in every corner of the globe. 181 These networks became a cornerstone of information and a source of transparency throughout the entire world, regarding the global political affairs. According to Gilboa, “the internet provides states, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), communities, firms, and even individuals with ample opportunities to exchange ideas about world affairs, while revolutions in politics have transformed many societies from autocracy to democracy, generating growing mass participation in political processes. The revolution in international relations has transformed the goals and means of foreign policy. Promising, image and reputation around the world, achieved through attraction and persuasion, have become more important than territory, access, and raw materials, traditionally acquired through military and economic measures.”182 However, the main weaknesses in the study of public diplomacy are the fact that most of them either focus on the U.S. historical perspective and their experiences, which are important and crucial due to their analytical value, however, the contribution of this part

178 Derina Holtzhausen and Ansgar Zerfass. The Routledge Handbook of Strategic Communication (Abingdon, Routledge, 2014), 439-440. 179 Eytan Gilboa, “Diplomacy in the media age: Three models of uses and effects,” Diplomacy and Statecraft 12, no.2 (2001): 2, accessed September 12, 2018, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/09592290108406201?needAccess=true. 180 Gilboa, “Searching,” 58. 181 Nicholas Westcott, “Digital diplomacy: The impact of the internet on international relations,” (Oxford: Oxford Internet Institute, 2006): 4, accessed September 20, 2018, https://www.oii.ox.ac.uk/archive/downloads/publications/RR16.pdf. 182 Gilboa, “Searching,” 56

53 has been proven not to be crucial for the expansion of the methodology of public diplomacy. Moreover, this has further limited the study on the activities, programs and initiatives of other countries besides the U.S. and above all of those of international NGOs, corporations, individuals and groups of interest.183 According to Cull, these definitions and shifts also impact the practical part of public diplomacy in addition. These are: 1) increasingly non-traditional international actors and the prominent presence of NGOs; 2) shifting of the tools used to communicate, from real-time into virtual online platforms. 3) thin line between local and international broadcasts, influenced by technology; 4) in contrast to the old meaning of public diplomacy the new concept of public diplomacy derives from marketing, place and nation branding and in parallel, other concepts growing from communication theory; 5) Therefore, the new Public diplomacy is more about branding and soft power; 6) most importantly, it includes a new way considered as a shift from the actor-to- people communication during Cold War period and the importance of people-to-people contact for common interest, with the international actor as a mediator; and 7) the model of top-down communication is considered and featured as a “relationship building” model. Instead of having communication between the actor and an audience, it could easily become between two audiences who wish to facilitate their communication with each other. The main aim of this model is to maintain communication with the international environment.184

Dominant Old Public Diplomacy New Public Diplomacy Characteristics 1) The identity of the State State and nonstate international actor 2) Tech. environment Shortwave radio Print Satellite, Internet, real-time newspapers news Mobile telephones Land-line telephones 3) Media environment A clear line between domestic The blurring of domestic and and international news sphere international news sphere. 4) Source of approach An outgrowth of political An outgrowth of corporate advocacy & propaganda theory branding & network theory 5) Terminology “International image” “Soft power” “Nation Brand”

183 Gilboa, “Searching,” 56-67. 184 Cull, Public Diplomacy: Lessons from The Past, 12-15

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“Prestige” 6) Structure of role Top-down, actor to foreign Horizontal, facilitated by actor peoples 7) Nature of role Targeted messaging Relationship-building 8) Overall Aim The management of the The management of the international environment international environment

Table 1.“The Old Public Diplomacy and the New Public Diplomacy."185

However, Cull believes that one uncertain matter of the New Public Diplomacy that still needs to be dealt with is the connection among the production of the new actors and its relevance to the state.186 Similarly for Fitzpatrick, in PD’s of the 21st century, the main task and call of new diplomats were to use their skills to bring people together and address mutual challenges in an already globalized society. Fitzpatrick says that communication is essential in order to create mutual understanding and building relationships and trust, promote common decision making and universal values.187 Jan Melissen argues that the new public diplomacy involves dialogue and listening, therefore is a communication of two ways, 188 however the central difference between the old and the new public diplomacy stood in the element of complexity that the new public diplomacy demanded in relation to the models of communication, which represented a less ambitious processes of interaction.189 Likewise, Pamment in her book “New Public Diplomacy of the 21st Century, describes public diplomacy as dialogical, cooperating and engaging, which was a completely different model from broadcasting and dissemination, that aimed to take advantage of the public, but rather establish a two-way interaction with the public.190 As the early uses of the term new public diplomacy itself contained in itself the meaning of new media and new ways of operation carried out by the new media,191 while according to Tago, this new public diplomacy which included more than media, but rather nongovernmental agencies, private companies and volunteer groups, could impact in the communication even beyond borders.192 Moreover, for

185 Cull, Public Diplomacy: Lessons From The Past, 12-15. 186 Ibid. 187 Kathy R. Fitzpatrick,” Public Diplomacy in the Public Interest,” Journal of Public Interest Communications 1 (2017): 89, accessed December 22, 2018, http://journals.fcla.edu/jpic/article/view/93315. 188 Jan Melissen, “Beyond the New Public Diplomacy,” Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, the Hague, no3 (2011): 14-18, accessed September 21, 2018, https://www.clingendael.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/20111014_cdsp_paper_jmelissen.pdf. 189James Pamment, New Public Diplomacy in the 21st Century: A Comparative Study of Policy and Practice (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013),10. 190Ibid.,3. 191 bid.,8. 192Atsushi Tago, “Public Diplomacy and Foreign Policy,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics (2017):13, accessed October 26, 2018,

55 the USC Center on Public Diplomacy at the Annenberg School, new public diplomacy is viewed as taking place in a system of common advantageous relations that is no longer focused on the state but unruffled of manifold actors and connections, acting in an unsolidified global setting of new issues and perspectives.193

http://oxfordre.com/politics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e- 471?print=pdf. 193 USC Center on Public diplomacy, “Defining Public Diplomacy,” accessed December 18, 2018, https://www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org/page/what-is-pd.

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CHAPTER II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Public diplomacy is doubtlessly one of the most heated and discussed topics in the world of diplomacy. Foreign ministries are very cautious and pay much more attention to the reputation of their nations internationally.194 Meanwhile, in the field of academia, it has become a very attractive field for many scholars. Particularly since the previous century, public diplomacy has drawn attention and fell under the investigation of media, public opinion, and academia. It became a very important field during the cold war, as it was substantially used and taken advantage of on the compilation of ideologies, campaigns, and all other efforts to gain more support from the international audience around the world.195 This chapter represents the theoretical discussion related to public diplomacy. Different scholars and theories have attempted throughout history to define public diplomacy in one definition so that they know what public diplomacy is and what it isn’t. However, these efforts have raised very fruitful and important discussions among scholars, political scientists, philosophers, politicians, and diplomats, mainly trying to separate other concepts from public diplomacy, so that it becomes clearer what remains in the concept. Joseph Nye, Gyorgy Szondi, Mark Leonard, Robert Keohane, and many other scholars have deeply investigated this field, attempting to provide definitions on the related concepts as well, which I have also mentioned in the previous chapter. Thus, the concern in the debate is focused on separating public diplomacy from traditional diplomacy, propaganda, nation branding, public relations, and while it is already detached from all these concepts, what does it remain. In the meantime, public diplomacy scholars do not attempt to estrange public diplomacy from other concepts, but rather argue and stand on the ground of facts that public diplomacy is inclusive, however, it is a separate field, concept, and area as well. This chapter consists of six subchapters. In each one of the subchapters, the difference between public diplomacy and related concepts are presented. Three related concepts to public diplomacy that deserve brief attention are propaganda, nation-branding, and public relations. In this chapter, we will first present basic distinctions between public diplomacy and traditional diplomacy, then some of the concepts that deserve attention to analyze and discuss differences, relations and similarities between

194Jan Melissen, “Public Diplomacy Between Theory and Practice,” in The Present and Future of Public Diplomacy: A European Perspective. The 2006 Madrid Conference on Public Diplomacy, ed. Javier Noya (Madrid, 2006); 10. 195 Gilboa, “Searching,”55.

57 public diplomacy and public relations, public diplomacy and propaganda, public diplomacy and nation branding, public diplomacy, which various scholars and practitioners often use in the same context, but the relationship between these concepts remains vague. This chapter aims to elaborate on the theoretical aspect of public diplomacy, by initially introducing the definitions of public diplomacy as a concept and assessing the developments and evolution of the theories of public diplomacy. Secondly, this chapter will evaluate the importance of public diplomacy in the changing environment of international politics and provide the characteristics of good practices where public diplomacy has been applied. Third, the goal of this chapter is to provide the debate that give an insight on the differences and similarities of public diplomacy with traditional diplomacy, propaganda, public relations, and all other concepts, providing also a distinction between public diplomacy the old and new, what it is and what is its future according to the scholars. According to Gilboa, public diplomacy is not a clear field, and analyzing it is not an easy task, which states that public diplomacy is “probably one of the most multidisciplinary areas in modern scholarship.”196 Analyzing public diplomacy is possible only through multiple lenses of International Relations, Public Relations, Communication, Diplomacy, Anthropology, History, and many other fields that intertwine with the discussion.197 Among theories that have elaborated on public diplomacy and soft power, are the theory of neoliberalism and institutional liberalism. The representatives of these schools of thought like Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane are the ones that have further developed the term soft power, widening its dimensions and deepening its meaning for the engaged state and non-state actors. Joseph Nye linked public diplomacy with cultural relations, by stressing conveying data and exporting a positive image as a part of it, but he considered that public diplomacy involved building long-term affairs that create a supportive setting for government strategies.198 Nye and Keohane moreover developed the notion of complex interdependence, which is a world where security matters less if the countries are dependent on each other and thus their good relationship is a must in order to have mutual peace and security. Moreover, superpowers are not able to use force anymore as it was possible in the past, and also some non-state actors, as well as small stats who do not have the same resources, have also become competitively powerful. Gilboa identifies public diplomacy as a multidisciplinary area where

196 Gilboa,“Searching,” 56. 197 Katarzyna Pisarska, The domestic dimension of public diplomacy: Evaluating success through civil engagement (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016): 14. 198 Nye,“Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,” 101.

58 the different disciplines by engaging side-by-side important perceptions from a number of fields.199 Unlike from Gilboa, Szondi argue that public diplomacy is an eclectic field, which he defines as: “a process of answering a question, solving a problem, or addressing a topic that is too broad or complex to be dealt with adequately by a single discipline or profession...and draws on disciplinary perspectives and integrates their insights through construction of a more compressive perspective.”200 According to Szondi, “after almost three decades public diplomacy still lacks a universally accepted definition, and in spite of this fact, the concept has become ubiquitous,”201 although public diplomacy is considered as a key feature of the diplomatic environment.202 Thus, the concept of power is very important in this discussion, as due to the change of the concept of power, it has allowed public diplomacy to emerge as a new way to stay current in international politics. Economic interdependence, the rise of nationalism, the speed of information technology, and changing political issues are some of the reasons why the concept of power has changed. Chiefly, among others is information technology, which has given the power to the countries who have always had the last resort of opinion or no opinion at all in the development of international politics.203As Batora argues, public diplomacy has presented a new opportunity for small states to go beyond their limited hard power, and gain influence and shape international agenda beyond traditional manners.204 At the same time, governments have lost their credibility and the public does not find them trustworthy. Some of the international NGOs have much more credibility than some governments, and as they are free of control, they have become an important part of communication. For example, U.S. foundations and NGOs have played crucial roles in the consolidation of democracy in Eastern Europe during and after the cold war.205 Cull said if “diplomacy is an international actor’s attempt to conduct its foreign policy by engaging with other international actors (traditionally government-to-government contact), then public diplomacy is an international actor’s attempt to conduct its foreign policy by engaging with foreign publics (traditionally government-to-

199 Gilboa, “Searching,” 56. 200 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 32. 201 Ibid.,3. 202 Brian Hocking et al., Futures for Diplomacy: Integrative Diplomacy in the 21st Century (Den Haag: Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, 2012), 9, accessed October 27, 2018, https://www.clingendael.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/20121030_research_melissen.pdf. 203 Joseph S. Nye, “Soft Power,” Foreign Policy, no.80 (1990):160-161, accessed September 14, 2018, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/joseph_nye_soft_power_journal.pdf. 204 Josef Bátora, “Public Diplomacy in Small and Medium-Sized States: Norway and Canada,” (Den Haag: Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael” 97, 2005),1, accessed September 12, 2018, https://www.clingendael.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/20050300_cli_paper_dip_issue97.pdf. 205 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 113-114.

59 people contact).”206 In his book “Public Diplomacy: Lessons from the past,” Nicholas Cull has noted several factors of public diplomacy, as “listening, advocacy, cultural diplomacy, exchange, international broadcasting, and psychological warfare, which he considered as a parallel activity that shares key features of public diplomacy.”207 Moreover according to Cull, public diplomacy, although it is tightly related to the public, it does not always address the mass audience. In fact, public diplomacy most of its efforts spend on focusing on important individuals or in return communicate to the wider public. It is also worth stressing that public diplomacy is not necessarily the same thing as international communication or intercultural relations. Although international communication and intercultural relations contribute to the terrain on which public diplomacy must operate, they are not public diplomacy until they become the subject of an international actor’s policy.208 It was Edmund Gullion who first mentioned the concept of public diplomacy in 1965, its new meaning, entirely detached from propaganda and negative connotations that it had from the World Wars and the Cold War.209 An early definition of public diplomacy in the brochure of Murrow Center describes public diplomacy as:

Public diplomacy…deals with the influence of public attitudes on the formation and execution of foreign policies. It encompasses dimensions of international relations beyond traditional diplomacy; the cultivation by governments of public opinion in other countries; the interaction of private groups and interests in one country with another; the reporting of foreign affairs and its impact on policy; communication between those whose job is communication, as diplomats and foreign correspondents; and the process of intercultural communications.210

Other definitions of public diplomacy is that of the United States Information Agency which described public diplomacy this way: “Public diplomacy seeks to promote the national interest and the national security of the United States through understanding, informing, and influencing foreign publics and broadening the dialogue between American citizens and institutions and their counterparts abroad.”211 Additionally, Alan K. Henrikson claims that

206 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, Preface. 207 Cull, Public Diplomacy: Lessons From The Past, 17-22. 208 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, Preface. 209 Nicholas J. Cull, “Public Diplomacy' Before Gullion: The Evolution of a Phrase,” USC Public Diplomacy. University of Southern California, April 18, 2006, accessed October 28, 2018, https://www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org/blog/public-diplomacy-gullion-evolution-phrase. 210 Hansen op. cit., p. 3. 211 Farwell, op.cit, p.48.

60 public diplomacy can be considered as the management of international affairs through public, communicating and media, and today through the internet and through a large number of non-governmental entities which also are influential in politics and their governments.212 The definition of public diplomacy has been changed over the decades, based on the changes that happened in international relations and world politics. For example, Signitzer and Coombs in 1992 claimed that public diplomacy and public relations are very similar because they had not only similar goals but also employed similar methods and tools.213 Nevertheless, public diplomacy has not always been accepted as an intellectual concept, academic discipline or even as a profession in Foreign Politics that would engage particular staff in this regard. However, with the increase in the importance of public diplomacy and the identification of its impact, the institutionalization of it also changed. According to Malone, the base of public diplomacy is “is one of direct communication with foreign peoples, intending to affect their thinking and, ultimately, that of their governments.”214 Malone also suggests that public diplomacy influences on how governments are perceived in the eyes of foreigners and how they relate with the particular country 215 by bringing understanding for its nation’s ideas, culture, institutions, goals, and policies. 216 Signitzer and Coombs offered this broader definition of public diplomacy: 'How both government and private individuals and groups influence directly or indirectly those public attitudes and opinions which bear directly on another government's foreign policy decisions.217 Crocker Snow Jr claimed that public diplomacy was something that represented actions of governments intending to influence publics overseas through foreign policy processes, which has expanded nowadays, either by chance or accident, and it has also included media, corporations, NGOs, influential religious entities as active participants in its design.218 Additionally the former U.S. government official, Carnes Lord argues that it is public diplomacy’s duty and role in making national foreign policy look and sound softer, the

212 Alan K. Henrikson, What Can Public Diplomacy Achieve? (Clingendael: Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, 2006):8, accessed November 8, 2018, https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/publicdiplo.pdf, 213 Benno Signitzer and Timothy Coombs, “Public relations and public diplomacy: Conceptual divergence,” Public Relations Review 18, no. 2 (1992): 137-147. 214 Malone, op. cit., p. 199. 215 Ibid.,199-213. 216 Tuch, op. cit., p. 3. 217 Signitzer and Coombs, op. cit., p. 138. 218 Crocker Snow Jr. “Definitions of Public Diplomacy,” The Edward R. Murrow Center of Public Diplomacy (2005), accessed October 11, 2018, https://web.archive.org/web/20100617004930/http://fletcher.tufts.edu/murrow/pd/definitions.html.

61 exclusivity of which are foreign audiences.219 The U.S. Department of State refers to Public Diplomacy as “government-sponsored programs intended to inform or influence public opinion in other countries; its chief instruments are publications, motion pictures, cultural exchanges, radio, and television.”220 Public diplomacy contemporarily is one of the most striking issues of the 21st century, which became current after the September 11 terrorist attacks against twin towers in the United States in 2001. This attack was retaliated with military intervention against Muslim majority countries in Afghanistan and Iraq, with the U.S. and UK as two leading global forces, who are also the leading nations “in the battle for hearts and minds” of the Middle East.221 In conclusion, this chapter presents the arguments that public diplomacy is here to stay and so it only sees progress and development, and due to its increasing importance it should be taken seriously by the diplomatic services. Hansen argues that public diplomats should be generalists in terms of knowledge about media, television, administration, arts, culture, education, politics, international relations, and all other related fields.222 Finally, the analysis of this chapter will show that public diplomacy is not only a technique, but it is part of the world politics which shows that diplomacy and diplomatic representation has reached a new stage.

2.1. Public Diplomacy vs. Traditional Diplomacy

The difference between public diplomacy and traditional diplomacy historically can be said that one derives from the other. History of diplomacy itself originated from a world of feudal states that were expanding, and societies that were embracing and evolving through social changes. Therefore, whenever the need for expansion occurred, it also happened the need for cooperation. In this regard, diplomacy was a mechanism that molded and recognized the decisions and assumptions, their propensity to expand, their aggressiveness, and their readiness to employ force either to preserve an interest or to pursue another. The period of classic diplomacy was the entire international system was affected by the behavior or decisions of a limited or an elite number of powerful states, mainly in the continent of Europe. Being an instrument of power politics, when the response of the superpower was important and relevant to the other state, they also employed the art of persuasion and

219 Lord, Losing Hearts and Minds, 23-28. 220 United States Dept. of State,” Dictionary of International Relations Terms,” Department of State Library, 1987, 85. 221 Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor, op. cit., p. Preface. 222 Hansen, op. cit., p. 79.

62 attraction, to change, impose or influence on a decision or a policy, that would limit the possibility of using force, or only lighten the power of the threat.223 Throughout history and until the end of the Cold War, the global system has experienced an unprecedented state of affairs where all countries in one form or another, were in diplomatic relations with other states. The beginning of a form of globalization through the elimination of national borders and barriers as well as traveling of people, goods and information worldwide in an unimaginable speed, brought societies in contact with one another like never before.224 Therefore, international relations experienced a permanent change where no traditional diplomacy could any longer, alone, in its old patterns, manage peacetime affairs with other countries. Hence, a new form of a direct communication of people and countries came into the scene as a crucial component of international relations, presented as public diplomacy.225 In the scholar and IR debates, there have been many definitions and assumptions on how diplomacy is defined, constrained, based on its scope and tasks. For example, the Oxford English Dictionary defines diplomacy as “the management of international relations by negotiations; the method by which these relations are adjusted and managed by ambassadors and envoys; the business or parts of the diplomatist.”226 Then again, according to Alan James diplomacy can be designated restrictively as the way of conducting international relations by authorized representatives only, that is, “handling of relations between sovereign states through the mediation of accredited representatives.”227 According to Hedley Bull, diplomacy is “the conduct of relations between states and other entities with standing in world politics by official agents and by peaceful means.”228 While Allen C. Hansen becomes part of the debate with the justification that public diplomacy is “old wine in a new bottle.”229 In the meantime, according to Morgenthau, the task of diplomacy was fourfold:

1. “to determine the objectives in the light of the available power to pursue those objectives;

223 John W. Burton, Systems, States, Diplomacy and Rules (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), 199. 224 Raymond Cohen, “Reflecting on the New Global Diplomacy: Statecraft 2500 BC to 2000 AD,” in The Innovation in Diplomatic Practice, ed. Jan Melissen (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999), 1. 225 Tuch op. cit., p. 4. 226 Harold Nicolson, Diplomacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963), 15 227 Alan James, “Diplomacy and International Society,” International Relations 6, no. 6 (1980): 936, accessed November 18, 2018, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/004711788000600604. 228 Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), 162-163. 229 Hansen op. cit., p. 4.

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2. to assess the goals and the power of other nations, potential to pursue those objectives; 3. determine if there is any compatibility between the objectives and if they can work out together; 4. employ the appropriate and necessary means to pursue one’s objectives.”230

In light of these points, diplomacy was an art, which made things possible, through accommodation of needs and coercion whenever it was the necessary tool. Diplomacy was the means of pursuing the power policy but using limited forces whenever it was possible. Classic diplomacy was an instrument of states to meet the needs of the state in several levels: a) The man was by nature aggressive, at least when behaving in international society; the quest for power was universal and a fundamental drive; b) States, being led by and comprising men, were aggressive and sought power; c) some States were more aggressive and more inclined to seek power than others because of variations in needs, human qualities, social institutions, and philosophies; d) and each State was in these circumstances obliged to organize its defenses against the potential aggressive designs of others. These four propositions logically led to the postulation that battle of ‘vital interests’ between States could be controlled solitary within a threat system, and, if not confined, could be undertaken only by ferocity.231 But as governments came to understand that foreign affairs cannot be maintained only through traditional and classical diplomatic relations any longer, public diplomacy became the domineering factor of a nation’s international functioning. Meanwhile, although the centrality of communication to the conduct of diplomacy has long been apparent, scholars and experts have dedicated more efficient attention to these kinds of relationships in recent years than before. The renewed identified objectives can be portrayed as addressing four distinctive aspects of diplomatic activity: 1. Government-To-Government - refers to the traditional manners and forms of diplomacy, including the exchange of formal messages between monarchs, sovereigns, and governments; 2. Diplomat-To-Diplomat - refers to the knowledge that diplomats must have on the substance of the policy that they represent transmit;

230 Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Third Edition, 1960), 539. 231 Burton, op. cit., p. 200-201.

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3. People-To-People – refers to the foreign service officers that are specialized in public diplomacy and must possess a high level of understanding of people in the country where they serve, including their traditions, culture and the psychology of communication; 4. Government-To-People – refers to the assigned officers who must be competent and experienced communicators, with high knowledge upon the methods to broadcast, convey and transmit the messages in the way they are meant to be understood.232 The second term “diplomat to diplomat” is also called personal diplomacy, referring the personal and individual level of interactions between diplomats of respective countries, and their diplomatic contacts particularly. Meanwhile, the third, “people to people” is what is referred to as public diplomacy, characterized by cultural, educational and exchange programs such as Fulbright program, media development initiatives, and the like, all designed to explain and defend government policies and portray a nation to foreign audiences. The fourth, which is another form of public diplomacy, includes efforts by the government of one state to influence ordinary citizens or the elites of the other state to turn the foreign policy of the target nation to advantage.233 According to Hans N. Tuch, practitioners of public diplomacy should meet four qualifications, attained through education, training, and experience: First, they must have a solid foundation in the history, institutions, and culture of the country they represent.234 Communication through actor-parties is one of the factors in which public diplomacy is different from traditional diplomacy’s limitations, the way how they communicate and the fields in which they can communicate draws one of the lines between the two. While classic diplomacy has been defined as a government to government relationship as well as communication (G2G) at a high level of representation, public diplomacy focuses on governmental engagements and forms of communication with the other country’s public and society. Thus traditional diplomacy known as a classic diplomacy is limited to communication between states, while public diplomacy communicates directly with non-state actors, individuals, organizations, corporations, businesses, through which it promotes the interests and objectives of its state, intending to influence the foreign public in a particular issue or policy, as well as for the improvement of the overall image of the state.

232 Tuch op. cit., p. 39. 233 Jarol B. Manheim, Strategic Public Diplomacy and American Foreign Policy: The Evolution of Influence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 3-4. 234 Tuch op. cit., p. 3.

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Different scholars and practitioners throughout evolution of diplomacy and interstate relations have attempted to bring a clear definition of public diplomacy, to distinguish between classic and public diplomacy. For instance, Hans Tuch considers that public diplomacy is “a government’s process of communication with foreign publics in an attempt to bring about understanding for its nation’s ideas and ideals, its institutions, and culture, as well as its national goals and current policies.”235 However, considering that this definition of public diplomacy, in practice it defines more traditional public diplomacy, which was conducted from World War I to the end of the Cold War. Jan Melissen in his book “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,” among other factors considers that the basic difference between public and classic diplomacy stands on the relationship and the manner this relationship is conducted. While classic diplomacy is about the relationship between states and their representatives, public diplomacy is about other targets, such as general audience in international societies, non-official groups, individuals as well as civil society and education ties.236 Public Diplomacy differs from government conducted diplomacy known as traditional diplomacy, in that the latter involves conducting the relations among nations through the interaction of governments, foreign ministries in most cases. Because traditional diplomacy involves direct communication between states that often include disclosed information and therefore is not transparent to the public, requiring confidentiality and privacy, implying secret treaties and covenants, it merely means that the entire process of communication has to be confident until the reach of the agreement.237 Therefore the Oxford English Dictionary of 1989 defined traditional diplomacy can be considered as a dialogue between governments through officials, of two or more states, acting in their professional capacities. Traditional diplomacy can be understood here as simply dialogue between officials from the governments of two (or more) states acting in their professional capacities. All the contrary, all processes in public diplomacy are public and open, just as it is its purpose: appeal to the public, with the aim for people to know and understand, compared to the traditional diplomacy that involves talks between states representatives, public diplomacy concentrates on the relation of its country with foreign publics with the aim of their mobilization to influence their nation’s policies, security, and other interests.238 Ambassador Christopher Ross perceives public diplomacy as the appearance of traditional diplomacy, arguing that

235 Ibid. 236 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,”5. 237 Tuch op. cit., p. 3. 238 Kathy R. Fitzpatrick, The Future of U.S. Public Diplomacy: An Uncertain Fate (Leiden: Brill, 2010),.86.

66 traditional diplomacy seeks to advance national interests through private exchanges with foreign governments while public diplomacy pursues the same aims, thus supporting traditional diplomacy’s efforts working in coordination and in parallel with traditional diplomacy, through addressing of non-state audiences.239 Gifford Malone also claims that public diplomacy influences the perceptions of a government in the eyes of foreigners,240 by bringing understanding for its nation’s ideas, culture, institutions, goals, and policies.241 In the latest researches in this field, Karina Marczuk argues that public diplomacy aims to influence foreign publics, both people and authorities, aiming to craft a positive image of the country and “to win the hearts and minds” of foreign audiences.242 However, Joseph Nye argues in his book “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power” that public diplomacy is more about building long-term relations than creating a possible setting for state policies.243 W. Phillips Davidson also argues that public diplomacy is a combination of traditional diplomatic skills with those skills of mass communication experts and social researchers. According to Davidson, while the diplomat formulates the ideas that he wants to disseminate to the public, the social researcher investigates the audience while the communication expert chooses the media and the components of the message.244 It is hard to separate public diplomacy and traditional diplomacy of one country, just as it is difficult to have a broad view about the public diplomacy of states and entities, even of those most homogeneous ones like the European Union. In the language of public diplomacy, the United Kingdom and France, although having some professional cultures, show both similarities and differences. Similarly, in Europe but also in the state of Kosovo at the bottom of the list, as well as in modern countries like Belgium and Spain, which are ruptured in sub-state regions, who are practicing and pursuing their own ways of public diplomacy. In public diplomacy concepts, France and the United Kingdom, for example, have equal cultural factors in common as much as they have characteristics that distinct them from each other.245

239 Gareth Evans and Bruce Grant, Australia’s Foreign Relations in the world of the 1990s (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1995), 66. 240 Gifford D. Malone, “Managing public diplomacy,” Washington Quarterly 8, no.3 (2010):199-213. 241 Tuch, op. cit., p.3. 242 Karina P. Marczuk, “Public Diplomacy in the Service of the National Interest – Australia’s ‘Stopping the Boats’ Campaign,” Stosunki Międzynarodowe, no.4 (2016): 243-252, accessed August 20, 2019, https://www.ceeol.com/search/viewpdf?id=562182 243 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,”, 101. 244 Tuch, op. cit., p. 40. 245 Melissen, Beyond the New Public Diplomacy, 12.

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In his table, Brown has drawn some of the major differences between public and traditional diplomacy. In the list below, he represents traditional diplomacy with the state as the main actor, using coercion and imposition as manners of behavior and tools, being closed to public and mistrustful towards other states, under a centralized directive who strive for the win or lose games, mainly aiming to win land and power. In contrast, he describes public diplomacy as people empowerment type of diplomacy, who uses convincing and attraction as tools, respects preferences, aiming to win sympathy through transparency and credibility. Public diplomacy according to Brown relies on partnerships and networks, who strive for mutual gains and wins of values, and serves as a facilitator in inter-public relations.

Traditional Diplomacy vs Public Diplomacy

state people power coercion attraction imposing convincing ideologies preferences secrecy transparency power-play mutual benefit mistrust credibility self-serving partnerships/networks directing facilitating win/lose wars for land win/win for values

Table 2."Differences between Traditional Diplomacy and Public Diplomacy.”246

2.2. Public Diplomacy and Soft Power

The notion of soft power has initially started to gain devotion from scholars and politicians worldwide, and widely discussed since 1990, when Joseph Nye first used this term in his book “Bound to Lead,” pointing out that the United States remains the most powerful nation in all dimensions, including the third dimension he called the soft power, alongside the

246 John Brown, John Brown's Public Diplomacy Press and Blog Review, November 7, 2016, accessed 19 Dec. 2018, http://publicdiplomacypressandblogreview.blogspot.com/2016/11/pd-related-articles-from-google- search.html.

68 economic and military supremacy.247 In contrast to power and capacity based on material abundance, soft power resides on the '” the attraction to one's ideas or on the ability to set the political agenda in a way that shapes the preferences that others express,”248 Nye further developed the notion in 2004 in his book “Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics,” where he deliberates that soft power is gaining more importance day by day, rather than it had in the past and the term is being much more used now in international affairs, by statesmen and analysts.249 The major theories that have elaborated on public diplomacy and soft power are the theory of neoliberalism, and particularly Liberal Institutionalism as a school of thought that derived from it, which was founded by Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane. Representatives of these theories, Nye and Keohane have further developed the notion of soft power, deeply investigating the term, with the aim to widen and deepen the dimensions and meaning for the engaged state and non-state actors. Joseph Nye connected public diplomacy and cultural relations, emphasizing that creating and selling positive image and information as part of public diplomacy, however, alongside the considered that public diplomacy included the aim of building long term relations that would be also beneficial for governments and open the path for the penetration of their policies.250 However, according to Nye, “developing long- term relationships is not always profitable in the short term, and thus leaving it simply to the market may lead to underinvestment.” Although higher education may pay off, while non- governmental organizations can play a role of a helping hand, many initiatives and programs would minimize without any role assistance from the state.251 To develop lasting relationships with individuals in longer periods of time through academic and cultural exchanges (seminars, training, and conferences) and access to media broadcasts, according to Nye represented some of the most significant dimensions of public diplomacy.252 A country's soft power lies in its assets of values, culture, and policies. Nye considered that when the resources of soft power and hard power are combined in a state, it would be the state’s smart power.253 Nye and Keohane developed together, the concept of “complex interdependence,”

247 Joseph S. Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 260-262. 248 Ibid. 249 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, XII. 250 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,”, 101. 251 Ibid.,105. 252 Ibid.,102. 253 Nye, Bound to Lead, 181.

69 which is used to explain the system where security and force are less important and necessary, while countries get their political and social relations. One of the important factors in the relationship between public diplomacy and soft power is that soft power just as public diplomacy is not limited only to states, but also other actors who possess the power of influence, such as companies, NGOs, universities, and other interest groups. Joseph Nye even considered further music, art, and sports as a great source of soft power, stating that “much of American soft power has been produced by Hollywood, Harvard, Microsoft, and Michael Jordan.”254 Public diplomacy is speaking directly to people, thus, NGOs and civil society is the primary tool through which the United States can connect “soft power.”255 In parallel, Gyorgy Szondi, senior researcher in the field of soft power and public diplomacy, considers that Nye did not define clearly soft power, but rather conceptualized it as a power of attraction, thus he suggests that nation branding would suit more to the definition of Joseph Nye, rather than soft power.256 Joseph Batora, for example, described public diplomacy as the promotion of the state’s soft power257, while Melissen perceives it as a tool or instrument of soft power.258 Additionally, Gregory deems public diplomacy to be an instrument that is used by the governments, organizations of states, and other state and non-state actors of lower ranks, to understand cultures, behaviors, relationships, manners, and information, as well as influence opinions and activate actions to increase the interests and values of their own countries.259 Batora sees public diplomacy as a particular opportunity for the small states to exercise influence on the international agenda, which if it were based on their economic and military asymmetric capabilities, it would have been impossible.260 Additionally, Gareth Evans, the former Australian Foreign minister said that the attraction and influence of public diplomacy go beyond traditional diplomacy because public diplomacy manages to break through governments and the public of foreign countries.261 In cases when countries have bigger political influence than their economic and military power, it suggests that the reason behind the credibility is because they have defined their national interests in the service of

254 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 17. 255 Hady Amr, The Need to Communicate: How to Improve U.S. Public Diplomacy with the Islamic World (Washington: The Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution, no.6, 2004): 2, accessed September 2, 2018, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/amr20040101.pdf. 256 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and nation Branding, 8. 257 Bátora, op. cit., p.5. 258 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,”4. 259 Bruce Gregory, “American Public Diplomacy: Enduring Characteristics, Elusive Transformation,” The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6 (2011): 353. 260 Bátora, op. cit., p.1. 261 Evans and Grant, Australia's foreign relations, 66.

70 economic assistance and peacebuilding for other countries. Some of the best examples include the participation of Norway in peace negotiations in the Philippines, Balkans, Columbia, Middle East, where Norway justifies its deeds by saying that it part of their religious heritage but also the role of peacemaker, influences in the expansion of Norway’s soft power. Foreign Minister Jan Peterson said that the place of Norway in so many peace talks and negotiating tables increases the useful role of Norway, its value to other countries and allows Norway to gain more access in other societies.262 Public diplomacy has already its acknowledged part of history, in which it played a crucial role in promoting the soft power of countries and serve to the end of the cold war. Propaganda battles among the United States government and Soviet Union’s during the Cold War are emblematic examples of government-to-people communication broadcast, to impact on the foreign way of thinking, aiming to increase positivity in terms of their own country and rejection and negativity in terms of the opposite country. Contemporarily, the main struggle stands with transnational terrorism where the battle to win hearts and minds has re- emerged in its importance and countries cannot rely only on their heard power to win this battle again successfully. Therefore, public diplomacy is an important device in the battery of the smart power, however, this smart public diplomacy requires credibility, self-criticism and understanding the role of civil society in generating soft power, which is a hard thing to achieve.263 According to Nye, “winning the peace is harder than winning a war, and soft power is essential to winning the peace.”264 In the interim, on how the state power is created and what are the elements, Josef Batora in his article “Public Diplomacy in Small and Medium-Sized States: Norway and Canada”, says that the soft power of the state is created through the mutual action of multiple actors such as organizations that have impact on the public opinion, like artists, galleries, music, civic activists and NGOs, together with politicians, parties and philosophers, writers and associations, media and journalists, businesses and corporations, through products and joint campaigns, universities and academics, religious leaders and entities, and many other groups who play such roles in the public.265 Nevertheless, Nye insisted that long term relationships with government information through public diplomacy are as important as communication with the public. Because Nye was an American political scientist, he elaborated on the U.S. examples, where over time more than seven hundred thousand

262 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 10. 263 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,” 94. 264 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, XII. 265 Bátora, op. cit., p.3.

71 individuals, among them two hundred leaders, have worked to create the engines of U.S. academic and cultural exchanges, which helped the education of world leaders such as Margaret Thatcher, Anwar Sadat, and Helmut Schmidt.266 Former United States Secretary of Defence, Robert Gates outlined the benefits academic exchange has for the U.S, stating: “No policy has proven more successful in making friends for the United States than educating international students at our colleges and universities.”267 Therefore student exchange, throughout the years, through programs and projects, even during the cold war, where the diplomatic relations between the United States of America and the Soviet Union were inexistent, has shown to be one of the highest effective and successful ways to build understanding across nations, which has influenced in a transformation of the international system from bipolar to an open international political system. In this transformed international system, soft power will be an essential element in enhancing influence over international conclusions, because it has become more difficult to coerce nations and non- state actors through the principal devices of hard power, such as the threat to use force.268 Soft power is based on the ability and skills to influence and shape the preferences and choices of other people. On a personal level, one can argue that soft power could be parallelized with the power of attraction and seduction. Meanwhile, while at the political level, soft power is the core of politics in a democracy, thus, political leaders have long sat upon the fact and impact of the power to shape the agenda and the ability to determine the framework of a discussion. At the political level, the ability to influence and shape political choices and decisions is widely associated with indirect factors and assets such as personality, behavior, culture, credibility, political values, institutional level, and political background that sets one’s legitimate authority and charisma. In his book “Bound to Lead” Joseph Nye had written that power is to have the Soft Power capacity to influence the actions of others and making them “to want what you want”269 while he argues that “soft power of a country rests primarily on three resources: its culture (in places where it is attractive to others), its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), and its foreign policies (when they are seen as legitimate and having moral authority).”270 Additionally, Nye continues his

266 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,” 102-108. 267 Robert M. Gates, “International Relations 101,” The New York Times, March 31, 2004, accessed September 12, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2004/03/31/opinion/international-relations-101.html. 268 Giulio M. Gallarotti, “Soft Power: What it is, why it’s Important, and the Conditions Under Which It Can Be Effectively Used,“Journal of Political Power 57 (2011): 5, accessed October 22, 2018, https://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/div2facpubs/57. 269 Nye, Bound to Lead, 181. 270 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 11.

72 argument with the claim that having power and resources will not always get you the results that you anticipate and you want, explaining that the United States, although that its resources were far more advanced than Vietnam, they yet still lost the war in Vietnam, and although it was the only superpower in the world in 2001, it could not prevent the terrorist attacks against twin towers on the 9th of September.271 In the light of the explanation of Nye’s arguments, he argues that if I can convince you to do what I want, I will not have to use force to make you do what I want. However, soft power is not the only influence in its base. Above all, influence also includes threats and coercion as well as political threats and payments, while soft power is more about political attraction and persuasion, and ability to move people with the force of the argument, and lead them towards compliance and submission.272 As it is mentioned above, Joseph Nye also argues that soft power might not always get you what you want. Public diplomacy is used as an instrument by the governments to mobilize all the resources they have in order to attract the public of other nations, rather than their homologs. These resources include broadcasting, gaining attention through subsidizing cultural programs, exports, educational and professional exchanges, and so forth. However, if the composition and the nature of the culture of that country, values, policies and living manners, are not attractive to the other side, public diplomacy cannot produce soft power for that country, but it might have a reversed effect of the conflicting outcome. For example, Hollywood films that contain elements of violence, language, and nudity, exported to Muslim countries where they are forbidden, it can produce riots instead of soft power. Similarly, if the Voice of America broadcasts will exalt governmental policies that are considered as harmful and arrogant by the public, it will only be classified as propaganda and will cause irritation in the as public, but it will not produce soft power nor attraction. Likewise, Gilboa in his article “Searching for a Theory of Public Diplomacy” argues that if soft power is not relevant to the society where it is being promoted, it can have exactly the opposite outcome. He mentions exactly the American values that can be appreciated in some parts of the world such as in Australia and Canada but completely rejected in Iran and Saudi Arabia, where the attitude towards these “values” is absolutely the opposite.273 Nevertheless, academic, professional and scientific exchange programs have played a crucial role in increasing and expanding American soft power. Many experts and analysts have agreed that America’s glorified culture has produced soft power for the USA. For example, former U.S. Secretary of State, Colin

271 Ibid.., 3. 272 Ibid., 6. 273 Gilboa, “Searching,” 62.

73

Powell addressing the International Education Week in 2001, said: “I can think of no more valuable asset to our country than the friendship of future world leaders who have been educated here.”274 Essentially, many studies have shown over the decades that students who conduct their exchange programs or studies at the United States, return with high appreciation for American values, culture, the way of living, individual qualities, remarkable good willing people, sense of the functionality of the U.S. in general. The successor of Powell, Former Secretary Condoleezza Rice during the nominations for Karen P. Hughes, under the Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, said that public diplomacy is a dialogue, and conversation, rather than monologue, thus it is important to join the conversation and open towards visitors and students from around the world, known as people to people diplomacy. Rise put stress upon the importance of listening to other people’s stories and perspectives, mentioning that cooperation with universities, learning other nation’s languages and having an open attitude towards their cultures is an essential part of public diplomacy.275 Regarding the exercise of soft power, Joseph Nye states that the exercise of soft power must rely on three major factors: 1. culture – in countries where that culture is repellent to others; 2. its political values – when the country lives up to those political values at home and promotes them internationally; 3. its foreign policies - when those countries are seen as legitimate and their moral authority is accepted as such.276 Gilboa argues that broadcasting is only one of the techniques used by public diplomacy to exercise soft power. Other channels include science, education, student exchanges, culture, art and artists, festivals, auctions and exhibitions, youth and cultural centers, language promotion through friendship and volunteering, as well as cooperation between associations and civil society organizations. While the media are used to have a direct impact on the public, other channels such as youth and cultural centers, target other audiences that can have a bigger influence on public opinion. Moreover, as the media are limited to the focus on actualities and current affairs, other channels deal with building long term influential channels, and long-term perceptions for other countries, based on their features, goals,

274 Christopher Ziguras, “Soft Power Projection: The Political Return on Investment in International Higher Education,” in Handbook on the Politics of Higher Education, ed. Brendan Cantwell, Hamish Coates and Roger King (Edward Elgar Publishing, 2018), 172. 275 Condoleezza Rice remarks in “Karen Hughes Selected to Head Public Diplomacy, Rice Announces, March 14, 2005,”U.S. Department of State Archive, March 14, 2005, accessed October 18, 2018, https://2001- 2009.state.gov/secretary/rm/2005/43385.htm.. 276 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,” 96.

74 methods, ways of living, etc. Therefore, Gilboa in comparison to Joseph Nye, suggests three variations of public diplomacy based on: a. characters of participants, b. the goals of the participants, c. and their methods;277

2.3. Public Diplomacy and Propaganda

Propaganda is possibly the eldest and the most obvious type of information inventiveness that political units use with societies.278 The word propaganda according to Merriam-Webster dictionary synonyms “ideas, facts, or allegations spread deliberately to further one's cause or to damage an opposing cause.”279 While the term propaganda originates from Latin word propagare which means to spread, disseminate or propagate, thus propaganda means the information that is intended to be propagated.280 The word itself originally steam from the new congregation of the Catholic Church of 1622, called Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (Congregation for Propagating the Faith), or unofficially recognized simply as Propaganda.281 The activities of the Catholic faith aimed to propagate Christianity to the countries that were non-catholic at the time.282 Propaganda today is mainly used when referring to the political statements, however, the word itself has religious and background. In the modern meaning, the word propaganda is pejorative, which negatively means spreading bad information, half- truths and falsehoods, biased information and untrustworthy statements, which are done with the intention to serve to a hidden agenda. It is used to describe presentations that intend to influence public opinion, by providing impartial information.283 Thus modern word replacements of propaganda can often be lies, brainwashing, and deceiving.284 In comparison to public diplomacy, propaganda has a much longer background and

277 Eytan Gilboa, “Mass Communication and Diplomacy: A Theoretical Framework,” Communication Theory 10, no. 3 (2000): 291, accessed January 8, 2019, https://academic.oup.com/ct/article/10/3/275/4210393. 278 R.S. Zaharna, “Mapping out a Spectrum of Public Diplomacy Initiatives: Information and Relational Communication Frameworks,” in N. Snow and P.M. Taylor (eds), Handbook of Public Diplomacy (New York Routledge, 2009), 89. 279 Merriam-Webster’s Dictionary, “Definition of propaganda,” Merriam-Webster’s Dictionary, accessed October 12, 2018, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/propaganda. 280 Oxford Dictionary, “Definition of propaganda in English,” Oxford Dictionary, accessed November 26, 2018, https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/propaganda. 281 Barbara Diggs-Brown, Strategic Public Relations: An Audience Focused Approach (Boston: Cengage Learning, 2011), 48. 282 Online Etymology Dictionary,“Origin and meaning of propaganda,” Online Etymology Dictionary, November 26, 2018, https://www.etymonline.com/word/propaganda. 283 Diggs-Brown, op. cit., p. 49. 284 Cull, Culbert, and Welch, Propaganda and mass persuasion, 317.

75 discussion baggage, than in this context, it is very hard to be impartial in the literature concerning propaganda. Moreover, students and scholars of propaganda see public diplomacy as derivation or branch that grew out of propaganda, and some phenomena have common genesis and roots as well as similar characteristics of growth, thus they agree on the hypothesis that public diplomacy can be considered as a pre-propaganda term. Different standpoints support these approaches on the definition of propaganda and public diplomacy and the similarities and differences between the two. For example, according to David Welsh, propaganda can be understood as “the deliberate attempt to influence the opinions of an audience through the transmission of ideas and values for the specific purpose, consciously designed to serve the interest of the propagandists and their political masters, either directly or indirectly.”285 These kinds of definitions are hard to be differentiated from the definitions of public diplomacy and are much easier to view public diplomacy as a subdivision of propaganda. In the finest scenario, the first suggests that the last emerge from the interrelation between states and societies from other countries. Traditional students of diplomacy support this interpretation of public diplomacy, from the point of view that public diplomacy was a “corrupted” form of traditional forms of diplomatic communication, which is useful to a large extent and is not anti-diplomatic in its core. As the former U.S. diplomat Richard Holbrook stated in the interview for the New York Times “Call it public diplomacy, call it public affairs, psychological warfare if you want to be blunt, propaganda.”286 Among the scholars that rose the philosophical debate regarding propaganda and public diplomacy, Jan Melissen claims that propaganda and all interactions and activities that are included under the umbrella of public diplomacy are as old as classic diplomacy itself.287 Laswell additionally stated that: “Propaganda as a mere tool is no more moral or immoral than a pump handle, the only effective weapon against propaganda on behalf of one policy seems to be propaganda on behalf of an alternative.”288 Additionally, Carnes Lord argues that it is a major mistake to identify “public diplomacy” that is practiced by the U.S. and other states today with “propaganda” practiced by the Soviet Union or Nazi Germany.289 Moreover, according to Nicholas J. Cull, public diplomacy becomes propaganda if it is misused for

285 David Welch, “Powers of Persuasion, “History Today 49, no.8 (1999): 26. 286 Richard Holbrooke, “Get the Message Out,” Washington Post, 28 October 2001, accessed December 23, 2018, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/12/13/AR2010121305410.html. 287 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,”, 3. 288 Nancy Snow, “Public Diplomacy and Propaganda: Rethinking Diplomacy in the Age of Persuasion,” E- International Relations, December 4, 2012, accessed November 14, 2018, https://www.e- ir.info/2012/12/04/public-diplomacy-and-propaganda-rethinking-diplomacy-in-the-age-of-persuasion/. 289 Lord, Losing Hearts and Minds, 27.

76 purposes that do not respect the moral and ethical lines of diplomatic conduct.290 Edward R. Murrow, who was the director of USIA in 1963, during the Cold War era, told the U.S. Congress in May the same year, that “truth is the best propaganda and lies are the worst”291 while the Former Ambassador of the United States Christopher Ross said that when propaganda made him imagine the manipulative part and the kind of processes, and that he would not like to think that public diplomacy has the same side. According to him “In public diplomacy, we don't deliberately look to state things that are not true. Propaganda contains many lies, but we formulate them in a certain way, however, we deal with the truth. Much propaganda contains lies and does not shy away from them. We may couch them a certain.”292 The major difference between propaganda and public diplomacy standstills in the design of interaction and communication. Modern public diplomacy is a reciprocal way with two directions, although the diplomats who are part of it will always put the interest of their own countries on the first place, as well as the foreign policies of their countries, which can also be the main reason why they do interact with the public on the first place. It is inducement through negotiations that are based on communication, in its literal meaning of the notion, meaning that public diplomacy is similar to propaganda in attempt to influence people on what they think, but it differs on the way that what public diplomacy does in comparison is that it pays attention to public opinion as well. One of the earliest definitions of public diplomacy states that an important indirect distinction between public diplomacy and propaganda stands on the description of the later, “as a process that deliberately attempts through persuasion techniques to secure from the propaganda, before he can deliberate freely, the responses desired by the propagandist.”293 Meanwhile propaganda most of the time lacks the credibility and the intention behind it is always questionable, public diplomacy is a distinguished effort in building relationships among nations, and is used to change political environments for good, even though it carries information and sells a positive image, which is also a characteristic of propaganda.294 Therefore, as propaganda lacks credibility, it is counterproductive it is used instead of public diplomacy. Not even public relations is mere public diplomacy, although it also has as its

290 Cull, Public Diplomacy: Lessons From The Past, 23. 291 Public Diplomacy Achievement Awards, “About U.S. Public Diplomacy,” Public Diplomacy Achievement Awards, accessed October 12, 2018, http://pdaa.publicdiplomacy.org/?page_id=6. 292 Stephen Hess and Marvin Kalbi, The Media and the War on Terrorism (Washington: Brookings Institute Press, 2003), 224-225. 293 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,” 19. 294 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 107.

77 integral part, selling an image and conveying information, however, public diplomacy additionally, involves building long term relationships that create and improve the environment for governmental policies.295 This is why Berridge considers that public diplomacy is only a euphemism for propaganda, just because governments can no longer call it propaganda, as long as the impression it is created that it is something negative and its spreads lie.296 Nancy Show, a scholar in the field of public diplomacy and propaganda, in her essay “Public Diplomacy and Propaganda: Rethinking Diplomacy in the Age of Persuasion”, says that public diplomacy is far less manipulative, considering that it puts human interaction in the center of its attention. She even wants to believe that public diplomacy is not just a lighter and politer way of propaganda, or any euphemism to it, but rather a tool of modern diplomacy. According to Snow “propaganda and public diplomacy are interchangeable terms, just relatable.”297 Joseph Nye in his book “The Means to Success in World Politics,” in support of Mark Leonard's arguments, who was a British expert on public diplomacy, states that those who think that public diplomacy is rewording, or a synonym of propaganda miss point.298 In addition to the discussion about the public diplomacy and propaganda being synonyms and euphemism for one another, Mull and Wallin also consider that the two concepts have had a contentious relationship, having the same aim regarding the influence of public, but using two different sets of principles, thus they categorize propaganda as the subcategory of public diplomacy.299 However, according to Nancy Snow, propaganda uses emotions and causes to persuade public opinion and actions to support the intended goals, while it also uses mass media to cultivate a propagating way of thinking, cultivate individual relationships with the societies and other groups. Snow says that mass media serve as machinery that makes propaganda function and flourish, while it continues to work on altering public convictions and underpin critical thinking and awareness. To end this, propaganda as to be perceived as a phenomenon that is mass-mediated and deeply rooted in the culture.300 Berridge, for example, relates those two concepts as follows, “Propaganda is the

295 Ibid. 296 Geoff Berridge, Diplomacy: Theory and Practice (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015), 179. 297 Snow, “Public Diplomacy and Propaganda.”. 298 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics,107. 299 Cull, Nicholas J., Powerpoint Presentation, “Foreign Service Institute Public Diplomacy 2013,” quoted in Christian Mull and Matthew Wallin. “Propaganda: A Tool of Strategic Influence, “American Security Project (2013), 3, accessed November 22, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep06038?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents. 300 Nancy Snow, “Propaganda,” The International Encyclopedia of Journalism Studies (2018): 1-2.

78 manipulation of public opinion through the mass media for political ends, whether it is honest or genuine or not.”301 Moreover, Berridge still considers that public diplomacy is just a modernized term of propaganda, which targets the international public.302 Two of the most important characteristics of propaganda are its historical background and the understanding of the public about its manipulations and deceit of foreign publics over crucial matters during history. Propaganda is usually perceived as a concept with high negative meaning, reinforcing memories from Nazi and Communist propaganda, Cold War fears and strategies, and contemporarily, all the operations and strategies that continued from the post-Cold War conflicts. However, meanwhile, the contemporary diplomatic strategies and practices show that there are completely different ways of dealing with foreign publics, which are not as objectionable and fundamental as before. For example, for many people, even the Western European campaigns in East Europe, which were conducted with the purpose of building a strong civil society, enforce the rule of law and improve the performance and consolidation of democracy, is still considered to be a form of propaganda. Nevertheless, when one is deeply studying and loosening on the gears of public diplomacy and propaganda, one cannot stop but notice that public campaigns of some states have a mixture of the modern manners of public diplomacy and old-style propaganda manipulations, which are also sold as public diplomacy. Despite that, it should not hinder the rise of the new public diplomacy as an important and significant development in the overall diplomatic practices. A sort such as propaganda merely cannot apprehend the modern-day diversity in relations between diplomatic practitioners and progressively insistent foreign publics. Let’s say, it is hard to equalize the Dutch diplomats discussing the future of Netherlands, taking examples of Germany and the risks of radicalization of Islamic minorities, with those of propagandists, nor we can compare a Canadian diplomat discussing environmental policies and global warming with the U.S. associations as propaganda. In parallel, for academics, it seems to be an easier way to be excluded from this conundrum than for practitioners of diplomacy who are just doing their job. According to Harold D. Laswell, an American scholar, and scientist, some propaganda is addressed towards individual attitudes, some towards groups like workers or immigrants; other propaganda is used to influence an attitude towards institutions, policies, governments, and parliaments, while some others to organize attitudes towards a cause, for example, joining the army, buying war

301 Geoff Berridge, Diplomacy: Theory and Practice, 179. 302 Ibid.

79 bonds, or supporting the war.303 As Nicholas Cull claims, “if propaganda is to be a useful concept, it first has to be divested of its pejorative connotations.”304 In this view, propaganda can be seen as an extensive and morally unbiased political activity that is to be separated from sorts such as information and education. When comparing propaganda with education, the distinction between the two according to Cull lies in the purpose. What separates propaganda from education or information, is that propaganda “tries to tell people what to think”. While information and education try to broaden the horizons and raise awareness of the public and open their minds, propaganda aims to narrow them and even close them entirely.305 Having public diplomacy portrayed as a variation of propaganda, it can also be considered as an activity that in a tangible or intangible way, aims to narrow or close the minds of the targeted international audience. Taking into account the first appearance of the work of propaganda, it gives the impression that this is its true intention actually and it leads towards this direction, also having in mind that there are countless situations when the governments have tried to fool the foreign audiences and they have noticed it. Ever since and so today, campaigns of many countries are only broadcast messaging, without the opportunity to hear back from the audience, while a number of these countries have a huge record in manipulating foreign publics. Therefore, it is accurate that public memory recalls the official communication of other countries, which was contaminated in the previous experiences, much more than just occasional cases in the recent practice – allowing other states to narrow the minds of the public through propaganda. According to the arguments of Melissen, the new public diplomacy that is in development, for the influence it might have of any extent in the future diplomatic principles, it will not be a one-way messaging with the foreign societies. Moreover, one of the senior diplomats of the British Council conference said that “The world is fed up with hearing us talk: what it wants is for us to shut up and listen.”306 The definition of Jay Black for propaganda makes it even more clear while he states that “Whereas creative communication accepts pluralism and displays expectations that its receivers should conduct further investigations of its observations, allegations, and conclusions, propaganda does not appear to

303 Harold D. Lasswell, “The Theory of Political Propaganda, “The American Political Science Review 21, no. 3, (1927): 629, accessed December 24, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/1945515.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3A1b1df0a99cf5403f80cf7e1d93106a6d. 304 Nicholas J. Cull, David Culbert and David Welch, Propaganda and Mass Persuasion: A Historical Encyclopedia, 1500 to the Present (Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 2003), x-xx. 305 Ibid. 306 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,” 19.

80 do so.”307 Black declared that it’s possible to conduct public relations, win the foreign publics without being propagandistic to an unjustifiable extent, considering that communication between officials and state agents in the past might have been difficult, but it is unrealistic to claim that such difficulties remain in the increasingly complex transnational relations in the present world politics.308 While some modern and contemporary authors seem not to be bothered by many questions and details that differentiate the contemporary new public diplomacy, Jan Melissen does not agree with the critics of public diplomacy. Melissen classifies two terms based on the term of communication, arguing that public diplomacy is a “two-way street”, which might be similar to propaganda for the fact that it tries to sway and induce people on the way they think or what they think, however, it is profoundly different on the element that public diplomacy listens to what the public has to say, which is not the case of propaganda.309 Likewise, Nicholas Cull, a leading scholar in public diplomacy and propaganda, has distinguished some features that make the difference between public diplomacy and propaganda:

Propaganda Public Diplomacy Selective of the truth Based on truth Rarely two-way Often two-way Listens in order to target Listens in order to learn Intended only to influence target Can influence the originator Tight agenda Flexible agenda Assumes others are wrong Tends to be respectful of others Closed Open

Table 3."The key differences between public diplomacy and propaganda."310

According to the Cull’s table of key figures, Public diplomacy and propaganda differ on the approach towards the truth, the reciprocity of the way of communication, the intentions behind researches, which for propaganda is to make the target selection easier, while for public diplomacy the research is done with the purpose to improve communication

307 Jay Black, “Semantics and Ethics of Propaganda,” Journal of Mass media Ethics 16, no. 2-3 (1986): 133- 135. 308 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,” 19. 309 Ibid., 18. 310 Mull and Wallin, op. cit., p. 3.

81 and learn. Moreover, public diplomacy can influence the public on the way to the realization of its flexible agenda, however, it remains respectful towards the foreign public, its culture and values, being an open system, while propaganda as a closed system, operates intending to influence the target, following its tight agenda by assuming that the recipients of the message are wrong, therefore it expects the outcomes that might often be counterproductive. Public diplomacy and propaganda together can be counted upon to orient other publics on the government’s policies or any special operation. However, this line of conducting such an orientation can be thin, and it is subject to interpretation.311 The most recent cases in the Western Balkans, of political propaganda against states, are the cases of propaganda against Kosovo, conducted and operated by the Serbian government, especially targeting the efforts of Kosovo to join international organizations and more specifically, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 2015, as well as the application of Kosovo to become member of International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) in November 2018. As a result of harsh propagandistic campaigns done by the Serbian government to the states that had the power of the vote, Kosovo failed the bid to join UNESCO and INTERPOL, more than once. Moreover, in October 2015, the Serbian Government announced that they would not stop the efforts of harsh campaigns against Kosovo, including the one online, in order to undermine Kosovo’s bid to join UNESCO. They announced that they would be engaging volunteers to promote Belgrade’s roadmap, after many other campaigns that they had already launched against Kosovo. Professor of International Relations, Lisen Bashkurti wrote that the main cause of Kosovo’s failure to join Kosovo at Interpol and even achieving a very low score in this vote was the very aggressive lobbying of Serbia's foreign policy and diplomacy. “It is not enough that people do that spontaneously, it is necessary that the state supports them, and it will be done in a highly visible and effective way,”312 he said for one of the regional Balkan political magazines. Ever since Kosovo declared the independence in 2008, followed by the recognition of about 116 states until recent dates, Serbian government has followed a harsh propagandistic political and diplomatic operations, preventing Kosovo to join in a large number of international and regional organizations as well as initiatives, that were founded for the exact

311 Tsan-Kuo Chang and Fen Lin, “From propaganda to public diplomacy: Assessing China’s international practice and its image, 1950–2009,” Public Relations Review 40, no. 3 (2014): 451, accessed October 17, 2018 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S036381111400085X?via%3Dihub. 312 Igor Jovanovic, “Serbia Plans Kosovo Online Propaganda Campaign,” BalkanInsight, October 26, 2015, accessed November 12, 2018, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/serbia-to-launch-internet-campaign-on- kosovo-10-26-2015.

82 purpose of facilitating improvement of neighborhood relations in the Western Balkans, blocking this way the expansion of further recognition, and even working hard to attract recognition for the Republic of Kosovo from certain states. At the polling session at the General Assembly, on December 20, 2018, Kosovo failed to become a full-fledged member of this important United Nations agency. After failing in the first round and the second-round bid, Kosovo failed to get 2/3 of the vote to become part of one of the world's most important security agencies in the United Nations.313 According to the Government, the aggressive campaign of Serbia confirms once again its policies against Kosovo and the idea of the normalization of relations with the Republic of Kosovo. “Voting against Kosovo’s admission in this international organization serves only to crime and criminals and nobody should applaud this fact,” it is stated in the press release. The Government of Kosovo has thanked all the countries which backed Kosovo’s bid and helped the country in this important process. Serbia hailed as a diplomatic victory the vote of Interpol against granting Kosovo full membership on Tuesday.314 Kosovo’s Prime Minister, Ramush Haradinaj, conveyed “deep disappointment” on Facebook over Pristina’s failed Interpol bid and blamed Serbia of fighting a “vicious campaign” against Kosovo’s membership.315 For the normalization of relations between the two parties, the EU facilitated a high- level dialogue between Belgrade and Prishtina, which resulted in April 2013 in a landmark agreement.316 Article 14 of Brussels Agreement on Normalization of Relations between Kosovo and Serbia, reached in April 2013, specifies that “neither side will block or encourage others to block, the other side's progress in their respective EU path”.317 About the Serbian propaganda, namely the Serbian news agency, “Kurir.rs”, in October 2018, the Kosovo ambassador to the U.S, Vlora Çitaku also reacted. “State-sponsored propaganda from Belgrade never ceases to amaze me with their imagination. Kosovo is the most pro-USA and EU country in the region. No sponsored propaganda can change our vision and our

313 Lisen Bashkurti “Dështimi Kosovës në Interpol, shkaqet kryesore, “RajoniPress, November 22, 2018, accessed December 12, 2018, https://rajonipress.com/deshtimi-kosoves-ne-interpol-shkaqet-kryesore/. 314 Gazeta Express “Kosovo fails in Interpol membership bid,” GazetaExpress, November 20, 2018, accessed December 12, 2018, https://www.gazetaexpress.com/en/news/kosovo-fails-in-interpol-membership-bid- 174606/?utm_source=referral&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=copyright. 315 Filip Rudic, Eve-Anne Travers and Plator Gashi, “Kosovo’s Bid to Join Interpol Fails,” BalkanInsight, November 20, 2018, accessed December 7, 2018, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/kosovo-s-bid-to-join- interpol-fails-11-20-2018. 316 European Union, “Kosovo and Serbia Reach Landmark Deal,”19 April 2013, accessed September 19, 2018, http://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/2013/190413__eu-facilitated_dialogue_en.htm. 317 European Commission, “Kosovo 2013 Progress Report - European Commission,“ 2013, accessed October 28, 2018, https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood- enlargement/sites/near/files/pdf/key_documents/2013/package/brochures/kosovo_2013.pdf

83 commitment.”318 In his comment, former Dutch ambassador Robert Bosch considers that despite the signed agreement, Serbia did not start from anything else but try to block the public response from the EU against their actions which have intensified over the last years. Reactions of Kosovo's blockade by Serbia, through official propaganda, were followed by internationals, such as the US Embassy,319 United Kingdom.320

2.4. Public diplomacy and Nation-Branding

One of the other instruments of public diplomacy, which shares the aim to influence and target foreign nations and international audiences, is “nation branding.”321 The first time the notion was used by Simon Anholt, in 1996, a British policy advisor, who intended to describe the difference between the behavior of the states with the behavior of the companies and corporations, whose progress depended on good management, good environment, prosperity, and development.322 Even though public diplomacy has been described as “American peculiarity”, nation branding has more European origin and a clear British dominance,323 which aims to promote the nation’s image and agenda. Public diplomacy and nation branding are estimated as instruments of soft power. Both terms are also evaluated as instruments of soft power. It can be explained as “direct communication with foreign peoples, to affect their thinking, and ultimately, that of their governments.”324 Moreover, according to Szondi, nation branding enjoys more exclusivity and visibility, and is richer with visual symbols, therefore, audiences of other nations are more likely to spot and notice another country’s creative campaigns, which contrasting public diplomacy which is more of a slower a softer operation, relies more on behavior than visuality. Moreover, in certain circumstances, nation branding is more transparent and open towards the public than public diplomacy.325 Nevertheless, even some scholars claim that

318 IndeksOnline, “Çitaku reagon për propagandën e agjencisë së lajmeve serbe për Kosovën,” October 14, 2018, accessed October 20, 2018, https://indeksonline.net/citaku-reagon-per-propaganden-e-agjencise-se- lajmeve-serbe-per-kosoven/. 319 U.S. Embassy Pristina, “Statement of the U.S. Embassy Pristina,” November 20, 2018, accessed November 29, 2018 https://xk.usembassy.gov/statement-of-the-u-s-embassy-pristina-2/. 320 Gazeta Express, “UK disappointed that Kosovo’s Interpol membership application bid failed, “November 20, 2018, accessed November 28, 2018, https://www.gazetaexpress.com/en/news/uk-disappointed-that-kosovo-s- interpol-membership-application-bid-failed-174608/. 321 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 14. 322 Simon Anholt, “Beyond the Nation Brand: The Role of Image and Identity in International Relations,” Exchange: The Journal of Public Diplomacy 2, no. 1 (2011): 6-8, accessed November 17, 2018 https://surface.syr.edu/exchange/vol2/iss1/1. 323 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 1-5. 324 Malone, op. cit., p. 199-201. 325 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 16.

84 public diplomacy is completely different from nation branding, they still agree that they share many features and intentions, while some others even view both of branding and public diplomacy as synonyms to propaganda.326 Even if some scholars consider that nation branding, propaganda and public diplomacy are synonyms of one another, two of the notions are indeed dynamic processes, which aim to reflect the country’s image, represent their country as attractive and its good image as well as the ability to achieve its strategic objectives. Jan Melissen moreover describes the similarities between public diplomacy and nation branding as “sisters under the skin” referring to the intention of both of the concepts to create and promote the image, national identity, culture and value promotion, to build relationships, as one of the key goals and objectives of public diplomacy and nation branding.327 Szondi believes that nations that adopt the type of public diplomacy oriented towards nation branding, has its advantages but also disadvantage: - “bring creativity in reaching out to a foreign audience; - make public diplomacy more tactical; - To better visualize public diplomacy; - To increase the competitiveness of nations in a globalized world; - To improve the communication skills of nations aimed at foreign audiences; - Improve public diplomat’s communication abilities and competencies which are often poor; - As nation branding targets a wider audience than public diplomacy, it widens the number of people it can reach; - provide input as well as feedback for public diplomacy programmes through market research. - And as nation branding is more results-oriented than public diplomacy alone, it generally translates into more dynamism and more tangible results.”328

According to Szondi, there is no interaction between the above functions, and even if there were, one country could not be fully successful in all dimensions equally. They will either be successful in some dimensions and poor in some others. The best example is the one of Croatia, a former Yugoslav country, which trough nation branding has been very

326 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,” 19-29. 327 Ibid.,19. 328 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 19.

85 successful in promoting tourism but unsuccessful in public diplomacy.329 Szondi claims that to achieve better cooperation and interaction between nation branding and public diplomacy, scholars, philosophers, experts and academics from both sides must make better efforts to increase more cooperation in theory and practice between public diplomacy and nation branding.330Although public diplomacy and nation branding are being used as synonyms of one another, or in the same context in most literature and practice, the connection between the two remains circumstantial and vague.331 However, before we elaborate deeper into the notion of “nation branding” and “public diplomacy”, features in common and differences between them, it is important to investigate the term “brand” and it's meaning. According to the American Marketing Association (AMA), the brand stands as a definition for “term, symbol, design, or other characteristics that identify good services of a seller and makes the difference between them and other sellers.332 A successful brand is a name, design or any combination that classifies a particular product, linking it directly to the producer or organization, showing that it has a significant advantage, according to Doyle.333 While according to van ham, “branding implies a shift in political paradigms from the modern world of geopolitics and power to the postmodern world of images and influence.”334 Regarding the identification of branding with the nation, according to British practitioner Wally Olins’ nation branding “is about finding a differentiated offering, a core idea that makes you different from other nations.”335 Considering that there are shifting views on the correlation between nation branding and public diplomacy, one of the reasons that stand behind these inconsistencies is because both concepts are universal terms, with abundant leads, but instead have been conceptualized very poorly.336 Regarding the elaboration of the concepts, Szondi furthermore considers that

329 Gyorgy Szondi,” The role and challenges of country branding in transition countries: The Central and Eastern European experience,” Place Branding and Public Diplomacy 3, no. 1 (2007): 17, accessed December 5, 2018, https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/palgrave.pb.6000044. 330 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 38. 331 Ibid., 1. 332 American Marketing Association. (n.d.). (Marketing terms dictionary— American marketing association) accessed November, 22, 2018, https://www.ama.org/resources/Pages/Dictionary.aspx?dLetter=B&dLetter=B 333 Peter Doyle, “Building successful brands: The strategic options,” Journal of Consumer Marketing 7, no.2 (1990): 5. 334 Peter van Ham, “The Rise of the Brand State - The Postmodern Politics of Image and Reputation,” Foreign Affairs 80, no.5 (2001): 3-6, accessed November 30, 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/20050245.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3Aa901e1f530ff22cc7f238c987fed90eb 335 Simon Anholt and Wally Olins,“Why brand a nation?,” interview by the Thebe Ikalafeng, Design Indaba, May 1, 2006, accessed January 15, 2019, http://www.designindaba.com/articles/interviews/why-brand-nation 336 György Szondi, “Central and Eastern European Public Diplomacy: A Transitional Perspective on National Reputation Management,” In The Handbook of Public Diplomacy, ed. N.Snow and P.M. Taylor (New York: Routledge, 2009), 301.

86 nation branding can be considered as an economic dimension or public dimension of public diplomacy.337 Taking into account the number of countries that use nation branding, particularly East European nations, in order to build a new and different image for themselves, compared to the one they enjoy, as countries in transition, nation branding has served one of the most suitable tools of public diplomacy.338 Meanwhile, worldwide, some of the most distinguished nation branding campaigns over the decades are “Cool Britannia,” designed by former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, aimed at promoting the image of the United Kingdom as a center for arts, fashion, media and design, and the efforts of Estonia to replace the “post – Soviet image” with more prestigious “pre- EU” image, which aims to replace the old image with a completely new one.339 Definitely and ultimately, the relationship between nation branding and public diplomacy has not been clearly defined or closed, mainly because there have not been sufficient agreements on the one definition of either concept. Thus, both concepts have remained subject to interpretations. These interpretations as it has been described even in the previous parts of this research, in the case of nation branding particularly have shown a fluctuation between the private sector, marketing, communications, broadcasted to the public, making it more ambitious as a strategic concept implying the policy-making and identity. As mentioned already above, public diplomacy has been subject to different interpretations throughout its history. Depending on which discipline the definition is required, one can argue that public diplomacy is a replacement of nation branding, or nation branding is a variation of public diplomacy, or even that they are synonyms of each other, or that they are entirely different and do not relate with each other. According to Simon Anholt two of the concepts, in any of the interpretations they are subjected, are far less related than it is assumed they can be.340 Except for Arnholt, the relation, cooperation, distinctions, differences and similarities of nation branding and public diplomacy over the years have activated distinguished scholars including Szondi, Gilboa, Zaharna, and many others, who share same and diametral opposite opinions on the same matter. Moreover, there seem to be even distinctions on the U.S. and European thoughts on the matter, considering that U.S. authors such as Gilboa, Snow, Taylor, and Wang, consider public diplomacy closer to propaganda,

337 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 25. 338 Ibid., 23. 339 Gilboa, “Searching,” 67. 340 Simon Anholt, “The Importance of National Reputation,” in the Engagement Public Diplomacy in a Globalised World (London: Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2008):40, accessed December 19, 2018 https://www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org/sites/uscpublicdiplomacy.org/files/useruploads/u26739/Engagement_FCO. pdf.

87 taking into account its background, development, and role during the World Wars and the Cold War. In comparison to the U.S. authors, the European scholars such as Leonard, van Ham, etc, consider public diplomacy as a strategy of national identity, reputation and image341 following also the statement of the Former EU Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Luis Ritto, who stated that for small countries who have had limited otherwise resources including diplomatic ones, such as Singapore, Luxembourg, Lithuania, Slovenia, Andorra, Monaco, nation branding has been a crucial instrument for them to promote, enhance and improve their image.342

2.5. Public Diplomacy and Public Relations

Initially, before analyzing what are the likenesses and differences between the concept of public diplomacy and public relations, it is important to have a short overview of the definition of what public relations are and what it is as a concept. It was Siramesh and Verčič, who on their book “The Global Public Relations Handbook: Theory, Research, And Practice” argued that in the global context “Public relations is the strategic communication that different types of organizations use for establishing and maintaining symbiotic relationships with relevant public many of whom are increasingly becoming culturally diverse.”343 Meanwhile, Szondi had conceptualized that in the center of public diplomacy as a field of international relations, stands the management of relationships.344 Nevertheless, the convergences and divergences of public diplomacy have been discussed intensively of the past years, among scholars and theocracies. Signitzer and Coombs are among the first of the scholars to investigate the relationship between the concept of public diplomacy and public relations. As a result, they concluded that there is an existing relationship between the two fields and that shares strengths between the two areas would be a reciprocal benefit for the two in dealing with the foreign public.345 Besides, Signitzer and Wamser who even described public diplomacy as a particular function between

341 Nadia Kaneva, “Nation Branding: Toward an Agenda for Critical Research,” International Journal of Communication 5 (2011): 125, accessed January 4, 2019, https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/704/514. 342 Luis Ritto,“Diplomacy and its practice, Public Diplomacy and National Branding,” Diplomat Magazine, July 6, 2014, accessed January 9, 2019, http://www.diplomatmagazine.nl/2014/07/06/diplomacy-practice-public- diplomacy-national-branding/. 343 Krishnamurthy Sriramesh and Dejan Verčič, The global public relations handbook: Theory, Research, and Practice (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), 34. 344 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 32. 345 Signitzer and Coombs, op. cit., p. 145.

88 the public and governments,346 singled out that both public diplomacy and public relations “strategic communication functions of either organizations or nation-states, and typically deal with the reciprocal consequences a sponsor and its publics have upon each other.”347 Additionally in a comparative study observation, Signitzer and Coombs conclude that both of the concepts share similarities on their objectives, defining it as: “Virtually any introductory public relations text will note public relations is used to achieve information exchange, the reduction of misconceptions, the creation of goodwill, and the construction of an image.”348 Combs and Signitzer further argue that public diplomacy and public relations both include dialogue type of communication which is strategic, and aims towards relationship building, with the purpose to create advantageous circumstances for achieving the goals while they maintain goodwill and good trust.349 Many scholars have confused one concept for the other, according to Gilboa. As he says in his article “Searching for a Theory of Public Diplomacy,” there has been a confusion between “public relations (PR), international public relations (IPR), psychological warfare, and public affair.”350 Besides, Matthew Armstrong, an author and advisor on public diplomacy, international relations and propaganda, believes that “Public diplomacy is not public relations,” and that public diplomacy doesn’t stand for changing the public opinion only, but “the proactive engagement of global audiences in support of a foreign policy that will stand alone and influence public opinion positively.”351 One of the responses to Armstrong’s approach argues that practitioners of public diplomacy seem that they do not comprehend public relations, or they are so concerned with their superiority that they disregard the distinction between public diplomacy and public relations, regardless of the facts. However, Armstrong continually argues that public diplomacy includes public relations, but this doesn’t happen on the other way around. Armstrong says that public relations are about direct relations, while public diplomacy is more concerned in proxies, so originally the principle is not identical.352 According to Golan though, public diplomacy is a

346 Benno Signitzer and Carola Wamser, “Public Diplomacy: A specific Governmental Public Relations Function,” in Carl Botan and Vincent Hazelton, eds. Public Relations Theory II (London: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2006), 435. 347 Signitzer and Wamser, op. cit., p. 441. 348 Signitzer and Coombs, op. cit., p. 138-140. 349 Candace L. White, “Exploring the role of private-sector corporations in public diplomacy,” Public Relations Inquiry 4, no. 3 (2015): 306, accessed August 28, 2018, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2046147X15614883. 350 Gilboa, “Searching,”,5. 351 Matthew Armstrong, “Public Diplomacy is not Public Relations,” Mountainrunner, January 23, 2009, accessed January 6, 2019, http://mountainrunner.us/2009/01/public_diplomacy_is_not_public_relations. 352 Ibid.

89 subdivision or an underclass of political public relations, where the government is the primary actor while the audience is the foreign publics, thus, in his definition he argues that public diplomacy is government based and he objects to the definitions of other scholars who consider that public diplomacy includes citizens, corporations, and people to people diplomacy in addition to the government.353 Chartered Institute of Public Relations (CIPR), a British body for public relations considers that public relations are related to the reputation, which is a summary of what you do, what you say, and what others say about you, arguing further that public relations intend “goodwill and mutual understanding.”354 Additionally, Anthony Pratkanis claims that “Public Relations is one of the two principal and popular models for achieving public diplomacy goals objectives.”355 However, in his definition, McNamara suggested that public relations are public relations that should embrace public diplomacy and learn from its concepts and principles, so that public relations creates new ways of thinking and new practices that can be socially oriented, ethically and publicly accepted as well.356 In addition, Nancy Snow, in the Routledge Public Diplomacy Handbook, by acknowledging that the origins of public diplomacy date back to the persuasion industries of public relations, she calls on the revision of the mutual dependency between public relations and public diplomacy.357 Szondi in his book on “Central and European Public Diplomacy” developed an approach on how and what kind of impact public relations can have on public diplomacy. According to him public relations can:  “contribute to the growing body of knowledge of public diplomacy;  position public diplomacy as a strategic function and activity since public diplomacy activities often remain tactical and situational in many countries;  provide guidelines on how best to conduct ethical public diplomacy through two-way symmetrical communication, as well as develop and maintain relationships between a government and foreign publics;

353 Guy J. Golan, Sung-Un Yang and Dennis F. Kinsey, International Public Relations and Public Diplomacy: Communication and Engagement (New York: Peter Lang, 2014), 417. 354 “Chartered Institute of Public Relations,” accessed January 6, 2019, https://www.cipr.co.uk/content/our- organisation. 355 Pratkanis, op. cit., p. 114. 356 Jim McNamara, “Corporate and organizational diplomacy: an alternative paradigm to PR,” Journal of Communication Management 16, no.3 (2012): 312-322. 357 Nancy Snow, “Rethinking Public Diplomacy,” in the Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor, eds., (New York: Routledge, 2009): 9.

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 help develop and maintain mutually beneficial relationships between a government and foreign publics, emphasizing relationship-building over “creating and promoting a positive image” as the ultimate public diplomacy goal;  help research, plan, and implement strategic public diplomacy campaigns;  contribute to identifying and formulating specific and measurable public diplomacy objectives since national public diplomacy objectives often remain vague, elusive and unspecific;  contribute to identifying, prioritizing, and segmenting publics and stakeholders, which are core concepts to both public relations and public diplomacy;  provide a conceptual framework and guidelines to evaluate public diplomacy since assessing the impact and effects of public diplomacy programs remains under- researched and often neglected;  anticipate, identify, and analyze domestic as well as international “issues” that have consequences on a country’s reputation. Depending on the nature of these issues, proactive or reactive strategies can be developed to strategically address them.”358 In the meantime, while we are shedding light on the above approach of Szondi, it is important to mention a Former Under Secretary of the State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs Judith A. McHale, statement that: In a world where power and influence truly belongs to the many, we must engage with more people in more places in more ways and at every hour of the day. That is the essential truth of diplomacy in the internet age. Rather than hoping foreign publics come to us, we must find where important conversations are happening and respectfully add our voice. We must use the same venues and platforms that communities and activists use. To effectively engage in the marketplace of ideas, our responses must be immediate and direct.359

It is true that in practice, public relations and public diplomacy are in charge and responsible for maintaining and upholding official communication among institutions and organizations, with other entities and groups and are responsible for the public opinion, even the media coverage. In this functioning level, it can be claimed that public relations are part of public diplomacy which also takes under its jurisdiction the

358 Szondi, “Central and Eastern European Public Diplomacy,” 297. 359 Judith A. McHale, “Public Diplomacy for the 21st Century,” July 7, 2011, accessed September 30, 2018 http://www.layalina.tv/publications/public-diplomacy-for-the-21st-century-by-judith-a-mchale/.

91 international communication and relations with international media, intending to increase relationships at the individual level, between host and guest country representatives.360 Specialists of the new public diplomacy need also to be public relations experts, meaning that they do need to possess related skills regarding information technology, media, negotiations and other skills related to the communication with the public.361 Even during history, the responsibility of public diplomacy in comparison to public relations has been obvious. Joseph Duffey, the former USIA director, in his report to the Congress of the United States, said that USIA is not a public relations agency but a rather public diplomacy maintaining the institution, “Let me say a word about public diplomacy. It is not public relations. It is not flaking for a Government agency or even flaking for America. It is trying to relate beyond government-to-government relationships the private institutions, the individuals, the long-term contract, the accurate understanding, the full range of perceptions of America to the rest of the world.”362 However, public relations have marked a huge and significant success in the promotion of peace, as well as change the perception of the public especially related to war and conflicts, as well as other nations policies.363 In many examples, media have played an important role in exposing atrocities, as well as using the perpetrator’s propaganda to reveal conflict-related crimes. For example, the war generated negative images, in the case of the Serbian bombing of NATO in 1999, Serbia made sure to give a tour to international journalists on the damages that NATO bombings had caused Al- Jazeera to gain scores through similar attention in Iraq.364 In the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), one of the indictments against former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic the propaganda of the Serbian media was used exactly to expose the hatred that was propagated among Serbs through media,

360 Jacquie L’Etang, “Public Relations and Diplomacy in a Globalized World: An Issue of Public Communication,” American Behavioral Scientist 53, no. 4 (2009): 608, accessed January 10, 2019, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0002764209347633. 361 Naren Chitty, “Australian Public Diplomacy,” in The Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor, eds., (New York: Routledge, 2009): 315. 362 Joseph Duffey, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 1995. As quoted in Rosaleen Smyth, “Mapping U.S. public diplomacy in the 21st century,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 55, no. 3 (2001): 422. 363 Pratkanis, op. cit., p. 116. 364 Ibid., 117.

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“exaggerated and false messages of ethnically-based attacks by Bosnian Muslims and Catholic Croats against the Serb people.”365

2.6. Spheres and Dimensions of Public Diplomacy

Regarding the activity, scope, and functions of public diplomacy, many scholars have developed their approaches and have divided spheres and dimensions of public diplomacy into several categories. As classic diplomacy had proven to be insufficient, the combination with public diplomacy brought a breakthrough that had a greater influence. In a brochure of an early Murrow Center for Public Diplomacy provided by Edmund Gullion, the definition of public diplomacy included several dimensions:  “The cultivation by the government of public opinion in other countries; the interaction of private groups and interests in one country with another; reporting of foreign affairs and its impact on policy.  Communication between those whose job is communication, as diplomats and foreign correspondents; and the process of intercultural communications.” 366 Mark Leonard in his book: “Diplomacy by Other Means” divides Public Diplomacy into three categories: News Management - is the administration of communications on a daily basis, which shows the need for coordination with classic diplomacy daily. This communication explains how the decisions are taken on domestic and foreign policies, and also involves the preparatory phase for a possible crisis. After each event, all the vacuums of information must be filled in with urgency, and also, it activates the government officials of democratic countries, to focus on finding the best information and way how to interpret and share it with the media. This example mainly focuses on domestic media, while foreign media is important for the first stage of public diplomacy. This stage also must include a preparation or a plan for crisis cases. As fast as the responses are given, easier and more responsibly the false and misleading information can be eliminated. The example of Al Jazeera’s broadcast of Osama bin Laden’s videotapes in 2001, October, immediately activated the U.S. officials to stop any further broadcast of bin Laden’s tapes in the American network. However, in modern times, due to the nature of the information flow, it is impossible and frustrating for the public, but

365 Judith Armatta, “Milosevic's Propaganda War, “Global Policy Forum, February 27, 2003, accessed September 23, 2018, https://www.globalpolicy.org/home/163-general/29237.html. 366 Public Diplomacy Achievement Awards, “About U.S. Public Diplomacy,” Public Diplomacy Achievement Awards, accessed October 13, 2018, https://pdaa.publicdiplomacy.org/?page_id=6.

93 also contradictory with the values that America symbolizes, to try to stop such information from the broadcast. In this case, a better way to respond to these tapes would be to prepare a counter-response or videos that would diminish the importance of bin Laden’s fear propaganda. Washington bureau chief invited Al Jazeera and other networks to “come and exploit us” considering that they are not free from bias and they need content for their relevance.367 Strategic Communications – as the first dimension, develops conventional simple topics and ideas, comparable to the political and advertising campaigns. The timing of this dimension is dependent on weeks and months and even years. Although countries have shown success over the history to communicate their approaches and stances, they have not marked the same success regarding the upholding of the public opinion or perceptions of the country as a unified one perception. One of the reasons for this situation is that different organizations and institutions are in charge of dealing with different issues, related to politics, trade, tourism, culture, but according to Leonard, in most of the cases is the message the people receive about the United Kingdom for example, which shows on the way how they relate to the country. As the second dimension of public diplomacy, campaigns planned for the years ahead, deal with simple topics and ideas that the government intends to advance their policy and reinforce their central topics, while the special focus ideas and themes focus on the particular initiatives and policies. One of the examples in this regard is the situation between the Soviet Union and the United States and the implementation of NATO’s two- track decision for deploying missiles while negotiations were going on to remove the intermediate-range missiles, the Soviet Union initiated a campaign over the European countries to influence the opinion, so that the deployment of missals becomes impossible. In parallel, the United States used its resources through organizations and campaigns to show the multi-layered NATO decision and appealed at European Nations to take the lead, which still kept the United States as the most favorable of the two.368 The Former U.S. Secretary of State George Pratt Schultz declared in 1987 declared “I don't think we could have pulled it off if it hadn't been for a very active program of public diplomacy. Because the Soviets were very active all through 1983...with peace movements and all kinds of efforts to dissuade our friends in Europe from deploying.”369

367 Christer Jinsson and Martin Hall, Essence of Diplomacy (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 90-101 368 Ibid.,102. 369 Tuch, op. cit., p. 161.

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Relationship Building - in public diplomacy is a long-term strategy. Development of relationships on a personal level throughout decades, through academia and scholarships, programs and exchanges, training, seminars, and conferences, building real and virtual networks as well as the access to people through social media, are some of the relationship- building strategies of public diplomacy.370 During the history, especially the Cold War, specific programs had been developed in order to stimulate cooperation between countries, through exchanges, which as a result of several programs initiated by the United States, more than seven hundred thousands of people, including high ranking officials have been part of these programs, participated in American cultural programs as well as have been educated, including world leaders such as Margaret Thatcher, Anwar Sadat, and Helmut Schmidt. Countries like Japan for example through exchange programs, each year brought six thousand volunteers to teach their languages in Japanese schools, in order to develop further the relationship through education.371 Joseph Nye continued to develop the dimensions of Leonard’s theory further, adding that all the three dimensions require different proportions of information and cultural relations with government, short and long term.372 Furthermore Nye argues that “each of these three dimensions of public diplomacy plays an important role in the creation of an attractive image of a country that can improve its prospects for obtaining its desired outcomes.”373 Mark Leonard moreover enforced his theory by saying that public diplomacy can no longer be considered as an extension to the overall diplomacy but it must rather be considered as a central activity that plays out many functions in many dimensions with many partners. Above all, according to Leonard, Western countries need more information and knowledge on what public diplomacy is and what it can do.374 As the dimensions mentioned by Mark Leonard also include the time frame, which classified these dimensions based on their time-related strategy, according to other scholars who have further developed these dimensions, public diplomacy can be divided into:  “Reactive or within a short time frame (hours and days), which means more clarification and deepening of understanding;  Proactive or medium-term (weeks and months) and engaging with a transparent approach;

370 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,”102. 371 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 110. 372 Ibid., 107. 373 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,”102. 374 Leonard, “'Diplomacy by Other Means,” 56.

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 Efforts to Obedience;  Corrective - improving eventual misunderstandings and creating a positive image;  In the long run, it aims to build good relations, whether with a particular state or society or in general with the world.”375

375 Bekim Baliqi, “Hyrje në Diplomaci dhe Politikë të Jashtme,”,Prishtinë, 2010, 43.

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CHAPTER III. THE SMALL STATES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Historically, researches and academic investigations have been concentrated in big states and great powers, leaving small states aside and neglected, also neglecting their impact particularly after the Cold War. However, this chapter will elaborate on how during the history small states formed, how they survived their smallness and what being a small state means. Some small states are smaller than others, particularly in their ability to advocate and bring influence to bear on the great powers. Developed democratic small states can and should play a role in advocating for small states that are not as well developed, have weaker economies, and less able to deal with security issues.376 This chapter will initially provide definitions of small states and elaborate on how small states were defined based on different criteria. The smallness of the states was defined based on their military capabilities, size of the market, number of the population, or in some definitions based on the ability of states to influence in international politics. Moreover, this chapter will elaborate on two ways that small states have found as successful in becoming visible in the international arena. In the further chapters, I will discuss how small states create alliances with other states and how their membership in international organizations provides them with several benefits in the realization of their foreign policy goals. Half of the UN members are small states,377 while more than 80% of the states in Europe are considered small states.378 Robert Steinmetz and Anders Wivel argue about the importance of small states in the study of international relations and they shouldn’t be neglected, as they make up the vast majority of states in the international system and international organizations such as the UN, OECD, NATO, and EU.379 In international politics, the foreign policy strategies of small states are compiled to adjust to the emerging new global order.380

376 Joe Burton, “Small States and International Organisations: New Zealand’s Diversifying International Engagement,” in Small States and the Changing Global Order, ed. Anne-Marie Brady (London: Springer, 2019), 314, accessed September 10, 2019, https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2F978-3-030-18803-0.pdf, 377 Anne-Marie Brady, “Small Can Be Huge: New Zealand Foreign Policy in an Era of Global Uncertainty,” in Small States and the Changing Global Order, ed. Anne-Marie Brady (London: Springer, 2019), 1, accessed September 10, 2019, https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2F978-3-030-18803-0.pdf, 378 Heiner Hanggi, “Small State as a Third State: Switzerland and Asia-Europe Interregionalism,”, in Small States Inside and Outside the European Union, ed. Laurent Goetschel (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998), 80-81 379 Robert Steinmetz and Anders Wivel, “Small States in Europe: Defining the Issues at Stake “ in Small States in Europe: Challenges and Opportunities, ed. Robert Steinmetz and Anders Wivel (Surrey :Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2010), 9. 380 Brady, op. cit., p. 2.

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Small states suffer from political, economic, and security intimidation from bigger states, which comes as a result of their smallness, and lack of capabilities. Iver B. Neumann and Sieglinde Gstöhl say that small states in the international system are equal to other states based on international law and norms, however, in international politics, their equality is far from truth.381 Thus, this chapter will also discuss about Niche Diplomacy, which is a way how states have specialized in one particular field, which has allowed them to gain credibility in international affairs. Also, this chapter will discuss on the impact of great powers on small states, taking the example of the U.S. and EU foreign policy in the Western Balkans. In addition to foreign policy, this chapter will discuss public diplomacy of small states and how small states take advantage of the communication revolution in foreign policy. In the last part of this chapter, I will chronologically describe some of the most notable events that have marked the foreign policy, classic and public diplomacy of the 21st century, and where small states are found in this circle. As it will be shown in this chapter, due to different world developments that small states have gone through, they have developed an ability to survive and adapt to the increasingly complex international environment of the 21st century, which is the best equipped to adapt and prosper.382

3.1. Defining the Small States

The notion of small states is very old and conventional, however, despite its longstanding background, academia and political practices could not accord in its conceptualization and functionalization.383 As it is also perceptible in this research, the lack of literature and researches that have a sharp definition and a complete set of criteria of what is counted as a small state is significantly scarce. The field of international relations has historically been studied and investigated with great powers as the main focus and subject. Meanwhile, studying small states only became a category of research in the 1970s, when the wave of decolonization peaked, and a number of states emerged from this process. During history, scholars and researchers have focused only on the power of big states. In 1959 Annette Baker

381 Iver Neumann and Sieglinde Gstöhl, “Lilliputians in Gulliver’s World,” in Small States in International Relations, ed. Christine Ingebritsen, Iver Neumann and Sieglinde Gstöhl (Washington: University of Washington Press, 2006), 5. 382 David Skilling, “In Praise of the Small States,” Global Brief Magazine; 2013, accessed October 12, 2019, https://globalbrief.ca/2013/06/in-praise-of-the-small-states/ 383 Håkan Wiberg, “The Security of Small Nations: Challenges and Defenses,” Journal of Peace Research 24, no. 4 (1987); 339.

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Fox published her book “Power of Small States.”384 Together with David Vital, they are recognized as the forerunners of studies on small states.385 Robert Steinmetz and Andes Wivel in their book “Small States in Europe argue that historically “the study of small states is plagued by a lack of cumulative insights and coherent debate”386 and “there is no agreement on how we should define a small state, what similarities we would expect to find in their foreign policies, or how small states influence international relations”.387 Before defining and outlining the concept of small state, it is crucial to emphasize in academia, the majority of the researchers and scholars in the literature that was consulted for the purpose of this research, single out the term small states instead of small powers, particularly when it is related to the military capacities and resources. Meanwhile, while the importance of small states was increasing, also new theories emerged particularly in the economy and social sciences. Economists state that the size market determines the level of development and capital of a state, predicting that small states are always dependent in bigger states, while on the other side, social and political scientists, particularly neorealists, suggested that the size of the state predicts their behavior in international arena just as it predicted their power capabilities, while considering that small states share a similar foreign policy.388 In academia, some scholars use population, geography, GDP, and GNP as well as the national power,389 before classifying a country as small.390 Meanwhile, other scientists also stress the qualitative virtues such as non-coercive means, their role, and influence, etc.391 The most commonly used criteria for defining the size of a state, which is also called the Commonwealth criteria392 of small states is the size of the state’s population.393 The Commonwealth and the World Bank use the base of 1.5 millions of population, to classify it as a small state.394 In his article “Small States in the UN Security Council” Baldur

384 Annette Baker Fox, The Power of Small States: Diplomacy in World War II (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959). 385David Vital, The inequality of States: A study of Small Power in International Relations (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1967). 386 Steinmetz and Wivel, Small States in Europe, 4. 387 Ibid. 388 Neumann and Gstöhl, Lilliputians in Gulliver's World?, 11. 389 Vital, The Inequality of States. 390 Ernest Petrič, Foreign Policy: From Conception to Diplomatic Practice (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 242 391 Laurent Goetschel, “The Foreign and Security Policy Interests of Small States in Today's Europe,” in Small States Inside and Outside the European Union, ed. Laurent Goetschel (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998), 16. 392 Dame Eugenia Charles et al., A Future for Small States, Overcoming Vulnerability (London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 1997) 393 Matthias Maass “The elusive definition of the small state,” International Politics 46, no. 1 ( 2009): 75 394 Baldur Thorhallsson, “Small States in the UN Security Council: Means of Influence?” The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 2 (2012):136, accessed November 10, 2019,

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Torhallsson debates that population is undoubtedly not the only criterion to define small states, and absolutely not the most important one to define one state’s impact in the world politics or the work of the United Nations Security Council. In this regard, it is vital to highlight that between 1991 to 2010, the states that were part of the Security Council, 42 of them had a population of less than 10 million, while 25 of them with a population below 5 million.395 The Forum of Small States in 1992, founded by Singapore, an informal group of states in the United Nations with a population below 10 million, grew in 107 members which is more than half of the member countries of the UN.396 According to Heiner Hanggi, small states can be called the ones that have a population between 1 to 15 million,397 and today in the international system more than 70% of the states are considered small while in Europe 80%.398 Slovenian diplomat and professor, Ernest Petrič argues that the following countries could be identified as typical small countries in Europe, like Baltic states, Norway, Denmark, Finland, Luxemburg, Slovakia, Ireland, Iceland, North Macedonia, Albania, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, Slovenia, Kosovo and Montenegro, also Portugal, Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, Hungary, Czech Republic, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, and the Netherlands, and even Sweden and Belarus are closer to being small states than large states.399 Petrič claims that Kosovo is a typical small state, just like other small states in Europe and those that have emerged after the breakup of Yugoslavia.400 In the case of Iceland, Petrič’s argument is also supported by Hilmar Þór Hilmarsson, which places Iceland among the small states, though the tiny island state has a population of less than half a million.401 While Lino Briguglio, the director of the Islands and Small States Institute of the University of Malta, argues that small states are states that have a population of 3 million or less.402 Lech J. Janczewski and William Caelli define as a small state a state which is not a member of G20

http://rafhladan.is/bitstream/handle/10802/8801/Small-States-UN-Security-Council-by- Thorhallsson.pdf?sequence=1. 395 Ibid. 396 Ministry of Foreign Affairs Singapore, “Small States,”accessed November 20, 2019 https://www.mfa.gov.sg/SINGAPORES-FOREIGN-POLICY/International-Issues/Small-States 397 Heiner Hanggi, ‘’Small State as a Third State: Switzerland and Asia-Europe Interregionalism”, in Small States Inside and Outside the European Union, ed. Laurent Goetschel (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998), 83. 398 Ibid., 80-81. 399 Petrič, Foreign Policy, 242-243. 400 Ibid. 401 Hilmar Hilmarsson, “Iceland and the Challenge of European integration,”in Small states and the European Union: economic perspectives, ed. Lino Briguglio, (London, Routledge; 1 edition, 2016), 69. 402 Lino Briguglio, “Small states and the European Union: economic perspectives,” ed. Lino Briguglio (London: Routledge; 1 edition, 2016), 1.

100 nation’s forum.403 The contradiction of defining small states based on their population can easily be seen in the fact that It is important to emphasize the definition of small states given by U Thant, the former UN Secretary-General, who wrote in his annual report of 1966-67 that small states are “entities which are exceptionally small in area, population and human and economic resources.”404 Meanwhile Jeanne A. K. Hey in her article about Small State’s Foreign Policy, verses the concept of small states and the size as a matter of perception of people and institutions both internally and externally, to only be able to define what is a small state.405 Moreover, Hey argues that “small state” symbolizes a microstate, small developing countries and third world small states.406 While defining small states based on the population, in his book “Economic Growth of Small Nations” the American economist Simon Kuznets distinguished small states among those who have a population of 10 million or less,407 while Professor Thorvaldur Gylfason considered small states those with a population in 2 million and below.408 Nevertheless, in 2012 in the World’s factbook, the US Central Intelligence Agency came up with the analysis that 23 countries have the population over 50 million, 160 have about 10 million.409 More or less, somehow all academic definitions of small states consider small states countries with a population less than 10 or 15 million. (Armstrong and Read, 2000410; Easterly and Kraay, 2000411; Katzenstein, 1985412; Vital, 1967413, Kuznets, 1958414). David Vital in his book “The inequality of states: a study of the small power in international relations” made another distinction of small states in two categories based on their economic development and not the size of their population. He delineated small states which have 10 to 15 million of the

403 Lech J. Janczewski and William Caelli “Chapter 1 Introduction,” in Cyber conflicts and small states, ed. Lech J. Janczewski and William Caelli (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing House, 2016), 4. 404 Jacques Rapoport, Ernest Muteba and Jospeh J. Therattil, Small states & territories: status and problems 27(New York: Arno Press, 1971), 29 405 Jeanne A. K. Hey, “Introducing Small State Foreign Policy,” in Small States in World Politics: Explaining Foreign Policy Behavior, ed. Jeanne A. K. Hey (Boulder, CO: Lynee Rienner, 2003), 3. 406 Steinmetz and Wivel, Small States in Europe, 2. 407 Simon Kuznets, “Economic growth of small nations,” in Economic Consequences of the Size of Nations, ed. Austin Robinson (London: Macmillan Co. 1958), 14-35. 408 Thorvaldur Gylfason, “Exports, Inflation and Growth,“ International Monetary Fund Working Papers 27, 1997, 9. 409 Godfrey Baldacchino, “Meeting the Tests of Time: Small States in the 21st Century,” Current Issues in Comparative Education 15, no. 1 (2012): 16. 410 Harvey Armstrong and Robert Read, “Comparing the Economic Performance of Dependent Territories and Sovereign Microstates,” Economic Development and Cultural Change 48, no.2 (2000): 285–306. 411 William Easterly and Aart Kraay, “Small States, Small Problems? Income, Growth, and Volatility in Small States,” World Development 28, no.11 (2000): 2013–2027. 412 Peter J. Katzenstein, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (London: Cornell University Press, 1985). 413 Vital, The Inequality of States. 414 Kuznets, Economic Growth of Small Nations.

101 population but have advanced economy and underdeveloped countries with 20 to 30 million of population.415 Meanwhile, Roderick Pace argues that “attempts to classify small states according to population size have been deemed inadequate because they exclude other variables, such as economic and military strength, territorial size and geostrategic position, which either singly or in combination may be an important source of influence in world politics.”416 Pace deliberates that small states even though small and powerless, meaning they lack military or territorial capabilities, they can be strongly influential through their economy. On the other side, a state can have big territory and strong military potential but have a weak economy and in a situation of reliance on other states. According to Pace, states can be cataloged according to any alternatives and interaction of the abovementioned variables. 417 Regarding the classification of states based on the characteristics pointed above, Michael I. Handel considered that small state should be a label used only for states that are small in territory and lack military power,418 while Paul Herre debated that based on the historical development of Europe, small states should be distinguished by their political system that differs from the ones of big states and Great Powers.419 Steinmetz and Wivel’s consider that small states should be defined based on their relations with the state and the outside environment.420 Also, Erling Bjol considered that the concept of small sates is meaningless if it is defined on its own. Bjol in “The Analysis of Small Power Politics” said that “state is only small in relation to a greater one.”421 For example, Belgium is small in comparison to France, while for Luxemburg, Belgium is a big state, while France is a small state when compared to the US. Therefore, the analysis of the small states should always be related to bigger states.422 Steinmetz and Wivel said that the position of the state changes when they are compared in an asymmetric relation. For example, one state can be a big state on one side but a small state compared to a powerful one.423 Another important criterion for the classification of small states is their importance or

415 Vital, The Inequality of States op. cit., p. 8. 416 Roderick Pace, “Malta's Foreign Policy in the 1990s,” in The Foreign Policies of the EU's Mediterranean States and Applicant Countries in the 1990s, ed. Stelios Stavridis et al (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), 198. 417 Ibid., 199. 418 Michael I. Handel, Weak States in the International System, (London: Frank Cass, 1990), 10. 419 Ibid. 420 Steinmetz and Wivel, Small States in Europe, 7. 421 Erling Bjol, “The Analysis of Small Power Politics,” in Small States in International Relations, ed. August Schou and Arne O. Bruntland (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell, 1971), 29. 422 Ibid. 423 Steinmetz and Wivel, Small States in Europe, 6-7.

102 position in international politics. For Neumann and Gstöhl, there are important links and correlations between the size, development, and welfare of the small states, and there are three most important reasons in this regard: 1. The first good reason is related to the basic assumption in International Relations, that states in possess of power and capabilities, will predictably put them in use, and therefore, this is what gives them the importance and makes their investigation worthwhile. However, this reasoning can only be valid in an international system where big states and great powers are not bound by any order or international law and norms or where there isn’t any restriction on the use of force. 2. The second explanation is related to the importance and impact of great powers in the international system and institutions. The position of great power allows states to decide what is best in their interest. However, although big states hold important positions in global institutions and enjoy the privilege of veto in the Security Council, in parallel, these institutions are bound by international norms and laws which are legally binding and require responsibility. According to Neumann and Gstöhl, this is one of the reasons why small states appreciate and are fond of international law and order. 3. The third important justification is the possibility to take into account external outcomes except for the great power perspective. By taking into account small states, and not being exclusively concentrated only on great powers, International Relations as a discipline would highly benefit empirically by receiving new data, which would become very important in discussions related to the importance of international institutions on the world order, state systems, etc.424 Small states comprise more than half of the membership of the United Nations, however, their vulnerability continues to make them a target of political, economic and military threats and coercion, making small states subject to persistent insecurity.425 Historically, small states could not defend themselves through their military power, nor save their economy against bigger powers, therefore the most convenient path that they chose to provide security for themselves is by forming alliances with larger states and becoming part of bigger and multilateral unions. Robert Rothstein in his book “Alliances and Small Powers” defines small states exactly based on their incapability to defend themselves based on their potential. The author says that “A small power is a state which recognizes that it cannot obtain security primarily by use of its capabilities and that it must rely fundamentally on the aid of other states, institutions, processes, or developments to do so; the small power's belief

424 Christine Ingebritsen, Iver Neumann and Sieglinde Gstöhl, “Lilliputians in Gulliver’s World,” in Small States in International Relations, ed. Christine Ingebritsen, Iver Neumann and Sieglinde Gstöhl (Washington: University of Washington Press, 2006), 3. 425 Wiberg, The Security of Small Nations, 339 – 363.

103 in its inability to rely on its means must also be recognized by the other states involved in international politics.”426 While Ian Fletcher argues that “small states are ones that can’t shape the wider global system to their advantage; they have to work within the system, and make the best of the relationships they find, and the resources they have”. Furthermore he argues that alliances and international organizations are the best way for small states to advance their interests.427 The theory of realism considers security to be one of the most important elements of a state, and particularly important for small states that have less resources, which increases their vulnerability. Moreover, history has witnessed that in the time of crisis and security threats, the vulnerability of small states increases, also becoming a threat to the security of larger powers.428 However, according to Hey, for small states, it is not a priority to invest in military capabilities to increase their security, particularly because the foreign policy analysis has extensively advanced and changed.429 Another important perspective of the definition of small states the one given by Robert Keohane, that small states are those “states who cannot make a significant impact on the international system, either alone or in a small group, and whose leaders are aware of this.”430 Keohane and Rothstein consider small states as submissive towards external powers, having their security as their primal concern while being dependent on allies and international institutions. Handel in parallel considers that small states have to depend on their external allies and the support that derives from international interaction and other states.431 Regarding the dependency of small states, David Vital in his book “The Survival of Small States” is concerned that small stats by being dependent on great powers, they lose their autonomy to a certain degree, and with or without their will, they become satellites of great powers, even if that is for a short time.432 Similar to Vital, Laurent Goetschel also claims that small states which manage to enhance their influence globally will experience the loss of autonomy.433 In the reception of the Forum for Small States in September 2019 at the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Singapore to the UN in New York, the Prime Minister of Singapore Lee Hsien Loong, made it clear that for small states that fail to manage their external relations,

426 Robert Rothstein, Alliances and Small Powers (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 29. 427 Ian Fletcher,”Small States in the Cyber Age: Swimming Safely in the Ocean of Data,” in Cyber conflicts and small states, ed. Lech J. Janczewski and William Caelli (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing House, 2016), 22. 428 Brady, op. cit., p. 1. 429 Hey, Introducing Small State Foreign Policy, 8. 430 Robert Keohane, “Lilliputians’ Dilemma: Small States in International Politics,” Review International Organization 23, no. 2 (1969): 291– 310. 431 Michael Handel, Weak States in the International System (London: Frank Cass, 1st edition 1981), 68-70. 432 David Vital, The Survival of Small States: Studies in small power/great power conflict (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), 9. 433 Goetschel, The Foreign and Security Policy Interests, 17

104 they lose the freedom to decide about their future, and also their sovereignty, although in paper they can still be one.434 Nevertheless, Torhallson and Wivel consider that small states are incompetent of both being dependent on international institutions and also have an influence on their politics, taking particularly the example of the challenges that small states encounter when they try to influence the decision making in the EU.435 Moreover, Wivel and Thorhallson claim that small states even during the history have played only peripheral role in the security policy of the EU, and that big states, especially after the Cold War, have intensified their unofficial collaboration, for example, the creation of informal groups like the Contact Group for Bosnia & Herzegovina and Kosovo, where also EU member states participated, such as Germany, France, Italy, and the UK, but also the US and Russia, however, no small states were part of it.436 Allen Sens noted that particularly after the Cold War, small states fight for autonomy in politics, economy and other spheres just as much as they fight for the survival of their territory and national integrity.437 As elaborated above, small states are big fans of international law and the rule of law in international relations. Professor Tom Long in his book “Small States, Great Power? Gaining influence through intrinsic, derivative and collective power” said that “because small states are protected by laws and institutions and policies of the great powers, he said it is a very convenient time in history to be a small state.”438 Even though small states do not have their capabilities, their alliances allow them to work in big groups that can have a big impact in international politics, and be protected by International Institutions which Raimo Väyrynen said: “are the best friends of small states.”439 One of the ways how small states can have an impact on international politics is exactly through the assembly in international organizations and entities, which have appeared initially after the Second World War.440

434 Charissa Yong, “Small states must work together to advance common interests and amplify influence: PM Lee Hsien Loong,” The Straits Times, September 26, 2019, accessed October 13, 2019, https://www.straitstimes.com/world/united-states/small-states-must-work-together-says-pm-lee. 435 Baldur Thorhallsson and Anders Wivel, “Small States in the European Union: What Do We Know and What Would We Like to Know?,”Cambridge Review of International Affairs 19, no. 4 (2006): 658. 436 Ibid., 659. 437 Allen Sens, “The Security of Small States in the Post-Cold War Europe,” in From Euphoria To Hysteria Western European Security After The Cold War, ed. David Haglund (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1993), 231. 438 Tom Long “Small states, great power? Gaining influence through intrinsic, derivative, and collective power,” International Studies Review 19, no.2 (2017): 1. 439 Raimo Vayrynen, “Small States: Persisting Despite Doubts,” in The National Security of Small States in a Changing World, ed. Efraim Inbar and Gabriel Sheffer (London: Frank Cass, 1997), 42. 440 Burton, Small States and International Organisations, 307.

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3.2. Foreign Policy of the Small States and their Public Diplomacy

Before we continue with the investigation of the foreign policy of small states, we must define foreign policy as a concept, just as we did with the concept of small states. The very genesis of the term “foreign” comes from the Latin word “foris” which means “outside” and it refers to both people and things that come from other countries or anything unfamiliar.441 Ernest Petric defined the concept of foreign policy as an activity of the state or its institutions through which the state claims to have a relationship with other actors, either states or non- state actors, to achieve its own goals and values in an international setting, through ways and manners which they possess.442 By way of explanation, foreign policy is an approach of a state concerning other state and non-state actors, complied with the main purpose of achieving the goals of the state. The foundation of a state’s policy lies on the grounds of external and internal factors. Therefore, economy, culture, population, institutions, local and universal values, history and geography, are taken into consideration during the assortment of the foreign policy scheme. Of particular importance are convictions, values and emotional and collective memories carried by diplomats and politicians. They have an impact on national and global orientation. Historical thinking of each decision-maker reflects on a foreign policy, just as the social and psychological setting.443 Among the scholars and diplomats that have offered a thorough analysis of the Foreign policy, Christopher Hill has elaborated on the nature of foreign policy and so far, has offered one of the most complete and comprehensive analyses. According to him: “Foreign policymaking is a complex process of interaction between many actors, differentially embedded in a wide range of different structure while their interaction is a dynamic process, leading to the constant evolution of both actors and structures.”444 Christopher Hill has defined foreign policy as “the sum of the official external relations conducted by an independent actor (usually but not exclusively a state) in international relations.”445 Except for Hill, several scholars and diplomats have given definitions on foreign policy. Among them, White considers that foreign policy is a governmental motion operated with states and actors, especially with other states446 while Walter Carlsnaes says that foreign policy is

441 Christopher Hill, “What Is to Be Done? Foreign Policy as a Site for Political Action,” Royal Institute of International Affairs 79, no.2 (2003): 236-237. 442 Petrič, Foreign Policy, 242. 443Christopher Hill, The Changing Politics of Foreign Policy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 116-117. 444 Christopher Hill, Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 50. 445 Ibid., 4. 446 Brian White, “Analyzing Foreign Policy: Problems and Approaches,” in Understanding Foreign Policy, ed. Michael Clarke and Brian White (Aldershot: Edward Elgar,1989 ), 1.

106 comprised of those deeds which have on its objective to reach state and non-state actors, governmental and non-governmental entities, found beyond the legitimacy, through commitments and persuasions, carried by governmental representatives, in the form of goals and objectives presented as a common gain.447 In parallel, Valerie Hudson says that the Foreign policy of a state, except for being an expression of state’s strategy of the state in its best interest, also includes the decisions not to do anything.448 It is ineffective to investigate the foreign policy of small states if we don’t take into account the inbuilt shortcomings from smallness, which outline the foreign policy decisions and results. Predominantly, small states have less cumulated structural power and means of operation with, than bigger states, which have high military power and are not constrained by a small and weak economy and small size population. On the other hand, small states cannot afford to invest in campaigns, technology, military equipment or even research and development.449 Therefore with a small economy, small states do not have the means to support the costs of diplomacy, which impacts their engagement and cooperation with other states negatively and thus excludes them from the source of information about the world and international system.450 The lack of resources also influences the foreign policy objectives of small states, which mainly concentrate on the fields which are crucial to them.451 Thus, Jeane A.K Hey has categorized ten attributions that distinguish the manners how small states conduct themselves in the foreign policy area: - “exhibit a low level of participation in world affairs; - address a narrow scope of foreign policy issues; - limit their behavior to their immediate geographical arena; - employ diplomatic and economic foreign policy instruments, as opposed to military instruments; - emphasize international principles, international law, and other “morally minded” ideals; - secure multinational agreements and join multinational instructions whenever possible,

447 Walter Carlsnaes, “Foreign Policy,” in Handbook of International Relations, ed. Walter Carlsnaes, Thomas Risse and Beth A Simmons (London: Sage publications, 2002), 335. 448 Valerie M. Hudson, “The history and evolution of foreign policy analysis,” in Foreign Policy: Theories, Actors, Cases, ed. Steve Smith, Amelia Hadfield, Tim Dunne (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012),14. 449 Baldur Thorhallsson and Sverrir Steinsson,”Small State Foreign Policy,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics (2017), 4. 450 Ibid.,6. 451 Enver Hoxhaj, Ngritja e një Shteti: Politika e Jashtme e Kosovës - The Rise of a State: Kosovo’s Foreign Policy (Tiranë,: Botimet Dudaj, 2016), 54.

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- choose neutral positions; - rely on superpowers for protection, partnership, and resources; - aim to cooperate and to avoid conflict with others; - spend a disproportionate amount of foreign policy recourses on ensuring physical and political security and survival.”452

While investigating deeper into foreign policy conduction and goals of small states, Petrich notes that each country has a governmental institution, trained to compile and execute the foreign policy of a state, while acting as an organized entity in foreign policy setting.453 Whereas big states have bigger teams and trained professional elite that have extensive knowledge about foreign policy of each member in the room, who have also developed centers, universities and institutions to develop further the foreign policy goals, in small states there are way fewer individuals that deal with foreign policy issues and fewer experts specialized in these fields.454 Petrič argues that “one of the main foreign policy goals to ensure their security was, in addition to developing good relations with their neighbors, their inclusion in NATO, as the only viable and certainly the most rational way to ensure their long term security.”455 Several theories have concerned with the elaboration of the foreign policy of states, and the mainstream theorists of international relations and researchers explain small states from the perspective of the small state and great power relations. 456 In the debate of defining the foreign policy of small states, Miriam Fendius Elman said that “since small preoccupied with survival than are the great powers, the international system will be the most relevant level of analysis for explaining their foreign-policy choices.”457 According to Elman, the institutional theory approach is the best way of explaining foreign policy formation in democratic states, mainly because of its efforts to explain the correlation between state and society and the impact of institutional design upon state and society.458 The position and the function of small states have changed during the history, starting with the Westphalia agreement in 1648 which put the foundations of contemporary types of

452 Hey, Introducing Small State Foreign Policy, 5. 453 Petrič, Foreign Policy, 242-243. 454 Petrič, Foreign Policy, 243. 455 Ibid., 248. 456 Miriam Fendius Elman, “The Foreign Policies of Small States,” British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 2 (1995):179. 457 Ibid.,175. 458 Ibid.,181.

108 states and the grounds of classic diplomacy, as well as a shift in the balance of powers. 459 In all this process, France played an important role, as the most powerful state after this transformation, which supported small states against the Habsburgian Empire, starting this way a new phase of alliances and unions among small states.460 Joseph Nye calls the drive of small states to commit to strategic alliances as the concept of smart power, which he considered that states are led towards them by nature with the purpose of their political existence and preservation of the ability to employ a role in international politics. Taking into account the fact that international law guarantees equality for small states, however, they tend to find alliances where they find connection and leverage for their national interests (including political, economic and military). Indirectly creation of alliances is an opportunity for small states through which they can counterweight the lack of military capabilities and economic power, and this way magnifies their influence. Some countries have found the formula to become current in international relations by becoming a symbol of promotion of peaceful resolution of conflicts, where we find the example of Norway, which is also an active part of world initiatives against violence, environmental protection and climate changes, promotion of democracy and human rights and human values.461 Norway is known as a peacemaking mediator. The most recent examples of such peace-efforts include Sri Lanka: the government of Sri Lanka and Tamil rebels, Colombia; Colombia government and FARC movement, and the Middle East, respectively between Israel and Palestine462, but also Philippines government and Communist rebels, and Balkans.463 Therefore, Norway is a great example for small states to adopt such a strategy on its foreign policy to increase their influence and shape international agenda. In the foreign policy objectives and priorities, small states have to be very careful in analyzing their moves and chose the options and strategies that serve the best interest to their agenda and consider their resources and methods.464 One important example that reflects the above is the integration into the European Union of central and eastern European states from Bulgaria to Baltic states, Slovakia and Slovenia in 2004, and the integration of Albania and

459 Jason Farr, “The Westphalia Legacy and the Modern Nation-State,” International Social Science Review 80, no. 3/4 (2005):156-159. 460 Robert A. Kann, A History of the Habsburg Empire 1526-1918 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974) 461 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 63. 462 Bátora, op. cit., p.17. 463 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 10. 464 Hans Mouritzen and Anders Wivel, The Geopolitics of Euro-Atlantic Integration (London: Routledge, 2005), 33.

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Croatia into NATO in 2009 and Montenegro’s accession in 2017,465 with the solely purpose to escape and sabotage the attempts of the expand of Russian influence in Europe and Balkans after the fall of USSR and Yugoslavia. Moreover, Russian invasion of Crimea in 2014 is an obvious warning that capacity and military power of a state continues to play a crucial role in the physical security of states and that small states are always going to be or feel threatened by bigger states, regardless of the international law and other international mechanisms that reprimand all of the above. For this reason, membership in international organizations and the formation of alliances with other states is a strategic advantage, as it provides a guarantee for the safety of the state. One of the examples of strategic decisions on foreign policy and behavior in the international arena is the situation when global sanctions imposed against Russia, as a response to its military invasion in Ukraine. Alongside the US and the EU, Kosovo also imposed sanctions against Russia, situating itself among liberal states and the free world, condemning the annexation of Crimea.466 For Kosovo, neither Russia nor Ukraine haven’t recognized the independence of Kosovo, however, as a small state it was important to line up among democratic states and condemn the violation of international law, which is the violation of the sovereignty of Ukraine. International organizations where small states become members have an influential role in foreign policy, as they serve as a limiting factor for the states and this serves in the interest of smaller powers. Small states mainly join an organization which helps them promote their interest.467 In this regard, the United Nations and other international organizations of global character are important environments for small states which help them to rely on other state’s support and claim influence in international politics.468 According to Hendel, the participation of small states in international organizations is an important element that indicates their external power.469 This way small states can use their membership in international organizations for their interest as well as to claim support for their political strategies, especially since the geography of small states is of exceptional importance for international influence through regional paths. The status and reputation of small states are very important, as they lift small states to important places in international

465 North Atlantic Treaty Organization “Enlargement,” accessed November 12, 2019, https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_49212.htm. 466 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 96. 467 Christos Kassimeris, Greece and the American Embrace Greek Foreign Policy Towards Turkey, the US and the Western Alliance (New York: I.B.Tauris, 2010), 25. 468 Burton, Small States and International Organisations, 308. 469 Michael Handel, Weak States in the International System (London: Frank Cass, 1st edition 1981), 68-70.

110 forums.470 Different countries are well known for specific fields such as Austria for culture, Ireland is well known for education, Finland for the level of respectability of human rights and gender equality while Switzerland for banking, and Estonia for information technology and cybernetics. In parallel, we should not neglect the possible ramification of EU enlargement while they integrate more states in the Balkans. The EU membership can also consider a threat for Russia in the Balkans, as its influence clearly cannot be as it was before.471 As EU and NATO members, these small states are less vulnerable towards threats and intimidation from other states, which can also be part of the EU and NATO themselves.472 Similarly, if any of the Balkan states remain outside the EU and NATO, it would cause instability and threat to the prosperity interests of the European Union and the long term security of NATO.473 The foreign policy of small states is important as long as it achieves support by friends and allies that small states are capable of persuading.474 In the case of Kosovo, while its goals are the integration into the EU and NATO,475 its biggest ally remains the United States, while Petric considers that NATO accession is the only way to guarantee protection.476 The intervention of NATO in March 1999 to end Serbia’s attempted genocide and mass atrocities is the moment in history where the United States became a life companion for Kosovo.477 Hence, a small country must have its foreign policy objectives clear and defined, just like its powerful friends, otherwise any strategic misstate in decisions or any reflection of internal discord can be uncurable for small states.478 The main challenge for diplomats and foreign policy of small states is to truly discover the interests and long-term strategic priorities of their country, and find ways and manners, as well as means within their capabilities and limited choices, to realize these objectives.479 According to Dariusz Poplawski, “small states of Europe demonstrate large openness to new international strategies, methods and techniques of diplomacy, especially in international organizations, which allows gaining a

470 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 56. 471 Moosung Lee, How Do Small States Affect the Future Development of the E.U (New York: Nova Science, 2006), 154. 472 Petrič, Foreign Policy, 248. 473 Ibid., 250. 474 Ibid., 248. 475 U.S. Department of State, U.S. Relations With Kosovo, October 31, 2019, accessed August 20, 2019 https://www.state.gov/u-s-relations-with-kosovo/ 476 Petrič op. cit., p. 248. 477 U.S. Department of State, U.S. Relations With Kosovo 478 Petrič op. cit., p. 259. 479 Ibid., 260.

111 stronger influence than it could derive from their size and economic potential.”480 This way the foreign policy of Kosovo is focused on the improvement of the international stance of Kosovo and consolidation of the international community’s support towards the sovereignty of Kosovo, and increasing the presence and membership in international entities.481 In their foreign policy strategy for consolidation of the statehood of Kosovo, its Government has widely used the Advisory opinion of International Court of Justice on Kosovo's declaration of independence, after Serbia required an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on the declaration of independence of Kosovo based on the claim that it was a flagrancy violation of international law. However, that International Court of Justice settled the dispute, determining that the declaration of the independence of Kosovo approved in February 2008 did not violate the general international law and was following international norms and the Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) or the Constitutional Framework.”482 Appealing to the UN Court's opinion, Kosovo authorities have pled for recognition to all the hesitant countries towards Kosovo independence. The government of Kosovo has published several foreign policy goals, which are the focus and unchangeable priorities for the state of Kosovo: 1. “consolidation of the state of Kosovo, 2. development of regional cooperation, 3. integration in Euro-Atlantic structures, 4. further development of the relations with the United States of America, 5. continuous strengthening of relations with countries of global or regional importance, 6. promotion of economic interests of the Republic of Kosovo in the world.”483

In my assumption, to strengthen the statehood of Kosovo, the main goal for Kosovo should remain the membership in international organizations, which will provide the opportunity for Kosovo foreign policy to improve the international position of the state, as well as to use the multilateral forums for lobbying and be present in international affairs. Foreign policy involves a variety of goals, including how a state will interact with other states and non-state actors, to maximize and take advantage of the benefits of international

480 Dariusz Popławski, Małe państwa Europy, Specyfika system politycznego i aktywności międzynarodowej (Warszawa: Aspra-JR, 2009), 468. 481 State Portal of the Republic of Kosova, Diplomacia, accessed September 3, 2019 https://www.rks- gov.net/EN/f49/republic-of-kosovo/diplomacia 482 Accordance with International Law of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in Respect of Kosovo, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 2010, 452-453. 483 State Portal of the Republic of Kosova, Diplomacia,

112 cooperation. For all countries in general but particularly for new small states like Kosovo, the internal policy reflects the foreign policy of the country. Nevertheless, it is of crucial importance for small sates to reduce the cost of their diplomacy which includes the expenses of all experts and state representatives that are to be sent to the same international organizations. This way small states can use resources that they cannot afford, gain experiences, conduct their diplomatic activities and operate their foreign policy goals, which they could not do on their own. For example, small states cannot establish missions in every country in the world, or create individual relationships with all states, because of their limited resources, therefore, international forums and events, allow small states to do so to a certain extent, without transaction costs, as it brings diplomatic actors in one place, and allows them to share their views and make decisions.484 An example of this can be taken with Kosovo and Albania agreement in July 2019, to run a Joint Foreign Policy.485 Two small states of the Balkans, Kosovo, and Albania, in July 2019 have signed an agreement that is compiled based on the unification and coordination of the foreign policy of two respective states, which would also include representation by common Embassies. According to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of both countries, through this agreement, long term strategic priorities will be set, as well as the coordination of political stances in the international arena. Concurrently will happen the obtain of the concrete obligations in a mutual representation in the international arena, particularly in international organizations. This agreement is of significant importance for Kosovo, taking into account the fact that Kosovo is still facing difficulties and obstacles to join important regional and international organizations.486 Models of similar agreements are certainly longstanding, as the so-called “Nordic model” which refers to the way that Scandinavian countries share the diplomatic premises, but also examples from the Balkans, such as the one between North Macedonia and Montenegro. Two respective countries in 2013 signed a bilateral agreement on joint diplomatic and consular offices, but also an earlier agreement from 2007 between Serbia and Montenegro, which authorizes Serbia to represent Montenegro in more than 40 countries where it has no diplomatic representation. Similar agreements are in place with North

484 Thorhallsson and Steinsson,”Small State Foreign Policy”, 13-14. 485 Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs, “Albania, your home’ – Cakaj signs the inter-ministerial agreement on joint embassies with Kosovo,” July 4, 2019, accessed August 28, 2019 http://punetejashtme.gov.al/en/albania-your-home-cakaj-signs-the-inter-ministerial-agreement-on-joint- embassies-with-kosovo/ 486 Ibid.

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Macedonia and Croatia.487 This kind of practice is not new in diplomacy. Even mid-size states have similar cooperation such as the one between Canada and Australia, which for more than thirty years have shared their consulate buildings in many countries, but also the non-EU countries, such as the example of Switzerland’s connection and cooperation with EU countries. In 2015 Switzerland approved of the act enabling the sharing of embassy properties with Denmark and Netherlands in several countries.488 Due to its limited capacity to influence the international system, because of the potential size of its state structure and international presence, Luxembourg has been known to let Belgium represent it in EU meetings.489 International Relations has fundamentally changed and has entirely revolutionized the means and methods of foreign policy. The importance of the image, reputation, accomplished through affiliation, influence and political charm, became more important than military powers, economy, and market.490 The major challenge for small states remains the international recognition for what states appeal to be, particularly because of the foreign perception of small states, based on misinformation and the lack of it, supported by longstanding stereotypes.491 The Government of Kosovo, through the Ministry of Foreign affairs, non-governmental organizations, influential global individuals throughout the world and media, has worked continuously since the declaration of the independence of Kosovo to increase the number of diplomatic recognitions and fight against the prejudice towards the people of Kosovo. Kosovo is geographically an integrated part of Europe, and while the vast majority of the European states are small states, which indicate that these states use roughly similar strategies to advance their foreign policy and expand their influence in global politics.492 In this regard, according to former minister of foreign affairs of Kosovo, Enver Hoxhaj, Kosovo has proven to be a good example of using smart power in foreign relations; it is important to mention several aspects including: 1. “The increase of international recognitions 2. Membership in international organizations

487 Dusica Tomovic, “Montenegro and Bosnia Plan Joint Embassies,” BalkanInsight, February 22, 2016, accessed September 18, 2019, https://balkaninsight.com/2016/02/22/montenegro-bosnia-plan-joint-embassies- 02-19-2016/ 488 SWI Swiss Info, Swiss go Dutch on diplomacy, May 13, 2015, accessed September 28, 2019 http://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/embassies_swiss-go-dutch-on-diplomacy/41428902 489 Baldur Thorhallsson, “The Size of States in the European Union: Theoretical and Conceptual Perspectives,” Journal of European Integration, 28, no.1 (2007): 18. 490 Gilboa, “Searching,” 56 491 Batora, Public Diplomacy in Small and Medium-Sized States, 6. 492 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 52.

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3. Advancement of Euro-Atlantic agenda 4. A constructive and pragmatic approach in negotiations with Serbia, and 5. The reversal of Kosovo’s image from a war-torn country into a stable and democratic country, which is also an attractive place for tourism and foreign investments.”493

Public diplomacy as a foreign policy tool, that is, as an instrument that can be used to advance national interests. To connect public diplomacy with foreign policy, this study elaborates on how success as an outcome of projects, such as the results of exchange programs or feedback from important activities, should be used to shape the strategies that would be on national interest.494 As already mentioned above, public diplomacy is a chance for small states to expand their influence and advance their agenda in manners that go past their military capabilities and economic powers.495 Marshall Singer argued that “some small states possessed 'attractive power,’ even if they lacked ‘coercive power’ by which he meant that small states could exploit their importance to other countries in ways that enhanced their foreign policy success.”496 Gullion as the first one to coin the term public diplomacy, during the cold war defined it as “the means by which governments, private groups, and individuals influence the attitudes and opinions of other peoples and governments in such a way as to exercise influence on their foreign policy decisions.”497 Whereas for Sevin, “public diplomacy is an extension of traditional diplomacy in terms of the actors and objectives and is linked with foreign policy goals”. Moreover, he claims that “Public diplomacy influences foreign policy by 1) Changing public opinion; 2) Relationship dynamics and 3) Public debates.”498 Matthew Amstrong in his book “Public Diplomacy is not Public Relations” claims that public diplomacy practically interacts with foreign audiences, supporting the foreign policy which will have a positive impact on public opinion.499 Nicolas Cull tries to elaborate on the influence of public diplomacy on foreign policy through his argument that “diplomacy is an international actor’s attempt to conduct its foreign policy by engaging with other international actors, then public diplomacy is an international actor’s attempt to conduct its foreign policy by engaging with foreign

493 Ibid., 63. 494 Efe Sevin, Public Diplomacy and the Implementation of Foreign Policy in the US, Sweden and Turkey (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 2-15. 495 Batora, Public Diplomacy in Small and Medium-Sized States, 1. 496 Hey, Introducing Small State Foreign Policy, 4. 497 Pisarska, The domestic dimension of public diplomacy,13. 498 Sevin, Public Diplomacy and the Implementation, 37-198. 499 Matthew Armstrong, “Public Diplomacy is not Public Relations,” Mountainrunner, January 23, 2009, accessed October 16, 2019, http://mountainrunner.us/2009/01/public_diplomacy_is_not_public_relations.

115 publics.”500 Therefore, public diplomacy contemporary undertaken projects and activities have the main goal to facilitate the engagement and communication to foreign audiences, with the main purpose of realization of foreign policy goals.501 Gilboa considered that the research on public diplomacy is crucial to foreign policy and that it is in the interest of foreign policy compilers to advance the research in this field.502 Several types of research have been conducted on the ability of small states within the European Union to influence decision making. Small states implement different strategies to seek influence.503 For instance, the Nordic EU member states are identified as influential in terms of soft power.504

3.3. Niche Diplomacy and Empirical Evidence of Public Diplomacy of Small States

The number of small states in the international system increased with the end of the world wars and the decolonization process of the 1960s. The dissolution of the Soviet Union505 and the breakup of Yugoslavia created a new wave of emerging small states. The period of transformation and transition was full of violence and aggression, particularly in some former Yugoslav states.506 Nevertheless, one of the main problems and challenges for small states is their ability to be identified in the international arena, while they have very limited means at use for their self-promotion. Thus, small states only target a particular category of resources for their promotion, which allows them to provide a good and positive image to the influence of bigger states, the decision-makers, those who can and want to work with small states.507 This way, small states have to find a specialized and defined area where they lead in expertise, to achieve the comparison level with the great powers.508 Gareth Evans, while he was a foreign minister of Australia, named it “niche diplomacy”, which for him meant expert knowledge. The idea or the suggestion of what niche is, means the leverage of the countries to concentrate in one specific area where they can work best and be able to produce profits

500 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, Preface. 501 Kathy R. Fitzpatrick, U.S. Public Diplomacy in a Post 9/11 World: From Messaging to Mutuality (Los Angeles CA: Figueroa Press, 2011), 8-9. 502 Gilboa, “Searching,” 75. 503 Thorhallsson and Steinsson,”Small State Foreign Policy”, 12. 504 Christine Ingebritsen, “Norm Entrepreneurs: Scandinavia's Role in World Politics,” Cooperation and Conflict 37, no. 1 (2002):11-23. 505 Thorhallsson and Steinsson,”Small State Foreign Policy”, 1. 506 Hey, Introducing Small State Foreign Policy, 8. 507 Petrič op. cit., p. 250 508 Steinmetz and Wivel, Small States in Europe, 31.

116 and benefits, rather than trying to cover the entire field.509 For example, some states build their economy as niche, using their strategy that focuses on technology, infrastructure or education, while others familiarize themselves with other and more practical methods. Some states are well known for their innovation and taking more risks than others510 such as the Scandinavian states which have upheld a reputation of countries that are focused on humanitarianism and as credible arbitrators in major international disagreements and clashes. Netherlands, Canada and New Zealand have profiled themselves as protectors and actors of great impact in the field of humanitarian law and international human rights law, while Austria and Switzerland have been portrayed as center countries of global conferences, headquarters of international institutions, making themselves as irreplaceable due to their neutrality, while Austria has been working on adding to its niche profile as a center of cultural institutions. It is important to highlight that small states cannot create their image or specialize in a specific field that would serve it only for a particularly short time, but they instead work persistently in their performance and building the credibility of its foreign policy in the international arena.511 Small states have to be particularly creative to make their niches visible in foreign policy orientations.512 It is essential to mention that some states are unable to find their niche, due to the lack of resources to specialize in one field, or even in issues that are very important for them. However, these countries to compensate for the lack of their capabilities, rely on the niche of bigger states, in the issues of common interest, and this way they build coalitions or create bilateral or international organizations and bodies.513 Several countries have implemented “niche diplomacy” with good outcomes. One good example is Malta which has discovered its niche in the Law of the Sea.514 Slovenia on the other hand has developed its foreign policy as one of the most successful ones from the countries that have emerged after the fall of Yugoslavia, which has used its foreign policy as a niche to become a mediator and a connecting state between Western Balkan countries and

509 Alan K. Henrikson, “Niche Diplomacy in the World Public Arena: the Global ‘Corners’ of Canada and Norway,” in The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations, ed. Jan Melissen (London: Palgrave MacMillan,2004), 67. 510 Andrew F. Cooper and Bessma Momani, “Qatar and Expanded Contours of Small State Diplomacy,” The International Spectator Italian Journal of International Affairs 46, no. 3(2011): 116. 511 Petrič op. cit., p. 259. 512 Andrew F. Cooper, Niche Diplomacy: A Conceptual Overview, in Niche Diplomacy: Middle Powers After the Cold War, ed. Andrew F. Cooper (London: Palgrave Macmillan,1997), 1-24. 513 Thorhallsson and Steinsson,”Small State Foreign Policy”, 11-12. 514 Kishan S. Rana, “The Case for Small States, The Diplomacy of Small States,” DiploFoundation, accessed September 11, 2019.http://learn.diplomacy.edu/pool/fileInline.php?id=20937

117 the European Union.515 Similarly, Croatia as another country that derived from former Yugoslavia, has found its niche in tourism and by playing a crucial role in the promotion of ecology in the European Union and the Mediterranean region.516 Kosovo is a small and young state, however, with early history and experience in interfaith tolerance and ethnic minority coexistence, that can be operated and employed as its niche diplomacy. Historically, different ethnic groups have co-existed in Kosovo and even more, the population in Kosovo belongs to 5 different religious confessions. During history but also in contemporary time, Kosovo has hit the global headlines regarding its statehood and other issues, but regarding religious issues, Kosovo has stood as an example for other states. Kosovo has a vast experience with interfaith coexistence, therefore, from an interreligious tolerance level, the country has reached the level of harmony, which is a higher level of co-existence, and thus, it can be considered and promoted as its niche diplomacy. Such a niche for Kosovo contributes to its international promotion and constructivism in the international arena, where Kosovo as a small state can be considered as a model for other states in Europe and beyond whose democracy is even far more advanced than the ones found in the Balkans. The characteristic of Kosovo’s niche in the promotion of interfaith harmony is the fact that Kosovo has the majority of its population belonging to Muslim confession. One of the biggest projects in this field was organizing the “International Interfaith Conference” for six years by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo, aiming to promote interfaith dialogue and stance against violent extremism. Particularly the Interfaith Conference in 2016 received international attention, because of the importance of the invitees from all over the world, as well as two special guests, laureates of Nobel Peace Prize Shirin Ebadi and Tawekkol Karman. Mr. Petrit Selimi, Former Deputy Minister, and founder of “Interfaith Kosovo” in an interview for an American news agency, The Huffington Post, said, “We founded the ‘Interfaith Kosovo’ initiative with a dual aim: to promote and reinforce Kosovo’s experience in conflict resolution and inter-communal reconciliation, as well as to engage in interfaith

515 Ana Bojinović Fenko and Zlatko Šabič, “Slovenia’s Foreign Policy Opportunities and Constraints: The Analysis of an Interplay of Foreign Policy Environments,” Croatian International Relations Review 23, no 79 (2017): 58. 516 Sanja Bach, “Ecological issues – green and blue – as a niche for Croatia,” Međunarodne studije 15, no.4 (2015): 30-32.

118 dialogue as a tool of public diplomacy, to show the unknown feature of Kosovo to the outside world, of a society with great diversity and historic tolerance among religions.”517

Country Niche Diplomacy Kosovo Religious tolerance/multiethnic state Slovenia Bridge builder; Western Balkans and EU Croatia Ecological issues Norway Conflict mediator/International peace-broker Netherlands Humanitarian aid Switzerland Peacekeeping reputations Malta Law of the Sea

Table 4."Niche’s Small States Diplomacy."518

3.4. The U.S. and EU Public Diplomacy in the Balkans

Factually, the interest of the foreign policy of the United States in the Balkans originates back in the early 20th century, where the region first appeared in the radars of the great powers as an arena of interest, particularly related to the current politics of the time. The articulated policy of the United States is in the “Fourteen Points” famous speech on January 8, 1918 of President Woodrow Wilson, in which program of world peace to be initiated after the World War I, he specified the restoration of territories occupied during the war, and the right to self- determination of national populations such as the ones in the Balkans.519 Out of “Fourteen Points” of Wilson, four were dedicated to the Balkans,520 while the project itself became a foundation for the surrendering of Germany and the Versailles Peace Conference.521 After the Cold War, the interest of the United States towards the Balkans increased even more, with the aim of stabilization of the region and improved security in Europe through the incorporation of the Balkans in the trans-Atlantic congregation.522 Professor Florian Bieber, who is an

517 Ron Kronish, “On Interfaith Dialogue and Combatting Religious Extremism in Kosovo,” HuffPost, Jun 10, 2017, accessed November 4, 2018, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/on-interfaith-dialogue-an_b_10331176 518 Niche’s Small States Diplomacy; Source, prepared by author 519 Loïc Poulain and Ilona Teleki, “U.S. Policy toward the Western Balkans,” Western Balkans Policy Review 2010, ed. Janusz Bugajski (Washington: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2010): 26. 520 Ibid., 521 Joy Hakim, A History of US: War, Peace, and All That Jazz: 1918-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 3rd edition, 2007), 16–20. 522 Thomas E. Graham et al. “Time for Action in the Western Balkans,” Policy Prescriptions for American Diplomacy (New York: National Committee on American Foreign Policy, 2018), 2.

119 expert in the Balkan affairs, concluded that the foreign policy of the EU and US, differ in their orientation, stating that “The US has been more coercive and security-oriented, whereas the EU has used means more geared towards economic engagement and European integration. Still, the goals and approaches have been in sync.”523 The involvement of the United States and European countries was crucial in ending the wars in the Balkans, especially the war in Bosnia between 1992-1995 and the war in Kosovo 1998-1999. Moreover, their role was and continues to be crucial in the post-war periods for the region, and in their path towards Euro-Atlantic integration of the Balkan countries, especially in the stabilization of their democracies. The Dayton agreement which ended the Bosnian war, led by the U.S. chief negotiator Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, US Secretary of State Warren Christopher, with the participation of representatives of the countries that were part of the Contac Group - the United States, Britain, France, Germany, and Russia -- and the European Union Special Negotiator.524 The Dayton Agreement reached on the 21st of November 1995 between the presidents of Bosnia, Serbia, and Croatia, which ended the war in Bosnia, drawing the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After three and half years after the Dayton Agreement, the Contact Group once again became involved in the UN process of determining the future of Kosovo, due to the humanitarian crisis and what was a continuation of the wars that concluded the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The Interim Agreement for Peace and Self Government, known mainly as Rambouillet agreement, was a proposal of peace between Serbia and Kosovo, represented by their delegations. The Rambouillet Agreement was compiled by NATO and named after the location where it gathered the delegations, was initially presented in 1999 and aimed to end the crimes and violence against Albanians in Kosovo, the retreat of Serbian military and paramilitary forces from the territory of Kosovo and the return of refugees and internally displaced persons.525 The agreement also requested that in three years, self-government would be established in Kosovo, until the final decision on the status of Kosovo. However, this agreement failed due to the refusal of Serbia to sign, therefore, refusing to agree on peace, resulted in NATO airstrikes against Serbian military targets in Kosovo and Serbia,

523 Florian Bieber, “Leadership Adrift: American Policy in the Western Balkans,” Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group, 2019, 7. 524 US Department of State, “Dayton Agreement,” 21 April 1995, accessed September 12, 2019 https://2009- 2017.state.gov/p/eur/rls/or/dayton/52577.htm 525 US State Department, “Rambouillet Agreement - Interim Agreement for Peace and Self-Government in Kosovo, “ March 1999, accessed September 17, 2019 https://1997- 2001.state.gov/www/regions/eur/ksvo_rambouillet_text.html

120 starting on the 24th of March, 1999.526 The NATO bombing campaign against Serbian targets in Serbian and Kosovo territory initiated without the permission of the UN Security Council justified with the emergency of the situation in Kosovo, where human rights violations and mass atrocities intensified. The airstrike campaign lasted for 78 days until Serbian forces finally abdicated and withdrew from Kosovo, followed by the establishment of the United Nations Interim Mission, to maintain peace and security. According to Professor Mark Weller in his article on The Rambouillet Conference on Kosovo, compared to Dayton Agreement that took place in Ohio, U.S, “the choice of a French château for the talks, rather than a U.S. airbase in Ohio, was intended to symbolize the ability of the Europeans to sort out their backyard, without the need to rely on the kind of decisive US action which had eventually led to the termination of active hostilities in Bosnia and Herzegovina.”527 However, based on the developments of the time, the direct involvement of the United States was imperative and indispensable, particularly in the case of Kosovo, where the role of the former President Clinton and the Secretary of State Madeline Albright was determinative, also supported by the United Kingdom and other NATO allies. The presence of the United States in the Balkans provided an opportunity for the countries in the region to embrace the values of the Western world. Immediately in 2004, Slovenia joined the EU, while Croatia in 2013, and these countries together with Albania, joined NATO in 2009, while Montenegro accessed NATO as the 29th member in June 2017. Other states in the Western Balkans also, advancing in their path towards integration into the European Union and NATO. Nevertheless, the United States has unfailingly supported Kosovo and its people in different ways and fields. Kosovo is one of the largest recipients in the last decades of the U.S. assistance in the field of human rights, the rule of law, and projects that aimed to build up and strengthen institutions and the judiciary, and in recent times the U.S. is supporting Kosovo dialogue with Serbia, which until now has been mediated only by the European Union, and aims to be concluded with two countries potentially joining the EU.528 A new “Threshold Program Agreement” of forty-nine million United States dollars reached in September 2017, between the Republic of Kosovo and the U.S.,529 acting through the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), has become another

526 Ibid. 527 Mark Weller, “The Rambouillet conference on Kosovo,” International Affairs 75, no.2 (1999): 212. 528Vincent L. Morelli, “Kosovo: Background and U.S. Relations,” CRS Report Prepared for Members and Committees of Congres, 2018, 1-16. 529 Millennium Challenge Corporation, “U.S. and Kosovo Sign $49 Million Threshold Program,” September 12, 2017, accessed October 27, 2019 https://www.mcc.gov/news-and-events/release/release-091217-kosovo- signing-event

121 element in the U.S. commitment to Kosovo. The assistance provided by the MCC aims to provide support in the fields of investments and a free-market economy, strengthening institutions and good government and support people in Kosovo.530 Kosovo has benefited financial assistance from MCC in the approximately US $20 million more than Albania, which benefited from MCC in 2006 and 2008, totaling the US $29,631,000, being the only Western Balkans countries to benefit from the grants of MCC. 531 Currently, the United States is present in the Balkans also with Bondsteel Military Camp in Kosovo, which is the largest U.S. military base outside the United States, and the most expensive one.532 This last decade, the European Union has increased its role in Western Balkan, with the ultimate goal of extending EU membership to the countries of the region. However, analysts believe the US foreign policy has to re-engage in the Western Balkans, as the United States has political credibility in the Western Balkans, and still may have an important role in the region.533 The European Union has established a strategy to support Western Balkan countries, to facilitate their integration path. The president of the European Parliament David Sassoli, in his speech in October 2019 at the European Council, in his first speech at the European Council in Brussels, in October 2019 once again fortified the interest of EU towards the Western Balkans stating that “a stable Western Balkans is essential for our security, as is ensuring that the future of the region, and Europe as a whole, is not shaped by outside interference.”534 Croatia joined the European Union in 2013, as the first country out of other seven countries of the Western Balkans, while Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Albania and Serbia have managed to get the status of candidate countries so far, while Kosovo and Bosnia & Herzegovina remain potential candidates.535 In the sphere of financial support, the European Union is the largest donor in the Western Balkans, assisting in every sphere of public and political life. Based on the statistics of the European

530 Millennium Challenge Corporation, “Kosovo Threshold Program”, accessed October 27, 2019 https://www.mcc.gov/where-we-work/program/kosovo-threshold-program 531 Millennium Challenge Corporation, “Where we work,” accessed October 27, 2019 https://www.mcc.gov/where-we-work 532 Larry Wentz, “Peacekeeper Quality of Life, in Lessons From Kosovo: The KFOR Experience,” ed. Larry Wentz (Command and Control Research Program, 2002), 385. 533 Thomas E. Graham et al. “Time for Action in the Western Balkans,”, 2. 534 European Parliament, “President's speech at the European Council,” Brussels, October 17, 2019, accessed October 28, 2019 https://www.europarl.europa.eu/the-president/en/newsroom/presidents-speech-at-the- european-council 535André De Munter, “The Western Balkans,” European Parliament, 04.2019, accessed October 18, 2019, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets/en/sheet/168/the-western-balkans

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Commission, trade partnership for the Western Balkans is led by the European Union with 31.8 billion EUR exports and 22.6 EUR imports.536

Table 5."EU-Western Balkans: Trade in goods 2016-2018."537 Through the Instrument for Pre-Accession – IPA funds, the European Union has devoted 4.220.6 billion EUR to the Western Balkans from 2014 to 2020. IPA is an instrument of the European Union through which the EU provides technical and financial assistance to the enlargement area, dedicated to helping potential members to build up their capacities, to achieve the bar of development with the existing European Union members, through projects and activities that boost progress and positive development. The current states that receive support from the European Union through IPA are Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, Serbia, Turkey, Bosnia & Herzegovina, and North Macedonia.538 The European Union has been a protagonist since 1999 in Kosovo’s efforts to build a new future. Meanwhile, Kosovo not only through its geographical position as a part of the European continent and part of the Western Balkan region but also through the orientation of its politics and social path has a clear European perspective. European Union is present in Kosovo through its Special Representative (EUSR), and the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) mission in the rule of law area -EULEX, which is the first and the largest European Union mission deployed outside the European Union borders. The promotion of European values and laws is the main role of the European Union Office in Kosovo, which also upholds and pushes of EU agenda for Kosovo and the Balkans, guaranteeing the functioning of the dialogue between Kosovo and EU institutions. The EU Special Representative provides guide and support for the Kosovo Government, making sure to promote and prioritize human rights and fundamental freedoms. Since 1999, Kosovo was a

536 European Commission, “Western Balkans”, June 14, 2019, accessed October 27, 2019, https://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/countries-and-regions/regions/western-balkans/ 537 Ibid. 538 European Commission, “Overview - Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance,” accessed October 25, 2019, https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/instruments/overview_en

123 recipient of 2.3 billion EUR in the form of assistance and financial support from the European Union, mainly concentrated and delivered through projects that concerned with rebuild of infrastructure including roads, water supply systems, hospitals and clinics, and other community development investments.539 However, despite of the high sounding declarations of the EU officials regarding the integration of the Western Balkans, on the 18th of October 2019, when the leaders of the EU were expected to vote in favor of the opening of the negotiations stage for the accession of Albania and North Macedonia, the EU countries once again showed lack of unity and consensus in this regard, refusing thereof the opening of the negotiations for these two small states of the Western Balkans.540 France, Denmark, and the Netherlands disregarded the recommendations of the European Commission and the European Parliament regarding the membership talks and the open of negotiations for accession for Albania and North Macedonia. Denmark and the Netherlands on the other hand despite their negative decision, expressed their readiness to consider the progress of two countries separately. Meanwhile, many EU leaders including the leaders of EU institutions such as the president of the European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker, the president of the European Council Donald Tusk, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Austrian Chancellor Brigitte Bierlein, Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, have highly criticized the refusal for North Macedonia and Albania, considering it as a “historic mistake,”541 The U.S. State Department has also considered it as a failure of the European Union in the field of strategic enlargement and a big disappointment towards European Union Foreign Policy.542 Denis MacShane, the former UK minister for the Balkans during Tony Blair’s government, in his article written for “The Globalist” titled “Keeping the Western Balkans Outside the EU”, expressed his critique towards the EU for the isolationist approach towards the Western Balkans. Furthermore, McShane argues that “It is the first time that Europe has slammed the door shut on poor European nations and denied them the chance to grow. Each country’s hopes to become a small EU member state and get the same benefits as those

539 European Union Office in Kosovo, “Kosovo* and the EU,” May 12, 2016, accessed November 5, 2019, https://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/kosovo/1387/kosovo-and-eu_en 540 Jennifer Rankin, “EU failure to open membership talks with Albania and North Macedonia condemned,” The Guardian, October 18, 2019, accessed November 3, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/18/eu- refusal-to-open-talks-with-albania-and-north-macedonia-condemned-as-historic-mistake 541 BBC News, “EU blocks Albania and North Macedonia membership bids,” BBC News, October 18, 2019, accessed November 3, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50100201 542 Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, “North Macedonia PM Calls For Snap Elections,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, October 19, 2019, accessed November 3, 2019, https://www.rferl.org/a/eu-leaders- brussels-membership-albania-north-macedonia/30222770.html

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Eastern and Central European countries that joined the EU 15 years earlier were treated on its respective merits.”543 While the EU has given Kosovo the green light for “European perspective”, EU remains divided on their policy towards Kosovo’s independence, with 5 EU member states (Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia, Spain) not recognizing Kosovo’s sovereignty, which allows the EU skepticism to grow further among Kosovars, also towards EU support and the failure of the EU joint Foreign Policy. Despite financial support, the Western Balkan countries, in general, have criticized the EU for slowing down the integration process and diverting EU countries towards the region, as well as for lack of vision by the EU foreign policy towards the region. The case of the veto from France, but also the Netherlands and Denmark, of the opening of negotiations for Albania and Northern Macedonia, testifies to the lack of consensus of EU leaders. In practice, the EU's inefficiency in the Western Balkans is also evidenced by the situation of the negotiations between Kosovo and Serbia, started in 2011, led by the EU, which resulted in several agreements of technical character, including the Brussels agreement which aimed at normalizing relations and integrating the Serb minority in northern Kosovo. However in practice, the majority of the agreements were unclear and remained unimplemented, especially by Belgrade, and as a result, the negotiation process halted.544 To put an end to one of the longest conflicts in the region, the one between Kosovo and Serbia, perhaps even seeing the EU's reluctance to give an outcome to these negotiations, within two months, the U.S. Department of State has nominated Matthew Palmer as the new US Special Representative to the Western Balkans, while the US Representative in Germany, Richard Grenell, was appointed by President Donald Trump as Special Presidential Envoy for Serbia- Kosovo talks.545 Restoring the attention towards the Western Balkans will contribute in the empowerment of states, minimizing the chances for influence by any elements of other actors such as Russia, China or Turkey, as well as it will reassure that the US and the EU will continue to be the main actors that positively transformed the region.546

543 Denis MacShane, “Keeping the Western Balkans Outside the EU,” The Globalist, May 2, 2019, accessed October 14, 2019 https://www.theglobalist.com/western-balkans-eu-macron-merkel/ 544 Martin Russell, “Serbia - Kosovo relations Confrontation or normalisation?” European Parliamentary Research Service February 2019, .3. 545 Prishtina Insight, “US diplomat pushes for return to Kosovo-Serbia dialogue,” Prishtina Insight, November 1, 2019, accessed November 5, 2019 https://prishtinainsight.com/us-diplomat-pushes-for-return-to-kosovo- serbia-dialogue/ 546 Thomas E. Graham et al. “Time for Action in the Western Balkans,”, 6-9.

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3.5. The Small States Foreign Policy in the 21st Century

Public diplomacy in the 21st century was regarded as a tool of foreign policy progressively more, particularly in achieving the goals of the foreign policy of a state, irrespective of its size, geographical location or economic capacity. Regardless of their budget and financial capabilities, all countries and particularly small states lean towards communication with foreign publics and gain visibility in the global arena, making public diplomacy as an integrated and a crucial part of their foreign policy. Therefore, wide employment of public diplomacy by diplomats and foreign ministers as a tool of representation signifies the new portrait of the diplomacy of the 21st century. Just like many other fields, diplomacy could not escape the influence and effect of radical changes that happened in the world order, starting with the global communication revolution based on the internet, and the authority and legality of democratic governments, which inescapably felt the necessity to re-orientate the foreign policy tools.547 Public diplomacy became a headline in the foreign policy debates of states particularly after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States.548 The beginning of the 21st century started with advancements in global mass communication, and technology which was followed by structural changes in the traditional methods of conducting foreign relations, diffusing the authority in multiple directions. Taking into account that the fundamental element of diplomacy is the obtaining of information, the speed and manners to get to information first, becomes a real-time matter for states, forcing them to change their behavior, particularly as information becomes available in real-time.549 Rightly so, Cooper and Momani argue “that the 21st century highlights a far greater range of choices and outcomes for small states.”550 Definitely this is not something new for the foreign policy, as I have extensively covered the debate on its history and evolution in the first chapter. However, due to all these developments and global trends, ministries of foreign affairs are unsure how to use public diplomacy most successfully and inventively. In this part of the chapter I will develop in more details the main events that have impacted the foreign policy during the century, focusing in the main initiatives, cooperation and agreements, especially since small states tend to believe that if they cooperate more

547 Volker Stanzel, “New Realities in Foreign Affairs: Diplomacy in the 21st Century,” German Institute for International and Security Affairs, SWP Research Paper 11, 2018, 7. 548 Cull, Public Diplomacy before Gullion, 23. 549 Marius Gurkas, “Strategies and Possibilities for Small States's Foreign Policy Making: Networks and Networking,” Media Transformations, accessed September 8, 2019 https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/6f05/74d55ad5e393fccd5d875d53bedecc701a0f.pdf 550 Cooper and Momani, “Qatar and Expanded Contours of Small State Diplomacy,”, 115.

126 closely, they can have a real impact in the world politics. The best example of this is the Forum of Small States (FOSS) founded in 1992, and which was an informal alliance of small states in the United Nations, whose population was below 10 million inhabitants.551 By elaborating and shedding light on how public diplomacy functions, the main debate follows on the impact that public diplomacy has, if used as a toolkit of foreign policy. Snow and Taylor in their “Handbook on Public Diplomacy” rightfully argue that taking into account the development of information technology, proactive military invasions and communication, have entirely reallocated and changed the meaning of time, distance, importance of states, increasing the importance of non-state actors and broadcasting terrorism online in real-time, changing the foreign policy of states and their orientation, as well as it has brought a public diplomacy dominated foreign policy.552 On the other Hand Fitzpatrick believes that with all the changes, new diplomats have a new task on bringing people together, where globalization has also brought up the mutual challenges of the globalized society. Therefore, communication, trust, relationships and universal values are essential to promote common decision making.553 All the changes in the 21st century including challenges and issues as well as the positioning towards global politics, have intensified the need to have an efficient outcome in national and international diplomacy, and sharp the abilities to adapt to the drastic global changes. These developments made states of being attracted by the use of soft power.554 For example the development of technology and the usage of the social media as a primary communication tool in diplomacy have helped Kosovo institutions but also its citizens, to become visible internationally and certainly, an important factor that aided this development is the fact that Kosovars are the biggest users of internet in the region.555 Indeed an important factor that aided this development is the fact that Kosovars are the biggest users of the internet in the region. According to Eurostat's publication 2019 edition, Kosovo had the highest percentage of households with 93% home-based Internet access in the region, in

551 Ministry of Foreign Affairs Singapore, “Small States,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs Singapore, accessed November 20, 2019 https://www.mfa.gov.sg/SINGAPORES-FOREIGN-POLICY/International-Issues/Small- States 552 Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor, Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy (New York: Routledge, 2009): Preface and Introduction. 553 Kathy R. Fitzpatrick,”Public Diplomacy in the Public Interest,” Journal of Public Interest Communications 1 (2017): 89, accessed December 22, 2018, http://journals.fcla.edu/jpic/article/view/93315. 554 Emilija Tudzarovska, “EU Public diplomacy in 21 century: Future challenges and perspectives,” The Czech Academy of Sciences, 2015, 2. 555 Eurostat, “Key figures on enlargement countries — 2019 edition,” Eurostat, 109.

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2018.556 Alongside positive developments, the countries in the region associated with periods of tension and ongoing crisis, which has carved the sensitivity of the national security of each of the states in the region. Western Balkans for Russia represents a region of high interest557 and high strategic importance for it, due to its geographical position and its infrastructure seen as highly valuable for the transport, supply and distribution of gas and oil to European countries.558 The most important partner for the accomplishment of Russia’s objectives and geo-economics and geostrategic interests in Serbia,559 while for Serbia, cooperation with Russia is the main priority of its foreign policy, which is publicly declared.560 Highly concerned with this affinity between Serbia and Russia in the fields of economic development as well as national security and defense, remains EU, which urges to accelerate the integration of Serbia in the European family. Therefore, the region represents an arena of geopolitical clashes between great powers, and an open collision between American and Russian interests, where Russia faces the American determinacy to hamper Russia’s access to warm waters of Adriatic and Mediterranean.561 Despite the reach of agreements between Kosovo and Serbia through the facilitation of the European Union, the Serbian side continues to hinder the international recognition of Kosovo and sets endless barriers in her path towards her institutional and economic development and progress. As a general verdict, the independence of Kosovo is considered to be irreversible; the International Court of Justice has declared this, and currently the number of the states that have recognized Kosovo has reached 116.562 In my assessment, I consider the independence of Kosovo is an unchanging and unalterable fact, which opinion is based on the facts known by all sides including Serbian politics. Despite the obstacles set along the way and the reluctance of Serbia to recognize the independence of Kosovo, which also decelerate the process of normalization of relations between two countries, the future of the region has no altered prediction rather than EU integration. Albanians in Kosovo will be able

556 Ibid. 557 Pëllumb Kallaba, “Russian Interference in Kosovo: How and Why?” Kosovar Center for Security Studies, 2017, 8-14. 558 Shaban Murati, Rusia Ballkanike, (Tiranë: Botuar nga Eneas, 2010), 109-113. 559 Daniel McLaughlin, “Serbia's president hails Russian support and seeks help on Kosovo,” The Irish Times, May 9, 2018, accessed August 2019, https://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/europe/serbia-s-president-hails- russian-support-and-seeks-help-on-kosovo-1.3489401 560 N1 “Vucic to Lavrov: Good that Serbia has Russia as reliable ally,” N1, September 26, 2019, accessed November 18, 2019 http://rs.n1info.com/English/NEWS/a529106/Vucic-says-it-s-good-for-Serbia-to-have- Russia-as-ally.html 561 Thomas E. Graham et al. “Time for Action in the Western Balkans,”, 12-14.. 562 MFA of Kosovo, “International recognitions of the Republic of Kosovo,” accessed September 15, 2019, http://www.mfa-ks.net/politika/483/njohjet-ndrkombtare-t-republiks-s-kosovs/483

128 only then to realize a longstanding foreign policy objective to join the family of civilized and developed nations of the EU, where they belong. The issue of recognition of Kosovo by Serbia and the 5 EU states which still hesitate to do so, remains a difficult challenge and a source of crisis and problems that it can produce in the future. Without the final resolution of this issue, the Balkan region will not have peace and tranquility. The 21st century is characterized by major political, economic and social changes and developments. The development of technology has drawn us closer to the developments and changes taking place in other parts of the world. Transnational actors exercise considerable influence in international relations, such as transnational and multinational corporations, religious entities, criminal actors, local and international non-governmental organizations. During these 19 years, there have been a series of developments that have defined the 21st century thus far, and one of the major threats the world has faced is certainly terrorism. In my assumption, international terrorism directly or indirectly attacks the security of every country in the world, particularly because the communication between terrorist groups with mutual ideology operating in different countries is easier than ever. This way, the development of technology has only aided the bloom of this negative phenomenon, just like the use of social media for malicious purposes is. The terrorist attacks of 9/11, 2001 by Al-Qaeda terrorists of four coordinated attacks against the United States of America, in response of which in an address to Congress on 20 September President Bush declared The War on Terror563, also known as the “Global War on Terrorism”, an international, military campaign launched by the United States, moreover US war in Afghanistan, known as the war against Taliban that was supported by U.S. allies564 and particularly Great Britain, furthermore the presentation of the first iPod by Steve Jobs,565 to the membership of China in World Trade Organization566, then the 2003 United States-led coalition invades Iraq and overthrows the government of Saddam Hussein, known as Iraqi war which lasted for approximately 8 to 9 years,567 while in 2004 the NATO enlargement by seven Central and Eastern European following countries:

563 “Text of George Bush's speech,” The Guardian, September 21, 2001, accessed August 15, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2001/sep/21/september11.usa13 564 “U.S. War in Afghanistan: 1999-Present,” Council on Foreign Relations 2014. Archived from the original on March 2, 2015, accessed October 12, 2019, https://web.archive.org/web/20150302014738/http://www.cfr.org/afghanistan/us-war-afghanistan/p20018 565 Dave Lee, “Sweating bullets' - The inside story of the first iPhone,” BBC News, January 9, 2017, accessed October 24, 2019 https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-38552241 566 World Trade Organisation, “China,” World Trade Organisation, accessed September 25, 2019., https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/acc_e/a1_chine_e.htm 567 Encyclopædia, “Britannica, Iraq War: 2003-2011,” Encyclopædia, accessed September 27, 2019, https://www.britannica.com/event/Iraq-War

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Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia568 and EU enlargement, that is known as the largest single expansion of the EU, by the following countries; Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia.569 Additionally, in the same year, Mark Zuckerberg launches ‘’Facebook”570 the largest social media platform in the world, has 2.41 billion users,571 becoming a particularly crucial tool in the field of public diplomacy (so-called Facebook diplomacy). The year 2005 is marked by the permanent conclusion of the 36 years armed campaign of the Irish Republican Army against Britain, stating that they have decided to turn over their means and methods into peaceful political means.572 At the same year 7/7 terrorist attacks in London Underground occurred, with 52 casualties and hundreds more injured.573 The year 2005 also marked the election of first woman Chancellor of Germany – Angela Merkel,574 while for the technological world, the launch of YouTube channel would become a tool in the service of diplomacy, through the platform that would reach a global audience.575 The year 2006 is characterized by the dawn of a new state, respectively the independence of Montenegro.576 Furthermore, in the same year the Comprehensive Peace Accord was reached, symbolizing the end of the Nepalese Civil War that lasted for 20 years between the Nepalese Government and Unified Communist Party of Nepal.577 In parallel, on the same year Twitter is launched,578 considered to be another huge achievement in social networking, that boasts

568 NATO, “Seven new members join NATO,“ March 29, 2004, NATO, accessed September 27, 2019, https://www.nato.int/docu/update/2004/03-march/e0329a.htm 569 European Commission, “From 6 to 28 members,” European Commission, March 06, 2017, accessed October 16, 2019, https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/policy/from-6-to-28-members_en 570 Sarah Phillips,“A brief history of Facebook,” The Guardian, July 25, 2007, accessed September 24, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2007/jul/25/media.newmedia 571 Facebook Newsroom, accessed October 18, 2019, https://newsroom.fb.com/company-info/ 572 Angelique Chrisafis, “After 35 years of bombs and blood a quiet voice ends the IRA's war,” The Guardian, July 29, 2005, accessed November 3, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2005/jul/29/northernireland.northernireland5 573 BBC News, “7/7 London bombings: Memorial for bus explosion victims unveiled,” BBC News, September 12, 2018, accessed October 14, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-london-45485154 574 Luke Harding, “Merkel becomes Germany's first woman chancellor,” The Guardian, October 11, 2005, accessed September 13, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/oct/11/germany.topstories3 575 Jason Liebman, “Facebook, Twitter and YouTube Are Tools For Diplomacy,” Huffpost, December 6, 2017, accessed September 29, 2019, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/perspective-on-digital-di_b_416876 576 BBC News, “Montenegro declares independence,” June 4, 2006, October 18, 2019, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/5043462.stm 577 United Nations peacemaker, ”Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal,” United Nations Peacemaker, November 22, 2006, accessed October 28, 2019, https://peacemaker.un.org/nepal-comprehensiveagreement2006 578 Biz Stone, “Introducing the Twitter API,” BlogTwitter, September 20, 2006, accessed October 19, 2019, https://blog.twitter.com/en_us/a/2006/introducing-the-twitter-api.html

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330 million monthly active users on first quarter of 2019,579 while for (digital) diplomacy is considered to be one of the most efficient platforms, where world leaders and diplomats engage with foreign publics and their citizens. Apple company in 2007 scored a technological revolution in the telephone industries with the launch of the first iPhone, creating the beginning of the era of “smartphones.”580 Ever since the iPhone was launched, the world politics and institutions revolutionized their methods of communication, as well as launched many innovative global reaching projects and tools, through applications. United Nations itself launched mobile applications, while diplomats could have better access to information and data that made the conduction of their job “on the move” way much more effective and efficient. Moreover, the launch of mobile telephone platforms also changed the way how Governments reached the public and how they practiced diplomacy.581 In parallel, the launch of the iPhone also changed the way how the world would receive and perceive information and real-time events. The year 2008 marked another achievement of the democratic world, particularly the election of Barak Obama as the first African American president of the United States.582 In the same year, Kosovo declared its independence, becoming this way the youngest state in the world.583 The following couple of years in 2010 are characterized by protests and demonstrations in the Middle East, correspondingly the commencement of the so-called “Arab Spring” which was considered as the initial step towards the democratization of the Middle Eastern countries,584 particularly the beginning of human rights respectability. The same year is marked with the tragic death of the Polish President Lech Kaczyński, and the entire Polish delegation in a plane crash that occurred on a landing attempt at Smolensk North Airport in Russia.585 In the same year, the launch of Instagram is another development that contributed more to the advancement of digital diplomacy, through a photo and video

579 Angela Moon, “Twitter reports surprise quarterly user growth, revenue beats,” Reuters, April 23, 2019, accessed September 23, 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/twitter-results/twitter-reports-surprise-quarterly- user-growth-revenue-beats-idUSL3N22506D 580 Apple NewsRoom “Apple Reinvents the Phone with iPhone,” Archived from the original on January 9, 2007, accessed September 14, 2019, https://www.apple.com/newsroom/2007/01/09Apple-Reinvents-the-Phone-with- iPhone/ 581 Garry Cronan, “Mobile phone applications - diplomacy on the move?,” DiploFoundation, March 31, 2010, accessed September 30, 2019 https://www.diplomacy.edu/blog/mobile-phone-applications-diplomacy-move 582 WhiteHouse,”Barak Obama,” WhiteHouse, accessed September 18, 2019, https://www.whitehouse.gov/about-the-white-house/presidents/barack-obama/ 583 Zijadin Gashi, “Rruga e pavarësisë,” Radio Evropa e Lirë, February 17, 2008, accessed September 4, 2019, https://www.evropaelire.org/a/992143.html 584 History, “Arab Spring,” History, January 10, 2018, accessed September 12, 2019, https://www.history.com/topics/middle-east/arab-spring 585 BBC News,“Polish President Lech Kaczynski dies in plane crash,” BBC News, April 10, 2010, accessed September 10 2019, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/8612825.stm

131 sharing social network, which made diplomacy more visible and more visual. Instagram has become the fastest growing social media network among world leaders, governments and foreign ministers and is the third most used social media platform after Twitter and Facebook, with more than 80 percent of the UN member states being part of social media.586 Instagram started to play an important role in digital diplomacy, also called Instaplomacy, where world leaders communicate with the public and each other, share experiences and tag each other, aiming to share the stories of strong relationships among them.587 The course of global developments was carved the global path is the assassination in Pakistan of the al-Qaeda leader – Osama bin Laden, by the United States Navy SEALs,588 and later with the independence of South Sudan, becoming the 193 member of the United Nations in 2011,589 to follow with the membership of Croatia into the European Union in 2013,590 which is a small state that derived from the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. In 2014, the terrorist organization ISIS began its offensive in northern Iraq, leading to intervention in Iraq and Syria by a US-led coalition,591 whose propaganda managed to get the attacks across the borders of the Middle East. Europe confronted various threats by ISIS and painful events that led to the terrorist attack against Charlie Hebdo shooting in Paris.592 The November 2015 Paris attacks were a series of coordinated terrorist attacks that left 130 people dead and hundreds wounded,593 then 2016 Brussels bombings which killed 32 people and 300 injured from all over the world,594 a terrorist attack at Istanbul's Ataturk Airport,595

586 Twiplomacy, “World Leaders on Instagram 2018,” Twiplomacy, December 4, 2018, accessed September 14, 2019, https://twiplomacy.com/blog/world-leaders-instagram-2018/ 587 Ibid. 588 Helene Cooper, “Obama Announces Killing of Osama bin Laden,” The New York Times, May 1, 2011, Archived from the original on May 2, 2011, accessed August 10, 2019, https://web.archive.org/web/20110502033900/http://thelede.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/05/01/bin-laden-dead-u-s- official-says/ 589 UN News, “UN welcomes South Sudan as 193rd Member State,” UN News, July 14, 2011, accessed August 26, 2019, https://news.un.org/en/story/2011/07/381552. 590 European Union, “Croatia,” European Union, accessed September 7, 2019, https://europa.eu/european- union/about-eu/countries/member-countries/croatia_en 591 U.S. Department of State, “The Global Coalition To Defeat ISIS,” U.S. Department of State, September 10, 2014, accessed September 28, 2019, https://www.state.gov/bureaus-offices/bureaus-and-offices-reporting- directly-to-the-secretary/the-global-coalition-to-defeat-isis/ 592 Julien Pain, “Manhunt after deadly attack on Paris newspaper,” CBS News, January 7, 2015, accessed October 3, 2019, https://www.cbsnews.com/news/charlie-hebdo-french-satirical-magazine-paris-office-attack- leaves-casualties/ 593 BBC News, “Paris attacks: What happened on the night,” BBC News, November 2015, accessed October 5, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34818994 594 BBC News, “Brussels explosions: What we know about airport and metro attacks,” BBC News, April 9, 2016, accessed October 5, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-35869985 595 Ben Doherty, Claire Phipps and Damien Gayle, “Istanbul airport attack: Isis behind deaths of at least 41, PM says – as it happened,” The Guardian, Jun 29, 2016, accessed October 9, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2016/jun/29/istanbul-ataturk-turkey-airport-attack-explosions-rolling- report-updates

132 car-ramming attacks in Nice and Berlin,596 and the terrorist bombing attack in 2017 in Manchester, England, where for all of them ISIS claimed responsibility.597 In parallel, Brexit referendum which resulted being in favor of the UK leaving the EU, was another significant episode of the developments of 2016 which continues to be an important topic within the EU,598 mainly because the referendum disappointed the small states of the EU which had allied closely with the United Kingdom on numerous issues concerning security, transatlantic relations, economic and political freedom and the institutional development of the EU. Britain helped to push small states across Europe through the entrance gate of the European Union. After Cold War, small European states saw Britain as the main advocate of free trade allowing them the market access necessary for growth in their small economies and an important part of the security and defense mechanism of the EU.599 In the interim, the year 2018 can be distinguished with another peaceful resolution of several years of conflict between two small states of the Balkans, Greece, and Macedonia, which was more of a motionless conflict related to Macedonia’s naming dispute. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is renamed in 2019 to the “Republic of North Macedonia,”600 removing the obstacle for its integration in the EU and NATO. Terrorist attacks also continued in 2019, one of which is the coordinated terrorist attacks in New Zealand, which have been linked to an increase in white supremacist and alt-right extremism globally.601 Another terrorist attacks are a series of bomb attacks in Sri Lanka, which left 259 people dead and over 500 injured where SIS claimed responsibility,602 which remains only a piece of the series of the distinguishable and unfortunate events that characterized the 21st century. Terrorism remains one of the major threats to national and global security. An

596 Deutsche Welle, “Friend of Berlin truck attacker in France during Nice attack: reports,” Deutsche Welle, 27.02.2019, accessed October 11, 2019 https://www.dw.com/en/friend-of-berlin-truck-attacker-in-france- during-nice-attack-reports/a-47700665 597 John Hall and Jenny Awford, “What Comes Next Will be More Severe, ”The Sun, May 23, 2017, accessed October 4, 2019, https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/3625751/manchester-arena-bombing-isis-claimed-terror- attack-latest/ 598 BBC News, “Brexit: All you need to know about the UK leaving the EU,” BBC News, October 22, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-32810887 599 Anders Wivel and Baldur Thorhallsson, “Brexit and Small States in Europe: Hedging, Hiding or Seeking Shelter?” The Routledge Handbook of the Politics of Brexit, ed. Patrick Diamond, Peter Nedergaard, Ben Rosamond (London: Routledge, 2018), 1-3. 600 Ekathimerini, “Prespa Agreement,” Ekathimerini, June 2018, accessed October 18, 2019, http://www.ekathimerini.com/resources/article-files/aggliko-1.pdf 601 Cameron Houston and Shane Wright, “Alt-right extremists are not being monitored effectively,” The Sydney Morning Herald, March 17, 2019, accessed August 28, 2019, https://www.smh.com.au/national/alt-right- extremists-are-not-being-monitored-effectively-20190317-p514y0.html, 602 Lizzie Dearden, “Sri Lanka bombings: Isis claims responsibility for deadly church and hotel attacks on Easter Sunday,” Independent, April 23, 2019, accessed October 18, 2019, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/sri-lanka-bombings-isis-terror-church-attack-easter-islamic- state-a8882231.html

133 effective response to terrorism requires the direct involvement and cooperation of all states, no matter of size, economy and military capacity. Therefore, global cooperation to combat terrorism cannot exclude small states, thus, small states of the Balkans, including Kosovo are aligned with other democratic countries around the world in the combat against terrorism, starting with the adoption of the legislation to prevent the participation in the foreign wars, then counter-terrorism strategies and action plans, to continue with the comprehensive strategy and action plan for countering violent extremism. Terrorism remains one of the major threats to national and global security. In 2015, Kosovo Assembly adopted a law No.05/L-002 on Prohibition of Joining the Armed Conflicts Outside State Territory, making fighting in foreign conflicts punishable from 5 to 15 years in jail.603 Notwithstanding, based on the U.S. State Department report of 2018, Balkan states cooperate well with international partners on counter-terrorism – but face a lack of resources and in problems of cooperation between institutions.604 All these rapid global developments from the early 21st century to the present, some of which I have mentioned above, have facilitated and accelerated international cooperation between peoples and governments. While most small states have had no military power to be directly involved in the fight against terrorism, they are still morally loyal to alliances and big states, led by U.S. coalitions. In the 21st century, 13 out of 28 EU member states joined the European Union, changing this way the balance among small and large states in the EU.605 Out of all states that joined the EU after the year 2000, only Poland can be excluded from being considered a small state. This integration of small states, particularly the integration of Malta and Baltic countries, has enabled them to expand their influence and have their voices heard, regardless of the size of their country. In addition to influence, the Presidency of the Council of the EU can be used to increase the prestige of small states, because it provides them with a “valuable opportunity to play a major international role not only with/on behalf of the EU and the other Member States but the wider world stage”. This was the case of the Belgium Presidency in the ‘war on terrorism’ in 2001.606 For the former Yugoslav states but also Albania, NATO integration and the EU have become the new ideology of the 21st century. Albania and Croatia became full NATO members in 2009, while Montenegro later

603 Assembly of Republic of Kosovo, “Law No. 05/L -002 on Prohibition of Joining the Armed Conflicts Outside State Territory,” Official Gazette of The Republic of Kosovo, April 2, 2015, accessed September 19, 2019, https://gzk.rks-gov.net/ActDetail.aspx?ActID=10763 604 U.S. State Department, “Country Reports on Terrorism 2017,” U.S. State Department, September, 2018, accessed September 20, 2019, https://www.state.gov/country-reports-on-terrorism-2/ 605 Thorhallsson and Wivel, Small States in the European Union, 651. 606 Ibid.,663.

134 in 2017. In 2004 Slovenia became a full member of the EU and NATO while Croatia became an EU member in 2013. The NATO and EU integration for Western Balkan countries where Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro and the Republic of North Macedonia and Serbia rare included has slowed down exceedingly.

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CHAPTER IV. STATEHOOD OF KOSOVO: HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS

This chapter will provide a short historical background, focusing briefly on the main milestones and developments of the century, following the dissolution of Yugoslavia, and the main undermining factors that brought its breakup. As the break of Yugoslavia was followed by wars in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and finally, with the war in Kosovo,607 this period has experienced great attention of the international community and great powers in the region of Balkans. By dividing this chapter into five parts, I aim to divide the developments into five parts as well, considering that several points in history were crucial and changed the future of the region. The historical background of the multi-ethnicity of the Balkans, it is very crucial in understanding the history of conflicts and their pattern of reoccurrence. However, the following chapter describes the most significant ones that are related to the unjust fragmentation of the territories inhabited with Albanians after the abdication of the Ottoman Empire, through the Treaty of San Stefano, and the Congress of Berlin.608 Ever since, the majority of the Albanian population in the Balkans became minorities in other countries, whose rights were systematically violated. In the first part of this chapter, I provide a short historical background, touching the antiquity, and elaborating the Kosovo issue throughout 19th and 20th century, tackling the main milestones that have marked these centuries in terms of historical and political developments, and the situation of the Albanian population in Kosovo. In this subchapter, the most notable events are the fragmentation of Albanian lands and the formation of the Yugoslav Federation,609 which became an immensely powerful entity in the international arena of the time. However, although the Albanian population was the third largest ethnic group in Yugoslavia, Kosovo was only granted the status of province and autonomy. This inferior position has an impact on the discriminatory treatment of its population and the violation of their human rights. The second part of this chapter elaborates on the process of dissolution of Yugoslavia, and the political developments in the region of the Balkans, after the Federation was falling. In this process that started intensively in 1989, but the foundations of the Federation started

607 Carole Rogel, The Breakup of Yugoslavia and Its Aftermath (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2004), 1-90. 608 Steven Woehrel, “Kosovo: Historical Background to the Current Conflict,” CRS Report for U.S. Congress (Washington: Jun 3, 1999): 2-3.

136 shaking from the beginning of the 90s, was followed with four destructive wars in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the last one in Kosovo in 1999.610 The drawing of the new map of independent states in the Balkans cost it about 300 thousand lives and countless other casualties, and hostile relations among ethnic groups. Starting with the 1981 protests, Kosovo Albanians demanded the status of a republic. Ethnic tensions between Kosovo Albanians and Kosovo Serbs remained high throughout the decades. In 1987, Slobodan Milosevic came to power in Serbia and through a series of populist movements took de facto control of Kosovo, Vojvodina, and Montenegro, gaining a prominent level of support among Serbs for its central policies. In 1989, Milosevic revived the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina and reverted to their pre-1974 status, marking the beginning of the end of Yugoslavia.611 The oppression towards the Albanian population in Kosovo which became a national mission for Serbia resulted in n systematic violation of human rights, enforced disappearances, massive expulsion from civil servants on an ethnic basis, and lockdown of schools and education system. The first attempt for Albanian leaders in Kosovo to gain attention towards these violations was in 1995 on the Dayton Peace Conference which brought an end to the Bosnia & Herzegovina war, however, that was not successful.612 Thus, the crimes against the Albanian population in Kosovo and ethnic cleansing resulted in NATO intervention in 1999 against Serbian military targets in Kosovo and Serbia. More than thirteen thousand civilians lost their lives in the Kosovo war, many heinous crimes against Albanians were committed. After NATO intervention and the withdrawal of Serbian military and paramilitary from the territory of Kosovo,613 the United Nations Interim Mission in Kosovo was established based on the Resolution 1244/99 of the UN Security Council, which was responsible for keeping peace and building Kosovo Self Governing Institution.614 In 2007, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on the Status of Kosovo – Former President of Finland Martti Ahtisaari submitted the plan on the final status of Kosovo, which was international supervised independence. After Russia and Serbia were categorically against the independence of Kosovo, the Albanian Leaders in Kosovo in cooperation with the United

610 Tim Judah, Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008),60-65. 611 Ibid.,61. 612 Kimberly A. Hudson, Justice, Intervention and Force in International Relations: Reassessing Just War Theory in the 21st Century (New York: Routledge, 2009), 136. 613 David L. Phillips, Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and U. S. Intervention (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2012), p.xi. 614 Henry H. Perritt, Jr, The Road to Independence for Kosovo: A Chronicle of the Ahtisaari Plan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 108.

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States and Western Allies declared the independence of the Republic of Kosovo on the 17th of February 2008. The declaration of the independence of Kosovo made the youngest country in Europe as a new subject of international relations, which needed to build its foreign policy from the base. Kosovo adopted its law on foreign policy and formed the institutions of foreign politics by also compiling strategic documents, including the establishment of the embassies and consular missions in different countries around the world. Kosovo as a new state has faced with many challenges in its foreign policy, starting from the lack of national tradition in the field of foreign policy and diplomacy, to the harsh political campaign conducted by Serbia against the recognition of the state of Kosovo and the blockade of its participation in international politics and international relations.

4.1. Historical background

Regardless of different mythologies and stories which have harmed creation of narratives for different ethnic groups in the Balkans, based on the data drawn from history and archaeological and anthropological studies, Kosovo was inhabited by Illyrians since the ancient times, while Albanians are descendants of Dardanians, which are one of the Illyrian tribes.615 The Dardanians were one of the largest Illyrian tribes that lived in the central part of the Balkans, mainly in present-day Kosovo.616 Throughout history, according to Albanian historical chronicles, the main aim of Serbs at the time was to occupy the Albanian lands. Albanian historian Selami Puhlaha writes that “the expansion of the Serb state in Kosovo, during the twelfth century onward was by no means a “liberation” of the Serb land but an annexation and occupation of Albanian territories.”617 However, my aim in this study is not to analyze the origins and formation of nations over the centuries in the Balkans, due to the extensive volume of historical developments, and as British writer Noel Malcolm in his book “Kosovo: A Short History,” says “all origins become mysterious if we search far enough into the past.”618 Nevertheless, we will mainly focus on the political developments that have characterized the former Yugoslav Federation at the end of the 20th century and the developments that follow its dissolution in the 21st century.

615 Konrad Pawłowski, Kosowo: konflikt i interwencja (Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie Skłodowskiej, 2008), 35. 616 Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (London: Palgrave Macmillan,1998), 31. 617 Zidas Daskalovski, “Claims to Kosovo: Nationalism and Self-Determination,” in Understanding the WAR in KOSOVO, ed. Florian Bieber and Zidas Daskalovski (Lonon, Frank Class Publishers, 2003), 18. 618 Malcolm, op. cit., p. 22.

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Kosovo can be the youngest state in Europe, however, the Kosovo issue has existed as such for a century, long before the independence of the February 17th, 2008. During the 20th century, the Kosovo case as an unresolved political problem reflected the ratio of forces between the Great European Powers of the time, and, at the same time, the relations between the small Balkan states among themselves. In the 19th and 20th centuries, historical decisions were made in Kosovo, political platforms were drafted and major battles for Albania's independence were fought.619 Among them, it is important to distinguish the League of Prizren, which took place in city of Prizren in Kosovo on the 10th of June, 1878, and gathered delegates from all over Albanian territories, to work on a common counter political platform from the one presented and adopted by the treaty of San Stefano and the Berlin Congress, which except of ignoring the wish of Albanian population in the Balkans for self- determination, decided to divide Albanian lands among other Balkan states. According to the San Stefano Treaty, a treaty between Russia and the Ottoman Empire signed on 3rd of March 1878, almost half of the Albanian territories, including today’s Kosovo, were handed to other Balkan states like Serbia, Montenegro, and Bulgaria. Nevertheless, Austro-Hungary and Great Britain blocked the deal reached between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, mainly because they were disturbed and worried by the rapid increase in Russian influence on the Balkan Peninsula through Great Bulgaria. To resolve this issue, the Congress of Berlin was held the same year for the conditions set out in the Treaty of San Stefano to be reviewed by a special congress of the Great Powers at that time (Germany, Great Britain, France, Russia, Austro-Hungary and Italy).620 Congress of Berlin replaced the Treaty of San Stefano, however, the demands of Albanians were widely ignored here as well. The Albanians remained under the occupation of the Ottoman Empire. The Berlin Congress though recognized the independence of Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro. The Congress of Berlin except that it failed to provide a sustainable solution for the people of the Balkans; also laid the foundations for other conflicts in the Balkans in the future. In 1912, the Ottoman Empire was decisively defeated, and Albania declared independence, however, this was the year when Kosovo, with all the military resistance of the population, Kosovo's territory was violently occupied by Serbia in 1912-1913. This prompted the Great Powers to pay special attention to the Albanian cause at a conference held in London in 1912-1913, which then recognized the existence of the Independent Albanian State. With the decisions

619 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 21. 620 Steven Woehrel, “Kosovo: Historical Background to the Current Conflict,” CRS Report for U.S. Congress Jun 3, 1999, 2-3.

139 of the Treaty of London, the division of Albanians into various Balkan states took place, leaving half of its territories and population of Albania out of its borders including Kosovo which was given to Serbia.621 After World War I when the victory of the Allies was declared and Austro-Hungarian Empire finally collapsed in 1918, Kosovo as occupied territory by Serbia came under the rule of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Serbia’s ruling behavior caused antipathy and bitterness among other nationalities, which is when Serbia started a strategic campaign to settle Serbs in Kosovo, as an effort to weaken the majority Albanian population in Kosovo.622 Therefore, according to the data elaborated in the book “Understanding the War in Kosovo” between 1912 to 1941, more than 300,000 Albanians were forcibly removed from Kosovo, and replaced with 14,000 Serbian families who took their place, called as the process of “serbianization” of Kosovo, which also created the substrate for Serbian nationalism to bloom. Thus, the Albanian population in Kosovo which made up 90% of the population in 1912, by 1941 fell into 70%.623 In September 1945, the Serbian People's Assembly “created” the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija as a constituent part of Serbia.624 The term “Metohija” was temporarily dropped in 1968, and the prefix “Socialist” was added, creating the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, when Communist ideology ruled in former Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, when the former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic came into power, the term “Metohija” was reinserted, certainly without the consent of the Kosovo Albanians, as the dominant population on the territory of Kosovo. According to an article published in the Albanian language “GazetaExpress” in 1946, Josip Broz Tito had stated for the American news agency “Associated Press” that Kosovo and other Albanian territories would be returned to Albania. The leader of the Former Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito had promised to Albanian communist leader Enver Hoxha in 1946 that he would return to Albania the territory of Kosovo and other Albanian territories that were under the Yugoslav Federation.625 By all means, a “promise” never kept by the Yugoslav authorities. The situation for Albanian population in Kosovo turned out all the opposite, which was described by the American Professor Henry H. Perritt, Jr in his book

621 Janusz Bugajski, Political Parties of Eastern Europe: A Guide to Politics in the Post-Communist Era (New York: M.E. Sharpe., 2002), 675. 622 Woehrel, op. cit., p. 3. 623 Daskalovski, op. cit., p. 17-18 624 Marc Weller, Contested Statehood: Kosovo's Struggle for Independence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 32. 625 GazetaExpress, “Tito i kishte premtuar Enver Hoxhës se do t’ia kthente Kosovën,” GazetaExpress, December 21, 2014, accessed November 26, 2019, https://www.gazetaexpress.com/lajme-tito-i-kishte- premtuar-enver-hoxhes-se-do-tia-kthente-kosoven-68268/

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“The Road to Independence for Kosovo” that “Serbian policy toward the ‘Albanian problem’ was to cleanse Kosovo of as many Albanians as possible,…to make their lives in Kosovo so miserable that they would be eager to emigrate.”626 A proof of this was the gentlemen agreement reached by the President of Yugoslavia, Tito and the Turkish Foreign Minister of the time Fuad Koprulu. This agreement reached in the early 1950s provided expulsion of the Albanian population from Kosovo to Turkey, which led to the forcible removal and expulsion of more than 400,000 towards Turkey between 1950-1966.627 Meanwhile, the Serbian government continued with its campaign of establishing Serbian families in Kosovo, encouraging them to move to Kosovo from other parts of Yugoslavia with the aim to balance the population.628 The foundation of the University of Prishtina in 1970 was a turning point for the Albanian population in Kosovo, which valued access to higher education in their language as something essential which was denied to them.629 Meanwhile, in February of 1974, Kosovo won a federal status within Serbia, becoming an autonomous province with the new constitution of Yugoslavia. That was the first time when Kosovo had the right to form its parliament, government, judicial system as well as the Constitutional Court, although all of them were under harsh surveillance of Serbia. Kosovo Albanians nevertheless, were not satisfied with this level of representation or political status since Kosovo was not allowed to be on the same level as the group of states qualified as the Republics of Yugoslavia.630 In my interview with Professor of History and International Relations at the University of Prishtina, Professor Ibrahim Gashi, he said that: The beginning of the 1970s, as opposed to the whole of Yugoslavia, also in Kosovo, was followed by process of constitutional debates and related amendments which were summarized in the amendments to the SFRY Constitution in 1974. This was the first time that existing elites within Yugoslavia, of course also under the pressure of the masses, began to increasingly use the demand that Kosovo be identified in terms of its constitutional legal status as a republic. Kosovo as a republic within the Yugoslav federation, as proved by history, would never be achieved, but Tito nevertheless responded to the Albanians with an increase in their involvement in

626 H. Perritt, Jr, The Road to Independence for Kosovo, 19. 627 Daskalovski, op. cit., p. 17-18. 628 H. Perritt, Jr, op. cit., p. 21. 629 Robert Elsie, Historical Dictionary of Kosova (Oxford:Scarecrow Press, 2004), 4. 630 Judah, op. cit., p. 57.

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regional governance and party leadership structures, giving the province of Kosovo a significant legal subjectivity.631 Meanwhile, according to Professor Aleksandar R. Ivanovic, Professor of Criminal Law from the University of Novi Pazar in Serbia, in the interview for this dissertation, he said that: The 1974 Constitution gives Kosovo, as well as Vojvodina, the status of a quasi- federal unit. So, a special novelty in this Constitution, unlike the previous ones, was that the provinces had acquired the status of constituent elements of the federation. Namely, the 1974 constitutional decision defined autonomous provinces as parts of the Federal Republic of Serbia, but also as parts of the SFR Yugoslavia (Articles 1 and 2 of the Constitution), which was not the case in earlier constitutions. It should be noted here that the 1974 Constitution denied the provinces statehood, but although deprived of statehood and thus subordinated to FR Serbia, the provinces still acquired numerous rights that were equal to the republics, so, they were at the same time equal and unequal to them which was extremely contradictory.632 In parallel, the scholar Stephan Schwartz emphasizes that in the review of the Constitution of 1974, the province of Kosovo and Vojvodina enjoyed almost equal status with every other republic in the Federation, except the name. Kosovo and Vojvodina had their seats in the Federal governing mechanisms (in smaller numbers), could both write their constitutions, although remained within Serbia.633 Furthermore, Professor Gashi, who is also a former deputy speaker of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo and former deputy minister of Foreign Affairs, consider that: Kosovo's new constitutional position of 1974, with all its shortcomings regarding the demands of Kosovo Albanians on the status of Republic for Kosovo and human rights discriminations towards Albanians in Kosovo, it can be regarded as the embryonic stage of the beginning of Kosovo's statehood and as the foundational origin of the contemporary institutions that contained within them the concept of genuine citizen representation. Reflections of this basis were observed in economic-social and political life. The creation of a provincial government with a majority of Albanian “communists,” the determination of the degree of representation in political and party institutions proportionally to the total population, the creation of the University of Prishtina, which soon ranks third in Yugoslavia in terms of number of students, establishment of the

631 Interview with Professor Ibrahim Gashi, conducted on 15th of August 2019. 632 Interview with Professor Aleksandar R. Ivanovic, conducted on 4th of January 2020. 633 Stephen Schwartz, Kosovo: Background to a War (London: Anthem Press, 2000), 100-102.

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Kosovo Academy of Sciences and Arts of the Autonomous Socialist Province of Kosovo and after that, the Albanological Institute and the Institute of History of Kosovo, as well as other educational and cultural institutions, are the foundational premises for the creation of Kosovo Albanian political and intellectual elite, as an autonomous part of the existing institutional system.634 Noel Malcolm clarifies it more, saying that all these freedoms provided for the Albanian population, considered that Tito’s “measures to respect the rights of Kosovo Albanians were only half-measures; some developed under the pressure of circumstances.”635 The new circumstances and the new situation created in Kosovo gradually began to detach it from a mindset of dependence and submission towards Serbia or Yugoslavia. The first shock for the system, as Misha Glenny would call it, happened in March of 1981, when Kosovo Albanian students of the University of Prishtina demanded better conditions.636 These actions brought about 500 students in front of the administration of the University, shouting for better conditions and food. After the police intervened by arresting some of the students, young people in Prishtina who had just attended a football match joined the crowd becoming 3-4 thousand and turned chanting to slogans against the authorities. The police scattered the masses with tear-gas, about 2000 arrested and many more others killed, however, these actions caused for this cause to be expanded in other cities of Kosovo as well.637 This outburst of Kosovo Albanian students came as an expression of national awareness and political culture expressed through the democratic right of protest, for Kosovo to realize the status of a republic within the federation, which was prevented through institutional means. The demonstrations of 1981 of University of Prishtina students, also known as the “Spring 1981 Demonstrations” that trembled the foundations of Yugoslavia, should be seen as a natural evolution that came primarily as a result of the rising of the general emancipation rate. While only two or three decades ago the illiteracy rate was very high, now, there was no family that did not have at least one student pursuing higher education. This educational and industrial revolution, according to renowned scholar Oliver J. Schmitt, influenced the replacement of a (post) Ottoman elite with a new intellectual elite, which within the Yugoslav system did much to affirm national identity values.638

634 Interview with Professor Ibrahim Gashi, conducted on 15th of August 2019. 635 Malcolm, op. cit., p. 314. 636 Misha Glenny, Balkans: 1804-1999: Nationalism, War and Great Powers (London: Granta Books, 2000), 624. 637 Malcolm, op. cit., p. 334-336. 638 Oliver Jens Schmitt, Kosova-Histori e shkurtër e një treve Qendrore Ballkanike (Kosovo: A Short History of the Central Balkan Territory (Prishtine: Koha, 2012), 189-199.

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The great alternations of the bipolar system influenced the resurgence of other nationalisms. Initially, Serbian nationalism, which had already created the justification for its re-emergence. The 1981 student demonstrations served as a rendition of the highly rampant manifestation of this nationalism. The instrumentalism of Kosovo Serb movements, the harsh convictions of Albanians participating in the 1981 demonstrations, the drafting of a memorandum by the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in 1985, and Milosevic's 1989 decision to abolish the autonomy of Kosovo (Vojvodina as well) reverting the status of Kosovo to its pre-1974, making Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia, therefore restoring Serbia's control in Kosovo, is evidence, as M. Glenny, in 1989, put it, of the slogans of a group of Serbian protesters in Vushtrri, a town located in the northern part of the Republic of Kosovo, calling “Srbija is ustala” (“Serbia has arisen”).639 The suppression of the autonomy was followed by the occupation of Kosovo by thousands of Serb police and soldiers, putting the Albanian majority population under repressive and apartheid measures. The legalization of the process of Serbianization in Yugoslavia was the actual institutionalization of ethnic discrimination. By providing mandatory curricula for the schools in Kosovo, to be taught only in the Serbian language, aiming to fortify the Serbian culture and language in Kosovo, was the implementation of the law that aimed to increase the number of Serbian population living in Kosovo, and decrease the number of Albanians. Land loans and grants were given to Serbian families who were willing to move to Kosovo, as an incentive, while more than 100,000 Albanian teachers and professors were fired, together with the public employees in a total of 170,000. The system imposed towards the 90% Albanian population was an apartheid alike system, under harsh surveillance and police control, harassing the civilians through detention, arbitrary arrests, and systematic mistreatment.640 While high managerial positions were eligible only for Serbs, crating this way and irreversible segregation among two nations.641 The epilogue to this reappearance of more powerful nationalism in Yugoslavia will bring an end to the existence of the federal socialist state of Yugoslavia and the beginning of a process of the creation of independent states.642 In this process, Kosovo has had the most complex and difficult journey. The year 1989 marks the year of a major turning point, from where an era of testing Kosovo's national and political maturity will be witnessed at all stages

639 Misha Glenny, The Balkans: 1804-2012: Nationalism, War and Great Powers (London: Granta Books; 2nd edition, 2012), 627. 640 Kimberly A. Hudson, op. cit., p. 132. 641 H. Perritt, Jr, op. cit., p. 21. 642 Warren Zimmermann, Origins of a Catastrophe: Yugoslavia and Its Destroyers -- America's Last Ambassador Tells what Happened and why ( New York: Times Books, 1996), 138.

144 of its state-building process. The creation of an Albanian “parallel system” and peaceful resistance through non-participation in Serbian state institutions alongside the organization of parallel institutions in education, health, and social welfare,643 was the first and most crucial test for Kosovo Albanians on their road with many obstacles towards independence and state- building. Rightfully, both authors Schmitt644 and Clark,645 consider this as the first stage of Kosovo's statehood, which in essence helped shape the idea of creating the state of Kosovo. The high degree of national maturity and statehood creation of the Kosovo Albanian population expressed through the promulgation of the constitutional declaration which defined Kosovo as a Republic on 2nd of July 1990, and the adoption of the constitution in September 1990, the organization of free elections for the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, the boycott of jobs in state-owned enterprises, whose retention was conditioned by loyalty to Serbia, as well as the self-financing of Kosovo's parallel institutions, are the best evidence of a well-established political and institutional culture already in place. Undoubtedly, the Constitutional Declaration of the 2nd of July, 1990, marks the beginning of Kosovo's statehood. The Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of Kosovo, Iljaz Ramajli, says that the declaration of independence was followed by the promulgation of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo on 7th of September, 1990, in Kacanik. “We were aware that there would be a backlash from Serbia since they did not choose the means to realize their goals. Soon after, on 5th of July, the Assembly of Serbia, with an anti- constitutional law and unjustly, without a constitutional base, suspended the Assembly and stopped the work of the Government of Kosovo,” said Ramajli in an interview for Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, in the Albanian language.646 Despite the repression, Kosovo Albanian leaders responded in 1991 by organizing a referendum that declared Kosovo independent, also creating its government.647 However, this Republic and this Government did not enjoy international recognition, despite massive support in Kosovo. This act was deemed illegal by the Serbian authorities and SFRY.648 Despite the positive evolution of Kosovar society and the emergence of a political society that began to take on the features of genuine political organization, the political

643 Kimberly A. Hudson, op. cit., p. 133-138. 644 Oliver Jens Schmitt, op. cit., p. 248-252. 645 Howard Clark, The Civil Resistance in Kosovo (London: Pluto Press, 2000), 204-205. 646 Zijadin Gashi, “Rruga e pavarësisë,” Radio Evropa e Lirë, February 17, 2008, accessed November 8, 2019, https://www.evropaelire.org/a/992143.html 647 Danuta Gibas-Krzak, Serbsko-albański konflikt o Kosowo w XX wieku Uwarunkowania – przebieg – konsekwencje, Toruń : Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2009, p.167 648 Judah, op. cit., p. 69.

145 situation in Kosovo was aggravated by Serbia's systematic state terror, where the population started to gradually abandon the political infrastructure built on the communist system and sought a new alternative, thereby influencing through social capital a peaceful movement of resistance to be organized, being accepted as the best alternative of the moment. The momentum of the establishment of the peaceful movement represents a turning point also for the very degree of political maturity of the people of Kosovo since Kosovo already had a “spokesperson” for the political problems the society was facing. In September and October 1989, a group of writers and intellectuals, at a time of deep political and social unrest, almost spontaneously agreed to establish a political party that would articulate the political demands of Kosovo Albanians and would initiate the processes of pluralism, a process that had already initiated in the countries of the socialist bloc of that time. This group of intellectuals appointed the Leadership of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) with leader Dr. Ibrahim Rugova.649 Ibrahim Rugova and the Democratic League of Kosovo established a nonviolent approach and breach of cooperation with the Serbian government, by setting up a parallel government in Kosovo, which undertook all governmental duties including holding elections, collecting taxes and providing services.650 Kosovo Albanians had already aligned behind the pacifist policy of the Democratic League of Kosovo, and former President Ibrahim Rugova, who achieved to create friendship particularly with the United States of America. The next step of Rugova was to dedicate an immense importance to foreign relations and opening representative offices of Kosovo in European capitals. According to the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kosovo, Enver Hoxhaj, these external relations were being built by Kosovo during the early 1990s mainly focused on three areas: 1. The first focus area was the creation of international support for resolving and upholding the right to self-determination and statehood, laying out arguments on why Kosovo deserved independence. 2. The second aspect concerned the internationalization of the large-scale human rights violations in Kosovo by the Serbian regime and the change in the conservative international stance that Kosovo was an internal matter of Serbia; 3. and the third goal was to create an international consensus that would respond and engage against the systematic repression of the Serbian regime through international

649 LDK, “Historiku i Lidhjes Demokratike të Kosovës,” LDK, accessed November 20, 2019, https://www.ldk- ks.eu/historiku/ 650 Kimberly A. Hudson, op. cit., p. 133.

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intervention, whether military or the establishment of international civilian administration.651 For world leaders, Rugova was also regarded as the founder of the state of Kosovo, 652 and was often called the “Gandhi of Balkans.”653

However, the hopes that Kosovo would gain its independence through peaceful manners started to fade away in 1995 after the Dayton agreement was reached, and which did not pay whatsoever attention to the case of Kosovo Albanians.654 Thus, after the Dayton, a new resisting phase and form towards the systematic oppression against Albanians in Kosovo and Milosevic’s regime took place, and this time through a military alternative and armed resistance of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). The Kosovo Liberation Army, emerged when all levels of appealing for help had been exhausted — starting from the massive expulsion of Kosovo Albanians from their workplaces in the 1990s, which left Kosovo with 70% unemployed population and an inexistent economy. The living standards of Albanians in Kosovo decreased rapidly, which combined with repression, by the end of 1993 aimed to induce four hundred thousand Albanians to abandon Kosovo, through the process of what Kosovo Albanians called “silent cleaning.”655 On the other hand, Milosevic continued to grow and increase his absolutism and popularity through media control, opportunistic alliances and crash of every critical voice and opponent. Thus, despite the determination of Kosovo Albanians to peacefully resist the Serbian occupation, it only continued to increase and lose its control. Meanwhile, the hope that Albanian intellectuals and political elite had was to gain attention in the Dayton conference which closed their eyes in front of the violations against Albanians in Kosovo. This fundamental disappointment in 1995, made people in Kosovo that peaceful resistance was never going to receive any attention, and thus they started advocating for a military solution to their demands. Therefore, the Kosovo Liberation Army emerged as a reaction and frustration towards the slow pace and lack of empathy or attention of the international community towards people’s struggle for independence.

651 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 27. 652 David L. Phillips, op. cit., p. 155. 653 Judah, op. cit., p. 71. 654 Kimberly A. Hudson, op. cit., p. 136. 655 Louis Sell, Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (London: Duke University Press, 2002), 270.

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4.2. The Process of Dissolution of Yugoslavia

The constitutional and political crisis that brought the dissolution of Yugoslavia, followed by wars and atrocities, which were considered the largest ones after Holocaust, should be traced to the “Memorandum of Serbian Academy of Science and Arts,” (SANU) and their ideological and political projects with the main author Academic Dobrica Cosic and several other Serbian academics,656 which initiated ideologies that would launch a wave of threat not only to Kosovo but also to other non-Serb republics in Yugoslavia. The SANU prepared the ideological framework for Milosevic, focusing the public opinion on the Kosovo issue and accusing the leadership of the League of Communists of Serbia with Ivan Stambolic for lacking the vision to guide Serbs towards 'big victory' in Kosovo issue.657 Meanwhile, Serbs and Dobrica Cosic had already recognized Milosevic as the creator of that Serbian national program, they had also accepted Milosevic as the executor of that Serbian program. However, scholars of the political developments of those years, culminating in the wars in the former Yugoslavia, consider that the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts of 1985/1986 was the political, ideological platform for the beginning of the wars that Serbia waged and as a manifesto for the “Greater Serbia”!658 According to the historian Sabrina Petra Ramet, this Memorandum which has opened the “Pandora’s box of nationalism” has come to represent the renaissance of Serbian nationalism.659 Following the victory of the Allies in World War II, Yugoslav Federation emerged comprised of six republics, with ethnic and historical borders: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia, as well as Kosovo and Vojvodina, as two autonomous provinces, established within Serbia. After Tito's death on 4 May 1980, the leader that was ruling with Yugoslavia from 1944 until May 1980, ethnic tensions grew in Yugoslavia, and the weakened federal government system was left unable to cope with growing economic and political challenges.660 Noel Malcolm argues that it was the overwhelmed political system of Tito the one that caused the economy to collapse and bring up conditions for Slobodan Milosevic to gain power and fuel the Serbian nationalism and his

656 Howard Clark, op. cit., p. 17. See also; Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History, 340-342. 657 Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia (London: Penguin Books, third edition, 1996), 33. 658 Malcolm, op. cit., p. 341. 659 Sabrina P. Ramet, Balkan Babel: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to the Fall of Milosevic´(Colorado: Westview Press, 4th edition, 2002). 660 Jacek Wojnicki, “The Evolution of the Presidency in the Post-Yugoslav Countries in the 1990s – the Non- institutional or Institutional Element of the Democratic System,” Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne Tom XXVI (2017), 293-296.

148 agenda.661 According to Ramet “Yugoslavia was beset with problems from the time of its establishment in 1918, and one may quite accurately say that no sooner was the multi-ethnic state constituted than it started to fall apart.”662 The role of Kosovo in the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the unrest that followed it in the 80s and 90s was substantial. The dramatic developments in Yugoslavia began only a year after the death of its founder, Josip Broz Tito. Albanians were the most discriminated citizens in Yugoslavia. The crisis that led to the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation began in 1981 with demonstrations in Kosovo by the University of Prishtina students, starting it initially as a protest against University management, demanding better conditions, then taking political steps against Serbian oppression towards the Albanian population. Events like this and others during this decade were the first phase of Yugoslav decline.663 The resolution of the Kosovo issue and its independence, meanwhile, marked the final phase of its final demise. In a proper assessment, it was not Kosovo's unresolved issue that pushed the dissolution of this federation. On the contrary, it was Serbian hegemony for the creation of Greater Serbia that would permanently bury it. To implement such a program, Milosevic, with extensive political and popular support, launched four wars in the Balkans in less than 10 years, in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the one in Kosovo. The beginning of the internationalization of the Kosovo issue has marked the beginning of the overthrow of Yugoslavia. The crimes committed by the Serbian authorities in these wars, which killed about 300,000 innocent civilians, are considered some of the most horrific in Europe after World War II.664 Slobodan Milosevic abolished the provincial autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina in 1989.665 In the elections of 1990 former communists in Yugoslavia lost the power in the first multi-party elections held in all republics, except Serbia and Montenegro, where Milosevic and his partners won them.666 Between 1991 and 1992, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, declared independence while the population of Montenegro in March 1992 decided in a referendum that they wanted to continue the state union with

661 Malcolm, op. cit., p. 314. 662 Sabrina Petra Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture, And Religion In Yugoslavia. (Colorado: Westview Press; 1 edition, 1992), 38. 663 Sell, op. cit., p.385. 664 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 23. 665 Blerim Reka, UNMIK: as an international governance in post-war Kosova: NATO’s intervention, UN Administration and Kosovar Aspiration (Skopje: Logos-A, 2003), 56. 666 Meg Coulson, Looking behind the Violent Break-Up of Yugoslavia, Feminist Review, no. 45, Thinking Through Ethnicities (Autumn, 1993), 99, accessed December 5, 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1395349

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Serbia.667 According to David Anderson, US Ambassador to Yugoslavia in the 1980s, the “key events in the progression towards conflict were the appointment of Slobodan Milosevic, first as Serbian communist party chief in 1986, and then as President of Serbia in 1989.”668 On April 27 1992, a joint session of the Parliamentary Assembly of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia and the Assembly of the Republic of Montenegro adopted a declaration expressing the will of their citizens to “stay in the common State of Yugoslavia” and proclaiming the “Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, continuing the State, international legal and political personality of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.”669 Kosovo declared independence as well, however, Kosovo's path was longer, since the 1991 independence was declared illegal by the Serbian authorities, and received no support from the international community.670 Unlike other states that were divided by war, the separation of Macedonia (North Macedonia) was peaceful.671 The regime of Milosevic was aggressive towards Kosovo Albanians and determined to enforce apartheid in Kosovo even when the independence wars were being fought and peoples in Eastern Europe were abolishing Communist rule and totalitarian regime, while in Yugoslavia former republics were fighting for their freedoms and states.672 Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence on the 25th of June 1991. The war in Slovenia lasted only for ten days, which is also called “the ten-day war”, particularly the Yugoslav army withdrew as their presence was needed in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina where Slobodan Milosevic started setting the borders of “Great Serbia.”673 Slovenia and Croatia allied in abolishing the Yugoslav system from their territories and declared its legal system invalid.674 The European Community, in the beginning, sided with the continuation of the existence of the Yugoslav Federation, which preference was linked with the agreement of 1980 of European Economic Community with Yugoslavia.675 In these attempts, they organized the Hague Peace Conference on the 7th of September

667 Wojnicki, “The Evolution of the Presidency in the Post-Yugoslav Countries in the 1990s,”, 297-299. 668 David Anderson, “The Collapse of Yugoslavia: Background and Summary,” Research Paper, no. 14 (1995- 96):9. 669 Marc Weller, “The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”, The American Journal of International Law 86, no. 3 (1992): 595. 670 H. Perritt, Jr, op. cit., p. 26. 671 Marc Weller, “The International Response to the Dissolution,” 593-594. 672 H. Perritt, Jr, op. cit., p. 31. 673 Judah, op. cit., p. 68. 674 Reka, op. cit., p. 57. 675 European Commission, ”EEC-Yugoslavia Cooperation Council; European Commission Press Releases Database ninth session of the EEC-Yugoslavia Cooperation Council,” European Commission, December 17, 1990, accessed 2 November 2019, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/MEMO_90_64

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1991, charged by Lord Carrington, the European Community’s special envoy to Yugoslavia. The mandate of the conference was to ensure peaceful accommodation of the conflicting aspirations of the Yugoslav peoples, based on the following principles: “no unilateral change of borders by force, protection for the rights of all in Yugoslavia and full account to be taken of all legitimate concerns and aspirations.”676 The European Community recognized the independence of Croatia and Slovenia in January 1992.677 The United States was initially against the independence of both countries,678 therefore it recognized their independence only in April 1992.679 In April 1992, Bosnia and its capital, Sarajevo was overwhelmingly surrounded by Serbian forces, which stayed until 1995. The crimes committed in Bosnia by Serbian forces estimate 200,000 civilians killed 680 and more than 8,000 Bosniaks in Srebrenica killed by the units of the Bosnian Serb Army of Republika Srpska under the command of Ratko Mladic. This horrific event which had a huge impact on changing the flow of history in Kosovo was not widely understood and taken into consideration when analyzing the war in Kosovo and the intervention of NATO. When the genocidal crimes happened in Srebrenica, the place had been declared as a haven by the United Nations, thus thousands of civilians traveled from other parts of Bosnia, to lean under the protection of the UN. However, the massacre happened in the presence of the UN troops and a zone that the UN Security Council had declared and pledged to protect. The failure to protect the civilians bestowed to, in my opinion, was the first time that openly showed the weakness of the United Nations, and the failure of the most powerful international organization. This fact was parched in the consciences of the world leaders, therefore, in 1999, they made sure that they would react fast with the airstrikes against Serbia, due to the fear that something similar would be repeated.681 NATO hit the selected targets in Bosnian territory, under the leadership of the United States. Diplomatic pressure towards Serbia, as well as the airstrikes, finally managed to reach the agreement on ceasing fire and signing the Peace Agreement in Dayton in November

676 Marc Weller, “The International Response to the Dissolution,” 577. 677 Human Rights Watch, Human Rights Watch World Report 1992 - Yugoslavia, January 1, 1992, accessed November 7, 2019, https://www.refworld.org/docid/467fca581e.html 678 Ian Traynor, “Military alert as Slovenia goes it alone,” The Guardian, June 25, 199, accessed November 18, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/1991/jun/26/eu.politics 679 The Slovenia Times, “Independent Slovenia gained crucial recognition 25 years ago,” The Slovenia Times, January 15, 2017, accessed November 18, 2019, http://www.sloveniatimes.com/independent-slovenia-gained- crucial-recognition-25-years-ago 680 U.S. Department of State, “Ten Years of Dayton Progress,” U.S. Department of State, November 21, 2005, accessed October 28, 2019, https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2005/57195.htm 681 Judah, op. cit., p. 68.

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1995.682 The peace negotiations lasted for twenty-one days, and the deal was signed by the President of Serbia Slobodan Milosevic, the President of Croatia Franjo Tudjman, and the President of Bosnia and Herzegovina Alija Izetbegovic, witnessed by the countries of Contac Group – under the leadership of the U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Britain, Germany, Russia, and France, as well as a special representative from the European Union Carl Bilt, and Igor Ivanov, the Deputy Foreign Minister of Russian Federation, as co- chairmen of the conference.683 The agreement which ended the 4-year war in Bosnia recognized two entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, - the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republica Srbska, and became known as the Dayton Peace Accords because the negotiations took place in Dayton, Ohio.684 Dayton Agreement ended the Bosnian war, but not an end to the bloody wars in Yugoslavia. The Dayton Agreement did not deal with the Kosovo issue at all.685 Concerning the international community's hopes that the deal would bring peace and end Serbian nationalism in Yugoslavia, Denis MacShane, the former Minister of Britain for Europe, remarked that “After the Dayton settlement the world would return to peace. The democratic word hoped that Serb nationalism had been finally stopped…Having been thwarted in Bosnia he now turned his attention to Kosovo. He wanted a final solution there that would satisfy Serb nationalist feeling.”686 Kosovo was not given any better attention or treatment even in the London Conference of the former Yugoslavia, held in the August of 1992, where the delegation of Kosovo was invited, represented by the former President of Kosovo, Ibrahim Rugova, in an absolute unequal capacity compared to the representation of other representatives of Yugoslavia. A separate room was reserved for the Kosovo delegation, designated as a hearing room, where they could follow the proceedings of the conference through a television.687 To counter the systematic oppression inflicted on Kosovo Albanians by the Milosevic regime, after a decade of peaceful resistance, to stop systematic oppression in 1997 Kosovo Albanians started armed resistance against Serbian authorities in Kosovo, lead by Kosovo

682 Richard Holbrooke, To End a War (New York: Modern Library, 1999), 102. 683 United Nations Peacemaker, “General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement),” United Nations Peacemaker, November 21, 1999, accessed November 19, 2019, https://peacemaker.un.org/bosniadaytonagreement95 684 U.S. Department of State, “Dayton Peace Accords,” U.S. Department of State, accessed November 18, 2019 https://2001-2009.state.gov/p/eur/rt/balkans/c16265.htm 685 Kimberly A. Hudson, op. cit., p. 136. 686 Denis MacShane, Why Kosovo Matters (London: Haus Publishing, 2011), 40-58. 687 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 30.

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Liberation Army (KLA). The period from the beginning of the war in Kosovo to NATO intervention will be discussed in the following subchapter.

4.3. The War in Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and NATO’s Intervention

After 1999, there have been extensive debates on the legitimacy of the NATO airstrikes against Serbian targets in Kosovo and Serbia, which brought the end of the Kosovo war. Many of these arguments against the NATO strikes are based on the foundation of NATO as an organization laying on the principles of mutual defense, meaning that NATO would engage only when NATO member states were attacked. As Tim Judah elaborates in his book “Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know”, if Kosovo were geographically located in another continent, even if the same crimes were being committed, NATO would not have intervened. The reason why Kosovo was a different case Judah says is “Kosovo and the rest of the Western Balkans are countries that are now surrounded by the territory of two of the most important and powerful organizations on the planet. On every side, the region is enveloped by the European Union and NATO.”688 However, in the case of Kosovo, the intervention was done to respond to a humanitarian catastrophe. From what was said at the beginning of this chapter, the people of Kosovo have a painful history. Indeed, Kosovo's history is more dominated by conflict than by peace. Kosovo's road to independence has been the longest and most painful in the Balkans. For its people, but also many other peoples, Yugoslavia was an unjust system, historically and systematically under Serbian domination. But just like any unfair system, even in this case, the Yugoslav system did not stand the test of time but got overthrown just like it happened in Yugoslavia. However, the internationalization of this issue and the beginning of its resolution came after the Cold War and the emergence of the United States as the sole world superpower, followed by the creation of a new international democratic order, respect for human rights and support of peoples' will for freedom and independence.689 The Kosovo crisis, which began with the abolition of legal status by Serbia in 1989, lasted two decades, ending with its independence.690 After the Dayton Agreement in 1995 which failed to address the issue of human rights violations against Albanians in Kosovo, the population had already lost the patience with the international community and there were no more ways or time to find new ones to justify or convince the population to try other peaceful manners. However,

688 Judah, op. cit., p. Preface. 689 Hoxhaj, op. cit., pp. 23-24. 690 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 24.

153 by the time that Kosovo Albanians had mobilized and organized in the Kosovo Liberation Army, Serbia had widely increased the number of troops in the territory of Kosovo.691 On October 1, 1997, the Student Movement organized a mass protest, which gave a new political dimension to developments in Kosovo. However one among other turning points in the Kosovo war was February 1998, when Serbian forces attacked several villages in Drenica valley, and in March killed KLA commander Adem Jashari with his entire family circle, in a total of 51 people.692 As the fightings in Kosovo intensified, the number of killings and massacres that Serbian military and paramilitary forces carried out on the Albanian civilian population increased. Since the beginning of the war, Serbia has violated all international human rights conventions and humanitarian norms, thereby endangering peace and security in the region, which were widely reported by Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe (OSCE),693 Human Rights Watch,694 Amnesty International695 and many other international organizations.696 The High Commissioner for Refugees in the United Nations reported that by June 1999, the Yugoslav army had forcibly displaced and removed from their homes more than 850,000 Albanians from Kosovo, most of whose houses were burned.697 In March 1998 the US special envoy to the Balkans Robert Gelbard warned Milosevic that the international community would not stand with their hands crossed in front of human atrocities that he was committing, also linking Milosevic with Sadam Hussein698 according to an article published by the “Financial Times” in 1998, however, Milosevic showed no remorse and refused to discuss with any international representative, insisting that Kosovo was an internal issue, therefore it was not an international issue.699 Due to the disagreements that Gelbard and Milosevic had in the issue of negotiations,

691 Reka, op. cit., p. 71-73. 692 Judah, op. cit., p. 76. 693 “Kosovo/Kosova: As Seen, As Told: An analysis of the human rights findings of the OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission October 1998 to June 1999,” OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, Warsaw, 1999. 694 “Humanitarian Law Violations in Kosovo,” Human Rights Watch, October 1, 1998, 1009, accessed October 22, 2019, https://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6a83f4.html. 695 Amnesty International, “Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Kosovo): Killings in the Izbica area,” Amnesty International, Index:EUR 70/79/99, April 30, 1999, accessed October16, 2019, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/EUR70/079/1999/en/ 696U.S. Department of State, “Erasing History: Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo,” U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC, May 1999, accessed October 19, 2019, https://19972001.state.gov/regions/eur/rpt_9905_ethnic_ksvo_exec.html 697 UNHCR, “The Kosovo Refugee Crisis: An Independent Evaluation of UNHCR's Emergency Preparedness and Response,” EPAU/2000/001, February 2000, 5. 698Jane Perlez, “U.S. Warned Serb Leader Not to Crack Down on Kosovo Albanians,” New York Times, March 15, 1998, accessed October 15, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/1998/03/15/world/us-warned-serb- leader-not-to-crack-down-on-kosovo-albanians.html. 699 David L. Phillips, op. cit., p. 90.

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Albanians in Kosovo were not fully satisfied with the role of Gelbard, being convinced that his performance and duty could be done more effectively, having in mind Ambassador Richard Holbrooke. Taking also into account the role of Holbrooke in Dayton Accords, in 1998 the President of Kosovo Ibrahim Rugova requests from the Secretary of State Madeleine Albright to mediate a meeting between Rugova and Milosevic, requesting the appointment of Ambassador Holbrooke as the mediator of Kosovo war particularly. The United States appointed Ambassador Holbrooke as the U.S. special envoy to the Kosovo crisis.700 In a mission to press Slobodan Milosevic into accepting a Kosovo peace deal of the U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke to Serbia, Milosevic told him “Are you crazy enough to bomb us over these issues we're talking about in that lousy little Kosovo?” And his answer was, “You bet, we're just crazy enough to do it.”701 According to David Philips, “Holbrooke deserves credit for having stood up to Milosevic on Kosovo in a series of bruising meetings in 1998-1999, and to have delivered to him the final ultimatum that preceded the NATO intervention.”702 In parallel, an alliance was formed among Former British Prime Minister, Tony Blair and Former U.S. Secretary of State Albright, against the ethnic cleansing of the Albanian population in Kosovo.703 Blair warned the General Assembly of the United Nations that a humanitarian disaster was going to happen if the international community stays idle.704 In the same month, the United Kingdom through the UN Security Council Resolution 1199 expressed “demanding that the authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Kosovo Albanian leadership take immediate steps to improve the humanitarian situation and to avert the impending humanitarian catastrophe…UN Security Council called for ceasefire…”705 In March 1999, Blair in his speech at the House of Commons said that “We must act: to save thousands of innocent men, women and children from humanitarian catastrophe, from death, barbarism and ethnic cleansing by a brutal dictatorship; to save the stability of the Balkan region, where we know chaos can engulf all of Europe. We have no alternative but to act and act we will unless Milosevic even now chooses the path of

700 David L. Phillips, op. cit., p. 90-92. 701 Public Broadcasting Service, “Interview with Ambassador Richard Holbrooke,” Public Broadcasting Service (PBS), accessed October 15, 2019, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/kosovo/interviews/holbrooke.html. 702 David L. Phillips, op. cit., p.xi 703Alex J. Bellamy, Kosovo and International Society (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p.ix. 704 David L. Phillips, op. cit., p. 93. 705 United Nations, “Security Council demands all parties end hostilities and maintain a ceasefire in Kosovo,” United Nations, SC/6577, September 23, 1998, accessed October 15, 2019, https://www.un.org/press/en/1998/19980923.sc6577.html

155 peace.”706 He described the necessity of intervention as “a battle between good and evil, between civilization and barbarity, between democracy and dictatorship.”707 Witnessing the horrific war caused by the Milosevic regime in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had ended only two years before the Kosovo war, to the international community, especially the USA, there were fears that Milosevic would seek to conclude in Kosovo what he had started in Bosnia! Seeing the aggression of Milosevic, U.S. Secretary of State Madeliene Albright had pointed out that “We are not going to stand by and watch the Serbian authorities do in Kosovo what they can no longer get away with doing in Bosnia.”708 However, the United States had started to warn the Serbian authorities about the oppression against Albanians in Kosovo since the beginning of the 90s. It was the U.S Secretary of State James Baker who warned Milosevic that “the United States viewed his policies as the main generator of the Yugoslav crisis”, back in 1991 during his visit in Yugoslavia, while Milosevic “denied the existence of human rights violations in Kosovo and disclaiming territorial ambitions.”709 Immediately in 1992, President George H.Bush, few weeks before his mandate would end, sent a message to Slobodan Milosevic, warning him that “in the event of conflict in Kosovo caused by Serbian action, the United States will be prepared to employ military force against the Serbs in Kosovo and in Serbia proper” which was known as Christmas Warning.710 Just after one year in 1993, President Clinton repeated the warning.711 According to Michael Mccgwire, “the ‘Christmas message' reflected the view in Washington that the root cause of the Yugoslav conflict was territorial aggression by Serbia, which was assumed to be an old-fashioned expansionist state led by a dictator.”712 The Rapporteur for Human Rights in Former Yugoslavia in 1993 was the Former Prime Minister of Poland and one of the main leaders of “Solidarność”, Tadeusz Mazowiecki. Mazowiecki expressed his concerns in writing, informing the international community at the time that since 1990, Serbian police had started depriving Albanians from

706 British Prime Minister Tony Blair's statement, “We must act - to save thousands of innocent men, women and children,” The Guardian, March 23, 1999, accessed October 15, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/mar/23/balkans.tonyblair 707 Philip Hammond, “Third Way War: New Labour, the British Media and Kosovo,” in Degraded Capability: The Media and the Kosovo Crisis, ed. Philip Hammond, Edward S. Herman (London: Pluto Press, 2000), 123. 708 Steven Erlanger, “Albright Warns Serbs on Kosovo Violence,” The New York Times, March 8, 1998, accessed December 14, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/1998/03/08/world/albright-warns-serbs-on-kosovo- violence.html 709 Sell, op. cit., p.144-145. 710 Kimberly A. Hudson, op. cit., p. 132. 711 Roger Cohen, “THE WORLD; Fear of the Serbs Spreads in the South,” The New York Times, May 30, 1993, accessed October14, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/1993/05/30/weekinreview/the-world-fear-of-the- serbs-spreads-in-the-south.html 712 Michael Mccgwire, “Why did We Bomb Belgrade?,” International Affairs 76, no.1 (2000): 5.

156 their fundamental rights, had destroyed their educational system, forcing Albanian students and pupils to hiddenly receive education in their language, in the basements of their houses, had deprived them from the right to work based on their ethnicity, and so many other concerning discriminations.713 Throughout the years of violations and discrimination, in February 1998, the Serbian authorities launched a large-scale series of operations against the Albanian population. British Defence Secretary George Robertson announced in June 1998 that “The world has learned its lessons from Bosnia. The international community now knows it must be united, firm and determined from the earliest possible moment in dealing with the Balkans.”714 This made clear that the International Community had been worried about the pattern of behavior of Milosevic, taking it also as the reputation of the United Nations and international community was at stake, and their capability to maintain peace and security in a global scale. Thus, the UN Security Council issued the resolution 1199 called on all parties to a ceasefire, as well as it demanded that Yugoslav and Albanian leadership in Kosovo would do whatever it was necessary to recover the humanitarian situation on the ground, to prevent any possible humanitarian catastrophe. The resolution also requested a dialogue between parties to find a solution to the issue of Kosovo.715 In March 1999 U.S. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke decided to give another try and convince Milosevic to accept the peace deal and withdraw from committing crimes against Kosovar Albanians or confront the airstrikes of NATO.716 In an interview for Frontline, Holbrooke said “I regret to say, but it is obvious that Milosevic only responds to force or the absolute incredible threat of the use of force. This was clear in Bosnia, and it was clear in Kosovo.”717 It was the time for the Contact Group to be re-activated once again in the Balkans and in the process of deciding the future of innocent Albanians in Kosovo, who were suffering the last chain of the wars that followed the breakup of Yugoslavia. The peace deal would take place in Rambouillet – France, where later ‘The Interim Agreement for Peace and Self Government’ would become known as the Rambouillet agreement, compiled by NATO,

713 United Nations, Commission on Human Rights, “Fifth periodic report on the situation of human rights in the territory of the former Yugoslavia submitted by Mr. Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights, pursuant to paragraph 32 of Commission resolution 1993/7 of 23 February 1993”, E/CN.4/1994/47, 17 November 1993, 27-30. 714 House of Common, “Kosovo: The Military Campaign,“ House of Common, Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Fourth Report, May 23, 2000, accessed October 17, 2019, https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199900/cmselect/cmfaff/28/2810.htm 715United Nations, SC/6577, September 23, 1998, accessed December 13, 2019, https://www.un.org/press/en/1998/19980923.sc6577.html 716 Larry Wentz, “Peacekeeper Quality of Life,” in Lessons From Kosovo: The KFOR Experience, ed. Larry K. Wentz (CCRP publication series, 2002): 19. 717 Public Broadcasting Service, “Interview with Ambassador Richard Holbrooke,”

157 and presented in 1999 to the delegations of Kosovo and Serbia, which aimed to end the violence against Albanian civilians in Kosovo, and demanded the withdrawal of the Serbian military and paramilitary forces, which would allow the return of the refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs).718 The agreement foresaw self-government in Kosovo until the final decision on its status. However, although the Kosovo Albanian delegation signed this agreement, it was refused by the Serbian side, which gave a signal that they did not want to agree on peace, and therefore continued with the offensive against Albanians in Kosovo, with the purpose of the ethnic cleansing.719 Failure of the efforts to reach a peaceful agreement, resulted with NATO airstrikes against Serbian military targets in Serbia and Kosovo on the 24th of March, as the only way to end human rights violations against Albanian civilians in Kosovo.720 Serbia continued to claim that the crimes in Kosovo were an internal matter, while the NATO deployment and interference were interference in their sovereignty, therefore refused the peace offer.721 Unlike the Serbian side, the Kosovar one had signed the Rambouillet Agreement, certainly thanks to the determination of the US Secretary of State, Madeline Albright. Certainly, the Rambouillet Conference was a milestone for Kosovo, showing the constructive side through which Kosovo gained international legitimacy. On the 24th of March 1999, President Bill Clinton addressed to the American people particularly on the first day of the NATO airstrike: “We act to protect thousands of innocent people in Kosovo from a mounting military offensive… We learned some of the same lessons in Bosnia just a few years ago. The world did not act early enough to stop that war either… We must apply that lesson in Kosovo, before what happened in Bosnia, happens there, too… That is why we have acted now -- because we care about saving innocent lives because we have an interest in avoiding an even crueler and costlier war and because our children need and deserve a peaceful, stable, free Europe.”722 The NATO airstrikes continued for 78 days, concluding with abdication and retreat of Serbian forces from the territory of Kosovo, meanwhile, the United Nations Interim Mission was established in Kosovo, to preserve peace

718 U.S. Department of State, “Rambouillet Agreement -Interim Agreement for Peace and Self-Government in Kosovo,” U.S. Department of State, March 1999, accessed October 18, 2019, https://1997- 2001.state.gov/www/regions/eur/ksvo_rambouillet_text.html 719 Adam Balcer, “Kosowo - kwestia ostatecznego statusu = Kosovo – the question of final status,” Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich, Warsaw, 2003, 50. 720 H. Perritt, Jr, op. cit., p. 6. 721 Wentz, op. cit., p. 19. 722 President Bill Clinton addresses nation on Yugoslavia NATO air strike, March 24, 1999, accessed October 16, 2019, https://edition.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1999/03/25/clinton.transcript/

158 and security in Kosovo.723 Considering the developments of 1999 and the initiation of the NATO airstrike campaign, it is hard not to notice the imperative role of the United States, particularly President Clinton and the Secretary of State, Albright. The role of the United States was crucial, supported by the United Kingdom and NATO allies, particularly since the NATO campaign did not receive “the blessing” of the UN Security Council. The signature of the Military Technical Agreement known as the “Kumanovo Agreement” by United Nations Security Force in Kosovo (KFOR) and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia on the 9th of June 1999, marked the end of the bloody war in Kosovo. The agreement of Kumanovo, current North Macedonia called at the time the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, brought an end to the Serbian violence in Kosovo, being a precondition for the cease of NATO airstrikes campaign against Serbian military targets. With this agreement, Serbia was forced to withdraw all of its police and military forces from Kosovo.724 Meanwhile, on the 12th of June 1999, the first NATO troops known as Kosovo Force -KFOR, with approximately fifty thousand personnel, entered Kosovo.725 Up to date (December 2019) the presence of KFOR has been reduced to 3,526 troops from 28 participating countries, including Poland.726 The establishment of the United Nations Interim Mission in Kosovo and the presence of KFOR marks a new era in Kosovo, where everything starts rebuilding from scratch. NATO airstrike campaign and economic sanctions forced the Milosevic regime to accept the international mission in Kosovo and the placement of Kosovo under the UN mandate. In 2001, Milosevic lost his power and was arrested and turned into the International Tribunal for the Crimes in former Yugoslavia in Hague, who died in 2006 before receiving his sentence.727 For the former advisor to the UN Secretariat and former advisor to the US Department of State throughout the Presidencies of Clinton, Bush and Obama, - David L. Phillips, in his book “Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and U. S. Intervention” wrote that “the dream of NATO's founders was a Europe undivided, democratic, and at peace - was seriously

723 Vincent L. Morelli, “Kosovo: Background and U.S. Relations,” CRS Report Prepared for Members and Committees of Congres, 2018, 1-16. 724 United Nation Security Council, “Military Technical Agreement between the International Security Force ("KFOR") and the Governments of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia,” United Nation Security Council S/1999/682, June 9, 1999, accessed October 22, 2019, https://peacemaker.un.org/kosovoserbia-militarytechnicalagreement99 725 NATO, “NATO's role in relation to the conflict in Kosovo,” North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, July 15, 1999, accessed October 19, 2019, https://www.nato.int/kosovo/history.htm 726 NATO, “Contributing Nations,” North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, accessed October 19, 2019, https://jfcnaples.nato.int/kfor/about-us/welcome-to-kfor/contributing-nations 727 U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian, Foreign Service Institute,” The Breakup of Yugoslavia, 1990–1992,” U.S. Department of State, accessed October 19, 2019, https://history.state.gov/milestones/1989- 1992/breakup-yugoslavia

159 challenged by events in Kosovo. NATO was struggling to redefine its post-Cold War role, moving from mutual defense to new missions, including missions outside of its territory.”728 Philips considers the NATO intervention in Kosovo “Not only was there a humanitarian emergency, but there were also other states, including NATO's credibility, stability in Southeast Europe, and the U.S. - Russia relationship.”729 The war in Kosovo caused the deaths of about 13,000 people, about 20,000 men and women raped by the Serbian police and army,730 and caused major material damage as about 1 million Kosovo Albanians forcibly fled Kosovo.731 The claims for independence of the Albanian population can be widely justified on moral and legal grounds. While the autonomy of Kosovo was abolished, whose referendum for self-determination was not taken into account, and who went through the brutality of the Serbian regime, the claim for independence would be the only reasonable solution for the population in Kosovo.732

4.4. Post-War Period 1999 – 2008: UNMIK and Institutional Consolidation of Kosovo

After a 78-day NATO air campaign, Serbian forces capitulated. On June 12, 1999, a massive NATO force began to enter Kosovo, eagerly awaited by the population. The arrival of 50,000 peacekeepers marked a decisive turn for the fate of the people of Kosovo.733 The UN Security Council adopted the resolution 1244/99 on the 10th of June 1999, which would set the legal basis for the United Nations Interim Mission in Kosovo to be established, at the same time setting also the base of responsibilities for civil administration and defining the responsibilities of KFOR to reserve peace.734 UNMIK established four pillars of the mission, on Humanitarian Affairs, Institution Building, Humanitarian Affairs and Economic Development and Reconstruction being responsibilities of UNHCR, OSCE and the European Union respectively.735 The Preliminary Concept of UNMIK defined the administration of

728 David L. Phillips, op. cit., p. 109. 729 David L. Phillips, op. cit., p. 90. 730Andrea Dudik, “Rape Victims Find a Voice 20 Years After Kosovo War,” Bloomberg, April 3, 2019, accessed October 20, 2019, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-04-03/rape-victims-find-a-voice- 20-years-after-kosovo-war 731 OSCE, “Kosovo/Kosova: As Seen, As Told: An analysis of the human rights findings of the OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission October 1998 to June 1999,” OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, Warsaw, 1999. 732 Daskalovski, op. cit., p. 20. 733 NATO, “ NATO's role in Kosovo,” North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, November 19, 2019, accessed December 12, 2019, https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/topics_48818.htm 734 H. Perritt, Jr, op. cit., p. 108. 735 UN Security Council, “Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to Paragraph 10 of Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999),” UN Security Council, June 12, 1999, S/1999/672.

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Kosovo as mainly by the UN, but in cooperation with EU, OSCE and UNHCR and under the protection of NATO.736 The new model that the UN was using to administer Kosovo, according to Professor Blerim Reka “for the first time in its history, the UN applied a special model of international territorial administration, using a unique model, headed by international administrators, as a final authority to exercise governmental functions, including the adoption of legal acts with direct and immediate effect on the local population.”737 The Special Representative of Secretary-General for Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner, in June 1999 decided that “all legislative and executive authority with respect to Kosovo, including the administration of the judiciary” which was under the administration of UNMIK, would be exercised by the Special Representative of Secretary-General himself.738 The next administrator of Kosovo, Hans Haekkerup, a Danish politician, based on the regulation of UNMIK 2001/9, announced the Constitutional Framework of Kosovo in 2001, which allowed the establishment of Self Governing Provisional Institutions, which included the President, Parliament, Executive and judicial branch, as well as the fair and just representation of minorities in all of these branches including civil service.739 Kosovo held three circles of elections in the central and local level, under international supervision.740 I was part of the Kosovo Central Election Commission, in the elections of 2007, in the capacity of Supervisor of Voting By-Mail Operation in Central Election Commission, in the framework of OSCE Mission assistance to the elections in Kosovo. The outcome of the elections of November 2001 gave Kosovo the first government, president and prime minister in March 2002. Following these developments, UNMIK started to gradually handover the competences to local institutions, moving this way towards the built of institutional base for Kosovo. It was Michal Steiner, the Special Representative of Secretary-General in 2001 that created a set of eight standards that Kosovo needed to fulfill before its final status would be decided, which became known as “standards before status”. This policy addressed the fundamental issues of human rights, the rule of law, freedom of movement, reintegration and return of the refugees, the functioning of the economy, right to property, creation of a protection force of Kosovo and a dialogue with Belgrade with the purpose of normalization of relations with Serbia.741 The agenda of “standards before status” ruled the agenda and

736 Reka, op. cit., p. 137. 737 Ibid.,135. 738 On the Authority of the Interim Administration in Kosovo, UNMIK/REG/1999/1, 25 July 1999. 739 Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo, UNMIK/REG/2001/9, 15 May 2001. 740 Central Election Commission, “Kosovo’s elections,” accessed October 20, 2019,http://www.kqz-ks.org/an/ 741 Gëzim Visoka, Shaping Peace in Kosovo: The Politics of Peacebuilding and Statehood (Dublin: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 43.

161 priorities for the political life in Kosovo and also in the agenda for Kosovo in the UN Security Council for around three years, until the politicians in Kosovo saw as Jean-Marie Guéhenno says in her book that “to a large extent, it was a bluff...that UNMIK, Penelope- like, had an interest in endlessly spinning out the standards process.”742 At the same time, Serbia was pushing the agenda for the return of Serbian refugees back in Kosovo, intending to reinstall its influence in Kosovo through politicization of demography, by persistently insisting to keep Kosovo Serbs separately from economic, social and political life in Kosovo, particularly since their integration would legitimize and accelerate the independence of Kosovo. Therefore, these standards created by the Special Representative of Secretary- General were set to address the interests of Serbia, respond to Russian reproach and procrastination of the political status of Kosovo as much as possible. Seeing these bold moves by the United Nations Mission in Kosovo for their double standards essence, and the fear that the gate was wide open for Serbian influence and rule to return to Kosovo, a new wave of nationalism was triggered in Kosovo by the impatience and disappointment on the progress of these essential processes.743 It took nearly nine years for Kosovo to receive full international support, excluding Russia and China, to return and form an independent but internationally supervised state. On May 18, 2005, U.S. vice-secretary of State Nicholas Burns presented to Congress a new American political initiative for Kosovo in coordination with the United Nations and the Contact Group of world powers. He stated that 2005 was the year of the decision for Kosovo, namely that the US intended to start a process that would determine Kosovo's status. The new policy initiative from the United States for Kosovo was laid from the testimony of Under Secretary Nicholas Burns before the U.S. Congress in 2005. In cooperation with the United Nations and Contact Group, Burns said that United States wanted to make the process of determining the status of Kosovo to its final level, calling it as the “year of decision.”744 Only after six months Burns addressed again to the U.S. Congress, Confirming that U.S. and Contact Group, have agreed that “the status quo in Kosovo is neither sustainable nor desirable…That is why we must use 2006 to attain a final status for the long-suffering people of Kosovo…and 2006 will be a crucial year of decision for Kosovo and the Balkans.”745 As a result of this status quo distrust among the Albanian and Serbian communities

742 Jean-Marie Guéhenno, The Fog of Peace: A Memoir of International Peacekeeping in the 21st Century (Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2015), 241. 743 Visoka, Shaping Peace in Kosovo, 43. 744 “R. Nicholas Burns, “Kosovo: Current and Future Status,” U.S. Department of State, May 18, 2005, accessed October 28, 2019, https://2001-2009.state.gov/p/us/rm/2005/46471.htm 745 Ibid.,

162 continued to intensify. Since the status of Kosovo was undetermined, the Serb minority had the hope that Kosovo would one day return under the Serbian rule. This hope was fueled by Belgrade, which encouraged Serbs not to participate in political life in Kosovo.746 Although it was still unclear at the time what the final status would be for Kosovo, the US and Contact Group had stated that there would be “no return of Kosovo to the pre-1999 situation, no partition of Kosovo, and no union of Kosovo with any or part of another country and that the status outcome should be acceptable to the majority.”747 According to these principles of the Contact Group, they assured the people of Kosovo that the final status would reflect its political will. Certainly, for the leadership and the people of Kosovo, independence was the only alternative. On September 28, 2005, at the request of the international community, the Assembly of Kosovo established Kosovo’s Final Status Negotiation Team.748 The leadership of Kosovo persistently demanded Kosovo to be recognized as an independent state by the United States and other European Countries, insisting and believing that Kosovo and Serbia could never reach an agreement on such an issue. Kosovo was fortunate enough politically to enjoy the powerful support of the US, as the defender of the demands of Kosovo Albanians, certainly with the support of the majority of the EU countries. The following step was the meeting of Serbian and Kosovo Albanian delegations in Vienna in July 2006, brought together by Marti Ahtisaari for negotiations at a high level.749 Both parties presented respective platforms on the final status of Kosovo. On one side, the Serbian President Boris Tadic and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and the other side by President of Kosovo Fatmir Sejdiu and prime minister Agim Ceku. In an interview conducted for this research, former President of Kosovo, Prof. Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu said that: The Unity Team under his leadership was composed of representatives of institutions and political subjects that were in opposition at the time, and the component teams such as the political-strategic group, comprised of experts of different fields which were related to the topics that were going to be cover. During this time I can say that

746 International Crisis Group, “Serb Integration in Kosovo: Taking the Plunge,” International Crisis Group, May 12, 2009, accessed October 20, 2019, https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central- asia/balkans/kosovo/serb-integration-kosovo-taking-plunge 747 United Nations, “In Briefing to Security Council, Special Representative Expresses Hope for Lasting Peace in Kosovo Resulting from coming Status Agreement,” United Nations, SC/8758, June 20, 2006, accessed October 28, 2019, https://www.un.org/press/en/2006/sc8758.doc.htm 748 Bekim Shehu, “Grupi negociator- Rugova, Daci, Kosumi, Thaqi dhe Surroi,” Deutsche Welle, September 28, 2005, accessed November 15, 2019, https://www.dw.com/sq/grupi-negociator-rugova-daci-kosumi-thaqi- dhe-surroi/a-2585929 749 Patrycja Marcinkowska, Kosowo jako suwerenne państwo: teoria i praktyka (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2016), 26.

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only in Prishtina there were about 20 meetings and many more meetings with president Ahtisaari and his delegates and many other meetings in Vienna. We had of course two meetings of immense importance in Vienna which were called the meetings of ‘elephants’. During this time, we have done our best to offer all our arguments and evidence that were important for the international partner as well as the Serbian side, who insisted that with this the sovereignty of Serbia would be violated. Our offer was clear that Kosovo would become an independent country of all its citizens, regardless of their ethnicity. Kosovo would be a common homeland for all of its citizens, based on the idea of leaving behind of all of that what we can call the time when we lived in the era of national suppression, and that would not happen in Kosovo, meaning there would be no revenge and no actions that would be practically destabilizing for Kosovo.750 In his speech at that time, President Sejdiu said that “Independence is the alpha and omega, the beginning and end of our position.”751 After time-to-time meetings, differences were too deep between the two sides to be able to find a solution. For the Kosovo delegation, the only alternative was the independence of Kosovo, while Serbia remained in its past thoughts. UN Special Envoy for Talks, President Martti Ahtisaari, proposes a comprehensive plan for Kosovo's status, which will be forwarded in an official report to the UN Security Council on March 26, 2007, recommending supervised independence for Kosovo, with international civilian and military presence. Pristina accepted it, while Belgrade rejected the plan. According to President Sejdiu, after the conclusion of the meetings in Vienna, which was also the conclusion of meetings with Serbian delegation, the document of President Ahtisaari was the next step, “a conclusion which President Ahtisaari had told me in the fall of 2006, that my idea is to have a supervised independence for a set period of time, and that me as the chief of the delegation and the president of the country, had accepted without hesitation such a formula, because we had a deep cooperation with the international factor.”752 Proposed by former French President Nicolas Sarkozy as an international consensus, the negotiation process took another four months for a compromise solution, with the mediation of the Troika, the US, the EU, and

750 Interview with the former President of Republic of Kosovo, Professor Fatmir Sejdiu, conducted on 27th of December 2019. 751 BBC News,“No breakthrough at Kosovo talks,” BBC News, July 24, 2006, accessed December 5, 2019, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/5208920.stm 752 Interview with the former President of Republic of Kosovo, Professor Fatmir Sejdiu, conducted on 27th of December 2019.

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Russia. But even this time, no agreement was reached.753 In this regard, President Sejdiu, who was head of the Unity Team said that: The proposal of Sarkozy, for us was another concern on how 120 days of new negotiations would pass, for a topic that was already exhausted in the negotiations that we already had. Then, in addition to the offer that we had offered, would be the important guarantee in the constitution that was my idea and was supported by President Ahtisaari but also the representatives of other countries that had been supporting us, that the compilation of a document that would be of a nature of a treaty for friendship and good neighborhood with Serbia, would be our main generous offer, which was also supported by the principles that we had already offered in the Ahtisaari document. In these 120 days we were extremely cautious until the moment when it was visible that Kosovo and Serbia would not agree, and that was ascertained by the representatives of the United States and the European Union, but as well of Russia.754 In March 2007, the former President of Finland Martti Ahtisaari, having the duty of the special envoy for Kosovo, submitted before the United Nations Security Council the comprehensive plan for the “internationally supervised independence” of Kosovo, fully supported also by Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon. The plan which was called the ‘Ahtisaari plan’ foresaw detailed and institutionalized protection of human rights for the Serbian minority in Kosovo, providing them also self-governance powers, under the ultimate authority of European Union and the United States.755 According to President Sejdiu, the formula was accepted and supported by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, but “the main concern was that this document was not going to pass the Security Council due to the due to the veto of Russia and eventually China who was neutral in this position. China in a way was afraid of the precedent that the so-called violation of the sovereignty of a state like Serbia and Russia was on the same spirit but more aggressive in her positioning”, said President Sejdiu.756 However, since Russia rejected the plan, it vetoed the approval of the UN Security Council over the plan, therefore, new diplomatic and negotiation efforts were undertaken by

753 Marc Weller, “Kosovo's Final Status,” Royal Institute of International Affairs 84, no.6 (2008):1223-1245. 754 Interview with the former President of Republic of Kosovo, Professor Fatmir Sejdiu, conducted on 27th of December 2019. 755 United Nations Security Council, Report of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Kosovo’s future status, S/2007/168, 26 March 2007. 756 Interview with the former President of Republic of Kosovo, Professor Fatmir Sejdiu, conducted on 27th of December 2019.

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“Troika” representatives of the U.S., Russia and the EU.757 Even after all procedural steps had been exhausted by all the parties involved in the process of determination of the final status of Kosovo, with Russia and Serbia categorically objecting in one side and the EU, the US and Kosovo leadership in the other side, the latter decided to work with the leadership of Kosovo in finding the manners to implement the Ahtisaari plan and declare the independence of Kosovo, bypassing the Resolution of the UN Security Council.758 Kosovo and Serbia understandably had diametrically different stances on the Ahtisaari plan. From the Kosovo perspective, the Ahtisaari plan was not directly complete independence, but it was independence, with a clear path towards its completeness. On the other hand, Serbia was categorically against any move that would look similar to independence for Kosovo.759 However, since the process of determining the status of Kosovo had come to the no turning back point, the international community had to evaluate the facts on deciding the path that Kosovo would follow. Subsequent of the two failed rounds of negotiations with Serbia and is harsh position towards Ahtisaari Plan and the proposed independence for Kosovo, the leadership of Kosovo declared the independence of Kosovo on the 17th of February 2008, taking good faith in full implementation of Ahtisaari Plan, in close cooperation with the United States and majority of the European countries.760 After all these stages, we had a great deal of communication with important international mechanisms; we made visits to most of the powerful European countries and the US. We also had two additional important visits which were very necessary, the one in Spain, because Spain was leading the OSCE at the time, Miguel Angel Moratinos was the leader of the OSCE and in his mandate he was observed as an opponent of the independence of Kosovo, due to the situation that he believed Spain had and on the other side we visited Portugal, which was leading the EU, and it was the foreign minister Luis Amado an extremely amicable personality, particularly towards the positive developments in Kosovo. There we have presented our facts, we had important level meetings and we entered the phase of the conception of the strategic moments and how we should move towards the declaration of the independence of the country. All this was done so that the declaration of the independence of Kosovo would not be called unilateral, but this act would be in coordination with the international community. We entered on the 17th day of

757 Visoka, Shaping Peace in Kosovo, 47. 758 H. Perritt, Jr, op. cit., p. 3. 759 Ibid., 120. 760 Visoka, Shaping Peace in Kosovo, 47.

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February as an internal agreement and in the team that I was leading, in coordination with the prime minister, the representatives of important states and especially the United States, and we declared the independence, said President Sejdiu.761 While Kosovo became independent in 2008 and Montenegro in 2006, from the former Yugoslav geographical area, a different geographical perspective was created, with seven independent states of Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia (now North Macedonia), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo and Serbia. The emergence of an independent Kosovo at the beginning of the 21st century, resolved the problem created by European powers in the early 20th century with the wrong decision to create a curtail Albanian state.762 Immediately after the declaration of independence, countries from all over the world followed with their recognition towards Kosovo’s newly declared Republic. From 1999 when the Resolution 1244/99 of the Security Council, established the UN Mission in Kosovo, Kosovo was governed by elected local officials who were supervised by UNMIK.763 In the wake of independence of Kosovo, the European Union introduced the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) which was the largest mission of the European Union ever deployed outside the EU, under the mission of EU Security and Defense Policy, with the main objective of “supporting Kosovo institutions, judicial authorities, and law enforcement agencies in developing an effective judiciary based on the rule of law and free from political interference.”764 At the beginning of its establishment in 2008, EULEX operated under the authority of Resolution 1244 of the Security Council,765 until 2012 when they changed the legal bases of their mission in Kosovo, reaching bilateral agreements with already independent Kosovo institutions.766 Since the UN Security Council did not accept the plan of President Ahtisaari on the independence of Kosovo presented in March 2007, after the independence of Kosovo in 2008, the mandate of UNMIK in Kosovo became unclear, and could not be concluded properly, particularly as the Resolution 1244/99 which was its legal base, did not have an exit strategy for the mission of the UN in Kosovo. Therefore, UNMIK took a neutral position

761 Interview with the former President of Republic of Kosovo, Professor Fatmir Sejdiu, conducted on 27th of December 2019. 762 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 24. 763 H. Perritt, Jr, op. cit., p.7. 764EULEX Kosovo, “Short history of EULEX,” EULEX Kosovo, accessed November 8, 2019, https://www.eulex-kosovo.eu/?page=2,44,197. 765 Ibid., 766 Visoka, Shaping Peace in Kosovo, 51.

167 after the independence of Kosovo in 2008 and started gradually disengaging and shifting its position from governing authority into an observatory organization, that reports on the political and security developments of Kosovo quarterly at the UN Security Council.767 However, the process for determination of the status of Kosovo was initiated in 2005 by the United Nations, followed the 2006-2007 negotiations and concluded with the declaration of independence by Kosovo leadership in 2008.768 Professor Gezim Visoka in his book “Shaping Peace in Kosovo: The politics of Peacebuilding and Statehood” argues that “the international community delayed for nearly a decade the definition of Kosovo's political status...If the international community could have resolved the statehood question much earlier and then pursued peacebuilding and state-building after independence, it is highly likely that a more moderate political elite would have emerged, because the political cleavages would not have been on nationalist grounds, but on who governs better and who best represents the interests of the citizens.” Moreover, he added that “the delay in defining Kosovo's independence provided solid grounds for both Albanians and Serbians elites to develop nationalist platforms upon which they won elections and maintained their political power.”769

4.5. Post-Independence Kosovo: The Path to International Recognition

Two decades after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, killings and ethnic cleansing in Kosovo by Serbian authorities, then international administration of Kosovo, UN-led negotiations on Kosovo's final status, in coordination with international allies, especially the US and the EU, on 17th February 2008 elected representatives of the Assembly of Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia: In full accordance with the recommendations of UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari and his Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement…, we declare Kosovo to be a democratic, secular and multiethnic republic, guided by the principles of non- discrimination and equal protection under the law. We shall protect and promote the rights of all communities in Kosovo and create the conditions necessary for their effective participation in political and decision-making processes.770

767 Ibid., 49. 768 “Kosovo Declaration of Independence,” Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo (17 February 2008). 769 Visoka, Shaping Peace in Kosovo, 9. 770 “Kosovo Declaration of Independence,” Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo (17 February 2008) .

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The new state of Kosovo after the declaration of independence became subjected to a transition period, having to face extensive socio-economic and political problems. From one side, all the supporters of Kosovo independence expressed their formal recognition immediately, however on the other side, Serbia and Russia who were against independent Kosovo continued to work and hinder any progress that the new country could make. What has been a real challenge was to present our country in a document, meaning a declaration that would not be against anybody, that would not intend to marginalize the non-majority communities and in this case Kosovo to be a factor of stability in the region. We have launched the first requests for international recognition from the majority of the countries member of the United Nations. There could be 2 or 3 countries we did not address, but that was mainly for strategic reasons, and not bringing our relations with those countries into a provoking level. I as the president of the country has presented the request for an extended presence of the KFOR in Kosovo, further presence of the European Union in Kosovo and the mission of EULEX. The first recognition arrived immediately. For me it is very important that in the process of recognition of Kosovo, the neighboring countries took part, said President Sejdiu.771 Claiming that the declaration of the independence of Kosovo was unilateral and a violation of international law on the state’s sovereignty, Serbia sought the international validation for its claim, therefore officially asking for the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice in October 2008. The International Court of Justice’s opinion issued in July 2010 considered that the declaration of independence of Kosovo did not constitute a violation of international law.772 Serbia continued to reject the independence of Kosovo even after the Advisory Opinion of the ICJ, however for Kosovo's government and its foreign policy strategy for recognition of the independence of Kosovo from the non-recognition states and membership in international organizations and mechanisms this Opinion was widely used as a validation of the independence act and legitimacy of the new state of Kosovo, which was also the failure of Serbian diplomacy on the other hand. One of the main goals of Kosovo is the integration into the European Union and NATO, while Kosovo is recognized only as a potential candidate for EU membership.773 In recognition of the new phase of relations between EU

771 Interview with the former President of Republic of Kosovo, Professor Fatmir Sejdiu, conducted on 27th of December 2019. 772 Accordance with International Law of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in Respect of Kosovo, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 2010, 452-453 773 European Commission, “Kosovo”, European Commission, accessed December 5, 2019, https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/countries/detailed-country-information/kosovo_en

169 and Kosovo, in October 2015 Kosovo signed the first contractual relation with the EU through the Stabilization and Association Agreement, which entered in force after six months.774 However, on the other side, the main successes of the foreign policy of one state are related to internal development and advancement. The former Foreign Minister of Kosovo Enver Hoxhaj distinguishes five factors that indicate the internal progress of Kosovo: 1. Political stability - as a new rising democracy, where Kosovo immediately after its declaration of independence, built its institutions, held free and democratic elections, adopted the constitution according to the best European and international standards; 2. Internal Security - building functional security structures and law enforcement agencies, where Kosovo institutions in cooperation with KFOR have been responsible for maintaining order and security. While now the international presence in this regard has been reduced, making the Kosovo authorities responsible for law and order.; 3. The third factor has been economic reconstruction and development, creating modern legal frameworks, establishing a tax system, and encouraging foreign investment.; 4. Cultivating good inter-ethnic relations, including this way the minorities in Kosovo institutions; 5. The fifth factor has been the establishment of an active civil society and free media.775

According to Hoxhaj, these are just some of the factors that show that Kosovo is a successful case of state-building and that domestic and international commitment has been strong enough to keep Kosovo from being weak in the domestic sphere, so as not to fail in foreign policymaking.776 In the following years of Kosovo state-building, the main role of the EU was leading talks between Kosovo and Serbia since 2011, to reach agreements that would serve to the normalization of relations between two countries, and integrate the Serbian minority in the

Explanation: All EU partners in the Western Balkans involved in the Stabilisation and Association process*, which are not yet recognised as candidates, are considered potential candidates for EU membership. Currently, Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina are potential candidates. See more: https://ec.europa.eu/environment/enlarg/candidates.htm 774 Council of the European Union ,“Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between the European Union and Kosovo signed,” Council of the European Union, October 27, 2015, accessed December 15, 2019, https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2015/10/27/kosovo-eu-stabilisation-association- agreement/# 775 Hoxhaj, op. cit., pp.75-76. 776 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 77.

170 northern part of Kosovo.777 Talks between Kosovo and Serbia mediated by the EU have continued until 2018, reaching several agreements, though most of them never were implemented.778 In 2019 the negotiations between Kosovo and Serbia had been suspended as a reaction to the 100% tax imposed on the goods imported by Serbia, in Kosovo. The Kosovo authorities had decided to apply the tax in response to Serbia's aggressive campaign against Kosovo's application for membership in INTERPOL, UNESCO and other international organizations, as well as their campaign in many countries, persuading them to withdraw the recognition of Kosovo's independence.779 The statement by Kosovo Government was that “Serbia is continuing its aggressive campaign against Kosovo in the int’l stage. It is also undermining the normalization process. To defend our vital interest, the Government of Kosovo has decided today to increase the customs tariff to 100%.”780 After this action the countries of “Quint” issued a joint statement in August 2019, urging Serbia and Kosovo “to restart the EU-led Dialogue with urgency and ask that both parties avoid actions that will hinder a final agreement, which is necessary for both countries to achieve greater Euro- Atlantic integration.”781 The appeal was made to Kosovo to lift the tariffs while to Serbia to stop the campaigns against the statehood of Kosovo and its international recognition. International recognition of states is one of the most important foreign policy issues. It is also one of the most challenging international law phenomena.782 Historically there have been various forms and methods of recognizing states, depending on the political and legal circumstances of their creation. On the one hand, some countries have been recognized through various conferences or various international agreements and direct collective recognition by a group of individual states, known as multilateral recognition. But there is also bilateral recognition, when one state decides to recognize the independence of another.

777 European Commission, “Serbia and Kosovo*: historic agreement paves the way for decisive progress in their EU perspectives,” European Commission, April 22, 2013, Brussels, accessed December 10, 2019, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_13_347 778 Jeta Xhara, “Kosovo Quits Brussels Talks Until Serbia Implements Deals,” BIRN, May 31, 2018, accessed December 8, 2019, https://balkaninsight.com/2018/05/31/kosovo-rebuffs-brussels-talks-until-reached-deal- are-implemented-05-31-2018/ 779 Gordana Filipovic, “Kosovo Starts Trade War With Serbs Over Blocked Interpol,” Bloomberg, November 22, 2018, accessed December 8, 2019, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-11-22/kosovo-starts- trade-war-with-serbia-over-blocked-interpol-entry 780RFE/RL,“Kosovo Slaps 100 Percent Tariffs On Serbia, Bosnia To 'Defend Vital Interest.” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, November 21, 2018, accessed December 8, 2019, https://www.rferl.org/a/kosovo-slaps- 100-percent-tariffs-on-serbia-bosnia-to-defend-vital-interest-/29613285.html 781 U.S. Embassy in Kosovo ,“Joint Statement by the governments of France, Germany, Italy, The United Kingdom and the United States,” U.S. Embassy in Kosovo, August 13, 2019, accessed December 9, 2019, https://xk.usembassy.gov/joint-statement-by-the-governments-of-france-germany-italy-the-united-kingdom- and-the-united-states/ 782 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 111.

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However, since the creation of the UN and until now, the recognition process has been realized through UN membership where “the new state then becomes part of the globally organized community of states by way of co-optation.”783 And this is precisely the issue of not fully recognizing Kosovo's independence, where the membership in the UN, would render bilateral recognition unnecessary and would have saved Kosovo lots of energy, but also financial means which are spent for lobbying worldwide for each recognition. Eleven years after the declaration of independence, supported by the majority of democratic countries in the world, 116 countries (as of 18 December 2019) have recognized the Republic of Kosovo, of which 113 out of 193 UN member states and 23 out of 28 EU member states, 25 out of the 29 NATO member states. Kosovo has joined regional and international organizations, among others, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Olympic Committee, FIFA, UEFA. Kosovo has not yet become a member of the United Nations, nor the European Union, Interpol, or NATO.784 Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo, Enver Hoxhaj, considers that Kosovo's failure to join the UN is a long-term obstacle and a major challenge for Kosovo's international position.785 In ten years, Kosovo concluded the international oversight of independence, launched a dialogue on normalizing relations with Serbia, which has not yet been completed, established the Special Court for war crimes (Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor’s Office), with headquarters in the Hague, Netherlands, transformed the security forces into the Armed Forces, and continues efforts to be included into European structures, though its citizens still cannot move freely in the Schengen area. According to former minister Hoxhaj, Kosovo had to choose the path of bilateral recognition, against its will and without any possible alternative. Doubtlessly, this is due to the failure of the UN Security Council to accept Ahtisaari’s proposal for the independence of Kosovo. As a protagonist in Kosovo's foreign policy, namely the process of putting Kosovo on the world map, he has called this journey as a time-consuming one that requires a strategic approach, which has nevertheless shown concrete results,786 with Kosovo officially recognized by 116 different countries around the world. The countries that recognize Kosovo belong mainly to the Euro- Atlantic area and were directly or indirectly involved in the process of Yugoslavia's

783 Christian Hillgruber, “The Admission of New States to the International Community,” European Journal of International Law 9 (1998): 492. 784 MFA of Kosovo “International recognitions of the Republic of Kosovo”, MFA of Kosovo, accessed December 15, 2019, http://www.mfa-ks.net/en/politika/483/njohjet-ndrkombtare-t-republiks-s-kosovs/483 785 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 68 786 Ibid., 116.

172 disintegration, stability in the Balkans and state-building process in the region.787 However states that had acknowledged the independence of Kosovo justified their support based on factors starting from systematic violence of human rights from Milosevic regime, to a decade of administration of international community, exhaustion of negotiations as a factor for an alternative option and Kosovo’s capacity and commitment to respect human rights and minority rights even after the supervised independence. The fundamental factor that was considered while deciding for the future of Kosovo is the stability of the region, therefore as Nina Caspersen argues, Kosovo was not recognized because it had a great potential for supervised independence proposed by Martti Ahtisaari but because Kosovo was a factor in the Balkans and it would produce “stability, peace and security in the region.”788 Granting recognition most countries considered that the independence of Kosovo was the only way to guarantee peace and stability in the region, they describe Kosovo as a sui generis case, which means that it was the only case in international law and it shall not constitute a precedent for other cases.789 This uniqueness of Kosovo was confirmed by the United States as well, when only one day after the independence of Kosovo, the U.S Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice stated: “The unusual combination of factors found in the Kosovo situation -- including the context of Yugoslavia's breakup, the history of ethnic cleansing and crimes against civilians in Kosovo, and the extended period of UN administration -- are not found elsewhere and therefore make Kosovo a special case. Kosovo cannot be seen as a precedent for any other situation in the world today.”790 Conversely, after the wave of recognition, the process slowed down, for several reasons: one of them stands as the issue that most of the countries that refuse to recognize Kosovo, have within their own countries, and another considerable part of the non- recognizers have fragile democracies, as it is the example of India. The world media recently have compared the violent revocation of the autonomy of Kashmir by India with those of Milosevic against Albanians in Kosovo and the revocation of autonomy of Kosovo in 1989, imposing a police state on Kosovo Albanian majority population, which is the same that India has done in Kashmir, with deployment of 700,000 solders and absolute cut of

787 Ibid., 117. 788 Nina Caspersen, “The Pursuit of International Recognition After Kosovo,” Global Governance 21, no. 3 (2015):399. 789 Grace Bolton and Gëzim Visoka, “Recognizing Kosovo’s independence: Remedial secession or earned sovereignty?” SEESOX Occasion Paper, no. 11/10 (2010): 2. 790 U.S. State of Department, “U.S. Recognizes Kosovo as Independent State,” U.S. State of Department, February 18, 2008, accessed December 27, 2019, https://2001- 2009.state.gov/secretary/rm/2008/02/100973.htm

173 communications with the world, and according to BBC “what India’s government has done in Kashmir in August 2019, is akin to what Serbia's Milosevic regime did in 1989 by unilaterally revoking Kosovo's autonomy and imposing a police state on Kosovo's Albanian majority.”791 Furthermore there are also states that are led by communist parties, taking the example of the case of Venezuela, where shortly after Kosovo's declaration of independence, former Socialist President Hugo Chávez declared that Venezuela was not going to recognize the independence of Kosovo “which was a result of the US interference.”792 Certainly there has been constant criticism towards the EU for its lack of unity over Kosovo's independence, with its five members, such as Greece, Slovakia, Spain, Romania and Cyprus, still not recognizing Kosovo's independence. However, these countries although not recognizing the statehood of Kosovo officially, have not represented any obstacle towards Kosovo in any of the initiatives, campaigns or agreements with the EU. However, the strongest opposition and hindrance has come from Serbia, strongly supported by Russia and China, which have used influential people and lobbies within these non-recognizing countries. An important role in this regard also has the veto power of Russia and China in the UN Security Council, but also the important influential role they have in other organizations and a considerable influence on other states. In my opinion, Russian influence was apparent particularly in the former Soviet Union countries, where only 3 Baltic countries out of 15 countries of the Former Soviet Union have recognized the independence Kosovo. Besides a large number of countries in Latin America, Asia and Africa continue to oppose the independence of Kosovo certainly as a result of the direct influence of the “BRICS states” (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). However, in all this path towards liberty and independence Kosovo has had the support of its most powerful allies in the West. The immediate recognition of the independence of Kosovo came from the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Poland, etc, which for Kosovo served as a seal on the legitimacy of its statehood. The progress of Kosovo in post-conflict reconstruction and institutional retrieval, however now in the level of a state, has been a model followed and distinguished by many countries around the world. The ongoing Serbian aggressive campaign against the international recognition of Kosovo was admitted by Serbian Foreign Minister Ivica Dacic in August 2019, when he

791 BBC News,“Viewpoint: Has India pushed Kashmir to a point of no return?” BBC News, August 13, 2019, accessed December 14, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-49316350 792 Reuters ,“Venezuela's Chavez does not recognize Kosovo,” Reuters, February 21, 2008, accessed December 10, 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-kosovo-venezuela/venezuelas-chavez-does-not-recognize- kosovo-idUSN2145143220080221

174 claimed that he had convinced 15 states to revoke the recognition of Kosovo.793 Although the Kosovo authorities declared it as “fake news” Kosovo has continually accused Serbia of its deeds on blocking Kosovo’s progress in the international arena.794 According to the former Foreign Minister Enver Hoxhaj, Serbia promised financial support to developing countries and cooperation in different spheres, in exchange for their revocation of Kosovo’s recognition. Moreover, Hoxhaj adds that special representatives from Serbia and Russia provided to these countries distorted facts and explanations, convincing them that the independence of Kosovo is a result of a violent partition of a territory from a sovereign state, and not the version that it was a state that emerged after a violent dissolution of a Federation that today is inexistent.795 However, according to the MFA of Kosovo, “the process of Kosovo’s recognition is an essential factor to the peace and stability in the region.” Moreover the MFA of Kosovo argues that “this could be best proved by the formal recognition of Kosovo from all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.”796 Kosovo’s diplomatic efforts for recognition and memberships and Serbia’s campaigns to hinder all these efforts are an everyday warfare even in the present days. Although the EU and the US had made it clear that the only future of these two countries is the one in the European Union, after normalization of relations. Besides its relations with Serbia, Kosovo's main challenges remain the enforcement of law and order, the fight against corruption, the extension of full sovereignty to the north of the state, visa liberalization, economic development, and Euro-Atlantic integration. In all these challenges, Kosovo needs greater incentives from the European Union in the form of perspective for the future integration processes. In my opinion, the creation of the Special Court and unlimited dialogue with Serbia could have had negative effect in terms of new recognitions and membership in international organizations, as many non-recognizing states had been waiting for the epilogue of the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, that would eventually be concluded with recognition from the Serbian side, which would allow these states to take the stance towards the independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the foundation of

793Agata Palickova, “15 countries, and counting, revoke recognition of Kosovo, Serbia says,” August 27, 2019, EURACTIV, accessed December 10, 2019, https://www.euractiv.com/section/enlargement/news/15-countries- and-counting-revoke-recognition-of-kosovo-serbia-says/ 794 Plator Gashi, Eve-anne Travers and Filip Rudic, “Kosovo’s Bid to Join Interpol Fails,” BIRN, November 20, 2018, accessed December 18, 2019, https://balkaninsight.com/2018/11/20/kosovo-s-bid-to-join-interpol-fails- 11-20-2018/ 795 Hoxhaj, op. cit., p. 119. 796 MFA of Kosovo “International recognitions of the Republic of Kosovo”, MFA of Kosovo, accessed December 15, 2019, http://www.mfa-ks.net/en/politika/483/njohjet-ndrkombtare-t-republiks-s-kosovs/483

175 the Special Court has had its negative effect in this process, regardless of the fact the Kosovar side had pleaded innocent towards the accusations that came out of Dick Marty’s Report, whose assumptions claimed that crimes had been committed during the war in Kosovo by KLA. The Special Court is fully functional and has started its work for more than two years now, however, no official charges were pressed towards any individual.

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CHAPTER V. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY, NATION BRANDING AND THE IMAGE OF KOSOVO

In the context of the current globalization and technological development, the formation and advancement of public diplomacy have become continually more important for foreign politics. Diplomacy was developed in the classic fashion of conducting and building relations with other states through classic diplomatic channels, while other fields such as sports, culture and public diplomacy were entirely neglected. Thus, public diplomacy as a foreign policy tool is used to improve the image and to advance the national interests of countries. In the contemporary world, the creation of a positive international image is one of the most important duties of the international relations actors. The revolution of the media and the globalization process influenced the countries awareness about themselves and their image, reputation and attitude which gives a short definition of “brand.”797 The image of the state is one of the most important components of the relationship between governments of states and non-state actors.798 For countries that have advanced diplomacy, the creation of a positive image beyond borders is among the most important and strategic aims of the foreign policy, for what the governments of states work and invest persistently. According to Jan Melissen, public diplomacy aims to influence the foreign people and authorities and what is called “people to people” diplomacy, has the goal to create the positive image of the country and win “the hearts and minds” of these foreign audiences.799 Moreover, according to further researches, “public diplomacy is particularly crucial for post-conflict countries as they need to reverse their image, so they are no longer seen as war-torn but as places with potential.”800 This being said, the issue of improving the image is not simply a matter that belongs only to politics, diplomacy or the media. As an issue that is correlated to the international reputation of a country, it belongs to all actors of the society, starting from individuals, non- governmental organizations, schools, universities, cultural centers, businesspeople, and Diaspora. All these actors are contributors and beneficiaries of the positive image of the country they represent, as much as they are responsible and sufferers of the negative image.

797 Peter van Ham, “The Rise of the Brand State,”, 4. 798 Labinot Hajdari, “The role of sports and music in public diplomacy: the case of Kosovo,” Przegląd Europejski 2019, no. 3 (2019):190. 799 Jan Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,”, 3-25. 800 Martin Wählisch and Behar Xharra, “Public Diplomacy of Kosovo Status Quo, Challenges and Options,”(Prishtina, Friedrich-Ebert-Foundation, 2010), 8.

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For the image of the state, in a way or another, everyone is responsible. 801Meanwhile, it is a duty of state’s diplomacy to coordinate the actions of all actors so that they are all focused in a mutual strategy, which has as a primary focus to advance the image of the country.802 The coordination is immensely important for Kosovo’s foreign policy. As the former deputy foreign minister of Kosovo and chief adviser for foreign policy to the former Prime Minister of Kosovo, Professor Valon Murtezaj, in the interview for this dissertation, also states that: Since Kosovo is not very popular country in the world, and it is very normal that one small and young state like Kosovo to be acquainted with the war, Kosovo needs to be promoted in the fields where it has marked achievements, cultural exchanges, exchanges in the field of educational programs and different projects in the field of art, are very important for Kosovo, and all these are pure public diplomacy, therefore it is immensely important that all these become an integral part of governmental strategies. Therefore, public diplomacy must become an integral part of the governmental strategy for the upcoming decades.803

The entire history of diplomacy is in its core, is perfection of the role, methods, mechanisms and instruments of diplomacy, with the purpose of influencing an everyday growing and effective international masses, in favor of the country that it represents, and in our case study, in the favor of the interests of Kosovo. Public diplomacy became even more important and crucial for small states which struggle to gain attention and become visible in international relations, considering it to be an increasingly valuable tool that allows them to do so, regardless of their disadvantages in this area.804 In correlation with the example of Kosovo who declared its independence only in 2008, and as the youngest state in Europe, deriving from a harsh history and undecided chronicle, in order to receive support as a young state, Kosovo had to work hard to get international recognition and become part of international and regional organizations. With Europe's youngest805 and exceptionally talented population, with a more professional and serious approach to the country's institutions, Kosovo could become a global hub for the entrepreneurship, design, music, film, and fashion industries.

801 Hajdari, “The role of sports and music in public diplomacy”, 190-191. 802 Lisen Bashkurti, Identiteti, Imazhi, Diplomacia (Tiranë: Geer, 2004), 339. 803 Interview with the Former Deputy Foreign Minister, Valon Murtezaj, conducted on 6th of January 2020 804 Hajdari, “The role of sports and music in public diplomacy”, 190. 805 European Commission Liaison Office to Kosovo, EU Assistance to Kosovo: Education for the Future, Prishtina.

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However, after the declaration of independence, Kosovo had to work hard to gain a reputation abroad and to overcome its negative reputation as a post-war country. With the declaration of independence, the Republic of Kosovo has begun to build and institutionalize foreign policy, establishing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the main institution through which all Kosovar diplomacy will pass and become operational. So, in the proper sense and in the institutional and state organization, Kosovo's foreign policy was built from scratch in 2008. According to Murtezaj, “for every country or state public diplomacy is immensely important, notably for the new countries, like Kosovo is, what we call New Born, especially in the times that we are living, where except of the traditional diplomacy, so government with government, or embassy with embassy, the forms of public diplomacy are the essence of conducting diplomacy in the contemporary times. For Kosovo, this field is immensely important and is not developed as much as it is necessary to be, however we could say that we are in the initial stages of diplomacy.”806 It should be considered that Kosovo has operated foreign relations way prior to its independence. The “information offices” during the 90s opened in several western countries as well as in the region, were managed by Kosovo’s Government in Exile, which did not have a diplomatic profile, but had a role in conducting informal public policy. At the time the main goal of Kosovo’s foreign policy was to make the case of Kosovo known internationally, and gain support for the independence cause. These offices were closed in 1999 after the United Nations Interim Mission in Kosovo was established in Kosovo under Resolution 1244/99 of the Security Council, which made Kosovo a UN protectorate; therefore all official foreign affairs were regulated under the mandate of UNMIK Administration. Through the involvement of Provisional Institutions for Self-Government of Kosovo (PISG) in joint actions with UNMIK more than 20 agreements were signed on behalf of Kosovo with foreign countries and organizations.807 In the context of big and small states powers, while big states have diplomatic, economic or military advantages and tools in favor of foreign policy, it means that they can use both soft but also hard power in implementing their state policies, while for small states like Kosovo, which among other issues that it has from being small, but also struggles for recognition, with also limited economic, military or confined diplomatic dors and relations, public diplomacy is vital to influence foreign publics and opinions, which

806 Interview with the former Deputy Foreign Minister, Valon Murtezaj, conducted on 6th of January 2020 807 KIPRED, “Kosovo's foreign policy: Strategic Factors, Objectives and Challenges,” Policy Research Series (KIPRED, Prishtina, 2007), 4.

179 will have a positive effect in the compilation of the governmental policies of foreign countries in report to Kosovo. To achieve this level of influence on the foreign publics, Kosovo diplomacy has to compile strategies, hire experts of public diplomacy and strategic communication, and follow an active approach of action and careful follow of diplomatic channels, political and regional processes, and interstate relations, up to the part of following what is said and what is written about Kosovo. In addition, Kosovo has a large Diaspora community in Europe, United States, Australia and Canada, which is well organized and throughout the years has played fundamental role during the 90s through supporting the Government of Kosovo in Exile and information offices around the world as well as financing this parallel system of governance during the regime of Milosevic, but also through intensive lobbying in the countries where they did not have an established presence. Meanwhile during the war, Diaspora provided indispensable support to the liberation front. Kosovar influential lobbyists in the U.S, such as Jim Xhema, have greatly influenced the “hearts and minds” of U.S. senators and congressmen in the 1990s. Such lobbies were initiated and conducted by Diaspora all over the world, making influential friends in world capitals, especially in Washington, Brussels, London, Berlin and Paris, cultivating and promoting Albanian culture in the countries where they lived, reflecting the bitter truth that was happening in Kosovo in the 90s, until the mass protests around the world capitals, with the sole purpose of sensitizing the international community to the situation in Kosovo, and their demands to free the people of Kosovo from the Milosevic regime. The following part will reflect the efforts of the Kosovo institutions to draw the attention of international audiences to Kosovo, following the declaration of independence, through state activities, businesses, NGOs, individuals, advertising across global media giants, the use of platforms worldwide of social media, has made efforts to change the perception that foreign audiences may have of Kosovo, as a war-torn country, into a place of hope and perspective.

5.1. Governmental and Individual Projects in Promoting the Image of Kosovo

The role of diplomacy to improve the country's image is directly a matter of public diplomacy and nation branding. Public diplomacy, for its part, has as its primary instrument for public relations and the media. So the issue of public diplomacy, image and media are closely

180 linked. Improving the image of a state is then done when all three of these factors are aligned, especially in this burgeoning technology development, which testifies to a steady increase in social media use. The foreign policy institutions in Kosovo after the independence took immediate steps to advance the position of Kosovo internationally, with particular attention to the relations with the countries that had supported the independence of Kosovo.808 As it is stipulated in the Declaration of Independence, the Euro-Atlantic integration is one of the main priorities of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kosovo, therefore the steps taken in this regard would be focused on facilitating the good relations with these countries. In the meantime, the civil society in Kosovo appealed to the institutions and the Government that the best way to deal with the challenges that Kosovo was facing was to use nation branding in order to eliminate the image that Kosovo was holding internationally as a war zone and insecure place.809 According to Szondi “nation branding” is among the instruments of public diplomacy that tries to reach foreign peoples and countries,810 while Melissen says that “branding is about the mobilization of all of a nation’s forces that can contribute to the promotion of its image abroad.”811 With a bad reputation or not having a reputation at all is a serious disability for a state striving for attention and competitiveness in international relations. The state without branding has a tough time to attract economic and political considerations.812 In this way, Kosovo through nation branding and public diplomacy was going to build a new image for itself, in order to gain a new reputation and change the negativity that derived from the war-torn country image. In this attempts to change the image of Kosovo in the eyes and minds of international community globally and to reach to their international publics, one of the campaigns that were created for this purpose was “Kosovo – The Young Europeans” launched in 2009, realized by Israeli company Saatchi & Saatchi. The motto and catchphrase that was used in this campaign were based on the factors that Kosovo was the youngest country in the world, but also had the youngest population in Europe.813

808 Mark Tran and James Orr, “US and EU powers to recognise Kosovan statehood,”The Guardian, February 18, 2008, accessed December 20, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/feb/18/kosovo.serbia4 809 Kosova Foundation for Open Society, “IMAGE MATTERS! Deconstructing Kosovo’s Image Problem,” (Kosovar Stability Initiative: Prishtina, 2008), 8, accessed December 27, 2019 http://kfos.org/wp- content/uploads/2011/10/Image-Matters-ENG.pdf 2008. 810 Szondi, Public Diplomacy and Nation Branding, 14-23. 811 Melissen, “The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice,”,19. 812 Peter van Ham, “The Rise of the Brand State,”, 2. 813 Wählisch and Xharra, op.cit, 13-19.

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Figure 8. “Logo“ Kosovo - The Young Europeans."814 The advertisement was broadcasted in major international TV channels such as BBC, World News, CNN, CNN Turk, Bloomberg and Eurosport, as well as in the local media and social media. With the launch of this campaign, the claim was that Kosovo would profit both economically and politically through the international broadcast of Kosovo image and through a successful nation branding campaign, which was verified also by the immediate effects that this commercial had.815 In less than one week, the first review of the advertisement reached 125,000 views on YouTube, making it the company’s one of the most viewed ads.816 The government of Kosovo claimed that through the “Young Europeans” campaign, Kosovo’s endeavor was to increase the number of recognitions for the country, as well as increase the number of foreign investments through the creation of a better image of the world’s youngest state.817 The idea of the campaign portraying Kosovars and young Europeans has the goal to lead into the information that Kosovar people have something special to contribute to the European Community of nations, through a young and energetic perspective on everything that they do,818 based on the fact that Kosovo has the youngest population in entire Europe with average age only 25, while in the large European countries the average age is up to 40 years old.819 David Kosmin, the leader of the Kosovo account in the “Young Europeans” campaign said that “The Young Europeans campaign projects a fresh way to brand a nation through the dreams of its young people. “Young” is a demographic fact, but it is also a feeling that's about seeing the future in a positive light.”820

814 Ibid., 13. 815 Ibid., 13-19. 816 Ibid., 22. 817 Office of the Prime Minister, “Kosovo: Young Europeans”– wins the Best Nation/Place Branding Campaign prize,” Office of the Prime Minister, September 10, 2010, accessed December 27, 2019, https://kryeministri- ks.net/en/kosovo-young-europeans-wins-the-best-nation-place-branding-campaign-prize/ 818 Saatchi and Saatchi, “M&M Award Success for Kosovo 'Young Europeans' Campaign,” Saatchi and Saatchi, September 13, 2010, accessed December 27, 2019, http://saatchi.com/en- us/news/mm_award_success_for_kosovo_young_europeans_campaign 819 Ibid. 820 Saatchi and Saatchi, “Blair Embraces BBR Saatchi & Saatchi's Kosovo Branding Campaign,” Saatchi and Saatchi,July 12, 2010, accessed December 27, 2019, http://saatchi.ru/en- us/news/blair_embraces_bbr_saatchi__saatchis_kosovo_branding_campaign

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The nation branding campaign of “Young Europeans” was primarily engendered to make its way in the international community, with the purpose of informing and increasing awareness about the newly emerged country, as well as to assuage the prejudices that existed in the international environment towards the country of Kosovo. The campaign encompasses the communication to several mediums, including television, internet and photo series displayed in billboards. The principal characteristic of the campaign is the motto which aims to bring interest to the youthful demographics of the country and develop feelings for Kosovo. Among other activities organized in the framework of this campaign are the ones on the second day of celebrations of the independence day of Kosovo in February 2010, where people from all over the world were invited to send greetings to Kosovo in a YouTube channel that was created for this purpose. In the visit of British Prime Minister Tony Blair in 2010, in his speech to the Assembly of Kosovo, he said that he was impressed by the nation branding of Kosovo: “I love your recent publicity slogan - Kosovo: the Young Europeans. You are the newest country in Europe with also I believe Europe’s youngest population.”821 Moreover, this campaign was appreciated at the international level when it won the Best Nation and Place branding award in the 2020 Media & Marketing Awards in London. This category which was introduced in 2010 aimed to increase the importance of the promotion and marketing campaigns that were created for the purpose of promoting countries at the international level.822 The campaign “the Young Europeans” has also been a subject to many critiques from civil society in Kosovo for the huge cost that this campaign had to the budget of Kosovo, as well as the process of tendering process of the campaign. Moreover, the activist group at the time “Vetëvendosje” (self-determination) organized a counter-campaign by adding to the “Young Europeans” words such as “Isolated”, “Unemployed” and “Poor”, stamped in the billboards with red graffiti.823

821 Tony Blair speech to the Assembly of Kosovo, on July 10, 2010, accessed December 27, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SWSnGtIYSjc 822 Saatchi and Saatchi, M&M Award Success for Kosovo 823 Wählisch and Xharra, op.cit, 25-30.

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Figure 9.”The Self-Determination’s counter-campaign."824 Certainly, in addition to the positive evaluation of the campaign, I personally have had my criticism in the implementation of this campaign, specifically the part of its advertising in the Kosovo media, and the placement of billboards in the streets of Kosovo. This campaign was designed to target foreign audiences, so a “Young Europeans” presence as big as what was at the time in Kosovo's media and streets seemed unnecessary and gave the impression that this campaign was for domestic consumption. However, when it is already a decade after the launch of this campaign, namely 12 years after the declaration of independence, in reality, in my opinion Kosovo does not resemble 100% that of the campaign. The country's economy continues to largely depend on remittances from the Diaspora. Kosovo's “Young Europeans” remain still isolated from Europe, which is the only country in the Western Balkans that has not received visa liberalization, then according to Kosovo Agency for Statistics results in 2018 the unemployment rate was 29.6%,825 illegal migration has continued, where in the period 2013- 2017 (5 year period) it is estimated that over 181,000 persons emigrated, or over 10% of the population of Kosovo,826 the recognition issue has stalled, especially in these last two years, last known was February 15, 2018 by Barbados,827 then the failure of membership in international organizations, such as the attempt to join UNESCO, Interpol, and the inability to become part of the UN. The attempts for membership in international organizations had a negative impact on the attempts of Kosovo to establish relations and cooperation with what could have resulted from these memberships. This type of two side developments had a negative impact on Kosovo, by making it even more isolated, and continued to hinder the communication of Kosovo with other nations. Another event that diminished the slogan “Young Europeans”, which boasts Kosovars as the most pro-European and pro-American

824 Ibid.,25. 825 Kosovo Agency for Statistics, accessed December 20, 2019 https://askdata.rks- gov.net/PXWeb/pxweb/sq/askdata/ 826 Autoritetit Qeveritar për Migrim - Qeveria e Republikës së Kosovës, “Profili i lehtë i migrimit”, 2017,11. 827 MFA of Kosovo, “List of recognitions,” accessed January 10, 2020, http://www.mfa- ks.net/al/politika/484/lista-e-njohjeve/484

184 people, has been the participation of some 300 Kosovars in foreign conflicts (in Syria and Iraq)828, certainly the reasons that led to this the phenomenon must be treated from a different perspective, but in no way justified. However, despite the dream of “The Young Europeans” did not go as the campaign put it, and despite the tough challenges and obstacles, Kosovo has made drastic developments. In the context of public diplomacy activities, and improving Kosovo's external role as a contributor to regional dialogue and good neighborly relations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo from 2011 to 2016 has held an international conference called “Germia Hill,”829 which included political representatives of various countries around the world, editors and journalists of international media such as The New York Times, The Economist, The Times, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, etc. Germia Hill aimed to raise public awareness and improve Kosovo's image. But the perception and presentation of a state is often the cause of stereotypes, clichés, and prejudices about that state. An additional and very important approach to influence the foreign publics is through professional athletes, actors, musicians, artists who very often serve as ambassadors of a country,830 an achievement that was very important for Kosovo, and which Joseph Nye called attracting others to get what you want, by making a country’s culture and values as attractive, through soft power. 831 Especially in the field of sports, Kosovo opened new political battles, which also Murray and Pigman described as sports attract political elites.832 According to Murtezaj, “another form of public diplomacy and which is a particularly important one is using the eminent figures of a particular country, such as Novelists, world famous athletes, artists, singers, scientists, publicists, writers etc. All these people make the transfer and broadcast of the knowledge upon the culture of a respective country in other countries, and in this aspect, public diplomacy continues to be vanguard of the official diplomacy, therefore it is immensely important for all countries and particularly for the small ones and new ones like Kosovo, to invest more in the field of public diplomacy.”833

828 Una Hajdari, “Kosovo to Jail Fighters in Foreign Conflicts,” Birn Insight, March 13, 2015, accessed December 26, 2019, https://balkaninsight.com/2015/03/13/kosovo-law-to-punish-fighting-in-foreign-conflicts/ 829 MFA of Kosovo,”Germia Hill Conference,” MFA of Kosovo, accessed December 29, 2019, http://www.mfa- ks.net/germiahill/about-44 830 Michael K. Park, “Long Shot: The Prospects and Limitations of Sports and Celebrity Athlete Diplomacy,” The French Journal of Media Studies 6 (2017):14, https://journals.openedition.org/inmedia/855 831 Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, 11. 832 Stuart Murray and Geoffrey Allen Pigman, “Mapping the relationship between international sport and diplomacy,” Journal Sport in Society 17, no.9 (2014):1098, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17430437.2013.856616, accessed January 6, 2020. 833 Interview with the former Deputy Foreign Minister, Valon Murtezaj, conducted on 6th of January 2020.

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Considering the political developments in Kosovo, Kosovo’s talented athletes took an active stance on their country’s diplomacy through sports, which was the field they knew best. Through their achievements and participation in international sports, they held high the flag of Kosovo in the countries where diplomacy had closed doors,834 using it as an act of their political involvement. Therefore, the success of individuals in Kosovo in sports, music and arts, not only opened the door for them but also for other generations in Kosovo. One of the biggest achievements of Kosovar sports was the admission of Kosovo as a full member of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) May 2016,835 and Fédération International de Football Association (FIFA).836 The admission of Kosovo in FIFA and UEFA had more effect than the ability to participate in international games. It was a victory of the foreign policy of Kosovo and its path towards UN membership, although in all these processes, there as a harsh opposition from Serbia. One of the athletes that took major attention for her achievements at the international level was Majlinda Kelmendi, who won gold medal in the Olympics in Rio de Janeiro in 2016.837 Before winning the first gold medal for Kosovo, Majlinda Kelmendi represented Albania, since Kosovo’s participation in Summer Olympic Games “London 2012” was refused, although internationally, she gained attention as a talented judo athlete and a potential champion, who could not represent her country because of political issues.838 This issue went as far as the adoption of a Resolution in European Parliament, which demanded from the International Olympic Committee to eliminate the obstacles for Kosovar athletes to participate in the London Olympic Games in the future839 which resulted in full membership of Kosovo in 2014, granted by the Olympic Committee.840 Thus when Kosovo participated for the first time ever in Olympic Games held in Rio de Janeiro in 2016, Majlinda Kelmendi who was already a potential champion, made

834 Hajdari, “The role of sports and music in public diplomacy”, 190-195. 835 Brian Homewood, “Kosovo becomes member of UEFA, paves way for FIFA application,” Reuters, May 3, 2016, accessed January 4, 2020, https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-uefa-kosovo/kosovo-becomes-member-of- uefa-paves-way-for-fifa-application-idUKKCN0XU11D 836 FIFA.com, “Kosovo and Gibraltar assigned to 2018 FIFA World Cup qualifying groups,” Jun 9, 2016, accessed January 5, 2020, https://www.fifa.com/worldcup/news/kosovo-and-gibraltar-assigned-to-2018-fifa- world-cup-qualifying-groups-2800710 837 James Masters, “Majlinda Kelmendi wins gold for Kosovo's historic first Olympic medal,” CNN,, August 10, 2016, accessed January 5, 2020, https://edition.cnn.com/2016/08/07/sport/majlinda-kelmendi-kosovo- olympics/index.html 838 Julian Borger and Peter Walker, “This article is more than 7 years old London 2012 Olympics: Kosovo athlete barred from competing as independent,” The Guardian, May 25, 2012, accessed January 6, 2020, https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2012/may/25/london-2012-olympics-kosovo-independent 839 Official Journal of the European Union, “European Parliament resolution of 29 March 2012 on the European Integration Process of Kosovo (2011/2885(RSP),” Official Journal of the European Union. (2012), accessed January 7, 2020, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/ALL/?uri=CELEX%3A52012IP0115 840 New York Times, “I.O.C. Recognizes Kosovo,” New York Times., December 10, 2014, accessed January 6, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/10/sports/ioc-recognizes-kosovo.html

186 this participation a milestone for Kosovo, turning it into a gold medal in Judo in women’s category -52kg.841 The population of Kosovo immediately linked the hope with Majlinda’s face, the young population in Kosovo, and someone who became the face of the country internationally. The gold and champion type of representation of Majlinda did not stop with Rio de Janeiro. She was the world judo Champion in 2013, 2014, a European Champion in 2014, 2016 and 2017, where she was a four-time champion of Grand Slam in Paris.842 The other dimension of Majlinda’s winnings was the headline she became in international media such as BBC, Reuters, Eurosport, New York Times, Financial Times, Washington Post, and many other media which reported about Majlinda’s gold medal and abilities and the representation of her young country. One of the most significant victories which were considered to be a victory in the political aspect as well, was her participation in European Judo Championship in Russia, where after she became a world champion, her achievement was also a diplomatic achievement and the biggest one since the initial phases of Foreign Policy in 2008.843 The importance of victory is the fact that although Kosovo athletes were forbidden to represent Kosovo as an independent state in many countries that had strong opposition towards the statehood of Kosovo, the victory of Majlinda in Russia, which was one of the greatest opposing countries, made that the flag of Kosovo lift up and the anthem of Kosovo played in and honored by the Russian guard of honor, in respect to the 1st champion of the games. This is the reason why this was considered as one of the biggest paradoxes in the diplomacy of Kosovo, where sports achievements in a place like Russia would bring de facto recognition towards the symbols that represent the statehood of Kosovo. Although the position of Russia towards Kosovo remained the same after this event, the battle played by sports, defeated the political impossibility, and therefore athletes can represent the country and also host athletes from the country who does not recognize it for what it is.844 In the meantime, the other judo athlete Distria Krasniqi in December 2019 won gold medal in

841 Kate Samuelson, “Kosovo's First Ever Olympic Medalist on Her 'Great Moment,” TIME, August 9, 2016, accessed January 5, 2020, http://time.com/4444716/rio-olympics-majlinda-kelmendi-kosovo/ 842 JudoInside, “Majlinda Kelmendi Judoka,” JudoInside, accessed January 5, 2020, https://www.judoinside.com/judoka/42942/Majlinda_Kelmendi/judo-career 843 CNN, “Legends of Judo: Majlinda Kelmendi, Kosovo's first Olympic medallist,” CNN, March 8, 2018, accessed January 8, 2020, https://edition.cnn.com/2018/03/08/sport/legends-of-judo-majlinda-kelmendi-kosovo- spt/index.html 844 Telegrafi, “Madhështore: Ushtria ruse duke nderuar flamurin e Kosovës,” Telegrafi, April 21, 2016, accessed December 29, 2019, https://telegrafi.com/madheshtore-trupat-ruse-duke-nderuar-flamurin-e-kosoves- fotovideo/

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World Masters being held in China.845 In the state that did not recognize Kosovo, in China, the national anthem of Kosovo was played after the victory of Kosovo judo athlete. In an August 2019 article by medium French France 24, dedicated to the successes of judo athletes from Kosovo, “The young and tiny nation of Kosovo has emerged as a world judo power.”846 Judo is the sport that has made Kosovo proud even in countries that have most opposed the statehood of Kosovo. Kosovar talented individuals did not stop their achievements and except making their countries proud of their international scores, their scores were able to put their country Kosovo in important global sports maps. In over 10 years after the independence of Kosovo, the national football representation team of Kosovo won the first football match for UEFA National League qualifiers, which made the first international football game ever to be played in Kosovo.847 This first ever played match became a headline of the world media once again, where the former president of the Football Federation of Kosovo Fadil Vokrri said in one of the interviews that Kosovo athletes are the best Kosovo ambassadors so far, in 10 years of the independence of the country.848 In the perspective of the image of Kosovo, the international media reported about Kosovo as “The Brazil of the Balkans”849 in terms of football achievements, from a country which not very long ago was associated with war and conflicts. A few years later, the prestigious American media “Forbes” has described Kosovo as the biggest success of the UEFA Nations League.850 One of the biggest attentions in sports, Kosovo has received the match against England played in Prishtina in November 2019. Fascinated with Kosovo's hospitality, when English footballers in other Balkan countries such as Bulgaria and Montenegro faced racist insults,851 BBC Sport wrote in an Instagram

845 European Judo Union, “Second Masters Title for Top Seed Krasniqi,” European Judo Union, December 13, 2019, accessed Deecember 27, 2019, https://www.eju.net/news-detail/second-masters-title-for-top-seed- krasniqi/6717?mode=showNewsItem&id=2325&offset=0 846 France 24, “Kosovo, an unexpected world judo stronghold,” France 24, August 24, 2019,accessed December 30, 2019, https://www.france24.com/en/20190824-kosovo-an-unexpected-world-judo-stronghold 847 Reuters,“Kosovo beat Faroes to claim first-ever competitive win,” Reuters, September 11, 2018, accessed December 30, 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-soccer-uefa-nations-kvx-fro/kosovo-beat-faroes-to- claim-first-ever-competitive-win-idUKKCN1LQ2ND 848 Luljeta Krasniqi-Veseli, “Ambasadorët më të mirë të Kosovës,” Radio Evropa E Lirë, February 17, 2018, accessed January 5, 2020, https: //www.evropaelire.org/a/ambasadoret-me-te-mire-te-kosoves-/29045378.html 849 Daniel Zeqiri, “How Kosovo, 'Brazil of the Balkans', consoled a nation's disappointment,” The Telegraph, 29 November 2018, accessed January 5, 2020, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/football/2018/11/29/kosovo-brazil- balkans-consoled-nations-disappointment/ 850 Mike Meehall Wood, “Are Kosovo The 2018 UEFA Nations League's Biggest Success Story?” Forbes, November 21, 2018, accessed January 5, 2020, https://www.forbes.com/sites/mikemeehallwood/2018/11/21/are- kosovo-the-2018-uefa-nations-leagues-biggest-success-story/#138acc4e27b3 851 Adam Shergold, “We had a VERY different reception in Kosovo, as grateful locals bought beers, waved St George's flags and thanked their 'liberators',”, November 19, 2019, accessed January 9, 2020,

188 post “If only more football fans were like Kosovo's. A class act Kosovo.”852 Whereas the Daily Mail in one of the articles about Kosovo's hospitality for the English national held the title “Welcome and Respect” banners featuring the poppy and the English flag adorn Kosovo capital's streets as the country prepare for the arrival of Gareth Southgate's men.”853 However, beyond the result, the goal had already been achieved, which is what Kosovo needs most in this period! The match against England not only equaled Kosovo in an international competition with the best representatives of the world of football, but it echoed all over the organization made by Kosovo. This was the most important sporting event in these 11 years of the state, in promoting the image of Kosovo. Such events are exactly what Hansen describes as universal language that creates the opportunity for individuals of different cultures to meet in events of common interest as well as serve as a bridge of communication among them.854 In my opinion, Kosovo through sport found its “Niche”. The hospitality of the citizens of Kosovo for the England national team and English fans exceeded the achievements of any millions of campaigns in building the image of Kosovo. Through sport, Kosovo gained what Joseph Nye calls the “hearts and minds” of the world. Accepted only 3 years ago at UEFA, Kosovo gave a good lesson to the football world, for which it received the attention of world media, especially those of the UK. People around the world started to understand where Kosovo is located through the video of the song “Shine ya Light” of Rita Ora, which she recorded in Prishtina in 2012, while she promoted Kosovo globally. Her world fame as a pop artist also put Kosovo in the spotlight, making her the most famous pop symbol of Kosovo.855 Rita Ora, a famous singer and artist who was born in Kosovo but together with her family immigrated to the United Kingdom during the 90s when the tensions and ethnic cleansing began against Kosovar Albanians, spoke about Kosovo all around the world, making known the human atrocities against Albanians in Kosovo in the late 90s and as well as showing how proud she was about

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/sport/football/article-7701565/How-Englands-visit-Kosovo-left-warm-glow-ugly- experiences-Montenegro-Bulgaria.html 852 BBC Sport, accessed January 8, 2020, https://www.instagram.com/p/B4-eQHbAmYm/?hl=en 853 Ian Herbert,”Welcome and Respect' banners featuring the poppy and the English flag adorn Kosovo capital's streets...,” Mail Online, November 16, 2019, accessed January 8, 2020, https://www.dailymail.co.uk/sport/football/article-7693377/Welcome-Respect-banners-greet-England-team- Kosovo.html?fbclid=IwAR0_-Ge6LVs6j0zr6AKW327EQ6vL_OCTbHwmmxwapBj4sMh_QMFpBpDCFdk 854 Hansen op. cit., p. 228. 855 Joel Cooper, “Rita Ora goes back to her roots as she films new music video in her Kosovan birth town,” Daily Mail, September 9, 2012, accessed December 27, 2019, https://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article- 2200622/Rita-Ora-goes-roots-films-new-music-video-Kosovan-birth-town.html

189 her Kosovo background.856 Rita Ora held a free concert in Kosovo for the 10th anniversary of Kosovo’s independence, which not only received international media attention but also brought about 300 thousand people from all over the world in Prishtina to follow her concert.857 All the photos of her trip to Kosovo were shared in her social media, where only on Instagram she has more than 15 million followers.

Figure 10."Rita Ora’s posts on her Instagram."858 Rita Ora became UNICEF Ambassador in the UK in 2013, while in April 2019 she visited Kosovo again with a UNICEF “Active Talks” event which is an annual event held in Prishtina during her visit, where she said to the children that “I am so happy and proud to be from here.”859 Every time Rita Ora visits Kosovo, her visits, statements and interviews receive international attention in global media, and thus because of her fame, Kosovo gets promoted internationally over and over. In this regard, in 2015 Rita Ora was named “Honorary Ambassador of Kosovo” by the President of Kosovo Atifete Jahjaga, describing her as the “the most successful artist” that Kosovo had.860 Moreover, Rita Ora in one of her interviews she was quoted by the media in the UK saying “There are almost no words to

856 Laura Armstrong, “How ‘Rita Pita’ escaped persecution in war-torn Kosovo for safety and stardom in the UK,” The Sun, January 11, 2015, accessed December 28, 2019, https://www.thesun.co.uk/archives/news/8474/how-rita-pita-escaped-persecution-in-war-torn-kosovo-for-safety- and-stardom-in-the-uk/ 857Tom Acres, “Singer Rita Ora jets to Kosovo for independence party,” Sky News, February 18, 2018, accessed December 28, 2019, https://news.sky.com/story/singer-rita-ora-jets-to-kosovo-for-independence-party- 11255498 858 Rita Ora’s Instagram 859 Die Morina, “Pop Star Rita Ora Visits Kosovo Homeland,” BIRN, April 10, 2019, accessed January 5, 2020, https://balkaninsight.com/2019/04/10/pop-star-rita-ora-visits-kosovo-homeland/ 860 Emma Powell, “X Factor judge Rita Ora named honorary ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo,” Standard, July 10, 2015, accessed January 5, 2019, https://www.standard.co.uk/showbiz/celebrity-news/x-factor-judge- rita-ora-named-an-honorary-ambassador-of-the-republic-of-kosovo-10381733.html

190 express how proud I am of my heritage.”861 Kosovo as a young country struggling with recognition and acceptance by the international actors has had a hard time to provide an opportunity for its citizens. However, in my assumption, Kosovo has received so much attention and acceptance in foreign publics, through the fame of the individuals that unconditionally loved the country and did not hesitate to show the world their country of origin. Similarly, is the case with another global pop star, Dua Lipa, whose fame started rising in a tremendous rapid way. Dua Lipa returned to Kosovo in 2018 to organize a concert called Sunny Hill Festival, where her fame and popularity made that her performance alongside international artists such as Miley Cyrus and other domestic artists, would echo all over the world. The festival which has a charity character had its main mission to give the young people in Kosovo the feeling of belonging and affirm their part in Europe, while putting Kosovo in the global cultural map, where one of the most famous contemporary Festivals was taking place.862 Dua Lipa just like Rita Ora uses every opportunity and interview to promote Kosovo, just like she did in the American show “The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon” in December 2019. The interview where Dua Lipa talked about Kosovo had nearly two million views in only three days,863 which in my opinion was an invaluable promotion for Kosovo among the foreign public who watched it. In an overall assessment by the media, the has been a direct link between the success of Kosovar British artists such as Dua Lipa and Rita Ora’s ratings and the international interest on Kosovo.864 In a short time period, the character of global media reporting on Kosovo changed entirely, when Kosovo was called a global success and a place that produced world-scale superstars and artists, from what it used to be called as Europe’s black hole and a shattered place from wars and conflicts.865 The revolution of Kosovo and its raising in international stages marked a rapid growth in the last decade. Era Istrefi, a Kosovar singer and author broke through the borders of

861 Helen Bownass, “Rita Ora on why her new album is her most truthful work yet,” Stylist, 2019, accessed January 9, 2020, https://www.stylist.co.uk/people/rita-ora-stylist-magazine-cover-story-phoenix- album/238386?fbclid=IwAR05KAVfaD3kIBf2w2vGe_SPKbuOf-x5nsoLFdFxKYlpDEEZNCa6jFVBYZQ 862 Shaun Walker, “Dua Lipa’s father stages music festival for ‘peace-loving’ Kosovo,” The Guardian, August 5, 2018, accessed January 9, 2020, https://www.theguardian.com/music/2018/aug/05/dua-lipa-father-organises- kosovo-music-festival 863 The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon, “Dua Lipa Became a Redman, Method Man and 50 Cent Stan at Age 13,” December 19, 2019, accessed January 10, 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gsrakIxmHEY&list=RDgsrakIxmHEY&start_radio=1 864 Edd Potton, “How Kosovo is producing the best female pop stars,” The Times, February 2017, accessed January 5, 2020, https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/times2/how-kosovo-is-producing-the-best-female-pop- stars-ldwcv9vsd 865 Hajdari, “The role of sports and music in public diplomacy”, 190-198.

191 national music becoming an international star that promoted the Albanian language in the lyrics of her songs. The song she released in 2016 as a combined lyric in Albanian and English language reached 608,570,444 views on YouTube, rating this song in the top 100 in many countries such as Canada, UK, Germany, and France866 also winning the European Border Breakers Award in 2017. Later on, she became a featuring singer in the “Live it Up” song that was the Official Song 2018 of FIFA World Cup Russia, where together with world- famous actor Will Smith and Nicky Jam – a Porto Rico born singer performed in the grand opening of Russia 2018 FIFA World Cup.867 The main attention of international media was focused on the fact that a Kosovo artist was singing in Russia, which was a country that in the past had prevented Kosovo artists and representatives to participate in international events held in Russia. Moreover, in 2018, Politico – an American News Media listed Era Istrefi among 28 people what would be shaping Europe’s music in the nearest future, while Era Istrefi was considered as Kosovo’s Ambassador who was going to be among people that would be “shaping, shaking and stirring Europe in 2019.”868 In parallel, in May 2012, a singer from Kosovo, Rona Nishliu, marked the best result in the history of Albanian participation in “Eurovision”, as with her song “Suus”, representing Albania, she was ranked fifth in the festival that brings together the national winners of every European state. The singer from Mitrovica, with her magic voice, lit the hall, earning uninterrupted applause throughout the performance. In nine editions of “Eurovision”, Albania had failed to rank in the top five.869 Rona has represented Albania, unable to represent Kosovo, as Kosovo has not yet been accepted into the Eurovision Song Contest. However, Kosovo has been mentioned for Rona's success in media reporting.870 As it is obvious in all the cases that have been mentioned, not only governmental projects, but even individuals have the chance and huge influence in promoting their country in the international arena and to significantly contribute to the improvement of the image of their state. Public diplomacy is broadcasted from governments for a wide public, or on special

866 Balkan Insight ,“Kosovo's Istrefi Tastes Sweet Success With 'Bonbon',” Balkan Insight, August 5, 2016, accessed January 12, 2020, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/kosovo-albanian-musician-conquers- world-with-a-song-08-04-2016 867 Joe Brophy, “Who is Era Istrefi? Albanian singer performing Live It Up with Will Smith and Nicky Jam at the World Cup closing ceremony,” The Sun, July 15, 2018, accessed January 12, 2020, https://www.thesun.co.uk/tvandshowbiz/6783281/era-istrefi-albanian-singer-live-it-up-will-smith-nicky-jam- world-cup-closing-ceremony/ 868 Politico, “Politico 28 Class of 2019: The 28 people shaping, shaking and stirring Europe,” Politico,2018, accessed January 12, 2020, https://www.politico.eu/list/politico-28-class-of-2019-the-ranking/era-istrefi/ 869 Euronews, “Kosovo-born singer represents Albania at Eurovision,“ Euronews, May 11, 2012, accessed January 12, 2020, https://www.euronews.com/2012/05/11/kosovo-born-singer-represents-albania-at-eurovision 870 Ibid.,

192 occasions for a “chosen” public.871 The media is one of the most influential instruments for the international image of countries. Specifically, in our time, the processes of openness, globalization, information, and satellite communication have made the media a real power with a tremendous impact on international developments in general and image building. The 21st century has been characterized by a rapid development of traditional media, but also the development and advancement of social media, such as Facebook, the largest social media platform in the world, then Twitter, which is considered to be another huge achievement in social networking, then Instagram, another development that has contributed more to the advancement of digital diplomacy, through a photo and video sharing social network, and social platforms. The importance of social media in public diplomacy has been that of a tool that has support Kosovo’s efforts to gain international visibility. The importance of the media has increasingly grown, and particularly global media outlets, which have had an impact on World Powers agenda, as well as the agenda of international organizations, which very often adjust their reports and publications according to media reports. Such is the example of CNN and its influence on unpredictable attitudes, foreign policy and activities of the United States, world powers and the United Nations, so that in modern times there is an increased use of the reference of CNN diplomacy.872 Therefore, despite the challenges that Kosovo has faced to promote itself globally, a number of projects have been developed in promoting Kosovo online and in social media. With the main motive to increase the presence of Kosovo in the global internet system, the MFA of Kosovo in 2013 presented #InstaKosova, which was an online photo competition, where thousands of images, taken by Kosovo citizens across the country and with different themes, were posted online, showing the lifestyle of Kosovo citizens, art, nature, culture and many other characteristics of Kosovo.873 This project and other projects such as “Digital Kosovo”, “AppCamp” and “Wikipedia” were part of Strategy on Digital Diplomacy which MFA of Kosovo launched in 2012.874 Many videos that promote Kosovo can be found on YouTube, as a part of promotional campaign from the “Ministry of Trade and Industry”, such videos as “Kosovo Ready for You To Invest”, “Kosovo Ready For You To Trade”, “Kosovo Ready For You to Visit”, which have been published by Kosovo Investment and Enterprise

871 Labinot Hajdari- Imazhi i Kosovës dhe nevoja për një diplomaci efektive: kosovapress&Epoka e Re, Prill 2008 872 Bashkurti, Identiteti, Imazhi, Diplomacia, 283-284. 873 MFA of Kosovo ,“Shpallen fituesit e garës #InstaKosova nga mijëra foto të dërguara,” MFA of Kosovo, September 14, 2018, accessed January 9, 2020, http://www.mfa-ks.net/politika_single/3232 874 MFA of Kosovo, “Digital Diplomacy Project,” MFA of Kosovo, accessed January 9, 2020, http://www.mfa- ks.net/en/politika/486/diplomacia-digjitale/486

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Support Agency,875 which was responsible for promotion of Kosovo with the purpose of attraction of foreign investments, promotion of tourism as well, but also videos posted by individuals can be found, who had visited Kosovo and decided to share their impressions with others, as it is the example of Jason Billiam, a British traveler who published the video “Prishtina, Kosovo – Traveling in the Newborn” and which was viewed by 325,954 times.876 Various media outlets have ranked Kosovo among the places that must be visited.877 The Guardian in one of the cultural writings of 2020, lists the Ethnographic Museum of Prishtina, Kosovo, among 12 of the best city museums in Europe.878 Among distinguished projects that are important to mention, and were developed as activities of the public diplomacy of Kosovo is the project “Communication with Europe through diplomacy” (KSTalksEU) which was a joint project developed by the MFA of Kosovo and British Government in 2011, under the implementation of British Council in Kosovo. The project aspired to promote the public diplomacy of Kosovo, as means that would boost and consolidate the communication and relations between Kosovo and other countries that have not recognized its statehood yet. In this project, information and promotional activities were included, which strived to set up communication with aspired countries in one side and Kosovo institutions, civil society, corporate sector, academia, and media on the other side.879 The director of the British Council in Kosovo Arjeta Emra said that: “By organizing visits, exhibitions, events we have focused on making Kosovo more known in Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Greece and Cyprus. We believe that by promoting Kosovo and its ties with these 5 EU countries that have not recognized Kosovo yet, we support Kosovo’s overall progress in its EU integration path, while encouraging establishing bilateral ties between Kosovo and all EU countries.”880 In addition, the deputy minister of Foreign Affairs at the time Petrit Selimi, said about “KSTalksEU” that “this public

875 Ministry of Trade and Industry, “Kosovo Investment and Enterprise Support Agency – KIESA,” Ministry of Trade and Industry, accessed January 9, 2020, https://mti.rks-gov.net/page.aspx?id=2,60 876 Jason Billam Travel, “Pristina, Kosovo - Traveling in the NewBorn,” September 17, 2017, accessed January 9, 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bkzbJI5CjOw 877 Joe Minihane, “20 beautiful European cities with hardly any tourists,” CNN, August 2, 2019, accessed January 10, 2020, https://edition.cnn.com/travel/amp/beautiful-european-cities-few- tourists/index.html?__twitter_impression=true&fbclid=IwAR0_vQzEAJe6Maz15ibmdLV3yeboaiY7NjeXFt0D x51HLoTrCkkAgG3UP4k 878 The Guardian,“12 of the best city museums in Europe: readers’ travel tips,” The Guardian, January 10, 2020, accessed January 12, 2020, https://www.theguardian.com/travel/2020/jan/10/best-city-museums-in-europe-art- culture-city-breaks?fbclid=IwAR1vbmiVwr6kS62_D_KlCybnrSqogwG- Taf2ksUHNImvRWKVG5CKGphCwtw 879 British Council Kosovo. (n.d.). “Kosovo talks EU,” accessed January 12, 2020, https://kosovo.britishcouncil.org/en/programmes/education-society/kosovo-talks-eu 880 British Council Kosovo & MFA of Kosovo, “This Is How We Do Soft Power: A Practical Guidebook in Public And Digital Diplomacy Of A Small Republic”, ed. Arjeta Emra, Petrit Selimi, Gent Salihu, 2014, 6..

194 diplomacy project grew and expanded to cover several “black holes” in Kosovo’s communication with the outside world. There are a number of prejudices and even malicious propaganda against Kosovo and it has to build a successful, secular republic entrenched in the EU and NATO. Hence, we expanded the portfolio of activities to several pillars: Exchanges with the “EU Five”, Digital Diplomacy, Interfaith Kosovo Initiative, cultural diplomacy, and Advocacy Fund. The aim was to increase the global footprint of Kosovo’s voice.”881 Another project which had significant importance to the public diplomacy of Kosovo is “DigitalKosovo.org,” which is still an ongoing digital platform, designed with the purpose of encouragement of the citizens of Kosovo that lobby for the bigger internet presence of Kosovo.882 This mechanism provides online support and advocacy instruments which include professional e-mail templates for Kosovo supporters with the aim to influence international websites to Include Kosovo in their menus, list of countries, and other relevant options.883 For the impact of these projects, it is important to mention the achievement of the “digital diplomats” project which effected the recognition of Kosovo by Facebook in 2013, which was viewed as a great win for Kosovo’s digital diplomacy. According to Kosovo’s deputy foreign minister, Petrit Selimi “Facebook has grown to 1.2 billion users in eight years, faster than the growth of Islam, Christianity and the Internet itself”.884 In my research about the activities and projects of the MFA of Kosovo, I have found that the work of Ministry of Foreign affairs as well as its coordination with other institutions in this regard, in the field of public diplomacy has been quite active since 2008 until 2014, which is also the time when major projects, some of which were mentioned above, have been realized. Unfortunately this trend of good work marked decline since 2014 and to my opinion is continuing to go downwards. In my evaluation, the MFA of Kosovo continues to have in mind the importance of public diplomacy for Kosovo, however, due to political developments, strive for power among political elites in Kosovo, the activities and work in the field of public diplomacy has been put on hold for a while now, which is the a very wrong thing to do. This entire dissertation explains how public diplomacy needs daily maintenance, particularly since the tools which it uses are updated very frequently and the information travels in the speed of seconds. Thus, any temporary withdrawal from the field of public

881 “This Is How We Do Soft Power”, 6. 882DigitalKosovo, “Engage with Kosovo”, DigitalKosovo, accessed January 10, 2020, http://www.digitalkosovo.org/ 883 “This Is How We Do Soft Power”, 59. 884 Dan Bilefsky, “Kosovo Attains Status (on Facebook) It Has Sought for Years: Nation,” The New York Times, December 13, 2013, accessed January 12, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/13/world/europe/kosovo- seeking-recognition-follows-the-crowd-to-facebook-social-media.html

195 diplomacy for Kosovo, may and will have irreversible damages in the long run. Nevertheless, since Kosovo for many years has been subject to intense and hostile propaganda against its independence as well as its people, which because of its diplomacy in development was hard to counter, the aspirations of Kosovo to be equal, a normal democratic society with aspirations to join the European Union are hindered to a large extent by the prejudices and hostilities that still remain in many fields. Therefore, the work of public and digital diplomacy presently, representing the reality of the level of achievements, but also not failing to mention the amount of work that still needs to be done has huge importance.885 According to Murtezaj, it is very important that in the strategies of countries, of MFAs, Governments, to incorporate Public Diplomacy as a very special field, and invest in concrete projects, in order that the benefit is something stable and long term.886 The main reason behind it is due to the need that Kosovo has to improve the image of itself in the sight of foreigners, who still link Kosovo with the image of war and remind them of the conflict. Thus, the importance of investments in the field of digital diplomacy is crucial, particularly for the fact that the propaganda against Kosovo is still dominant and disseminated all over the world by its opponents on daily basis, and particularly those who have developed it in the state level of strategies. Therefore, for the government of Kosovo it is important to represent the true values of the country, its history, sports, culture, and the unique religious harmony which is a true treasure for the country and one of the features that distinguishes it from a very vast majority of the world, including most developed countries. Moreover, the aim is to present Kosovo as a lovely homeland of world champions, a source of rare talents in arts, music, and other fields as well. Young people from Kosovo such as Dua Lipa, Rita Ora, Majlina Kelmendi, and Era Istrefi are already on the global scale of artists and champions, and thus, Kosovo cannot and will not find better ambassadors for promotion of itself.

5.2. The Role of Non-formal Education in Public Diplomacy

The role of non-formal and international education has apprehended the attention of states and institutions all around the world for their importance. The example of the United States, United Kingdom and Canada and their investments in attracting students worldwide are some

885 “This Is How We Do Soft Power”, 4. 886 Interview with the former Deputy Foreign Minister, Valon Murtezaj, conducted on 6th of January 2020.

196 of the important aspects of this field.887 The importance of international and non-formal education stands as an indirect power that results from interactions and cooperation opportunities that are offered in international education, which includes this field the denomination of public diplomacy. International, non-formal education and exchange education play an important role as a mechanism that contributes to the foreign policy goals of states, particularly small stats and their soft power profile, who have disadvantaged financial possibilities to directly architecture such projections for their own needs. Therefore, this aspect of education has become recognized by the states and institutions as an invaluable sponsor of the state’s soft power. Moreover as Nye presents it “positive experiences from student mobility and the development of intellectual commercial and social relationships at the individual and institutional levels resonate with the contemporary soft power agenda where values, culture, and ideas play an important role in determining influence on the global stage.”888 The role of non-formal education and international exchange programs for small states is more important than its equal in big and developed states. In the case of Kosovo, exchange programs and scholarships have a direct impact on the international expansion of its image, while Kosovo as a small state is trying as much to create a new image for itself just as much as it is trying to eradicate the war-torn image of itself that derives from the past. For this purpose, in Kosovo since 2008, a number of international exchange programs have been developed by civil society, public University and private colleges in Kosovo throughout the years. Among the oldest and biggest organizations of this kind is “Prishtina International Summer University” organized by University for Prishtina and its partners. This summer university has been organized for 20 years already, however the case study of this part will be focused on another International Summer program under the umbrella of Kosovo Center for Diplomacy, which is public diplomacy oriented local NGO, where I am co-founder.

5.2.1. Research Design

The Summer program named “Kosovo International Summer Academy” has started in 2013, in the beginning as the “Kosovo Summer Program” and the attempts for its internationalization have led to the rebranding of this program into what it exists today. When researching the best examples that would provide a clear insight on the role of non-formal

887 Caitlin Byrne and Rebecca Hall,“International Education as Public Diplomacy,” Research digest 3, June 2014 – International Education Research Network, 1. 888 Nye, J. (2004). Soft Power and the Means to Success in World Politics. NY: Public Affairs, 10-45.

197 education in small states and particularly in Kosovo as the case study of this research, I could not find a better example than Kosovo International Summer Academy, which is a direct result of my hard work and contribution to the field of Public Diplomacy and promotion of the image of Kosovo among international audience. When I created Kosovo International Summer Academy, I gathered my team around the idea that this program would target international participants from all over the world, with the main purpose to provide them with a the opportunity to see the reality in Kosovo, in the sense of its development, politics, economy, human rights, history, natural beauties, the chance to meet Kosovar people directly, up to the chance to taste its food and its culture, which would be different of what young people around the world can encounter in media and social media and different academic literature, some of which have propaganda tendencies against Kosovo. The moment in time when I have decided to develop this idea has started during my studies, where on my research and participation in international conferences, trips abroad as a student, the majority of people whom I have met had no idea where Kosovo was on the map, and among those who had an idea, correlated it with war, or the rest had negative perceptions particularly influenced by propaganda. Another reason for my commitment towards the creation of something like Kosovo International Summer Academy is also the lack of similar projects, or the ones that existed did not have persistence and therefore in a short time they ceased to exist. Kosovo International Summer Academy is a ten-day program, where young people from all around the world gather in Prishtina, Kosovo, attending lectures and activities prepared in advance for their information. The academic part of Kosovo International Summer Academy consists of distinguished professors from top world universities and also from the region, including from Serbia, which is one of the goals of this program, to build credibility among its participants that the information served would be from all angles, and would allow them critical thinking. Moreover, the goal of the invited lecturers and guest lecturers was to include personalities who have been directly involved in the process of conflict resolution, peace and state-building and public diplomacy, in Kosovo and former Yugoslavia, among which, some of the most distinguished are Sir Geoffrey Nice, head of Munich Security Conference Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger, the Head of the OSCE in Kosovo and former Norwegian Ambassador to Kosovo Jan Braathu, former presidents of Kosovo Fatmir Sejdiu and Atifete Jahjaga, the head negotiator of Kosovo delegation in technical negotiations with Serbia in Brussels, facilitated by the European Union, Minister Edita Tahiri, the pioneer of Kosovo’s Public Diplomacy, former minister Petrit Selimi,

198 ministers, MPs, representatives of judiciary institutions in Kosovo as well as representatives of civil society, which have the opportunity to elaborate the situation in Kosovo from many perspectives and provide valuable and first-hand information for the its participants, which is also one of the goals and reasons why Kosovo International Summer Academy is formed. The number of interested applicants to participate in Kosovo international summer academy has been approximately one thousand every year, while Kosovo International Summer Academy throughout the years has hosted about 50 to 65 participants for each edition, except of the last two years where have been organized two sessions for each edition, where number of participants goes up to 115 per edition. The age of participants is 18 to 32, which also allows a homogeneity of the group and their cooperation among themselves, although the countries where participants come from is distributed among all continents. The academic level of participants varies from Bachelor to PhD, as well as independent researchers and lecturers who have a particular interest in the program that is offered by Kosovo International Summer Academy. Therefore, for the purpose of this research, I have conducted a survey with Kosovo International Summer Academy alumni, which I considered was the best and most reliable source of data to evaluate the role of non-formal education in public diplomacy of small states. Researching the perceptions of KSA alumni based on their experiences during Kosovo International Summer Academy requires that they have these experiences fresh in their memories. Thus for the purpose of achieving the clearest results on this survey, the alumni included in the survey are the participants of the editions 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019. From 2015 to 2017, there is only one group for edition while the edition of 2018 and 2019 includes two sessions/groups for each edition. The total number of participants in Kosovo International Summer Academy (KSA) from 2015 to 2019 is 395 participants. The sample taken is 29.11% of the entire number of participants between 2015 – 2019 of KSA. The survey is conducted online, where the link of the formed questions was distributed to the groups of KSA alumni, and the responses are concluded based on the first 115 respondents. The survey is conducted in the period between 09.12.2019 to 19.12.2019; The age of participants has not been included in the survey, based on the fact that the age of participants of KSA is already selected upon their admission. Therefore, the age of participants of Kosovo International Summer Academy included in the survey is between 18 to 32. In this survey, gender has not been included as an independent variable, claiming that gender (neither social nor biological) is not a sufficient indicator to influence the

199 differentiation of the perceptions related to Kosovo, nor in the predictability of the answers of this survey.

Figure 11“Participation of the states in KSA 2015-2019 and the countries that participated in the survey." Fig 12. shows the state participation of KSA participants between 2015 to 2019. Between these years, KSA participants came from 78 countries and territories around the world.889 As it is also shown on the table, participants of KSA, who are also respondents of this survey, came from 37 countries and territories.890 Countries classified as nr 1 and 2 are all the countries that have participated in KSA during 2015-2019. Countries that have been labeled as nr. 2 only, are countries and territories that have participated in this survey.891 In this survey, two participants have not written the country where they are from. It is important to notice that among countries of the European Union, during this period we have had participants from five countries that have not recognized Kosovo (Greece, Romania, Slovakia, Cyprus and Spain). Among other countries that haven’t

889 Countries and territories from where participants of KSA 2015-2019 came from: Albania, Algeria, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Belgium, Brazil, Cameroon, Canada, China, Columbia, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, England, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Hong Kong, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kashmir (Indian adm.) Kenya, Kosovo, Latvia, Libya, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Maldives, Malta, Mexico, Moldova, Morocco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Northern Ireland, Norway, Pakistan, Palestine, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Scotland, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, Thailand, Turkey, Ukraine, United Kingdom, United States of America, Uzbekistan, Vietnam. 890 Clarification: All countries and administrative territories have been listed as counties. This categorization came after the request of KSA participants to identify themselves based on the countries/territories where they come from, during the time of their application for participation in KSA and during the survey. The political/administrative status of these territories is not a personal stance, neither a stance of Kosovo International Summer Academy. 891 Countries and territories Argentina, Austria, Bangladesh, Belgium, Brazil, Cameroon, Canada, China, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Hong Kong, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kashmir (India adm.) Libya, Mexico, Moldova, Netherlands, Nigeria, Pakistan, Palestine, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Singapore, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, United Kingdom, United States of America.

200 recognized the independence of Kosovo, from where we have had interested participants in KSA, are Russia, China, India, Israel, Palestine, Ukraine, Brazil, Mexico, Peru, Paraguay, South Africa, Taiwan, Uzbekistan, Vietnam, Moldova, India, Argentina, Indonesia, Algeria, Azerbaijan, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gibraltar, Hong Kong, Kashmir (Indian administrated territory) and Kenya. Of exceptional importance is the presence of participants the countries whose stance towards Kosovo is an absolute rejection towards its statehood, which in an intangible way means that people from those countries, in the age of KSA participants do not encounter positive news nor image about Kosovo in any of information media. The survey is comprised of 10 questions. The first two questions are: 1. The country where participants come from: (out of 115 respondents, two have skipped this question) therefore, the countries of participants in the above figure, are only of 113 respondents; 2. The level of education. The main reason these have been the only two independent variables used in this survey claiming that the following questions related to their perception about Kosovo are measurable based on these two variables. For example, analyzing from the country of origin (for example non-EU or non-recognizing) participants would have a different perception about Kosovo than participants from the European Union. Also, the level of education is assumed to predict the amount of information that participants have encountered about Kosovo (either negative or positive or neutral). (All 115 respondents have answered this question). 3. The third question “Have you been to Kosovo before Kosovo International Summer Academy” is listed with the purpose to determine the importance that Kosovo International Summer Academy has had on their first impressions that they have created for Kosovo, and more or less an indicator on the further answers of the participants. In this question participants have answered with Yes or No. (All 115 respondents have answered this question). 4. The fourth question “What were your main concerns about traveling to Kosovo” contains in itself the importance of the information that they already had before coming to Kosovo. This question is asked in order to determine what type of information they had before about the country, and if they did not have any prior information what was the first information that they encountered when searching about Kosovo. In this question, the respondents had the chance to express their comments in an open answer, which was done with the purpose of allowing them to express more than one concern, as well as to see how

201 their concerns were related to other causes. (out of 115 respondents, 2 have skipped this question). 5. The Fifth question “How was the reality in Kosovo different from your existing knowledge from your reading, researches, news and other information you had for Kosovo)” is asked after the fourth question on purpose, where the participants in this survey were able to express shortly their impressions about the country and about their concerns related to their travel to Kosovo. The question has multiple choice answers expressed with “better than I thought, and way better than I expected, to worse, and about the same”. This question after open question number four, is asked also to allow us to measure the level of change in their perception, compared to the previously expressed concerns. (All 115 respondents have answered this question). 6. The sixth question “What is your relation to Kosovo (Balkans)? Have you been engaged in research, work or any other activity related to Kosovo, after your participation in KSA?” aims to determine the engagement of KSA participants with Kosovo or the region of the Balkans in any capacity before or after their attendance in KSA. The importance of this question is to determine the impact of Kosovo International Summer Academy on the academic and professional orientation of its participants. The answers in this question are “No” or “Yes” where respondents were asked to write about their engagement with the region in form of internships, researches at their Universities, and jobs before or after KSA. The importance of this question for this research is crucial, as it provides an insight on how and to what level Kosovo International Summer Academy provided a satisfactory level of information about the country and region in the academic level as well as opportunities for its participants to consider their future careers in this region. It is also important particularly taking into account that this question is related to the previous question about the information that participants had about Kosovo before their participation in KSA, and how after KSA they have received abundant information, sufficient to allow them to write researches or find jobs and internships, which means that their curiosity was triggered to find out more about Kosovo. (All 115 respondents have answered this question). 7. Question number seven “What is the most significant impression of Kosovo after your participation in KSA? (you can select more than one choice)”, is related to their participation in Kosovo International Summer Academy, and their perceptions and impressions about Kosovo as a country. The answers to this question are multiple-choice where respondents could choose “Natural beauties, History, People, Food, Language, Hospitality, Nightlife”. The importance of this question in the survey is also related and is

202 explanatory for the previous questions as well. While in other questions they were asked about their concerns prior to arriving in Kosovo, their impressions in general about the country after their arrival and participation in KSA, this question aims to determine what has impressed them the most. It is important to mention that the choices provided in the answers section of this question are chosen based on my previous knowledge of what their information could be about the country. Based on my research on the representation of Kosovo in the international media, the natural resources of Kosovo, History, People, Food, Language, Hospitality and Nightlife are some of the aspects that international youngsters would know less about the country, while on the other side, compared to the volume of information that they could encounter would be mainly related to the territorial disputes, the majority of the Kosovo population belonging to Muslim confession, unknown language, very little information about history, and even less about touristic places, food and nightlife, which were a part of Kosovo International Summer Academy social part of the program. In this question, the respondents were also given the choice of “Other” where they could write about additional impressions that they had, that were not provided in the choice list and they considered it was important to mention. (All 115 respondents have answered this question). 8. Question number eight “Have you recommended Kosovo as a place worth visiting to your family, friends, or colleagues?” is related to the aim of Kosovo International Summer Academy to be as a long term investment and creation of long term relationship of internationals with Kosovo. Therefore, this question aims to find out whether participants of Kosovo International Summer Academy were satisfied with their trip in Kosovo to the level what they have found out about Kosovo, a place that they consider should be recommended to their families, friends, and colleagues as an attraction to see, know more about and are willing to disseminate the information about Kosovo among their peers and family. (All 115 respondents have answered this question). 9. The following question “How would you evaluate the role of KSA for the opportunity it provided for you to know more about Kosovo?” further seeks to evaluate the role of Kosovo International Summer Academy as a program, and how is it serving its purpose. The mission of Kosovo International Summer Academy is exactly to serve as a bridge between Kosovo and the world, which would allow them to see the country, know more about its natural beauties, history, situation and through the abundant program that it offers, allow them develop critical thinking and change their perceptions about the image of the country. However, at the same time, it serves to its participants the country details from all angles, from a rich academic program, to the opportunity to see it with their own eyes

203 through field trips, and meeting with important personalities, for whom they have only read about, and have the chance to ask them questions directly, what they have been asking themselves before their participation in KSA. Therefore, this question is open, allowing the respondents to evaluate the role of KSA and express the opportunities that it has provided for them, as well as the aspects that they might have considered that should be extended and provide more. (out of 115 respondents, 8 have skipped this question, meaning that the answers in this question reflect the responses of 107 respondents). 10. The last question, number ten “After KSA, would you consider Kosovo as a possible destination for living, working, or studying?” further aims to measure the impact of Kosovo International Summer Academy in their future lives and plans as well as to draw conclusions on how much Kosovo would be considered as a destination for living, working and studying for international youngsters. This question as to the following question of number nine, provided the answering choices “definitely would” and definitely would not”, without asking the respondents to further elaborate their choice. The reason why I have to consider this type of answering as sufficient, is to actually see the positioning of the respondents and their readiness to consider Kosovo as a possible place of living and working, compared to the other questions where they were asked about their concerns, and the elements that they have liked in Kosovo. Therefore, based on the answer, this question will serve the purpose to see how many of the respondents that had expressed existential fears related to Kosovo, have changed their perceptions drastically to the point wherein ten days participation in Kosovo International Summer Academy, they have seen Kosovo as a place they could even live and work in for what Kosovo needs most, in terms of changing its image globally. (out of 115 respondents, 2 have skipped this question).

5.2.2. Research Findings and Conclusions

The list of countries and territories from where 115 participating respondents in the survey come from has been already provided in Fig. 12, out of which 113 have responded to this question. It is important to mention that participating respondents in this survey come from three countries of the European Union that have not recognized Kosovo, such as Cyprus, Romania, and Spain. From five EU nonrecognizers, Kosovo’s passports are recognized from all of them with Kosovo except to Spain, where Kosovo passports holders are not allowed to enter Spanish territory. Respondents are also from other EU countries such as Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Moldova, Netherlands,

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Poland, Portugal and Sweden, United Kingdom as well as Switzerland. The participation of respondents from countries such as: Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, and other South American countries which have not recognized Kosovo, as well as Peru, which has already recognized the independence of Kosovo. On the other side, we have respondents from China, as well as identified as from Hong Kong, and Taiwan, which has not recognized the independence of Kosovo, however the relations of Kosovo with Hong Kong and Taiwan are positively different from the stance of China towards the statehood of Kosovo. Meanwhile, Singapore has recognized Kosovo in 2016. From African countries, the respondents are from Libya and Nigeria which have recognized Kosovo in 2013 and 2011 respectively, while Cameroon has not recognized Kosovo yet. Kosovo was neither recognized from Palestine neither India (nor Kashmir) where some of the respondents of this survey are from, but have been recognized from Pakistan. Moreover, Kosovo was recognized from Bangladesh, Canada, Japan, Jordan, South Korea and the United States of America. It is important to note that out of all countries and territories that have participated in this survey, we have respondents from 11 countries around the world that have not recognized Kosovo yet, or are against the independence of Kosovo persistently.

Figure 12.” Level of education of survey respondents.” In question number two (Fig. 13), where the participants of this survey were asked about their level of education, 40.87% of the participants have their BA degree, 51.30% have their MA degree and 6 of the respondents or 5.22% are PhD students or have obtained their PhD. The 2.61% or 3 out of 115 respondents are either Postdoc, or independent researchers who have already finished their studies and are engaged in research or academia. It is important to mention that one of the criteria of Kosovo International Summer Academy is to be a student or at least enrolled in BA studies, as the lowest level of education, acceptable for application eligibility. The importance of these criteria for KSA is to have a compact group

205 that can understand and appreciate the academic lectures and information that is served to them during KSA. The level of education shows a sample of KSA participants and their educational quality, especially since KSA is primary an academic program, as well as one of the aims of KSA is to provide academic sources for its participants, which are related to Kosovo, political, social, cultural, historical and economic aspects, of the country. Considering that the majority of the respondents of this survey are BA and MA (total 96 out of 115) the assumption is that these students in their academic journey will encounter information about Kosovo in their researches and education. Thus, KSA, by providing quality information, is able to influence their academic orientation initially and secondly, they will be able to become indicators of the incorrect information served to them in their academic environment which is related to Kosovo. Therefore, unintentionally, they become editors of the wrong and incomplete information about Kosovo all around the world, including their universities and friendship circles. The importance of the 9 respondents of PhD and other levels is also very crucial. For KSA this means that they already have a lot of information about Kosovo, which they have encountered or researched, however, KSA will be able to provide them additional information to complete their knowledge, or correct all the negative information that they already have, which was obtained by bias sources. Moreover, considering that PhD and research levels are already more focused levels in terms of career determination, they are not only graspers of this information but also distributors, taking into account that this information will be reflected in their researches or teaching rooms.

Figure 13.“Q3. Have you been to Kosovo before KSA?” In the question number three, “Have you been to Kosovo before Kosovo International Summer Academy” in this survey 34 respondents out of 115 have said “Yes” or 29.57%, who

206 have been to Kosovo before KSA, while 81 out of 115 or 70.43% of the respondents have never been to Kosovo before. This simple question and answer with “Yes” or “No” has a huge response in itself. Primarily, for Kosovo International Summer Academy this increases the responsibility even more, considering that KSA is the first direct contact that they have with Kosovo. The question is not “have you heard about Kosovo before” but whether they have been able to see it in person, to be able to make the comparison between the information and the reality that they see in the country. One of the motivations of Kosovo International Summer Academy is to provide its participants with first-hand information on politics, economy, foreign affairs, culture, history as well as other aspects such as transitional justice, the rule of law and presence and work of international organizations and community in Kosovo. Therefore, if this survey is taken as a sample for the entire participation in KSA throughout the years, this means that more than 70% of its participants encounter Kosovo directly first time through KSA, which increases the importance of KSA as a program as well as the responsibility to offer a clear and quality program for these students. The assumption goes further that this 70 % will probably never have another chance to learn about Kosovo in another program or similar setting, thus, their answers in the following questions are entirely dependent on this one. On the other hand, 29.57% of the respondents who have been to Kosovo before KSA are another responsibility. Whether they have been as visitors, or in a school trip, or just passing by or taking part in a concert, it can be assumed that the volume of information that one can get while visiting a new country, especially one country for which the online ratings cannot be very assertive, for this percentage of respondents KSA holds another mission, which is to change their perception, or to deepen their knowledge, something that they could not do in their previous visits. One example that one can use to illustrate the importance that KSA must show towards them is the assumption that one cannot say that they have seen France by only visiting the Eiffel Tower. Therefore, KSA provides them background information on Kosovo, so that any situation, place, or sight that they have seen, they will be able to understand it better after their participation in KSA. 4. The question number four “What were your main concerns about traveling to Kosovo” for the purpose of this survey and understanding the level of fears before and after KSA for its participants, provides a multidimensional answer. One of the missions of KSA is to change the perception of international students who are admitted to this program, compared to the information that they have been able to obtain through international media. In this case, I have to mention that some of the international online media which are

207 accessible by these students from all over the world have reported on Kosovo on various issues, with a negative effect on the country’s image. As it has been elaborated in the previous chapters and sections of this dissertation, the online battle that Kosovo has to fight to improve its image is way too big and harsh, and in many cases with irreversible damages on its image, when media giants such as The Guardian, New York Times, BBC, and many other media outlets report on the level of crime and corruption in Kosovo, relations between Kosovo and Serbia in development, and joining the terrorist groups, such ISIS. Although these media reported also the positive aspects, particularly the media and websites that work on promoting tourism892, the negative elements on their reporting are influenced by intimidating Kosovo’s potential visitors and tourists. Thus, the information that they encounter is negative to a very large percent, which leads them to think that Kosovo is a dangerous place, that there is ongoing war and conflict in Kosovo and that there is violent extremism going on in this new country. Kosovo International Summer Academy thus, all throughout the recruitment process until their arrival in KSA, provides its participants detailed information on every detail that they need to know in order to feel comfortable on the way to Kosovo. This question for this survey has been inserted in order to provide an insight into how KSA participants feel before arriving in Kosovo and being able to see the country for themselves. The question was answered by 113 respondents and skipped by two of them, and it was an open question. In this question, 113 respondents have expressed all their concerns that they have had before arriving to Kosovo. Considering that to provide every detailed answer for this dissertation would be unnecessary, I have classified and grouped these answers based on the main themes of concern that they have touched, and I have come up with the following table:

892 Christine Bednarz, “25 Iconic European Cities to Explore,” National Geographic, April 25, 2018, accessed January 10, 2020, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/destinations/europe/places-to-go-grand-tour- iconic-european-cities/; See also Joe Minihane, “20 beautiful European cities with hardly any tourists,” CNN, August 2, 2019, accessed January 10, 2020, https://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/beautiful-european-cities-few- tourists/index.html

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INTOLERANCE / RACISM 1 NO IDEA ABOUT KOSOVO AT ALL 2 HEALTHCARE 2 COST OF LIVING 3 WAR/CONFLICT 5 POLITICAL SITUATION 6 NOT KNOWING THE COUNTRY 10 ACCESABILITY 18 NO CONCERN 25 SAFETY AND SECURITY 41 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45

Figure 14.“What were your main concerns about travelling to Kosovo.”

According to the answers given by the respondents, the majority of the respondents (41 out of 113) have mentioned in their answers that their main concern about their travel to Kosovo were their personal safety and their fear that there would be violence in Kosovo to the level of streets, an open inter-ethnic conflict which would be easily encountered by them in the streets, the level of security in the country in general and the fear that the police institutional advancement was not to the level to ensure their safety. Moreover, the respondents have also expressed the fear of their families and friends about their decision to travel to Kosovo with the purpose of participation in KSA, wrongfully portraying Kosovo as a country where there is still war and conflict. The second grouped response is “No concerns” about traveling to Kosovo, for these participants had either traveled to Kosovo or the Balkans before, therefore their level of awareness on the current situation in the region was more updated, or they said that they were not concerned at all, compared to the level of their excitement of visiting the new country. The third concern expressed by the respondents is the grouped as “accessibility” which is related to the concern on the need for a visa, ability to find appropriate and direct flights to Kosovo, the roots of traveling and accessing borders to Kosovo, particularly since a number of KSA participants traveled through Serbia to Kosovo. Out of 113 respondents, 18 have expressed their concerns related to the ability to access the country. The expressed concerns in the survey are related to the border checkpoints and documents, or being required for additional documents, based on the fears that the border disputes between Kosovo and Serbia would be reflected in their treatment and accessibility. The fourth concern grouped and named as fear of “not knowing the country” includes in itself all the expressed concerns of the respondents on their fear that they would not know the culture, they had no prior information on the country or the region, therefore they would

209 not know behave towards the local population, not being familiar with the culture and not speaking the language, which would prevent them from communicating with the local population. From 113 respondents 10 of them said that they were concerned about not knowing the country while 6 of them expressed their concern about the political situation and tensions in the country, particularly the political relations between Kosovo and Serbia, which gave them uncertainties about the decision to travel to Kosovo, while 5 others expressed direct concerns that they had that there was still ongoing war and conflict in Kosovo and that they would be directly risked by that. The 3 other respondents were concerned about the cost of living in Kosovo and whether they would be having enough funds while in Kosovo, while 2 others were concerned about the level of healthcare and health institutions in Kosovo, where they by any chance would need to use these services Among the last two groupings was the concern about “not knowing about Kosovo at all” and two of the respondents considered that this was their biggest concern, while 1 was concerned about “intolerance or racism” in Kosovo. It is important to take into account that the expressed concerns of the respondents of this survey reflect the overall fears of KSA participants in general before their arrival in Kosovo. Throughout the recruitment process, I as the founder of KSA and my team take a high responsibility to respond to every inquiry and question of the participants prior to their arrival, providing them with every information we must calm their fears. The issue of safety and security in Kosovo which is related to the outdated information that they have about Kosovo since the time of war, is one of the main challenges that Kosovo International Summer Academy has had to face when it comes to recruitment of participants, providing them with information about the level of security in Kosovo, which is entirely different from the information they or their families might have. In this regard, the image of Kosovo as a country has been represented as a dangerous place, which has still alive conflicts and tensions, which puts at risk the lives of its citizens and people who are in the country, a deterioration which is inherited from the time of war in 1999 and has not been updated in the people’s minds ever since. Meanwhile, studies have shown that Prishtina, the capital of Kosovo is safer than the majority of European capitals893, this fact is unknown to the majority of KSA participants prior to their participation in KSA.

893 Craig Turp, “19 emerging European destinations to visit in 2019,” Emerging Europe, February 16, 2019, accessed January 12, 2020, https://emerging-europe.com/after-hours/19-emerging-european-destinations-to- visit-in-2019/.

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5. The following question about “How was the reality in Kosovo different from your existing knowledge (from your readings, researches, news and other information you had for Kosovo” which comes immediately after the question about the fears and concerns prior to participation in KSA, it is put in this survey intentionally, to measure how much their perception changed after arriving in Kosovo and being exposed to the reality. In this question as shown on the chart:

Figure 15. “How was the reality in Kosovo different from your existing knowledge.”

78 out of 115 or 67.83% of the respondents have answered „Better than I thought” and 25 or 21.74% answered with „Way better than I expected”. The compilation of these two options in the first sight looks that it gives the same answer, however, the difference in the „thought” and „expectation” is related to the importance that the respondents have given to the reality that they would find before encountering with it. According to the Cambridge English dictionary, thought is described as “an act of thinking about or considering an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about particular subject”894 while the expectation is “a feeling that a good thing is going to happen in the future.”895 In the relation to this question, the difference between the two options is related to the people seeing Kosovo as better than they had a consideration about, and respondents who had expectations about the country, either positive or negative, and the reality was way better than they had feelings about. In this regard, the number of respondents of this category, approximately correlates with the statistics from the previous answers, and the respondents

894 Cambridge Dictionary, accessed January 5, 2020, https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/thought 895 Cambridge Dictionary, accessed January 5, 2020, https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/expectation

211 that had never been to Kosovo before, as well as to the majority of those who have concerns and fears about their travel to Kosovo. Other respondents answered as “about the same” 9.57% or 11 out of 115, while one respondent answered that the reality in Kosovo was worse than he/she had information about. This percentage of respondents is also related to the number of respondents who had been to Kosovo before, or who had information that Kosovo was way better than the reality that they found.

Figure 16. “What is your relation to Kosovo (Balkans)?” The question number six which asks the participants of the survey about their engagement with Kosovo through researches, internships, work or other activities after their participation in KSA is asked to measure up the impact that Kosovo International Summer Academy has had in their lives and careers or engagement in other activities related to Kosovo or the region. It is important to mention that Kosovo International Summer Academy provides its participants with many opportunities and ideas for their engagement with Kosovo and Balkans, either through their researches at their Universities (thesis/dissertation research or articles) as well as internship and job opportunities which they are able to find through and with reference to KSA. In this question, 62 out of 115 respondents have answered with “No” implying that since their participation in KSA they have not had any engagement with Balkans or the region in any field, while 4 have answered with only “Yes” without any further explanation about their engagement, while 49 or 42.61 % have responded with “Yes” and have specified further about their engagement. The responses have been categorized and grouped as following in the table below:

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Engagement in Research, Work, or other activities related to Kosovo after KSA

INTERNSHIP/TRAINING/CONSULTING 5 WORKING IN KOSOVO 2 ARTICLES ON KOSOVO 4 CONFERENCE ON BALKANS 1 PROJECT ON KOSOVO 3 THESIS ON THE BALKANS 7 ACADEMIC RESEARCH ON KOSOVO (BA, MA, PHD) 12 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

Figure 17.“Engagement in Research, Work, or other activities related to Kosovo after KSA.” According to the answers provided in this category, 12 respondents have written their academic researches as BA, MA and PhD researches on Kosovo or related to Kosovo, 7 of the respondents have written their thesis related to the Balkans region, based on the information that they have been able to obtain during their participation in KSA, 3 of the respondents have been engaged directly on projects in Kosovo, 1 has presented their findings/research in an international conference on Balkans, 4 have written their media/academic articles on Kosovo, 5 of them have been engaged in internships, training or consulting work in Kosovo while 2 of the respondents have found jobs in Kosovo. It is important to state that for Kosovo International Summer Academy, after the KSA program this is the most important part, and the field which directly speaks about the multidimensional impact of Kosovo International Summer Academy, initially on the image of Kosovo, as well as by implementing directly the aim to become a bridge between Kosovo and youngsters around the world. The other aspect is the creation of networking, which links these people back to Kosovo. The fact that 12 out of 49 respondents that have been engaged in Kosovo after KSA have written their thesis researches on Kosovo, speaks about the long term importance and significance that KSA has not only on the academic orientation of its participants, but also the impact that it has on presenting information and facts about Kosovo in academia which will be future reference for further researches. Moreover, articles, projects, and internships that other respondents have been engaged in after KSA reflect the impact of KSA on changing their perceptions and perspectives about the country. Throughout the years Kosovo has been subject to harsh propaganda, where wrong perceptions about Kosovo were written. It is highly likely that many youngsters around the world draft their researches and articles about Kosovo but have never been exposed to the reality or have never been served the information

213 that KSA participants have. Therefore, this type of engagement of KSA participants is valuable and crucial, which will allow them to disseminate further information about Kosovo, its culture, history, environment, people, natural beauties, and all other facts that they experience during their visit in Kosovo. The other dimension of this engagement is the long- term connection and relationship that these participants create with Kosovo. Except of writing some important pieces of research, their decisions to stay or return for jobs and internships speak a lot about the impact that KSA has on their perceptions about Kosovo. These participants are the same ones that in the previous questions expressed their fears about their personal safeties, or expressing the concern that they knew nothing about the area or the country, while after a short time, they decide to stay or return for very important engagements such as jobs, internships or projects.

Figure 18.“What is the most significant impression of Kosovo after your participation in KSA?.” After the participants in the survey have been asked about their expectations and thoughts after encountering with the reality in Kosovo after their participation in KSA, and since the program of Kosovo International Summer Academy is compiled in a way that except of the academic rich program, it also provides the opportunity for the participants to see the natural beauties of Kosovo, visit important sights, interact with people, organize a series of social activities, the question asks the participants of this survey on what has impressed them the most. The question was multiple-choice, however the 80% of the respondents chose primarily “People” followed by 69.57 % that chose equally “Hospitality” and “History”, 54.78% of the impressions were placed on “natural beauties”, while “nightlife” received 33.91 % and food and language 26.96% and 14.78% respectively. Certainly, the participants of KSA have been able to see and interact with local population during their trips and free time, as well as

214 during other activities, and the warmness, attitude, and hospitality towards them has impressed them the most, which validates the importance of people to people diplomacy, the importance of which has been elaborated in the previous chapters of this dissertation. As Kosovo has the youngest population in Europe, with 53% of the population being younger than 28 years of age,896 the positivity and liveliness in Kosovo cities and towns is a characteristic of this country, which is a very impressive element for KSA young international participants. Moreover, considering that even that Kosovo is a young state with a young population, it has an ancient and interesting national history, the respondents have reflected more or less the attitude of the entire KSA groups throughout the years. Moreover, during field trips, KSA participants who are also respondents to this survey have been able to see the natural beauties of Kosovo, for which they had no idea or could not imagine that they would exist in Kosovo. However, it is understandable that the lowest ratings were given for food and language, which I can assume that it is not because they were less impressive, but because in general Balkan food is different as well as Albanian language difficult to catch, and the entire KSA program is served in English language, which means that KSA participants were fairly exposed to Albanian language.

Figure 19.“Have you recommended Kosovo as a place worth living?” In question number eight, it is inserted in this survey with the purpose of further extracting information about the impact that KSA has had on the desire of the respondents to disseminate the information about Kosovo among their peers or family. In this question, where the respondents have been asked whether they would recommend Kosovo as a place to visit to their families, friends or colleagues, 104 out of 115 have responded “I strongly recommended” while 10 out of 115 have answered that so far they did not have the chance to do so. Meanwhile, 1 respondent out of 115 has answered that they have not recommended

896European Commission Liaison Office to Kosovo, EU Assistance to Kosovo: Education for the Future, Prishtina.

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Kosovo as they did not think it is worth visiting place. One of the most essential elements of this question is the impression that goes beyond the personal satisfaction, and the next level in the circle, where the respondents transmit their impressions and changed perception to their families, friends, and colleagues. The simplicity of this is that these participants will return home and will change the perceptions of their environments hence thereof. Thus, unintentionally, KSA participants become the ambassadors of Kosovo back in their countries, workplaces, universities, and families, and this is an invaluable essence. Compared to the statistics of the previous questions, about 70% of the participants mentioned that they had never been to Kosovo before, while 103 out of 115 of the respondents said that Kosovo was way better than they thought and expected, therefore, about 90% of KSA participants have become the link that Kosovo needs with the international world, in all social levels starting from family, colleagues, workplaces, school and university environment, becoming delegates of Kosovo all around the world. Therefore, the importance of Kosovo International Summer Academy is not limited only in changing perceptions of the youngsters that participate in KSA, but also for “the Kosovo” that is taken back home by these participants, traveling back with the impressions about Kosovo all around the world and spreading it globally. This sort of networking and long-lasting relationship is the most valuable one for Kosovo as a young state. The question number nine which asked the survey participants about their evaluation for Kosovo International Summer Academy as an opportunity to know more about Kosovo, the question which was of an open format, allowed the respondents to express their evaluation about the role of KSA as a bridge between them and Kosovo. Therefore, we can claim that their responses are very much related to the level of their impressions. Considering that to present all the comments of the respondents in this dissertation would be exceptionally long, I have randomly selected some of them which have expressed their appreciation in a definitional form. It is important to mention though that while evaluating the responses, a substantial percentage of the respondents have expressed that “if it was not for Kosovo International Summer Academy, they would have never visited Kosovo.”

KSA contributes young leaders understanding on the pre-and post-conflict environment in Kosovo, and such knowledge will help all participants to work in the field of peacebuilding, post-conflict recovery and diplomacy. It was an incredible way to learn about Kosovo, combining academia with the opportunity to see Kosovo's real beauty and experience the culture. KSA was really important for giving a wide-enough perspective. It not only gave comprehensive, knowledgeable engagement with world-leading academics, experts, and professionals, it also allowed us to go around the Kosovo to view the different places of historical interest. This combination gave a wholeheartedly

216 widened experience. It was perfect and afforded me far more knowledge and empathy of/for Kosovo than I had anticipated. There was a fantastic balance of history, politics, international relations, and information about the social climate so that upon leaving I felt that I had a strong grounding of knowledge. It definitely provided an in depths perspective for outsiders on the historical and current developments of the country. It provided perspectives from. A variety of different stakeholders of government, IOs, NGOs, civil society etc. It provided me all the knowledge that I did not have previously about the country, and it helped me reflect on the point of view of the people of Kosovo themselves in their history. It was instrumental in making Kosovo accessible to me. It is addressed unlikely that I would have traveled to Kosovo if it were not for attending KSA. I think this is such a great chance for people in the world to realize a very splendid and wonderful country! If KSA was not in place, I would not have known this KSA provided the unique opportunity to learn about the history of Kosovo, both through excursions and through lectures from academics and political figures. The role of KSA is extremely important. It opened the door to Kosovo for me. I could not have gotten to know the country the way I did without KSA KSA has been THE key role for me getting to know more about the Balkans, Kosovo and generally an interest in state-building. Western European media do not contribute much to transmitting a very positive image of central and particularly Eastern Europe. Thanks to KSA my image shifted 180 degrees from not knowing much/rather negative pre impressions to love and strong interest to the region of the Balkans KSA provided an insight on different levels: academic, but also as a way to show the country to students from over the world. It’s a brilliant way to introduce people to the country, and to engage in further knowledge KSA introduced Kosovo history culture in a moving n educational manner to foreigners It had a huge impact, the knowledge I gained there probably is not possible to gain from books/articles etc. KSA was an invaluable learning experience, and the opportunity to hear from and interact with professionals who had a wealth of knowledge about various aspects of Kosovo's history and current issues provided me with an understanding of Kosovo that I would be unable to be gained elsewhere. I don't think I would have visited Kosovo without KSA, which was a great opportunity to see a country in transition. Without KSA I would still be ignorant of the natural beauty, the wonderful people, and the fantastic hospitality - unfortunately a lot of people still think Kosovo is a warzone I would not have been able to come to such a deep understanding of Kosovo without KSA It was essential to me understanding more about Kosovo and motivated me to change my case study for my dissertation to focus on Kosovo. It was a very important experience to understand history, politics, and to meet others interested in the area. It was fundamental to change my perception

Table 6. “The respondent’s impressions about the role of KSA for the opportunity it provided them to know more about Kosovo.”

The table above where I have chosen some of the impressions of the respondents on the role of KSA for the chance it provided for them to see Kosovo, some of the respondents have evaluated KSA to be an important program which gave them a wide perspective, through combination of academia with Kosovo’s reality and the chance to experience its culture. Some of the other respondents considered that KSA was the door to Kosovo, which gave a deep perspective to outsiders about the importance of its history, politics, hospitality, and a fundamental way to change their perspective. It is important to see that KSA has had a huge impact on the perceptions of its participants on changing their way how they view Kosovo, which they thought it was a warzone, yet express the concern that there are others that continue to think that way. Kosovo International Summer Academy introduced Kosovo as a full package to its participants in an educational manner, becoming an instrument through

217 which foreign students had full access to Kosovo and were able to see closely, touch and experience its culture and reality. The importance of this question is in fact essential and substantial to evaluate the role of non-formal education in public diplomacy. As Nye says that the battle is to win hearts and minds897, Kosovo being a small and isolated country has had a challenging time to do that. However, Kosovo International Summer Academy in a very creative and professional manner, has managed to bring and win the hearts and minds of people from all over the world, to Kosovo, to show them directly why Kosovo deserves to be connected with it, and the qualities that it possesses, and that are important to be broadcasted to the world. Therefore, the role of Kosovo International Summer Academy as a non-formal educational program, is that of a mediator between the global youth and Kosovo, as well as its importance for the public diplomacy of Kosovo, substantial. Creation of long term relationships is crucial for the public diplomacy of small states, therefore the role of Kosovo International Summer Academy in creation and development of these relationships is crucial for nurturing these connections and spread out of the information about the potential of Kosovo as a young country with a young population.

Figure 20.“Would you consider Kosovo as a possible destination for living, working or studying?”

Whether the respondents of this survey would consider Kosovo as a possible destination for their future career plans or Kosovo a place they would live, 89.33% of the respondents said that they definitely would consider Kosovo as a destination where they would study, live or work in the future, while 10.62% responded with definitely would not. This question when compared to the answers of the respondents in the previous questions, reveals the level of impact that KSA has had on changing the way how they view Kosovo

897 Nye, “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,”94.

218 after their participation in KSA and the possibility that they would move to Kosovo in the future for any of their future plans. Regardless of the 10% of the participants who regardless of expressing their impressions about Kosovo do not see it as a place where they would realize their lives and dreams, Kosovo has become an attraction for approximately 90% of the respondents and therefore the majority of the participants of Kosovo International Summer Academy. This survey on the role of non-formal education in public diplomacy where Kosovo International Summer Academy as an educational program whose mission is to change the image of Kosovo in the eyes and minds of young people from all over the world, places that have had the chance and have never had one to hear about Kosovo or who have had wrong and negative information about the country, is crucial for the purpose of this dissertation, as well as for Kosovo. KSA serves as an opportunity to create a worldwide networking system, where all its participants will serve as a reference point for the crucial information about Kosovo in the countries where they live. Moreover, except for the impact that it has on changing the perceptions of these young and bright individuals, who hold important positions in their societies and social circles, KSA is an investment in long term relationships between its participants and the country. Being able to see the reality for themselves, the statistics of this survey show that between 70-90% of the respondents have had the chance to obtain information that has fundamentally changed their perceptions. Regarding the importance of exchange projects, professor Murtezaj also said that “There are different projects, among which I would emphasize the projects on student exchange, different financial supports from the EU countries, either individually as states as well as EU institutions in the different schemes of education, but also institutions or different academies that have achieved to form on the last years, which have attracted a large number of students from all over the world, let’s say hundreds or thousands, and whom students in a particular moment become very important individuals for the places where they have finished these programs because they serve either directly or indirectly as ambassadors of that country. Thus, there is no other better connection for everyone with a particular country than the place where they go especially in educational or cultural projects, or even the example of ambassadors from sports projects, etc. Thus, there is no better investment concretely in the case of Kosovo for example, than to be visited by 200 youngsters from 50 or 100 different countries around the world, and then they will serve as delegates of Kosovo, and every time the name of Kosovo is mentioned, they will be the carriers of the promotion of either interest

219 of Kosovo or knowledge about Kosovo.898 Except of the respondents of this survey, who are participants of KSA, and whose perceptions have been presented in my findings, I have also considered very important to take into account the assessment of one of the personalities who has served as deputy foreign minister of Kosovo, and who as well has been part of KSA in the last four editions in the capacity of guest lecturer. In the interview conducted for this research, when asked about his evaluation for the role of KSA in public diplomacy of Kosovo, he says “Kosovo International Summer Academy has been and will remain a particularly important institution, that has emerged and developed in the last decade, and for me it has been a privilege and pleasure to be continually part of it in the capacity of a lecturer. I have met hundreds of students from all over the world, and this is the essence of public diplomacy. So, what the governmental dimension could not do, meaning the government of Kosovo, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Integration and other institutions, this academy has managed to achieve. The impact of these study visits that these students have conducted in Kosovo, from all over the world, and let us assume it is long term, it will also be sustainable. The diversity that they brought in Kosovo and the one that they bring with them from Kosovo, the creation of cooperation network with Kosovo or the one beyond Kosovo but the origins of this cooperation that roots back to Kosovo, will be sustainable and long term. This relationship will be something from which Kosovo benefits in the short and long term. The greatest benefit is the creation of a global network of people, who are in the disposal of Kosovo in the best meaning of this term, in a constructive relationship, in the way of promotion and advancement of the interests of Kosovo, everywhere, globally. To achieve this, one government needs to invest a lot, and it would need an exceedingly long time, something that one program like KSA has done it the most excellent way, for many years, therefore the impact and the contribution is extraordinary. It is typical, and the essence of public diplomacy, it is the right thing, for the right place, what is happening”, concluded professor Murtezaj.899

898 Interview with the former Deputy Foreign Minister, Valon Murtezaj, conducted on 6th of January 2020. 899 Interview with the former Deputy Foreign Minister, Valon Murtezaj, conducted on 6th of January 2020.

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CONCLUSIONS

Public diplomacy is a generally new field. Having its name defined only in 1965, shows that this term has been defined as such by scholars in a particular time, however, that doesn’t imply that public diplomacy in other forms has not been used by states before its definition. This dissertation has provided arguments on how states have used public diplomacy in the form of propaganda, soft power, and other forms., to reach the foreign publics, and bypass the governmental and classic diplomatic borders, which in most cases would be not possible to cross. However, while elaborating on the meaning, history, evolution and use of propaganda during and after the World Wars. I took examples of great powers as the United States and its counter-polar power Soviet Union, because public diplomacy started from big states. In the meantime, small states did not have a lot of leverage. So, while big and powerful states used their economic, political, and military powers to pave their diplomatic ways, small states could not compare, therefore their positions and voices remained unheard and inferior. Thus, this research focuses on the struggle that small states must go through to get attention and become visible in the international arena. Public diplomacy has started to receive more attention, particularly because the trends that shape foreign policy have shifted from traditional tools, into the power of public opinion, technology, communication and network, and the enforcement of media. Through the focus on the evolution of public diplomacy in international relations, including theoretical concepts, how countries are using it as a tool to pursue their foreign policy, was one of the main parts focused on this research. Public diplomacy of big states like the United States is only used as a reference, to see how public diplomacy is used by powerful countries, so that we understand the power of public diplomacy. Through the case of Kosovo presented in this research, chosen exactly because it presents in the best way the struggles of a small and a new state, and that is in the initial phases of building foreign policy and efforts to change the image for itself, I have provided sufficient evidence to support my claim that through public diplomacy small states like Kosovo aim to become current in international arena and survive the world politics. In fact, Kosovo was the best example to represent the path that states have to go through to not only gain visibility, but to change the perceptions of international public about the country, especially a small state that does not get many chances to do so through diplomatic channels, and particularly for Kosovo that its diplomacy already had too much to solve, including not being member of the UN and other international organizations. Although the country is a

221 newcomer in public diplomacy, efforts to promote its image to the international public opinion where skepticism still prevails, using forms of public diplomacy through promotion and support, have opened the gates for Kosovo. Kosovo as the youngest country in Europe, since the declaration of independence in 2008, with the help of its allies, is strongly lobbying to receive as much recognition as possible from UN members, but as well as to disseminate in the international arena, the new reality created in Kosovo, as well as in the Balkans. However, due to political barriers, Kosovo is facing many obstacles in the consolidation of its position in international relations, the creation of new relations with countries around the world, as well as with their societies. In the meantime, Kosovo spent two decades trying to convince the international community that it can stand on its own feet, becoming a worthy member of democratic world, promoting human rights and the rights of minorities, and becoming a stability factor in the region, when the state-building process was over and institutions were consolidated to a certain stage. Thus, Kosovo needed to strengthen its sovereignty and territorial integrity, gain recognition enough by countries around the world so that it could become a UN member state, and part of international institutions and organizations. However, Kosovo as a small state, with youngest population in Europe continued to face many challenges, particularly due to harsh propaganda against its existence as a state, initially from Serbia, who has besides hindering its progress in intentional arena consistently, has also prevented its full participation in regional initiatives and its membership in international organizations. Moreover, Kosovo’s position is jeopardized even more by EU five countries that did not recognize Kosovo, and who remain as an obstacle for Kosovo’s utmost success. Of the five EU states that have not recognized Kosovo, Greece, Romania, and Slovakia seem more open to communication with Kosovo and perhaps more willing to change their stance. Meanwhile, Spain and Cyprus are almost completely closed to Kosovo. Therefore, Kosovo is found with the need to promote its better image globally, and official state channels, since most of those doors have been closed. In general, the theoretical and practical arguments in this research suggest that the image of a country is not only extremely important, but in most cases also determinant of their overall success or failure. Because the image is built on credibility. The findings of the research have led us to argue for greater institutional interest and commitment in building Kosovo's diplomatic capacity and beyond, being aware of the challenges ahead, but also aware of the fact that foreign policy cannot to be designed and not etched in a modern context without genuine diplomacy. Thus, in this research, I have presented the information and

222 findings from the perspective of using public diplomacy as a tool through which, small states gain visibility in international relations. Moreover, assessing the impact that public diplomacy has and its role in this field, it is evident that public diplomacy plays a crucial role especially in the case of a small state like Kosovo. In addition, the behavior of the states in representing their national interests in a way that would give them political visibility was presented through the lens of different theories. The aim of this research was mainly to present the challenges of small states in international politics, besides what makes them small states, and how public diplomacy has challenged this traditional view of the “position, place and importance” of these small states. Although academia has not fallen under an agreement on what is a small state exactly, their foreign policy models and strategies, the way they influence international relations is distinguishable, particularly since these countries are always trying to increase their influence. Showing how states use different tools to influence foreign publics as well as foreign agendas, and have a determining power, which goes beyond their hard power, was presented through Liberal and Neo-Liberal approach of Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane, the founders of the Institutional Liberal school of thought as well as Foreign Policy Analysis theory, in order to explain the formation and evolution of Kosovo’s foreign policy and its outcomes. This approach has provided the closest to the clear explanation about the concept of interdependence, which is an emerging situation where states always have to rely on other states, and through the intensification of these type of relations between small states, public diplomacy is considered as a tool of implementation of this interdependence and cooperation. Nevertheless, this research has also elaborated on cooperation and connection among states, beyond traditional diplomacy, but also with moderate involvement of international organizations, which validates the assumption that public diplomacy is the type of diplomacy of the future. Therefore, my initial research question about the importance of improving the position of Kosovo in international relations and what strategies Kosovo should use, which in fact reflects the strategy that a small state should use in order to pave its way towards visibility and position in international system and have a good image for itself, is not only a one-way job, but rather a system that develops as a whole and includes the entire society. Thus, in the case of Kosovo, it was also proved through detailed elaboration that in the field of public diplomacy, a holistic contribution of all angles of society is necessary. Therefore, in Kosovo every state and non-state actor, academia, sports, music, culture, tourism, media, and every citizen are responsible for creating a positive image for the country. Every citizen of Kosovo, has a stake and can contribute to this mission, because today the information is cross-border, which enables

223 communication to be global and unstoppable at any time and in any place. The promotion of public diplomacy should be one of the main objectives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo. Moreover, the Government of Kosovo should encourage the development and advancement of science, technology, modern education, tourism, sports, and other important segments for Kosovo. The Kosovo government should make more use of non-governmental organizations, businesses, and the Diaspora as a channel of public diplomacy. The strength of the relations that the Kosovar Diaspora represents, in European countries, should serve as a major priority in reducing the misunderstandings of other societies. Two distinguishing features of this research are the literature gap in the field of public diplomacy, and even more about public diplomacy of small states, which I could call it as a double deficiency. Small states just as they lack visibility in the international arena, have lacked visibility of their public diplomacy in academia as well. Particularly for a country like Kosovo, which has no diplomatic power or leverage, no influence, but a baggage of unresolved issues from the past, lack of experience and many challenges related to the young statehood phases that it is going through. The other relevance of this study and the insight that it provides is exploring the interdependence from the prism of public diplomacy. Among important points that this study has is how the cooperation happens among states in a bipolar system, and how public diplomacy has created long-lasting relationships among states. Thus in the case of small states but also in the case of Kosovo as the most focused in this dissertation, public diplomacy is not only an opportunity that it allows the country to promote itself without having to go through diplomatic filters, but also it offers the opportunity for connection, and gain support from nations and their citizens, which have proved to be very useful ways of reconciliation and cooperation, besides the political and diplomatic disputes. Kosovo also needs to establish cooperation with countries that oppose its statehood, mainly for the needs of joining important international organizations of political, economic, military and security character. Therefore, based on the abovementioned, and into my existing research findings, the field of public diplomacy of small states, and especially of a small state of the character of sui generis like Kosovo, is significantly unexplored by the academia. At the beginning of the research I have presented the purpose and hypotheses which I consider to have been successful in arguing that public diplomacy has helped Kosovo improve its image and promotion around the world. Kosovo through public diplomacy has been able to promote its unique assets, such as tourism, religious harmony, sports, arts, culture, education, its geographic position as stabilizing factor in the region, using new

224 diplomatic alternatives, respectively using public diplomacy as a new and easier and more effective approach, in promoting international cooperation. The research methods used in this research to answer my research question and test my hypothesis are both qualitative and quantitative, where through literature review, comparative analysis and discourse analysis I have presented the historical narrative of the development of propaganda into its positive stage during the Cold War, its transformation into soft power, and development of public diplomacy, where the battle is shifted from the fields into hearts and minds. Moreover, I have conducted interviews with some of the most important individuals that have been part of key developments of Kosovo, such as the Former President of Kosovo – Fatmir Sejdiu, professor of the University of Prishtina as well as former deputy speaker of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo and former deputy minister of foreign affairs, Ibrahim Gashi, and Valon Murtezaj, former deputy minister of foreign affairs, professor Alexandar Ivanovic who is an professor of Law in Serbia, who have shared their first-hand information on the development of the statehood of Kosovo, legal aspects, historical narratives, foreign policy objectives of the Republic of Kosovo and have elaborated on the successes and failures of Kosovo’s Foreign policy. Their information has complemented the evidence that I have found through literature review and has allowed me to add pieces of the puzzle to the entire picture of Kosovo’s diplomatic situation and the use of public diplomacy for national interests. Moreover, the data provided in this research represent a set of information in the large project of Kosovo International Summer Academy for five years, which can be considered valuable for this research. The role of non-formal education in public diplomacy through this research has shown that education is a crucial factor in public diplomacy, particularly because academia builds a long-lasting reputation, which includes researches, papers, articles and academic data which remain for the future reference. Changing the perception of international foreign publics about Kosovo includes planting the reference that will also remain in the future, or a brick that will build bridges of friendship in the future. The role of Kosovo International Summer Academy in promoting Kosovo and changing the image of the state is way more efficient that most of the governmental projects that had been undertaken either through classic diplomacy or thorough projects and initiatives, funded by the state. Throughout the years, Kosovo International Summer Academy has shown to international participants that touchable and hearable reality in Kosovo, entirely different from what they had heard in the media and grasped through propagating channels. Moreover, through the data provided in the above sections, through Kosovo International Summer Academy as an

225 academic platform, international participants came to Kosovo afraid of their lives, and left with aims to come back and see it as a place of living. I have started this research, being aware that I was not fully knowledgeable about projects and initiatives of the Government of Kosovo or a holistic coordination of institutions regarding promoting Kosovo abroad, however, at the end of this research I can freely express my disappointment on the amount of work that Kosovo institutions have done to promote Kosovo’s assets abroad. This research has shown that although the factors of having a young foreign politics and diplomacy are significantly important to explain the circumstances, it is also the lack of effort that takes a huge percentage of the blame. In my opinion, Kosovo institutions have not fully used public diplomacy to promote Kosovo in the world. In the findings of the literature review and thorough investigation of legal and strategic platforms of the state of Kosovo adopted so far and those who have been implemented and those in process, it is clear that Kosovo is not yet using public diplomacy to its full force, for its advantage. The Government of Kosovo should also promote the multi-ethnicity and religious tolerance that characterizes Kosovo. While public diplomacy is all about promoting the assets in a non-diplomatic manner, as presented in this research, Kosovo is a small state, characterized not only by religious tolerance, but harmony. In about two million population, the Kosovo population belongs to 5 religious confessions recognized, who live and co-exist together, being one of the most valuable assets, that even developed countries do not fully possess. Kosovo must beware of projects aimed at disintegrating Kosovo's citizenship, damaging its image worldwide. The case of the involvement of some 300 Kosovars in foreign wars (Syria and Iraq) had attracted international media attention, then the creation of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor's has attracted great interest in the international media. Even if this entire process is to be dismissed, is not expected to have such media coverage as it had at the time of the establishment of the Special Court, and at the time of invitations to appear in court as accused or a witness, including former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj, who resigned in July 2019 from the post of prime minister to answer to this court, then former Parliament Speaker Kadri Veseli and Kosovo's MP, namely former top leaders. In both cases, the effect has been negative for the country's image. Kosovo must continue to promote the European spirit, as the most pro-American and pro-European state in the world. Kosovo's institutions must promote Kosovo and strengthen its image, not just through television advertising, but through the strengthening of the rule of law, the fight against corruption, economic development, investment in education, culture

226 and tourism in order to foster greater communication of youth around the world with local people, and exchanges and visits. Certainly, this requires a genuine strategy and coordination of all Kosovo institutions, as well as non-state actors. Lobbying campaigns for image and image recognition should focus on the 5 EU countries that have not recognized Kosovo's independence, and on the Arab, Asian, and African League countries as well as some Latin American countries. Based on this, Kosovo institutions should make use of the open door, which the Greek state in particular has kept for Kosovo, lately enabling the opening of a trade office. Kosovo's institutions must prepare a comprehensive response to Greece's fears and repercussions for Cyprus, explaining why Kosovo should be recognized by this country. The same should apply to Spain, namely why Catalonia and the Kosovo issue are completely different. Greece's eventual recognition can also be an opportunity to influence other EU countries that have not recognized Kosovo. Meanwhile, recognition by all European Union countries should be a priority of Kosovo's diplomacy. This is important not only for Kosovo's EU integration process, but also for other world recognition and UN membership, as many countries around the world are reluctant to recognize Kosovo if Europe does not do so first. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo should also encourage in the bilateral plan the development and advancement of science, modern technology, modern education, sports and other important segments for Kosovo. Higher education institutions in Kosovo, through their agreements, especially under the Erasmus + program, should intensify communication between local students and professors, with their colleagues from different parts of the world. The Kosovo government should also use the diaspora as a channel for public diplomacy. The strength of the relations that the Kosovar diaspora represents, mainly in European countries, should serve as a major priority in reducing the misunderstandings of other societies The Kosovo government should promote business opportunities in Kosovo and invite foreign businesses, especially those in the European Union, to enter the Kosovo market. At the same time, Kosovo institutions should use the international business community and civil society to influence politicians in these countries to change their approach towards Kosovo. This will also have an impact on the overall debate on Kosovo in the societies of these countries. It is important to mention that the case study of Kosovo was taken particularly for the amount of features and indicators that it includes, in order for the conclusions of this research to be applicable to a wider group of small states. Since Kosovo has fragile and young diplomacy, non-influencing foreign policy, a weak economy, high unemployment of the youngest population in Europe, and so many other valuable characteristics that intertwine in one country, many small countries can find a reference in this research.

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Finally, I can conclude from the theoretical and practical arguments offered that intercultural communication is not only a necessity of the new world order, but is the most sublime value that anticipates the currents of public diplomacy in the coming years, where indeed states have an absolute need for the exchange and application of public diplomacy methods. Therefore, Kosovo as a small state, developing economy, young population with high potential but yet still not very high standards, should continue using public diplomacy as one of the instruments in approaching skeptical countries and improve neighboring relations. Based on the content of the research and the evidence that has been provided in this research, proves that public diplomacy has resulted quite successful in foreign affairs, especially in those fields where classic diplomacy has found it impossible to breakthrough. Moreover, as I have stated in this research, the image of the country is not a responsibility to the government only, neither only to politics, diplomacy, nor media. Thus, as a major issue that involves all state and non-state actors, including individuals, NGOs, schools, cultural centers, universities and academia as a whole, these contributors as carriers of negative and positive image of the country, this research has presented the distinguished individuals in Kosovo mainly from Music, Arts and Sports, who have used every opportunity to use their popularity to make their country popular. Public diplomacy is a diplomacy of the present and the future, which is increasingly occupying an undisputed place in international relations and diplomacy. Nevertheless, with public diplomacy being a relatively new field of study in academia, but also using the case of a young and small country as Kosovo as a case study, I am confident that this research will be a great contribution to academia. On the first hand, public diplomacy literature will be enriched with a deep and serious investigation, and in parallel, using small countries as the case study will shed light upon models of public diplomacy used by small states which are economically developed and bare relatively favoring a position in international relations. This research aims to serve as a reference for new scholars and researchers who will continue the investigation of Public Diplomacy of small states. In fact this research finds applicability to so many fields and aspects, in Kosovo, regionally and globally. Initially, Kosovo institutions, civil society, international organizations and individuals who work in the field of promoting the country, will find valuable information in this research on what are the main and the most important aspects of public diplomacy, and provides a very good and thorough investigation of the existing situations. Kosovo institutions can use it as a reference while compiling foreign policy strategies and should seriously consider having public diplomacy as a mainstream. Moreover, this research can serve as a reference for regional

228 cooperation. Considering the facts presented in this research about the difficulties that Kosovo has had to establish good neighboring relations with countries in the region, additional bridges of communication and cooperation can be established through serious investment in music, arts and sports diplomacy, which would connect the young people in the region. This research should serve as a reference to academia in Kosovo and beyond, who are interested to know more about public diplomacy of small states. I consider that this dissertation addressed to an academic audience, has elaborated on the engagement in the promotion of the country of every level of society, using holistic inclusiveness, therefore, being highly relevant.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Assembly of Republic of Kosovo. ”Law No. 05/L -002 on Prohibition of Joining the Armed Conflicts Outside State Territory.” Official Gazette of The Republic of Kosovo, April 2, 2015. Accessed September 19, 2019. https://gzk.rks- gov.net/ActDetail.aspx?ActID=10763. UNMIK Regulation No.2001/9 of 15 May 2001 on the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo, UNMIK/REG/2001/9. Ekathimerini. “Prespa Agreement.” Ekathimerini, June 2018. Accessed October 18, 2019. http://www.ekathimerini.com/resources/article-files/aggliko-1.pdf Kosovo Declaration of Independence. Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo (17 February 2008). UNMIK Regulation No.1991/1 of 25 July 1999 on the Authority of the Interim Administration in Kosovo, UNMIK/REG/1999/1. United Nations Security Council.“Military Technical Agreement between the International Security Force ("KFOR") and the Governments of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia.” United Nation Security Council S/1999/682, June 9, 1999. Accessed October 22, 2019.https://peacemaker.un.org/kosovoserbia- militarytechnicalagreement99. United Nations Peacemaker. General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement). United Nations Peacemaker, November 21, 1999. Accessed November 10, 2019. https://peacemaker.un.org/bosniadaytonagreement95. United Nations Peacemaker.”Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal.” United Nations Peacemaker, November 22, 2006. Accessed October 28, 2019. https://peacemaker.un.org/nepal- comprehensiveagreement2006.

Books:

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Research Reports and Policy Papers:

Autoritetit Qeveritar për Migrim - Qeveria e Republikës së Kosovës. “Profili i lehtë i migrimit”, 2017. Amnesty International. “Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Kosovo): Killings in the Izbica area.” Amnesty International, Index: EUR 70/79/99, April 30, 1999. Accessed October 16, 2019. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/EUR70/079/1999/en/ Amr, Hady. The Need to Communicate: How to Improve U.S. Public Diplomacy with the Islamic World. Washington :The Saban Center for Middle East Policy no.6, 2004. Accessed September 2, 2018. https://www.brookings.edu/wp- content/uploads/2016/06/amr20040101.pdf . Anderson, David. “The Collapse of Yugoslavia: Background and Summary.” Research Paper, no. 14 1995-96. Anholt, Simon. “The Importance of National Reputation.” in the Engagement Public Diplomacy in a Globalised World (London: Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2008). Accessed December 19, 2018. https://www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org/sites/uscpublicdiplomacy.org/files/useruploads/ u26739/Engagement_FCO.pdf.

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Interviews:

Interview with the former deputy Foreign Minister, Dr. Valon Murtezaj, conducted on 6th of January 2020. Interview with the former President of Republic of Kosovo, Professor Fatmir Sejdiu, conducted on 27th of December 2019. Interview with Professor Aleksandar R. Ivanovic, University of Novi Pazar, Serbia, conducted on 4th of January 2020. Interview with the former deputy minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kosovo, and deputy speaker of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, Professor Ibrahim Gashi, conducted on 15th of August 2019.

Newspaper Articles:

Hajdari, Labinot. “Imazhi i Kosovës dhe nevoja për një diplomaci efektive”. Kosovapress&Epoka e Re, Prill 2008. “US and Soviet Set '86 Youth Exchange.” New York Times, 1986. Wines, Michael.“Reagan and Gorbachev to exchange TV Talks.”Los Angeles Times, December 28, 1985.

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