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City: analysis of urban trends, culture, theory, policy, action Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccit20 Re-forming the political body in the city: The interplay of male bodies and territory in urban public spaces in Tel Aviv Yael Allweil & Rachel Kallus Published online: 11 Dec 2013.

To cite this article: Yael Allweil & Rachel Kallus (2013) Re-forming the political body in the city: The interplay of male bodies and territory in urban public spaces in Tel Aviv, City: analysis of urban trends, culture, theory, policy, action, 17:6, 748-777, DOI: 10.1080/13604813.2013.849128 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2013.849128

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Yael Allweil and Rachel Kallus

This paper aims to rethink the city–nation relationship as overlapping spatial oeuvres where political communities are produced and negotiated. It examines negotiations over inclusion and exclusion from the Israeli political body conducted in enclaves along the Tel Aviv shore- line by seemingly marginal groups of men. The groups studied—homosexual cruisers at Independence Park, the Circle of Drummers at the Dolphinarium and SUV drivers at North Shore cliffs—assert themselves as part of the national political body by making claims to two of Israel’s founding mechanisms: masculinity and territory. Negotiations involve appropriation of distinct territories in the urban public space through a mutual re-shaping of territory and male bodies. The examination of these surprising ‘urban design’ practices, where public spaces are means to negotiate social inclusion, proposes an analytical framework for understanding gender as a bodily and therefore spatial mechanism for identity construction and social struggle. While city and nation are often studied as com- peting political spheres, this paper identifies city and nation as overlapping spatial oeuvres, where the political body is being formed via concrete sites and bodily performances.

Key words: politics of public space, bodily performance, oeuvre, masculinity, shoreline, homosexual cruising, Circle of Drummers, Jeep, SUV Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013

1. Introduction broader public discovered the beach as an asset and that massive development took or many years, only tourists regarded off (Hatuka and Kallus 2007). With these the Tel Aviv shoreline as the most changes, the marginal patchwork ecology Fattractive place in the city. Tel Avi- of the shoreline suddenly found itself vians considered it indecent because of within the fabric of the city. The public improper body exposure and unhealthy space of the shoreline, dotted with due to seaside humidity. The shore—neg- ‘pockets of deviant behavior’, became the lected and detached from the fabric of the main site for negotiating inclusion into city—attracted marginal groups whose be- and exclusion from ‘the public’ as political havior was considered unsuitable or even community, conducted primarily via deviant (Azaryahu 2007). It was only in bodily urban design, and responded to by the 1980 s that the municipality and the urban planning and regulation. This paper

# 2013 Taylor & Francis ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 749

Figure 1 Aerial photo of the Tel Aviv 13-kilometer-long shoreline, oriented to the west, with the location of studied sites: A marks the Dolphinarium site, B marks Independence Park, C marks the Mandarin Northern Shore area (Source: Tel Aviv Municipal Planning Department open access GIS. Copyright # Tel Aviv Municipality)

examines negotiations for social inclusion regarding the role of urban public space for as they are manifested in the bodily urban struggles over the identity of the political design and regulatory urban planning of community and those included in it, is three such groups–sites: the ‘Circle of missing from our scholarly purview. Thus, Drummers’ operating behind a deserted despite much excellent work on the social Dolphinarium at the ‘seam-line’1 area production of the city using themes such as between Jaffa and Tel Aviv; gay cruising gender, citizenship and neoliberalism, at Independence Park, on a cliff overlook- further work is required for examining the ing the Mediterranean; and SUV2 drivers, city’s role in producing bodies and nation. field driving on the Mandarin cliffs on the Disregarding this role we are left with an North Shore, the last ‘open field’ in the inadequate understanding of what is at stake metropolitan area (Figure 1). in the city as a public political space. Mean- The debate on urban fragmentation has while, scholars of gender studies like ranged across several academic fields and Heynen and Baydar (2005) and Colomina theoretical frameworks, discussing spatial (1996) examine spatial power relations as segregation as reflecting a number of frag- gendered in many ways, identifying hegemo- mentation processes in contemporary nic space as male-dominated and excluded society alongside social fragmentation by genders (women, homosexuals and trans- multifarious communal forms of affiliation genders) as victims of segregation from politi- (economic, cultural, ethnic, etc.): studies of cal space in the city and in the home. urban segregation, such as gated communities However, few studies focus on the multiple or ghettos, by Davis ([1990] 2006), Marcuse productions of male identities in physical and van Kempen (2002) and Caldeira spaces vis-a`-vis the collective identity of pol-

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 (2000), see these enclaves as serving and sus- itical society, namely, on the male gender taining hegemonic social order through the beyond patriarchal hegemony. segregation of strong groups and the exclusion This paper studies the relationship between of weak ones. Conversely, research con- city, body and nation by examination of cerned with social change such as Lefebvre urban public sites in Tel Aviv, appropriated (1991), de Certeau (1988) and Crawford by insurgent male or male-dominated com- (1999), see urban public space as a site for munities as sites for negotiating their resistance, where the powerless/space-less inclusion into the urban and national are able to defy the regulating mechanisms public.4 We combine theory, archival of the established order—yet identify resist- research and urban ethnography to establish ance as temporal and a-territorial actions. a fundamental understanding of the social However, none of these works examines production of the city beyond capital; and the fragmentation of public space by space- contribute to the literature by offering a less communities in order to negotiate over complementary analysis of the interplay it as political oeuvre.3 The key question between city and nation as overlapping 750 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

spatial oeuvres. Moreover, we ask how the male body and identity category enables weak communities to negotiate their inclusion in the political body of a society constructed as male-potent. Examining three communities of men, this paper aims to (a) examine groups’ bodily per- formances, producing surprising ‘urban design’ of public space as a means for claim- ing stakes over the city and negotiating social inclusion, (b) propose an analytical fra- mework for understanding the role of gender as a bodily and therefore spatial mechanism Figure 2 The replacement of the gay rainbow flag over for identity construction and social struggle Independence Park with a national flag. Note the park’s open landscape and its use by a child, a heterosexual in urban and national frameworks, and (c) couple, a dog and an elderly man (Illustration: Dudi Sha- rethink the city–nation relationship, often mai, in Lavie 2009. Source: Dudi Shamai) studied as opposing spatial frameworks, as overlapping spatial oeuvres where political communities are produced and negotiated. mainstream society’ (Merhav 2008, 1; Manor 2009). Both perspectives, nonetheless, under- stand the redesigned park as symbolically Public space negotiations of body, city and replacing the rainbow flag over Independence nation Park with a national flag (Figure 2)(Lavie 2009). Figure 2 suggests that gay community On 6 July 2009 Independence Park, the main aspirations of integration into mainstream homosexual cruising site in the Tel Aviv society extend beyond urban society—to metropolitan area and an important gay Israeli society at large. icon, was re-opened after two years of reno- On 4 August 2004, the Israeli Parliament vation to ‘restore its original design’ (Dekel issued the ‘Law of Preservation of Shore in Ben Yosef 2009).5 While gay representa- Environment’ as an amendment to the 1965 tives in City Hall stated that ‘The park will ‘Law of Planning and Building Regulations’. maintain its character and return to serve The law aimed to define Israel’s long for cruising ...[and] the city views the park as important meeting place for our commu-

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 nity’ (Pinkas in Halperin 2008), the renovation is commonly understood to have made cruis- ing impossible by means of landscaping and urban design, thus ‘returning the park to the general public’ (Halperin 2009). Debates within the gay community over the redesign of the park have poled between arguments rejecting cruising, stating that ‘the entire public has the right to access public space ... just as we gays have the right to access the entire city’ (Weizman in Halperin 2009)(see Figure 3) versus laments over gay leadership Figure 3 Homosexual couple with child, waving the ‘giving up our communal territory because it gay pride flag at the central public space of Rothschild represents the “perverse” aspects of homo- Boulevard (Source: Painting by Rafi Peretz, courtesy of sexuality, in order to become accepted into the artist) ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 751

shoreline as open public space, against the (Figures 4 and 5) (Golan 2005). The restric- ‘use of this public resource for private tion of SUVs from parts of the homeland pos- means’, such as waterfront construction of sessing ‘scenic and natural values’ marks the luxury apartments (Israeli Knesset 2004; Sabra’s presence in this milieu as a destructive Papai 2004).6 The rationale used for defining element to be condemned—rejecting as ana- shores as public space was nature preser- chronistic its historical vanguard macho iden- vation (Papai 2004).7 Off-road driving on tity. The SUV community therefore the shores, a favorite pastime in Israel for experiences a negative process with respect those holding the esteemed access to sport to social inclusion: from inclusion as society’s and utility vehicles (SUVs), was thereby vanguard milieu to condemnation as abusers explicitly declared illegal due to its harsh con- of privilege, corrupting the commitment to sequences for scenery and wildlife. Signs care for the land. The community’s struggle prohibiting off-road driving were installed to maintain access to their Tel Aviv site is along the shores and fines were issued to waged facing both state law and municipal drivers—primarily on the Tel Aviv Northern planning, as a struggle over its role within Shore and limestone cliffs, which became the Israeli society at large. main site of contestation between drivers, On 5 January 2011 the Tel Aviv Local activists and the state (Lavie 2012).8 Off- Planning Committee completed a controver- road driving is a marker of privilege in sial land swap agreement of a reclaimed Israel, due not only to the cost of the waterfront tract with a deserted Dolphinar- vehicle itself, but also to the iconic figure of ium for public land off shore where two the Jeep-mounted Sabra,9 responsible for sig- high rises were to be constructed (Pausner nificant military achievements in the 1948 2011).10 While the waterfront site has gener- war and the symbol of the Sabra’s total ated numerous development plans since the access to every corner of the homeland as 1950 s (Hatuka and Kallus 2007), the means for gaining Jewish sovereignty over it current plan is unique in defining it as Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013

Figure 4 Field driving on the North Shore cliffs, January 2006 (Photo: Yael Allweil) 752 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

Figure 5 ‘Samson’s Foxes’, the Jeep-mounted troops of the Negev Brigade responsible for conquest of the Negev desert in the 1948 war (Photo: Arie Wolk. Source: National Photo Collection (NPC))

public property for the first time. In order to over the past 15 years to the extent that it is serve ‘the public’, the city plans to tear down now identified as ‘Drum Beach’ in both tour- the deserted structure to allow for com- istic and formal publications (Figures 6–8).11 pletion of the city’s 13-kilometer waterfront The community—composed of those primar- promenade (Pausner 2011). The site is associ- ily seen as social outcasts, that is, individuals ated with the Drummers’ Circle community, suffering from addictions and/or post-trau- which has operated behind the Dolphinarium matic stress syndrome, the unemployed and Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013

Figure 6 The Dolphinarium at the end of the sand strip, amidst the ‘hyphen’ area, July 2008 (Photo: Moshe Milner. Source: NPC. Drummers’ site marked with red by us) ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 753

Figure 7 The Drummers’site at the western edge of the Dolphinarium structure. Jaffa in the background (Source: The Big Orange blog, see: http://www.tapuz.co.il/blog/net/ViewEntry.aspx?EntryId¼1901834(Hebrew). Drummers’ site marked in red by us) Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013

Figure 8 The Circle of Drummers, 18 January 2013 (Photo: Rafi Almagor)

the welfare dependent12—realizes that their understands the site’s unique spatial features site now belongs to the general public, as essential for their performance for creating actively interested in using it. While pre- a unique ‘blind spot’ on the exposed prome- viously declaring they would ‘find another nade.13 Keeping the Dolphinarium from site’ if pushed out, the community now demolition requires, they believe, becoming 754 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

part of the public by making a convincing This finding generated research questions claim for integration into mainstream public regarding the spatial features that render a pastimes and communicating with the city certain site ‘appropriable’ and suitable for the and other interest groups, rather than needs of a specific community. Groups holding onto their sense of ‘otherness’. found on the shoreline included aging beach Members of the community recently opened boys, dog trainers, fishermen, surfers, body a Facebook action group titled ‘Preserving builders and others, including the three the Dolphinarium’, describing their commu- groups we focus on: homosexual cruisers, nity itself as the object of preservation: ‘The SUV drivers and the drumming circle. Have idea is that unique (and weak) populations groups appropriated the sites due to unique will find expression and a place to suit them, spatial features? How has bodily performance and that the sovereign will not succumb to in public space shaped and designed the sites? strong pressure groups.’14 What role has this bodily urban design played Examining these three group sites, this in the negotiations over social inclusion versus paper asks what is at stake in the struggle repeated attempts to remove the groups from over urban spaces looking beyond the scope public space by means of urban planning? of the city, especially in a city aspiring to Second, to our surprise, all groups ident- become a ‘global city’,15 which is also ified in our survey were male or male- located in a nation-state going through an dominant. Throughout the duration of this ongoing spatial conflict. How is struggle study (2004–12), no female or female- over the social production of urban public dominated community was identified as space relevant for struggles over the identity appropriating portions of Tel Aviv’s public and political community of the nation? space. This finding dramatically affected our How does the gender identity of bodily per- research questions regarding the appropria- formance in urban space, primarily of mascu- tion of public space for bodily performance linity, play out in struggles over inclusion in and directed our attention to the gendered the political body, and why? Can the social nature of public performance of communal production of space inform our study of the identity in Tel Aviv. The significance of relationship between citizen and nation? masculinity to the formation of an Israeli identity, extensively researched, led us to examine public space appropriations by 2. Principles of the research male communities as negotiations over inclusion into and exclusion from Israeli 2.1. Research design society—whose formative mechanism

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 involved shaping male bodies and gaining This study started with a process of mapping hold of territory (Weiss 2002). How can the appropriations of urban public spaces for study of marginal gender practices inform communal performances across Tel Aviv, our understanding of the use of urban identifying varied groups and practices all public space for social struggle, equality and over the city. This initial mapping generated inclusion? How can the study of marginal three major findings, which directed our groups of men operating in Tel Aviv inform research questions, site selection and theor- our scholarly attempt to understand the etical frameworks. negotiations of the city and the nation? First, our mapping marked the shoreline as Third, our mapping identified shoreline the major site for public space appropriation, appropriations by insurgent communities with 21 groups identified as operating on it starting as early as Tel Aviv’s formation in versus 8 groups in other areas of the city, 1909 (Druyanov 1936; Gutman 1959). We marking the shoreline as the key landscape therefore came to understand the use of for inquiry into public space appropriations. public space for mitigating body and ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 755

community as a process rather than isolated Park as an explicit territory of homosexuality events, and to examine each of the studied in the city while previous sites were aban- ‘laboratories for inclusion’ historically and doned.16 We chose SUV drivers as a commu- over time, employing a series of ethnographic nity in a reverse-process to all other studies of the sites, supplied with archival communities identified in preliminary research of past negotiations over the sites. research, as they have moved from inclusion Inquiry for this study thereby included inten- as society’s vanguard strata of macho males sive archival research of the history of the to exclusion as representing bygone Israeli shoreline and studied communities. How can identity and values. Moreover, they have our study of social negotiations as a process explicitly defined their struggle over their inform ethnographic inquiry of current site of barren land within the city, declared struggles over the production of space? Why to be the ‘last battle’ of a long war, as a struggle have some sites been easily removed from waged beyond the site and the city over the public space while others have persisted to very identity of Israeli masculinity. We chose become politically contested spaces? What the Circle of Drummers community as it is has generated moments of change in the inter- the only community identified in preliminary actions between marginal groups and the research to be in relation with women: a com- larger society, either towards inclusion or munity of dancers who join the group’s Friday towards marginalization? events. Our research questions addressed the role of dancers for the drumming perform- Selection of case studies. Following the ance, and by extension the role of women in study’s exploratory stage, we chose cases for defining the community’s male identity. detailed research which embody the three research themes identified by our exploratory research: the relationship between the spatial 2.2. Analytical frameworks features of the site and the bodily perform- ance of the community appropriating it; the The analytical framework we propose for the multiple and plural male identities performed study of public space appropriation through in public space—vis-a`-vis the singular con- bodily performances views them as labora- struction of the Israeli Sabra identity as tories for social inclusion. The small scale of male-macho; and the appropriation of urban the spaces and communities in question sig- public space as a moderation process for the nifies the potential for their use as sites for inclusion of ‘improper’ identities into the small-scale experimentations in the identity political body. All groups perform varied and nature of the political body of the

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 agendas for masculine identity, yet propose nation. Assessing the significance of these different understandings of what is at stake ‘laboratories for inclusion’, we identify in male identity, for themselves and society them with Antonio Gramsci’s notion of at large. Within the linear, continuous and ‘enclaves of resistance’. Interested in the seemingly uniform landscape of the Tel potential of oppressed classes to lead social Aviv shoreline, each appropriated site change while holding no access to power or includes distinct spatial features, enabling material resources, Gramsci identified sites comparative analysis of their differing of autonomous cultural conduit through spatial features in relation to the specific com- which unrecognized groups can pose alterna- munal performances served. tives to hegemonic ideology, questioning its We chose homosexual cruising since it has exclusive supremacy and opening the pro- been documented in operation in several sites spect of gradual change (Gramsci 2000; along the shoreline since the 1920 s. Our Cabral 1974). The sites examined here share research question addressed the gay commu- with Gramsci’s analysis a resistance based nity’s insistence on maintaining Independence on quotidian, infra-political production of 756 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

culture, in the context of political struggle for interviews with open-access statements on the production of and control over space. web forums and blogs and on media coverage Asking why male communities predomi- of the struggles over the sites.20 nated on the Tel Aviv shore, we were faced Having identified struggles over ‘deviance’ with the problem of defining masculinity on the shoreline to have existed since Tel (Van Hoven and Ho¨ rschelmann 2005). Fol- Aviv’s formation in 1909 (Druyanov 1936; lowing Butler (2005), we view gender identity Gutman 1959),21 our research methods as performative rather than sexual and accept included intensive archival research of plan- as ‘male’ any claim to masculine identity, ning documents of the shoreline’s develop- including actions, language,17 dress, tools ment at large and of the specific sites of and the use of space. We therefore examine inquiry in particular. Archives used include the body as the spatial vehicle that conducts the Tel Aviv historical and technical archives, the performance of identity and engagement State Archive and the JNF archive, as well as with space, and as a mechanism for urban private archives held by members of the design. We propose examining Israeli mascu- studied communities. line identity as a plural phenomenon, encom- passing a variety of practices and identity categories although it is generally read as 3. Background monolithic, hegemonic and ‘of power’. The study of Israeli masculinity as homogenously 3.1 The interplay of the city and the nation hegemonic and in control of Israeli space as overlapping spatial oeuvres leaves us with an inadequate understanding of the production of both Israeli urban Many scholars have addressed the city as the space and Israeli identity categories. More- site for social relations of power. Sociologist over, the mutually constructed relationship Henri Lefebvre (1991) turned the attention between body and nation, studied extensively of Marxist social science to the social pro- for the Israeli case (Boyarin 1997; Weiss duction of urban space, revolutionizing our 2002), is shown by this study to be deeply understanding of class struggle and capital embedded in the city as a site for social accumulation as an urban issue. Michel struggle and negotiation.18 Foucault’s (1977) study of the modern state as an institution for governing modern sub- jects by producing new disciplinary spaces, 2.3. Research methods influences readings of the city as a space of discipline and governance. Michel de

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 This study included three rounds of ethno- Certeau (1988) distinguishes between the graphic research, 2004, 2006 and 2012. spatial actions of groups with different Inquiry included observations of bodily per- capacities to act upon the city, identifying formances within the sites, with special atten- ‘strategies’ as institutional and structural tion to performances shaping site landscapes claims over space versus ‘tactics’ of tempor- in a form of use-based design. Interviews and ary manipulations of space by urban users observations inquired into the negotiations without taking it over or keeping it. Manuel between group activity and city regulation Castells (1983, 2000) pushes this argument over the sites. Access to the groups was often- further to discuss urban social struggle times challenging; as women we were unable beyond class, to include other forms of iden- to participate in the activities as participant- tity such as gender, nationality and local observers. Moreover, most informants we versus global. Several post-Marxist positions interviewed refused to be recorded or quoted on social struggles and the city introduce to by name.19 Our approach to this challenge this discussion some novel analytical cat- involved supporting the data gathered in egories which inform our inquiry, such as ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 757

citizenship and jurisdiction. Don Mitchell’s of neoliberalism—taking place primarily (2003) discussion of the legal substance of in ‘global cities’—saw citizenries make rights to the city, which attempts to exclude surprising claims upon their respective ‘deviants’ from the city and thus limits its nation-states to re-assume themselves as public, informed our reading of urban plan- rights-bearing citizens. John Rawls (2003) ning attempts to remove the studied groups and T. H. Marshall (2006) understand citizen- from the spaces they occupy. Holston ship, like nationality, as a form of rights- (2008) and Holston and Appadurai (1999) conferring membership, with the chief right discuss the deep entanglement of urban and being that of participation in governance. national citizenship and identify the political The nation-state, in fact, is the only modern community of the city as a site where the framework which makes this possible, and rights-bearing identity of citizenship is nego- is thus distinguished from various transna- tiated and re-articulated. Scholars of ‘every- tional forms of membership, such as the day urbanism’ (Crawford 1999) apply de United Nations, the ‘network society’, multi- Certeau’s analogy of strategies versus tactics national corporations or transnational com- to urban planning versus the urban vernacu- munities based on identity categories like lar, suggesting the everyday as urban pro- gay sexuality, which have been the focus of duction. Further, studies of the Israeli city so much scholarly attention in the past two have identified it as a site of struggle over decades.22 While the nation-state was studied inclusion into the nation, and the very iden- as a bygone social structure by scholars of glo- tity of the nation: Oren Yiftachel and Haim balization, neoliberalism and neo-Marxist Yacobi (2003), Daniel Monterescu and Dan theory,23 recent events in the Middle East, Rabinowitz (2007) and Yiftachel (2009) have Europe, America and Russia clearly mark it all identified struggles over the Israeli as the key framework in which people claim ‘mixed city’ as the social production of their political and economic rights (Catterall ethnic–national exclusion, primarily of 2013; Kuymulu 2013; Richter 2013; Simone Arab citizens. and Fauzan 2013; Tureli 2013). However, Nonetheless, scholars tend to view the city none of the above studies have examined the and the nation as two alienated spatial cat- interplay between city and nation as overlap- egories. Neo-Marxist scholars like David ping spatial oeuvres, produced as a result of Harvey (2009) and Kim Dovey (1999) have the social production of space, pointing to a studied the city as the site for universal significant gap in the literature, which this issues of capital accumulation and class paper aims to narrow. struggle, within the scope of the global neo-

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 liberal economy, which transcends all nations. At the same time scholars of globali- 3.2. Masculinity and the gendered zation such as Manuel Castells (2000), Saskia production of national space Sassen (2001) and Anthony King (2004) identified a network of ‘spaces of flow’ com- The spatial manifestations of gendered power posed of ‘global cities’ sharing similar qual- relations have been the focus of feminist cri- ities that differ dramatically from the ‘spaces tiques of identity construction. Examining of place’ around them. These cities undercut domestic and urban spaces, scholars such as and overpass nations, presenting the nation Heynen and Baydar (2005), Duncan (1996) and the city as two opposing spatial–political and Colomina (1996), all show that gender communities, competing over resources and is constructed not only socially, but also proposing two distinct governmental and through spatial relations and geographical economical frameworks. imaginings; and that space itself is gendered Yet worldwide social struggle in the in many ways. These studies tend, however, past decade against the global phenomenon to focus on marginalized genders, leaving 758 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

masculinity a little explored terrain. Masculi- Meira Weiss (2002) has shown that hegemo- nity is often stereotypically meshed with nic Israeli Sabra identity was constructed via aggression, especially in the Israeli context, two essential means—territory and body— and therefore not studied as a gender issue namely, via the mutual shaping of male (Van Hoven and Ho¨ rschelmann 2005; Jewish bodies and the homeland. Examining Sasson-Levy 2003; Klein 1999). Male gender the iconic narrative of Zionism, Weiss, identity formations in and via space are ‘an Boyarin and others unpack the transforma- intellectual and research challenge to the tive relationship created by Zionism one-dimensional man’ (McDowell 2011, between national bodies and national space, 182), as well as to our very understandings turning Diaspora-effeminate Jewish bodies of the gendered production of space. into tanned, muscled, potent Sabras—and Recently, a number of scholars have been the barren, deserted homeland into a devel- pushing for a more nuanced understanding oped and populated political community. of masculinity, extending beyond the femin- They thereby identify the mechanism at the ist understanding of patriarchy as a mono- bases of the construction of Zionist space to lithic hegemony, and calling for detailed and be the mutual shaping of male-potent bodies nuanced inquiry of masculine identities and and national collective physical space. practices (Van Hoven and Ho¨ rschelmann 2005; Bell 2000; McDowell 2000, 2002). Feminist critiques of Zionism are largely 4. Detailed description of the research conducted in response to the central role of male-potency in the formation of Zionist col- 4.1. Spatial independence: homosexual lective identity and nation-building project.24 cruising at Independence Park Despite much excellent work on the many facets and complexity of female Zionist and Cruising activity in Tel Aviv has shifted Israeli identities (Herzog 1998; Barak-Erez between several sites along the shoreline, 2008; Fogiel-Bijaoui 2002), study of Israeli pushed back to the city’s margins following masculinity as multiplicity is relatively the ongoing development of the city. Prior scarce, focusing primarily on sexual devi- to the appropriation of Independence Park ations from the male gender, that is, on for cruising in the mid-1960 s, cruising homosexuality and trans-sexuality (Fink- activity took place on the Gordon Stairs in Sumaka’i and Press 2000; Kaplan 1991). the late 1940 s and 1950 s, and earlier at Debates on Israeli masculinity have London Park (Figure 9). The migration of focused primarily on the mutual construction cruising northwards along the shoreline was

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 of national space and male gender identity, the result of explicit attempts to drive out identifying gender as an explicit project of cruising activity using urban planning and the Israeli nation-state. Comparative Litera- urban design actions, involving landscaping, ture scholar Hilel Barzel (1992) focuses on lighting and constriction (Allweil and Kallus the construction of the Sabra in Zionist 2008). poetry as male vis-a`-vis the homeland, cele- Independence Park was the main gay26 brated as ‘the embodiment of his25 country’s cruising site in the Tel Aviv metropolitan landscape’, signifying the link between area until 2009.27 While the park served a Zionist ideology, the people and their land. number of social activities for gays including Jewish Studies scholar Daniel Boyarin activism and socialization (Fink-Sumaka’i (1997) identified masculinity as the key fra- and Press 2000), it was arguably shaped by mework by which Zionist thinkers attempted the fact of its 24/7 use for explicit sexual to distance Zionist identity from Jewish activity. This sexual activity in the park Diaspora identity, both conceptually and created ‘hollows’ within the bushes, narrow geographically. Meanwhile, anthropologist paths transcending the park’s layout and ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 759

Figure 9 The movement of homosexual cruising along the shore: from London Park starting in the 1920s; to Gordon Stairs in the 1940s; and to Independence Park starting in the mid-1960s (Source: Authors)

unplanned uses of structures in the park, par- social, ethnic and class divisions, based on ticularly of the public toilets and monuments. sexual preferences and attractions that defy In response to this sexual activity, the city conventional social hierarchies (Hirsch closed down the public toilets, installed 2005). Through cruising, men acquire social high-voltage lighting, trimmed the dense status deriving from their sexual desirability bushes and made several attempts at urban rather than national, ethnic, religious or planning intended to open the park and class distinctions relevant outside the park, limit its use for homosexual cruising generating intimate interactions among men (Merhav 2008; Hirsch 2005). Independence from social strata otherwise understood as Park has enabled a homosexual territory irrevocably alienated from each other. within the city, performing a gendered cri- tique of the heterosexual Sabra male and its domain over urban and national space (Hirsch 2005). At the same time, appropriat- ing an autonomous enclave of otherness, gays stated—spatially—that autonomous identity requires autonomous territory, a logic similar to that identified by Weiss for early Zionism. Located on a cliff overlooking the Mediter- ranean, and at the base of the Hilton Hotel, the park is both inside and outside the city

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 (Figure 10). The environmental conditions of salt air and winds require constant main- tenance and have led to the park’s year-long run-down condition, which complemented its 1950 s English-garden ‘natural’ design by Abraham Karavan (Feniger 2009).28 At the same time, proximity to the Hilton and to the city promenade sets the park at the heart of the city, easily accessible by foot from key sites—and impossible to ignore. Like city parks worldwide (Betsky 1997), flexible social codes and 24-hour accessibil- ity, darkness and concealing greenery, as well as free entry, have made Independence Figure 10 Lighting post in the park, 2005 (Photo: Gadi Park a center of homosexual activity across Sasson) 760 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

As Kobi (2005), a Jewish-religious scientist Independence Park has existed for more from the larger metropolitan area told us: than four decades as an autonomous terri- tory, a domain of homosexuality in the city ‘One of the thrills here, I have to admit this, is and the metropolitan area, where many men having sex or even just talking to someone first explored the possibility of a homosexual who is so very different from me, except for identity (Avni-Levi 1995). Iconic symbol of being a homo that is. Differences you cannot the gay cause in mainstream discourse, the get past in the bar or web scenes, you can park played a central role in rallies and gay- transcend here. I had something you can call a relationship with someone from Ramla, a pride events calling for gay rights and Muslim Arab with no high-school diploma, a embodying homosexuals’ demands for equal [Palestinian] national activist. Both of us inclusion in Israeli society (Fink-Sumaka’i would never have considered it elsewhere.’ and Press 2000). Claiming a territory in the city for performances excluded by the city Cruising has contributed significantly to the itself, Independence Park users staked an park’s bottom-up urban design as a distinct overt claim for the right of this identity to landscape within the city’s urban space. The be part of the urban public and to participate movement of bodies in space formed new in the production of the city as oeuvre. narrow paths in the bushes, and the search Unlike the quiet folding down of cruising for hiding spots formed ‘caves’ in the activity from London Park in the late 1940 s bushes for courtship and sex. In addition to and the Gordon Stairs in the late 1950 s in the four formal entrances to the park, the face of site regulation by urban design— bodies sneaking in and out of it through the attempts to drive out homosexual cruising thick greenery have formed many informal from Independence Park in the 1990 s were paths that permitted entering the park unob- faced with strong opposition by the now- served. Existing structures in the park—a organized gay community. Struggles over the large sculpture, a public toilet and a garden- park required the community to politicize by ing shed—were used as sites of sexual electing gay representatives for city council, encounters (Figure 11). Although officially a entering legal suits against the city and orga- public space in a heterosexual city, nizing public protests against attempts to Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013

Figure 11 A man in the park, 2003 (Photo: Hana Sahar) ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 761

‘clean the city from homosexuality’—such as Gays interested in integration into main- the installation of high-voltage lighting and stream society as equal and ‘normal’ have trimming of bushes (Figure 10)—claiming come to associate the park with closeted life that homosexuality is part of the city and choices identifying homosexuality with sex should have ‘a place’ within it. Gay political in public space, and therefore as deeply threa- activity in defense of the park as territory gen- tening to their political struggle for inclusion. erated impressive public consensus that homo- ‘I don’t feel the need to defend the vent of a sexuality is indeed part of society. Over the closeted group which is not interested in me years, homosexuality has been acknowledged anyway and is in fact against me’, stated the as a legitimate variant of the Sabra even by user ‘Konito’ on the Religious Gays web such homophobic institutions as the Israel forum on the Tapuz portal, whose members Defense Forces (IDF), as shown by Kaplan have all gone or are presently going through (1991) and Belkin and Levitt (2001). In this painful coming-out processes.29 context, the park’s transformative redesign Examining the park landscape before and between 2007 and 2009, not only permitted after its redesign in 2009 we point to a dra- by the gay community but even welcomed matic change in gay self-identity and its by it, should be examined as a change of inclusion in the city’s and nation’s political policy made by a politically organized com- body: it seems that the community is no munity in the city. Why was the park effec- longer interested in presenting itself as a cri- tively given over by the gay community to tique of heteronormativity, but rather as a the general public after over 40 years of subset to be included within it. The park’s use as a distinct territory of homosexuality in redesign, as depicted by painter Raffi Peretz the city? whose art is often used by gay community ‘I haven’t cruised the park in years’, says leaders as illustrations of an ideal state of Gadi Sasson, former editor of The Pink Time. inclusion, is in fact a square (Figure 12). The park landscape is leveled and open from all ‘For a while I kept supporting the struggle directions, its boundaries clear and all activi- against park redesign because I thought of it ties visible. Depicted in mid-day, none of the as a “last resort” in case gays are again outcast park’s visitors is there alone: all are grouped from mainstream society. A safety net if you in couples or families, and heterosexuals will. But then I realized that demanding to be mix with homosexuals. Comparison with included in every corner of the city cannot go hand in hand with self-exclusion into the Hana Sahar’s photograph of 2002 depicting park.’ (Sasson 2008) a man walking the park lanes at night Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013

Figure 12 Independence Park, 2010, after its renovation. Note the open landscape, in which gay and straight couples stroll as equals, with dogs, children and strollers (Source: Painting by Raffi Peretz, courtesy of the artist) 762 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

(Figure 11), as well as with Gadi Sasson’s Interestingly, however, this process corre- 2005 picture of high-voltage lighting installed sponds with Weiss’s analysis of the principle to drive away cruising (Figure 10), is striking. of Zionism, that is, using one’s body for Park user, landscape and image have changed shaping an autonomous territory for an irrevocably. Renovations included removing autonomous identity. Revoking Indepen- shrubbery and ‘caves’, exposing the center dence Park, the gay community no longer of the park, installing lighting to illuminate declares itself to be a separate entity in the entire area and a large play area for chil- Israeli culture in need of a territory in and dren, and the planting of lawns. Cruising in of itself. In a national society based on the the park, still claimed by bloggers to be idea of the desperate need of an autonomous necessary for closeted men, has become nation-state, even as it proclaims full inte- impossible (Halperin 2009). These men have gration—the gay community interestingly moved to another site, as done before by crui- still presents a deep critique of mainstream sers following attempts to drive them out by society. use of landscape and urban design.30 Gay activists have slowly replaced territor- ial appropriation as a mode of action with SUV drivers on the Northern Shore.SUV more mainstream modes of action, such as drivers have appropriated a large site on Tel participation in City Council and lawsuits Aviv’s North Shore for off-road driving (see against commercial and state institutions, Figure 1). Located by the Sea & Sun recruiting legal and political systems to complex that is designated for tourism yet insist on their rights (Blank 2003; Harel used for high-end residences—a red flag for 1996). Seeking inclusion in Sabra culture environmentalist and social justice non- and identity, gay leadership has let go of governmental organizations (NGOs)—this Independence Park as an appropriated terri- site is used as exemplar of the misuse of the tory, stating they no longer require a separate shoreline by privileged social groups. The territory for a separate identity. As declared 470-acre site is the last ‘open field’ in Tel by Yaniv Weizman, a gay-community Aviv, stretching for 2.5 kilometers from the leader and member of the City Council: Tel Aviv Port north to the municipal border with Herzelyia. This prime waterfront real- ‘Use of a public park for sex does not respect estate tract has been left undeveloped since any man ...Independence Park’s historical the 1920 s due to ongoing disagreements role ...as a site of refuge and casual sex has regarding development schemes, landowner ended, and it is about to become a beautiful compensations and the public to be served public park.’ (Weizman in Halperin 2009) Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 (Tel Aviv Municipal Archive, 3700 plan file). The site offers wonderful views of the Several figures in the community critiqued Mediterranean and the city and is large the letting go of Independence Park as a enough to convey a sense of openness and means to declare gay persecution as past and wildness—a frontier at the very heart of integrate into mainstream society. Israel’s most crowded metropolitan area. ‘[The gay community] has chased normalcy The site’s features make it inaccessible for ...attempting to be straighter than the regular vehicles (Figures 13–15). straight, more muscular, more masculine. In Tracks through the greenery and on the order to win the desired entry ticket to cliffs as well as tire marks on the beach and normative society, we became closed-hearted the sidewalks around it mark the site as and racist like everybody else ...it is time we SUV territory. It has become an amusement stop striving for copycat normalcy ...and be park for 4-wheel drivers, a form of landscape happy with what we are: not the majority but design produced by the ongoing erosion by a minority.’ (Manor 2009,1)31 wheels and mass, and documented by Yael ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 763

Figure 13 ‘The Tel Aviv Nature Reserve’ umbrella action group Facebook cover image. The action aligns several nature preservation activist groups, in order to preserve the site’s natural features (see the ‘Saving the Tel Aviv Nature Reserve’ Facebook action group: https://www.facebook.com/Teva.Hof) Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013

Figure 14 Men inside and outside a SUV on a 45-degree incline, January 2005 (Photo: Yael Allweil)

Bartana’s (2003) video art ‘Kings of the Hill’. reflecting the group’s performance of The massive ‘urban design’ effects of SUV potency over the landscape, uses the vehicles driving on the Northern Shore landscape, both for enabling the group’s practices and 764 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

Figure 15 The ‘pit’ area where SUV motor activity is conducted, south of the Sea & Sun complex, 2011 (Source: Yedioth Aharonot, courtsey of Orna Oshri)

for claiming the land as territory. The large offered encouragement. Stepping on the gas, site enables three main off-road attractions, Rafi charged at the 45 degree slope. Muddy all involving challenges of access: motor wheel marks on the cliff suggested that this access to the water line and beach; large was possible. His shiny SUV took the hill, winter pools for experimenting vehicle mud spurting from behind its wheels. The amphibious accessibility; and steep limestone men looked up as it seemed to lose power cliffs where drivers test their motorist skills before the top. Shouting instructions, they and vehicle horsepower. groaned as the vehicle’s chassis scraped on We approached Rafi, owner of a blue SUV, the limestone. Rafi looked out of the window following contact made with his wife Osnat. at the ground and span the steering wheel. The only woman on the site, she sat on a More gas, more horsepower and the SUV

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 rock surrounded by roaring vehicles attempt- managed it. Rafi stopped at the top of the hill ing to climb the cliff. We sat by her and she for just a few seconds to admire his success, told us she had joined Rafi that wintery before moving off the hill, looping around it Friday afternoon in 2005 to watch him drive and attempting the same stunt again.33 his new, albeit refurbished, vehicle. Rafi had The contact made via Osnat pushed the bought this vehicle as a wreck after a severe reluctant Rafi to finally talk to us, after crash from a mechanic friend of his, and lit- repeated refusals in the previous weeks. erally rebuilt it himself. This is the only way Explaining the community’s persistent he could have afforded it, and it is too expens- refusal to talk to us, Rafi said: ive for them as it is, Osnat told us. Sitting next to Osnat we watched Rafi’s SUV approach the ‘We feel persecuted. We [Jeepers] just want to foot of a limestone cliff. Revving loudly, keep doing what we have been doing since ... Rafi put his head out of the window to the War of Independence—and suddenly survey the approaching challenge. The men people have turned on us and suddenly define us as arrogant, and aggressive, and as violators surrounding his mechanical blue ‘bride’32 ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 765

of natural features. No one is really interested men became emotional, calling upon each to hear our side—“the Moor has done his” other: and now they tell us to get lost because they want to build waterfront high rises.’ ‘You see, no one remembers what people like us did for this country any longer. Every year When we mentioned that the most vocal we re-create the conquest of the Negev desert voice against SUV driving on the site comes and the city of Eilat in 48’ by the Jeep- from the Society of Nature Preservation and mounted Negev Brigade, using original other NGOs which have lobbied for the Mandate-period vehicles, to commemorate Shoreline Environment Preservation Law in the role of Jeepers for this country. Half of this nation was conquered using Jeeps, you Parliament, Rafi laughed: know that? No one seems to remember that ‘There will be no nature preserve here; you [Figures 16 and 17].’ hear what I tell you. This is expensive private land and landowners want to develop it to the Who are the members of the SUV community maximum, and the city agrees with this and how do they make claims to this site? because of the profit it will reap from Community members are primarily men in development and because it believes in their 30 s to 50s—all too young to have par- development—“concrete and cement mantle” ticipated in the heroic events they refer to. if you know the Zionist saying. It is true that Moreover, the community is composed of SUVs harm the cliffs—but there will be no men of varied social strata, few of them adher- cliffs very soon. Look south, where the ing to the stereotypical identity categories of parallel ridges formerly existed: is there any the Sabra as Kibbutz-bred Ashkenazi elite cliff left? No. Just hotels and houses and bestowed with military decorations. While shopping. Look here, at the Sea & Sun complex for the very-very-rich, and tell me: popular stereotypes of SUV owners scrutinize who is “in power” here—us or them?’ them as nouveau riche, many, like Rafi, can hardly be portrayed this way. Most of the When asked what is it that Jeepers ‘have been menwetalkedtoareMizrahim34 who reside doing since the War of Independence’, the in the periphery of the Tel Aviv metropolitan Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013

Figure 16 The April 2011 re-enactment of the 1948 ‘Ovda’ Jeep-mounted conquest of the Negev desert by the Negev Brigade (Photo: Asaf Katzir, Jeepolog.com. See: http://www.jeepolog.com/forums/content.php?r¼2108(Hebrew)) 766 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

Figure 17 Re-enactment of the 1948 ‘Ovda’ Jeep-mounted conquest of the Negev desert by the Negev Brigade. The trip finished in Eilat, by the memorial commemorating the flying of the ‘ink flag’ by the conquering Negev Brigade, one of the events closing the 1948 war, 18 April 2011 (Photo: Asaf Katzir, Jeepolog.com. See: http://www.jeepolog.com/forums/ content.php?r¼2108 (Hebrew))

area rather than in the expensive city itself. a mere 45-minute drive from Tel Aviv, they Most served in the army in low-rank pos- insist on operating within city limits and on itions. Community members nonetheless retaining the Northern Shore as a pre- attempttopositionthemselvesattheheartof eminent site of male identity in the city.37 Sabra identity using the centrality of off-road This territorial insistence is paradoxical and vehicles to the Sabra myth. double-edged. On the one hand, SUV per- SUVs are incorporated into the myth of the formance on the site is embedded in its emergence of statehood as tools enabling reading as ex-urban and natural ‘open accessibility to every inch of the homeland field’.38 On the other hand, the dramatic Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 since their use by Zionist militias during the landscape consequences of SUVs clearly 1948 war (Avneri 1949). The Jeep, a generic convey the lack of interest in maintaining name for off-road vehicles,35 is the icon of the natural features of the site untouched. popular songs about the heroic Sabra, This double-edged agenda is manifest in com- explorer and protector of the homeland munity members’ repeated statements that (Avneri and Zeira 1948). The Jeep supports the site has no natural features worthy of the Sabra mythology of daring and courage preservation, other than its openness and (see Figure 5), materializing the Sabra’s right their own access to it.39 Struggle over this to every part of the homeland (Golan 2005).36 site, however, bears consequences for SUV Yet only very few open spaces large and driving all over the country, leading many undeveloped enough for off-road driving of the SUV community to disassociate them- are left in the Tel Aviv metropolitan area. selves from the North Shore regulars. As While the community could conduct off- stated by Assaf Katzir (2013), an active road driving in the open fields of the Negev, member of the community:40 ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 767

‘Those people of the “pit” in the North citizen who cares for and protects his home- Shore—I want nothing to do with them. They land. SUV male identity is therefore a threat have caused us all serious damage. Because of to attempts to reform Zionist macho-militar- the outcry over their wild behavior there, SUV istic identity with a green-environmental one, access to nature reserves all over the country is and a critique of the very attempt at reform. being restricted and forbidden altogether. The While environmental NGOs identified the Dishon River Reserve has just been closed off to civilian vehicles for example. There is a huge site as ‘nature’ following the SUV occupation “onto-them” against us.’ of it, they no longer view the community as a threat. In a tour of the site for the public The Shoreline Preservation Law and nature arranged by the Residents’ Forum for preservation NGOs view this inherent con- Urban Nature and Environmental Quality tradiction as undermining the legitimacy of in December 2012, activists advocated for the SUV community. SUV performance, saving the site from development addressing they claim, is a display of machismo at the the city and for-profit developers.44 When expense of the public good, violating the asked about SUV driving, visible in the site sacred relationship between Sabra and home- during the tour, they replied ‘they are not a land as well as the principle of access to all.41 threat. They already lost.’45 Following NGO activism in City Hall and Parliament, off-road driving on the shores was declared illegal. In 2006, a new urban The Circle of Drummers at the Dolphinarium plan for the Northern Shore designated one- site. The Drummers’ Circle community third of the site for a nature reserve and a operates on a unique urban edge along the marine park. This plan now defines the shore- 13-kilometer linear waterfront stretching line and cliff as public rather than private from northern Tel Aviv to southern Jaffa property designated for real-estate develop- (Figure 8). This site, geographically located ment to be allocated for the marine park in in the middle of the Tel Aviv–Jaffa urban which no driving will be allowed.42 Ironi- area, is nonetheless a frontier no-man’s land cally, it was SUV occupation and driving per- (Elhayani 2004). It exists as an urban edge formances, which attracted the attention of between new, modern, Jewish Tel Aviv and environmentalists43 and social justice groups old, Arab Jaffa, between the ‘civilization’ of to the site’s spatial and natural features. The the city and the ‘wildness’ of the sea, and SUV drivers’ performative statement that upon reclaimed land formed by the rubble the Northern Shore is ‘an open field within of the Arab Manshiya neighborhood the city’ has been accepted, but they them- destroyed during and after the 1948 war

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 selves are recognized as a damaging element (Golan 1995). It has been called ‘the hyphen to be expelled from the site. between Tel Aviv and Jaffa’, referring to the This fascinating process of exclusion of the fact that the two cities compose a single former vanguard manifests a social struggle in municipal entity, yet this unification never the city over the image and values of the materialized in the built environment ‘proper’ national citizen and their relation- (Monterescu and Rabinowitz 2007). The ship to the homeland. The consensus that site, a war zone since the 1920 s and cleared SUV driving is an expression of improper out since the 1948 war (Marom 2009), was aggressive machismo (Golan 2005; ‘Rafi’ designated for mass construction by several 2005) demonstrates a deep change in the urban plans in the 1960 s and 1970 s. The self-image of the male Sabra: the potent Dolphinarium building alone materialized Jeeper able to access every inch of the home- (Elhayani 2004; Hatuka and Kallus 2007). land is being replaced by the environmentalist The bankruptcy and desertion of the Dolphi- whose relationship to the land better adheres narium in the late 1980 s seemed to cement (at least in their own eyes) to the ideal Zionist the site’s image as an unsolvable urban edge 768 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

(Tel Aviv Municipal Archive, Dolphinarium drumming into a livelihood by importing File). Djembe drums from Africa and giving drum- After years of contestation and rich contra- ming lessons. In 2005, Haim used to set up a dictions which seem to have repeatedly hin- makeshift drum store before community dered development (Hatuka and Kallus Friday events, complete with advertising 2007), this ‘hyphen’ site was surprisingly posters. While other members of the group given a clear identity of coexistence and resented Haim’s commercialization of drum- reconciliation by a marginal group, the ming, many of them had bought drums from ‘Circle of Drummers’. This community, him and respected his drumming skills. Once operating behind the deserted Dolphinarium the performance started, Haim would close since the mid-1990 s, has managed to attach down his ‘store’ and join in. ‘Talk to me its identity to the site, manifest in its present now because once we start I talk to no one’, name—‘Drum Beach’—accepted by formal he told us (‘Haim’ 2005). Haim city publications.46 The drumming activity described the event about to take place, as draws large crowds from across the water- he perceived it: front and has generated renewed public inter- est in the site, and subsequently renewed ‘We form a tight circle behind the deserted entrepreneur interest in its for-profit devel- building. We need the wall to stop the wind, opment. While during the course of research for acoustic reasons. Also, it is a buffer the larger ‘hyphen’ area and Jaffa have seen between the city and the sea and marks the very end to the sand strip. You cannot see us, dramatic development,47 coexistence and just hear us, and when you stand here you are reconciliation are not trivial for the site outside of the city ...You come here with a given the plethora of conflicted interests it purpose: rather than walking up and down attracts, producing constant friction revol- [the promenade]—here you stay. People use ving around ethnicity, nationality and class. African and Mediterranean drums to generate The most notorious of these are the 2001 an intense rhythm. You feel it with your suicide bombing at the Dolphinarium Disco body. People can hear our drums throughout and the subsequent attack on the Hasan Bek the area, and the rhythm attracts them. This is mosque across the street (Luz 2008). In Feb- how most people first join our group. In ruary 2013 alone the Dolphinarium was the general, we play a flat rhythm for everybody site of a violent hate crime—the attack of an to get in the pace, till one man steps forward and leads the rhythm, drumming loudly, Arab street sweeper by a group of Jewish increasing the pace as much as he can, and the youngsters (Morag 2013a), a demonstration others are like the quire, they adjust their beat rejecting this attack (Morag 2013b) and a to his. You would see who this guy is as he Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 mass demonstration of citizens against the steps into the ring and faces the others. When city’s expansion of the promenade for com- there are women, he engages someone and she mercial use at the expense of the sand strip, dances. This is very tiring; few can do this for evading the planning process and public more than a few minutes. When the leading consent.48 The drummers’ ability to breach drummer tires he sits back or returns to the every line of friction in Israeli society in periphery and another drummer takes his their performance, including that between place. He, in turn, may signal another dancer ‘authority’ and ‘deviance’, is crucial for this to join him. It is not hard to know which women came to dance; they tie some scarf site. Who are the drummers and what does around their waists. Leading drummers can their performance consist of? How do they too be recognized quite easily, they get very translate the site’s multiplicity of conflict hot and remove their shirts, so you can tell. into a coherent identity of ‘coexistence’ and The sunset is the culmination of this event, what is at stake in this identity? before it a lot of what we do is performance, Our first contact with the community was and many people watch us—people from here made with Haim, a drummer who has turned and many tourists. After it gets dark you ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 769

Figure 18 Drummers and dancer at Drum Beach, 4 August 2012 (Photo: Rafi Almagor)

don’t see much and it is mostly the music. The Drummers’ Circle’s acceptance of Most dancers leave, and we play our drums everyone interested in drumming blurs 49 till very late [Figure 18].’ every social distinction meaningful for Israeli society, among which are the ethnic– The community includes some 30 regulars, and religious categories of Jew and Arab, the pol- some 100 occasional drummers, albeit some itical economy categories of rich and poor, members who used to be regulars now join age categories and categories of belonging, the events occasionally and vice versa (Lichten- demarcating citizens from non-citizens. feld 2012). Our long ethnographic process Even categories inherent to the drumming affirms Lichtenfeld’s observation regarding performance itself, namely, drumming the composition of regulars and occasional ability and the possession of a good drum, members. Regulars include perceived social are not criteria for exclusion from the per- outcasts like drug users, people with Down formance. The timing of the community’s syndrome, men suffering from post-traumatic main event at the end of the workweek stress and African immigrant workers, who enables all to partake, thereby equalizing the mix with people with day jobs and mainstream employed and the unemployed, the secular professions. Interestingly, the most persistent and the pious, if only for the time they participants across the years are the most drum. The location enables Jews and outcast members of the group: men with

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 Muslims, religious and secular, arriving by post-traumatic stress syndrome and chronic car or on foot, to attend. By means of attire, drug users. The drumming attracts a group of instruments and performing bodies, the egali- dancers who interact with the drummers in a tarian circle-shaped site and bare-chest dress dialogue of rhythm and movement. ‘Plus, you code (even in winter), and the non-hierarchi- should count the crowd as well. On lovely cal nature of the musical event blur the above- summer days you have a hundred people mentioned social categories germane to Israeli watching us, many tourists too, while on society, marking the community as a subver- rainy winter days it is just us crazy drummers’, sive social group, challenging the foundations says Lichtenfeld (2012). Anyone who comes to of inclusion and exclusion in Israeli society. the events joins the group, says Haim, The curved Dolphinarium building meets ... ‘ including people with no drumming skills the linear waterfront where a horizontal break- and drums made of plastic bottles. This can be water marks the end of the sandy beach. It frustrating sometimes, but no one is told to go away, not even interrupted from leading the therefore forms three different spaces: the group.’ funnel-shaped site between the building and 770 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

the sand strip used by the drummer commu- Planning Department, Dolphinarium File). nity, the building’s curved western fac¸ade and As the site is about to become public land, parking lot blocking the view of the sea from the community has come to realize that in the promenade, and the inaccessible funnel- order to maintain its spatial features and shaped site between the building and the their own territorial affiliation with it, they rocky shore to the south (Figure 11). Meir must engage the public. Or, one of the group’s leading figures, Yet its self-identity as outcast has long describes the significance of the site for the marked the community and its engagement drummer community as follows: with the rest of society. The community’s general suspicion of authority is felt even by ‘This site is special. We tried other sites along members like Lichtenfeld with his university the shore, we tried playing at the Tel Aviv degree, proper job, family and suburban ... Port a few times it wasn’t it. Here, people home. Suspicious of authority and outsiders’ come here specifically. This site is at the very interests, the community insisted for years edge of the sand strip, at the edge of the city. We are outside of the city, outside of on remaining indifferent to landowner and everything it stands for. We face the sea, the city intentions to redevelop the site, resisting sunset, the sky, each other.’50 the very idea of communicating with planning authorities even at the risk of their removal The drumming performance has trans- from the site. ‘If they tear down the Dolphi- formed the site from an urban edge, the end narium we will move elsewhere’, insisted of the Tel Aviv waterfront promenade, into members of the community in interviews in a focal point for movement from the north 2006 and 2010, although they were given the (Tel Aviv) and south (Jaffa), and as a option to partake in the planning process as meeting point transcending the friction interest group just as the gay community often endemic to such interactions. This was regarding Independence Park. ‘success’, after so many failed development- Nonetheless, the drummers were even- based initiatives to ‘bridge the hyphen’, has tually drawn into the struggle over their nonetheless placed the drummers’ site under site. While they accepted being pushed to intense contestation. As a focal point attract- the breakwater, the struggle culminated in ing locals and tourists, developers have been sabotage when cafe´ owners directed their eyeing the site, proposing profit-based plan- loud speakers towards the group in a deliber- ning. Yet this development has been carried ate attempt to disrupt drumming activity. As out piecemeal, in patches site by site, main- stated by Lichtenfeld (2012): taining the fragmented nature of the overall

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 site.51 The drummers’ effect on the site ‘Some of our community members are very increasingly requires the drummers to problematic, sometimes violent. For example struggle over their site against small-scale when the cafe´ owners here in 2006 turned their initiatives like cafe´s at the Dolphinarium huge speakers towards us in order to interrupt our drumming and kick us out, some people waterfront and plans for the entire ‘hyphen’ from our group have cut their cables.’ area. Significant struggles over the commu- nity’s site included the struggles with water- The violent act of cutting cafe´ speaker cables front cafe´s that opened in 2006, and later in has upset the community’s self-identity of 2009, pushing the drummers to the edge of coexistence and harmony with nature and the site and forcing them to play in a linear humanity. Lichtenfeld says: formation on the rocky breakwater. In 2010, a more comprehensive development ‘We then decided to act peacefully by plan involved a land transfer deal, including organizing a demonstration in front of city plans to tear down the structure and remove hall [April 2006]. Then, someone had the idea the drummers’ activity altogether (Tel Aviv to check the cafe´’s permit at the city’s ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 771

business licensing department, and found out they mark women as a different class of there was no permit.’ people. While men of every marginal identity aspect, from drug use to bad drumming skills, The subsequent closing of the cafe´, while also are accepted with generosity, women are gen- due to financial losses related in part to the erally approached with overt aggression struggle over space with the drummers, led including questioning and a disbelief in their members of the drumming community to a motivations in joining the group. ‘They are shocking realization that ‘the city’ might all about the pose and the performance, not not be entirely against them as they had about the music’, says Sigal Ketzev, a semi- assumed. Encouraged, Lichtenfeld met with professional female Djembe drummer, who the municipal planning department ‘and has been marginalized by group members found a listening ear’. The community is and stopped attending their meetings.53 now pushing for what they call ‘the Drum- Women, observes Ketzev, are treated by the mers’ Beach preservation project’, organized group as groupies to the inherently male per- in a Facebook group of that name. Drummers formance of drumming: either dancers who identify their performance itself to be the require the drumming in order to perform object of preservation, thereby defining or the occasional woman who sits with the their community integral to the city and drummers and ‘attempts to do as good a job nation, positioned as a tourist attraction of as a man’.54 The only social category not coexistence in a site of friction. Lichtenfeld blurred by the community is therefore declares: gender. In light of the community’s overt ‘The purpose of this project is for unique (and agenda of social inclusion, its insistence on weak) communities to find expression and a the gender roles of men and women is place for their liking, and for the sovereign to telling. By placing gender (and more specifi- not succumb to strong pressure groups ... cally, masculinity) as the common denomi- Life tells us these things don’t always work— nator for social inclusion, the drumming but proper organization could lead to community inevitably leaves women out. achievements—see the increasing cases of the The community’s performance seems to use greens—city park, Palmachim Beach etc. We women as an ‘other’ in the presence of need faith and need to be united—we are a which all male identities can be consolidated significant pressure group! ...I say here and as equal, by virtue of their male bodies. This now—we will go nowhere!!! We will fight to keep our small God’s corner!!! ...Our place double-edged agenda, at the same time inclu- is already a tourist attraction—let’s keep it sionary and exclusionary, attempts to claim from deteriorating. See you on Fridays—rain the right to be included in the Israeli milieu Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 or shine we are there.’52 of proper citizens by virtue of the gendered category ‘man’. As they align with mainstream society based on the identity marker of masculinity in a society constructed as male-potent, the drum- 5. Conclusion mers pose a disturbing critique of this male identity by using masculinity to blur every The groups and practices discussed in this social category of hierarchical distinction paper are not specific to Tel Aviv or to meaningful for this society, including class, Israel: homosexual cruising, tribal dance ethnicity, nationalism and religion. This equal- circles and field driving exist in and around ization of all men is especially disturbing at the the urban public spaces of many cities (see, Dolphinarium, a site of longtime national, for example, Chauncey 1995; Wali et al. ethnic, religious and class friction. 2001; DeLong 1997). In Israel, however, Yet, as the drummers use masculinity as a they are significant for explicitly conflating marker for horizontal equalizing of men, the urban and the national, two spatial 772 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

frames of reference typically understood in the Similar to Gramsci’s ‘enclaves of resistance’, literature as competing with or alienated from these communities aim to communicate each other (see, for example, Castells 2000, with and generate ideological changes in a 2004). By performing bodily variations on hegemonic society, in that their resistance is the ‘proper’ image of the good national not contesting the basic social structure but citizen, namely, the male Sabra, the studied aiming to modify it in order to be included groups conduct the ‘urban design’ of sites and accepted (Gramsci 2000). Gay cruisers appropriated from the public urban space in Independence Park offer an alternative and mark them as their territories. They male sexuality, but their strong political thereby use the very mechanism identified base in the municipality reasserts the link by Weiss to have formed the nation-state between masculinity and power. The SUV itself: the appropriation of a specific territory drivers attempt to perform and embody the to serve an autonomous identity via the Sabra’s relationship to the homeland, the mutual design of body and territory (Weiss foundation of Zionism; but their aggressive 2002). The groups’ performances in their see- driving destroys the cliffs of ‘their’ territory mingly marginal enclaves in the city cannot and disturbs the Sabras’ moral claim to the therefore be disconnected from their oper- land. The Circle of Drummers’ attempted ation in the context of the Israeli nation-state. equalization of every social distinction in The groups’ motivations for performing Israeli society in the framework of a tribe- themselves as masculine are based on their rec- like social system challenges basic categories ognition that masculinity as a social attribute of social class in Israeli society; yet by main- is a ‘ticket to hegemony’ in Israeli society. taining the traditional gender roles of male as Unlike feminism, which seeks to transform player and female as dancer, they reinforce the very structure of society, these male the patriarchal order. These challenges to groups seek to obtain equal rights and the Israeli male myth, formed and articulated inclusion by rooting themselves in hegemonic via design-cum-alteration of public space, are society based on the principles of its existing the subject of our inquiry. Each of the three patriarchal social order. As Holston (2008) cases studied sheds a different light on the suggests, practices of insurgent citizenship relationships between territory, body and tend to adopt practices of the entrenched citi- masculinity, allowing us to examine the zenship they resist, participating in citizenship nature of Israeli masculinity in relationship rather than rejecting it, aiming to modify hege- to territory, a key aspect of its formation. mony without altering its basic structure. Within Israeli society, it seems that these Each of the three groups’ masculine per- marginal communities share the attributes

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 formances poses deep critiques of Israeli mas- of masculinity with the power apparatus of culinity while seeking to be incorporated the state. Masculinity, connecting those in within it, and is therefore dialectic. Their power and the marginalized, enables these interpretations of Israeli male identity are extraneous groups to ‘seize the state expressed through bodily performances of without launching a direct assault’ (Castells ‘deviant’ masculine behavior in space— 2011, 9). This is most clearly evident and conducted using the formative Zionist mech- demonstrable in their usage of territory and anism of mutual production of territory and body to enact identity, the same tactics used body. While questioning the limited scope to form the iconic Sabra identity from of ‘successful ways of being a man’ (Cornwall which they were marginalized (Weiss 2002). and Lindisfarne 1994, 4),55 the groups studied Perhaps this is the constitutive dialectic of here simultaneously reinforce the idea of resistance in Israeli society: how can space masculinity as a higher social class and con- and body be used for resistance in a society strue their calls for equality and inclusion in in which they jointly serve as a fundamental terms of incorporation into patriarchy. mechanism of its existence? ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 773

Notes Dolphinarium Project: Preserving Drum Beach’: https://www.facebook.com/groups/ 130404517029942/ 1 ‘Seam-line’ is the term used in Israel for informal 15 See ‘Tel Aviv Global City’ on the city’s formal borderlines between communities of Jews and website: http://www.tel-aviv.gov.il/eng/ Arabs–Palestinians, especially within urban areas. GlobalCity/Pages/GlobalCityLoby.aspx?tm¼24 2 Sport and utility vehicle. 16 During the course of our long research process, 3 We discuss the city as oeuvre, or work of art, 2004–12, the gay community has effectively given following Henri Lefebvre’s influential understanding over the park to ‘the general public’, as discussed in of the city as a spatial and social product of human detail ahead. relationships and conflicted interests. See Lefebvre 1991. 17 The Hebrew language is gendered and 4 Throughout the duration of this research, 2004– distinguishes between male and female. present, no female group has been identified to 18 See Section 3.2 for a detailed discussion. appropriate any portion of public space in Tel Aviv 19 Informants quoted with their full name have given us for performing its communal identity. permission to be mentioned by name, while 5 Landscape architect Zvi Dekel, responsible for the informants quoted with a first name only have asked park’s redesign, formerly worked for Abraham for their identity to remain undisclosed. Karavan, chief gardener of the city of Tel Aviv in the 20 Primary portals used include: GoGay.co.il, × 1940 s, who designed Independence Park. See: 4 4.co.il, Jeepolog.co.il, DrumBeach.co.il and http://www.nrg.co.il/online/54/ART1/914/293. several open web forums on the Tapuz.co.il portal html (Hebrew). (Gay religious men, Jeepers, same sex love). 6 See the Law for the Preservation of Marine 21 The shore was formally incorporated to the city Environment on the Knesset website: http://www. when it obtained the status of township under the moin.gov.il/Subjects/PlaningsInstitution/valhof/ British Mandate in 1921 (Druyanov 1936). Pages/default.aspx (Hebrew). 22 For example, membership in the ‘network society’ 7 Nir Papai’s paper on the implications of this law can or in the ‘working class’. See Castells 2000; King be accessed at: http://www.teva.org.il/_Uploads/ 2004; Sassen 2001. dbsAttachedFiles/maamar.pdf (Hebrew). 23 See Castells 2000; Appadurai 2011; Harvey 8 See also the discussion of fines for waterfront 2004; King 2004. driving on the 4×4.co.il website, June 2004: 24 See in addition studies tying masculinity with http://www.4×4.co.il/forum/ touring the nation’s landscape as ‘knowing the forumThread.aspx?forumid¼12&mesId¼26521 land’, for example, Azaryahu and Golan 2004. and on the Jeepolog.co.il web forum, October 25 The Hebrew poem by Saul Tchernichovsky refers to 2012: http://www.jeepolog.com/forums/ the protagonist as male. archive/index.php/t-70253.html (Hebrew). 26 The distinction made in this paper between 9 ‘Sabra’ is the Hebrew name of the prickly pear ‘homosexual’ and ‘gay’ adheres to a political cactus, and the term used for a native-born Israeli change in this identity from homosexuality as a Jew since the 1930 s. It was originally a celebration sexual practice to the idea of ‘pride’. The Hebrew of the ‘New Jew’ that had emerged in Palestine, word for ‘proud’, ge’ay, bears a phonetic particularly when contrasted with the ‘old Jew’ from resemblance to the English word ‘gay’, therefore gay/ge’ay is used in Hebrew to describe politically

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 overseas. The term indicates to the social milieu of the ‘proper national citizen’ and first generation of aware and ‘out’ homosexuals. Israeli statehood as ‘prickly from the outside yet 27 Recent design changes in the park have sweet from the inside’. See Almog 2000. dramatically reduced cruising activity (see below). 10 Pausner’s article can be accessed at: http://www. 28 Independence Park was included in the 1927 calcalist.co.il/real_estate/articles/0,7340,L- Geddes Plan for Tel Aviv (Feniger 2009). 3473701,00.html (Hebrew). 29 See discussion at the Tapuz portal ‘religious gays’ 11 See, for example: http://www.israeltraveler.org/ web forum, 26–28 October 2009: http://www. en/site/drum-beach tapuz.co.il/forums2008/viewmsg.aspx? 12 Community members are largely hostile to the very forumid¼1190&messageid¼135034378 idea of established structures. As victims of national (Hebrew). and city agencies, they tend to treat authority with 30 The current site used for cruising, in its early stages hostility and doubt the intensions of anyone outside of consolidation, is the park north of the Tel Aviv the group. Members often refused to be recorded in central train station. interviews, identify in their own name or even talk to 31 Dori Manor is a celebrated poet, who has written non-members during the Friday events. poems about the park. http://www.haaretz.co.il/ 13 Interview with Meir Or, 30 November 2012. opinions/1.1274818 (Hebrew). In addition, 14 See the community Facebook group, titled ‘The several action groups for ‘saving Independence 774 CITY VOL. 17, NO.6

Park and other sites of cruising’ were formed by 46 The site, officially named ‘Aviv Beach’, is citizens. See, for example: https:// recognized as ‘Drum Beach’ in municipal groups.google.com/forum/ publications. See, for example: http://www.tel- ?fromgroups¼#!topic/glbt-city4all-tlv/FaxAgIfvzj8 aviv.gov.il/ToEnjoy/Beaches/Pages/Aviv.aspx? (Hebrew). tm¼16&sm¼21&side¼336. For some it embodies 32 McLuhan used a gendered perspective for the the essence of Tel Aviv, as seen in a recent National relationship between man and machine. See Geographic article about the world’s top 10 beach McLuhan and McNamara 1967. cities. See: http://travel.nationalgeographic.com/ 33 A video art of the SUV community activity, ‘Kings of travel/top-10/beach-cities-photos/ the Hill’ by Yael Bartana (2003), can be viewed at: 47 For a list of urban development projects in the area, http://vimeo.com/19348648 see: http://www.tel-aviv.gov.il/Tolive/Yafo/ 34 Mizrahim, or Mizrahi Jews, are Jews descended Pages/projectsdone.aspx; http://olenik.co.il/ from Jewish communities of the Middle East. As a project/menashiya/; http://www.jadaliyya.com/ social class in Israel, Mizrahim have gone through pages/index/395/urban-scars-an-unfinished- discrimination by the nation-building project, and essay_jaffa-tel-aviv- are still socio-economically unequal to Ashkenazim, 48 See details of the demonstration on the ‘Saving the or Jews descended from European communities. Tel Aviv Beach’ Facebook action group page: See Shohat 1997. https://www.facebook.com/events/ 35 Off-road vehicles known as jeeps were first used by 508724979171204/ British soldiers during the British Mandate, and later 49 This representation of the group’s activity has not by Zionist militias during and after the 1948 war. changed throughout our long process of 36 See the Wrangler-Life Israel community Facebook ethnographic study, 2004–12. page: https://www.facebook.com/pages/ 50 Meir Or, interviewed 30 November 2012. Wrangler-Life 51 See note 38 above. 37 This is a consensus among the SUV community, 52 See: https://www.facebook.com/groups/ though many define men using the Northern Shore 130404517029942/. Note the affiliation made site as ‘yuppies’ (Jeepolog web forum, 2006). by the drummers to green environmental and nature 38 See discussion at the Jeepolog web forum, 6–9 presentation communities, as discussed in the case March: http://www.jeepolog.com/forums/ of SUV driving above. archive/index.php/t-73826.html (Hebrew). 53 Interview with Sigal Ketzev (formerly Katzav), April 39 See discussion at the Jeepolog web forum, 20–21 2005. Sigal’s commitment to her identity as a January 2013: http://www.jeepolog.com/ Djembe drummer is expressed in changing the forums/archive/index.php/t-72545.html pronunciation of her family name from Katzav to (Hebrew). Ketzev (rhythm). While this change bears no mark 40 Interview with Assaf Katzir, 8 May 2013. in Hebrew script, its irregular pronunciation 41 Interview with Momo Mahadav, Head of the Tel requires her to discuss her identity and life choices Aviv branch of the Society for Nature Preservation, with her surroundings. conducted in February 2006. 54 Interview with ‘Roni’, 11 February 2006. 42 Landowners are compensated by the plan with 55 ‘Hegemonic masculinities define successful ways of extra building rights. Tel Aviv Planning Department, “being a man”. In so doing they define other 3600 plan file. masculine styles as inadequate or inferior’

Downloaded by [79.180.163.159] at 09:16 13 December 2013 43 The Society for the Preservation of Nature and Man, (Cornwall and Lindisfarne 1994, 3). and Nature and Law are the NGOs orchestrating the struggle to control the development of the North Beach. Their activities have given rise to an effective References waterfront preservation lobby in the Knesset. 44 The Forum is an umbrella for a number of Archives community organizations in several cities in Israel, Tel Aviv Engineering Department Archive (TAEDA) attempting to preserve urban parks and Tel Aviv Municipal Archive (TAMA) undeveloped sites bearing natural features. See: https://www.facebook.com/forum.teva?sk¼wall. The Forum has initiated a special action for Communal web forums preserving the ‘Tel Aviv Nature Preservation’ at the ‘Drumbeach Tel Aviv’ at: http://www.drumbeach.co.il/ North West Shoreline. See: https://www. displayimage.php?album¼154&pos¼25 facebook.com/Teva.Hof ‘Dolphinarium Project: Preserving Drum Beach’ at: 45 The fieldtrip was organized by the ‘green forum’, https://www.facebook.com/groups/ aligning several environmental NGOs in Tel Aviv, 130404517029942/ supported by the Society for Nature Preservation. ‘Jeepolog’ SUV web forums: http://www.jeepolog.com/ ALLWEIL AND KALLUS:RE-FORMING THE POLITICAL BODY IN THE CITY 775

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