VARIA DE ARTE 351 agosto de 1554), María (12 de abril de 1556) y Paula (5 de febrero de 1559) 3. Poste- riormente no aparecen anotaciones referidas a la familia, que o bien cambió de domicilio o no tuvo más hijos. Su hermano había nacido antes que Adrián, siendo el mayor de todos los hermanos.—RAFAEL MARTÍNEZ.

A WORK BY ESTEBAN JORDAN: AN EFFIGY OF A SPANISH KNIGHT OF THE ORDER OF ST JOHN*

Days before the outbreak of First World War, a fine alabaster effigy of a Knight of the Order of St John in Jerusalem was presented to the Most Venerable Order of St John in Clerkenwell, just outside the boundaries of the City of . The donor was Sir Guy Francis Laking, Bart., Keeper of the London Museum, an emi- nent scholar, best known for bis catalogues of the arms and armour in the Wallace Collection, at Windsor, and the Armoury in Malta. He had "always had the greatest interest in anything relating to the Order of the Knights of St John of Jerusalem, more especially since (his) work at Malta'''. He offered to buy the effigy for the Order, having seen it on exhibition at the Spanish Galleries of the dealer Lionel Harris in Conduit Street', where it had been imported from Spain, "in one consign- ment together with 24 other cases of stonework'. After some discussion as to where exactly it should be housed, the effigy was placed against the North wall of the twelfth-centuty crypt in the Priory Church of St John in Clerkenwell, of which the Order of St John was Patron. The church is a few yards from the Order's headquar- ters, S t John's Gate, in which the Museum and Library of the Order are today situa- ted. Described by Pevsner as "of a quality unsurpassed in London or England" 4, the figure is a magnificent example of sixteenth-century Castilian sculpture. The recumbent, lifesize effigy represents a Knight of the Order of S t John. Al-

3 Ibídem. "- 1 am grateful to Pamela Willis and Stella Mason of the Museum of the Order ofStJohn, and Mer- cedes Suárez and the Librarian and staff of the Hispanic Society of America, and Doña Eloisa García de Wattenberg of the National Museum of Sculpture in Valladolid for all their help and cooperation. I should also like to thank Ian Eaves and Anthony North for their advice on armour, and Jesús Urrea Fer- nández, Malcolm Baker and Paul Williamson for their helpful comments when the article was in prepa- ration. 1 Letter from Sir Guy Laking to H. W. Fincham Esq, April 16th, 1914. All corresp.ondence quoted in this article is now housed in the Museum and Library of the Order ofSt John in Clerkenwell. Sir Guy's catalogue of the arms and armour at Malta had been published in 1902. See G. F. LAKING: A Catalogue of the Armour and Arms in the Armoury of the Knights of St John in Ierusalem, nozo in the Palace, Va/cita, Malta, London (n.d.). -2 Letter from Sir Herbert Perrott, Secretary-General of the Order, to Edmund Fraser, of 26th June, 1914. 3 Letter from Lionel Harris to H. W. Fincham Esq ofJuly lst, 1914. Two tomb-figures from Ocaña in Spain, now in the Victoria and Albert Museum (inv. A.48 and A.49-1910) were bought from the same dealer in 1910. 4 N. PEVSNER: The Buildings of England: London except the Cities of London and , mondsworth, 1951, p. 113 and fig. 10. The figure is also mentioned in H. W. FINCHAM: The Order of the Hospital of S/John offerusalem and its Prioor of England, London, 1933, p. 69 and is illustrated in Si Jobn's Gafe Pie/ore Book (introduction by R. Williams), London, 1947, and in E. LA ORDEN MIRACLE: Arte e His- toria de España en Inglaterra, Madrid, 1980, pp. 45-6 and fig. 13. I am grateful to Jesús Urrea Fernández for giving me this reference. 352 VARIA DE ARTE though now placed against a wall, it may have been intended to be freestanding. Apart from some breaks and surface dirt, the figure is in good codition 5 . It repre- sents a bearded man wearing a cloak and armour with the Cross of the Order of St John on the breastplate and on the left shoulder of the cloak. Over the cloak in a now damaged area would probably have been a carved maniple, the tassled sash embroidered with symbols of the Passion, showing that wearer was a professed Knight6. Rosary-beads are clasped in the right hand, and a sheathed dagger is worn at the waist. The hilt of the sword is just visible under the right hip. Piety and military prowess are inextricably combined. The armour is largely typical of European armour of about 1575-80, although a few discrepancies indicate that the sculptor may have been working from a drawing or model rather than from life. The tassets (the fixings which attach the thigh-pieces to the breastplate), have been misunders- tood, and the articulations on the sabatons (the footwear) are wrongly continued as far as the ankle'. As was common in recumbent Spanish effigies of the fifteenth and sixteenth century, the head rests on two embroidered cushions (fig. 2). Other featu- res also frequently seen in e'arlier and contemporary Spanish tombs are the lion at his feet, and a sleeping page, reclining on the left of the left leg, which are both car- ved on a smaller scale than the Knight. The base, inscribed with the name of the Knight and adorned with the coats of arms of the Vergara family, the Order of St John, and that of Spain, was made shortly after the effigy was acquired by the Order of St John. The original base (now lost) is likely to have been a relatively plain marble During the sixteenth century the Order of St John was particularly active, and its members were devout, aristocratic and military. Originally, the Order of the Hospital of St John the Baptist ofJerusalem (to give it its full name) was faunded in Jerusalem in the late eleventh century to ensure the welfare of pilgrims, and to secure pilgrimage routes from Moslem attacks 9. Unlike the Knights Templar and the Teutonic Order, the Knights of St John were hospitallers; men and women were recruited to undertake nursing activities which were at least initially more impor- tant than military duties. Although nursing duties were to be continued, the Order was reorganised during the twelfth century on a military basis: mercenaries were recruited, estates were won through their military exploits, and the Order acquired an international power independent of any authority except possibly the Pope's. The different regions in which the Order owned land were divided into Langues and

5 The figure measures approximately 202 cm in legth, and 69 cm in width. The left forearm and halfof the dagger are missing; the nose has been restored. Slight cracks and breaks occuron the cloak, the rosary-beads, the tops of the thighs, and on the face sleeping page. 6 I am grateful to Stella Mason for her advice on this point. 7 See C. BLAIR: European Armour, London, 1959, p. 217, figs. 228, 230 and 233. The style of the breastplate and sabatons in particular indicate the narrow time-span. I am grateful to lan Eaves for bis extensive advice on the dating and style of the, armour. 8 Cf. Pedro de la Gasca's tomb, which is on a simply carved jasper base. 9 For literature on the Order ofStJohn, ser J. D. LE ROULX : Carta/aire Général de l'Ordre des Hospita- liers de S.Jean de Jerusalem, I, Paris, 1894, pp. cxxxv-clvii and pp. ccxii-ccxxi, and A. T. LUTTRELL: "A Note on the Archives of the Order of St John ofJerusalem in Spain", Melita Historica, II, n. 3, 1958, pp. 182-5; IDEM: "The Aragonese Crown and the Knights Hospitallers ofRhodes: 1291-1350", The English Historical Review, January, 1961, pp. 1-19; E. BRADFORD: The Shield and the Szvord, London, 1972, and D. SEWARD: The Monks of War: The Military Religious Orders, London, 1972. VARIA DE ARTE 353

Priories. The Order was influential in the Iberian peninsula during the second half of the fourteenth century, partly because of the part they played in the reconquest. By 1464, the Spanish and Portuguese Priories were so important that they were divi- ded into two Langues: Aragon and Castile. Aragon comprised the Priories of Ara- gon, Cataluña and Navarre, while Castile was composed of the Priories of Castile and Leon, and the Priory of . The Order had captured Rhodes in 1310, but lost it to the Turks in 1523. The Emperor Charles V offered the Order the island of Malta in 1524, as a substitute base, which was finally reluctantly accepted in 1531. This gift from a Spanish ruler was another reason that Spain became a dominant force within the Order. Between 1530 and 1796 eleven of the twenty-eight Masters of the Order in Malta were from the Langues of Aragon or Castile During the second half of the sixteenth century the Knights of the Order for- med an important military force in the Mediterranean, securing traderoutes from their base in Malta. The siege of Malta in 1565, when they repulsed the Turks, was both a trade war and a religious battle. It was a victory for the Christians, won because of the heavy European reinforcements shipped in to aid the besieged. It is possible that the Knight here represented took part in this, as will be seen below. The identity of the Knight was not known when the effigy was first brought to London. The dealer Lionel Harris had bought the effigy from the Canons of the Cathedral at Valladolid in 1912. According to James Thompson, then rector of the English College at Valladolid,

' "The effigy... was formerly in the Cathedral of Valladolid prior to the present one, and rested in one ofits Chapels, more than four hundred years ago. There is no evidence from the archives of the present Cathedral what particular personage it represented, and this was one of the causes ofits sale two years ago. Had there existed any certainty upon the point the Canons would never have disposed of 't. "From details lately to hand it is known that the personage represented belonged to a wellknown and pious family in Valladolid of the name of Vergara noted for its "Founda- tions". Many members of this family existed in Castile and it is thought that the personage of this effigy founded a chapel in the ancient cathedral" H.

Since the style of the armour indicates that the effigy dates from about 1575- 80, "four hundred years ago" is clearly an error. But there were few Castilian Knights of the Order of St John of such eminence in the mid sixteenth century, and therefore although Thompson does not specify the "details lately to hand", his identification is almost certainly correct12. The Vergara family was a noble Castilian family whose une extended back pro- bably to the thirteenth century. Many of its members had been prominent military men". A seventeenth-century historian of the family wrote:

lo See LUTTRELL, op. cit. (1958), p. 183. II Letter from James Thompson, 13 September, 1914. 12 The only other Knight from Castile to be closely associated with Valladolid at this period is P. BONINSENI: Comendador de Fuente la Peña y Recibidor General de La Región de San Juan (d. 1581) whose tomb is in the church of Santa Clara in Valladolid, 1 am grateful to Jesús Urrea Fernández for drawing this tomb (o my attention. See note 32. 13 See D. F. PIFERRER: Nobiliario de los Reinos y Señoríos de España, 11, Madrid, 1858, pp. 91-95.1 a m grateful to Dr Smith of the British Library for his help with this reference. 354 VARIA DE ARTE

"Hallaremos, pues, en la Familia de los Rvizes de Vergara antiguedad en el origen, rique- zas, y dignidades en muchos de sus varones excelentes: lustre, y esplendor en toda su descen- dencia; y en fin hallaremos acciones gloriosas, dignas de que no los confunda el tiempo, ni desprecie el olvido, y que sirvan de exemplo a la posteridad noble, y virtuosa".

The Vergara owned the "Villa" or estate of Villoria, which lay between Burgos and Logroño, in Rioja. Now no longer in existence, it then consisted offifty or sixty houses, to the N orth of which was the "Encomienda", or concession, of "S. luan de Buradon, del Orden del Hospital, que reside en Malta"'5. Before discussing this putative member of the Vergara family, and his róle as a Knight of the Order, it is necessary to consider the uncertain provenance of the figure. At the time it is thought the effigy was made (between 1575 and 1580), the plans for the present Cathedral at Valladolid, then the collegiate church, were ucer- tain'. Diego de Riaño's building was in the process of being constructed, but the early thirteenth-century edifice was still functioning. Possibly the effigy was to be placed in the earlier building, or there may have been hopes that it would be later installed in the new one. When, only a few years later, Herrera's design was accep- ted, and Diego de Riaño's false start was demolished, the effigy could have remai- ned in the old building. However, the later uncertainty about its identity could imply that this may not have been its true provenance, and Thompson's comments (cited aboye) were mistaken. Was the effigy originally intented to be housed in the collegiate church at ah? It could have been one of the items of church furnis- hings from religious foundations and chapels in Valladolid, deposited in the Cat- hedral following the desamortización of 1835. As will be seen below, the tomb pos- sibly carne from a family chapel in a church no longer in existence. Believing that the Knight was a member of the Vergara family, in 1916 the Order made further investigations through the Public Library at Valletta in Malta in order to ascertain this exact identity. The librarian there confirmed that a mem- ber of the Vergara faMily was a Knight of the Order of St John in the mid sixteenth century. This was Juan Ruiz de Vergara, whose name appeared in the records of the Order. His full name was Juan Bautista Ruiz de Vergara Alava y Esquivel, and he was the fourth son of Juan Ruiz de Vergara and Doña María Díaz de Alava. "Comendador" Vergara was, it seems, like bis father before him, a valiant soldier, and served under both Emperor Charles V and Philip II. In 1547, he took part in the Battle of the Alvi against the Elector of Saxony. He later became Governor of the Province of Atacama in Peru, and "Recibidor General de su Religion" in Castile. On 25th August 1559 Philip II, referring to bis military service, and that of bis family, wrote: "Han servido a esta Corona con sus personas, y hazienda cum- pliendo con las obligaciones de su sangre'. He was received as a Knight of the

14 D. FRANCISCO Ruiz DE VERGARA Y ALAVA (?): Discursos Genealógicos de la Familia de Vergara, p. 6, an anonymous appendix to D. FRANCISCO RUIZ DE VERGARA Y ALAVA: Vida del Illustríssimo Señor Don Diego de Anaya Maldonado. Madrid, 1671. 15 'bid., pp. 92-93. 16 See F. CHUECA GOITIA: La Catedral de Valladolid, Madrid, 1947, and J. URREA FERNÁNDEZ: La Catedral de Valladolid y Museo Diocesano, León, 1978. A request that the collegiate church should be ele- vated to the status of a cathedral was made to the Pope by Philip II in 1595, and the petition granted by Pope Clement VIII in 1598. 17 SeC RUIZ DE VERGARA: O. Cit., p. 74. LAMINA I

Clerkenwell (Londres). Priory Church ofSt. John. Tomb ofJuan Ruiz de Vergara(reproduced by kind permision of the Museum of the Order of the Order of St. John). Atributed to Esteban Jordán: 1 y 2. General vew and detail. LAMINA II

1. Valladolid. Church of the Magdalene. Tomb of Don Pedro de la Casca, by Esteban Jordán.-2. Valladolid. C hurch of Sanco Spiritus. Tomb of Don Juan de Ortega, by Esteban Jordán. VARIA DE ARTE 357

Order on 25th December 1553 18 . On 1 1 th December 1556 he was recorded as having been given licence to leave Malta and return home to Castile by the Grand Master". He was summoned back to Malta in 1559, 1560, and 1567, and was again in Malta in 1570. On 12th December 1573 he was elected Procurator of his Langue, a senior position in the Order which involved important administrative responsa- bilities». He may have taken part in the Siege of Malta in 1565, and in 1571 he fought in the Battle of Lepanto. He was last recorded as present on lst March 1574 at the election of the Lieutenant of the Grand Chancellor in Malta'. He died in battle near Marseilles defending his galley, El Sol, against three Turkish galleys, but the date of his death is unlcnown; it was probably in the mid to late 1.507s. 22 . This accords with the dating of armour on the effigy. Until now, the sculptor of this piece of Castilian sculture has remained anony- mous, despite the high quality of the work. Valladolid had attracted major sculp- tors and architects throughout the early part of the sixteenth century, notably Simón de Colonia, Alonso Berruguete, Felipe Vigarny, and Juan de Juni. Later on, in the 1550s and 1560s, Pompeo Leoni, Juan de Anchieta and Francisco Giralte were to be based in the city. The desire to improve the collegiate church, and other building programmes, following the fire of 1561, increased artistic activity. In the 1570s, one of the sculptors active in Valladolid was Esteban Jordán (c. 1529-1598); the present effigy strongly reflects his style". Active primarily in the city of Valladolid and its province, he also worked in Avila, León, Galve, and Mont- serrat (Barcelona). He was probably born in León, and trained there under the goldsmith Enrique de Arfe. He may have visited between the time of comple- ting his early training in León (about 1545) and 1556, when he was first documen- ted as working on a retable at Paredes de Nava. However, as Martín González states, his Italianate style could equally well have been derived from the Italianate work being produced in Spain at that time". Whether or not Jordán did spend any time in Rome, his grand large-scale figures, like those of his contemporary, Becerra, mark a departure from the earlier Mannerism of Alonso Berruguete and Vigarny. In his own lifetime a highly renowned artist, he became court-sculptor to Philip II, as

18 D. FERNANDO SUÁREZ DE TANGIL and D. FERNANDO DEL VALLE Y LERSUNDI: Adición al Indice de Pruebas de los Caballeros que han vestido el Habito de San Juan de Jerusalén (Orden de Malta) en España (años L500-1840), Madrid(?), 1912, leg. 34, p. 28. 18 Liber Bullarum, anno 1556-7, fol. 183t, Vol 426 of the inventory at the Public Library in Valletta. Information supplied by correspondence from Canon Alfred Mifsud, Librarian at Valletta, 31 March, 1916. 20 'bid., anno 1555-9, f. 188, Vol. 427; ibid., anno 1559-6, f. 194, Vol. 428; ibid., 1565-7, f. 284, Vol. 431. Vergara's name appeared on p. 92 of the minutes register of 14th June, 1570. Information sup- plied as in note 19. 21 Vol. 2202, Deliberationes Lingua Castella ad Portugallis, f. 93. Information supplied as in note 18. He isalso mentioned on the same date concerning the Bailiff of Negroponte and Lorae. See J. Mizi,(Ed.): Catalogue of the Records of the Order of St John ofJerusalem in the National Library of Malta, II, part 4, Archives 91-93, Malta, 1978, p. 674, f. 185. I am grateful to Pamela .Willis for this reference. 22 Ruiz DE VERGARA, op. cit., p. 74. The tomb ofJuan Bautista's older brother, named Juan Ruiz de Vergara, is in Vitoria. See E. ENCISO VIANE (Ed.): Catálogo Monumental: Diócesis de Vitoria, Vitoria, 1970, pp. 161-162. The present writer has only seen this work in reproduction, but the style closely resembles that of Esteban Jordán. I am indebted to ProfesorJesús Urrea Fernández for pointing out this reference. 23 See J. J. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ: Esteban Jordán, Valladolid, 1952, passim. See also J. AGAPITO Y REVILLA: "La obra de Esteban Jordán en Valladolid", Arte Español, II, 1914-15, pp. 318-328, and III, pp. 32-41. 24 j. j. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, op. cit., pp. 49-50, and pp. 103-105. 358 VARIA DE ARTE

recorded by Ceán Bermúdez: "Lo que no se puede dudar es que lo fue de gran mérito, pues logró ser escultor de Felipe II que no tuvo ninguno mediano'. At least three alabaster tombs are known to have been commissioned from jor- dán in Valladolid, all of which, for different reasons, have connections with the Knight's effigy. Two survive there: that of Don Pedro de la Gasca, Bishop of Sigüenza, commissioned in 1571 for the Church of the Magdalene, along with the retable for the high altar in that church, and a later work, that of Don Juan de Ortega, for a chapel in the Church of the Convento de Sancti Spiritus, commissio- ned about 1582, and completed by 1588. Although this is not directly documented as by Jordán, the stylistic and indirect documentary evidence as analysed by Aga- pito y Revilla and Martín González make it virtually certain to be his 26. Both these works show stylistic parallels with the present effigy. Don Pedro de la Gasca is represented lying on two cushions, the embroidery of which is very close to that on the upper cushion of the Knight. Interestingly, in the contract for the former work, one of the conditions stipu- lates that the cushions should be like those on the tomb of the Bishop of Palencia, Fray Alonso, who founded the Colegio de San Gregorio in Valladolid, and whose tomb was then in the chapel of Colegio". Now lost, Fray Alonso's tomb was made by Felipe Vigarny in 1531, to replace an earlier one for the same bishop by Simón de Colonia'. The similarity of the cushions on the tombs of Pedro de la Gasca and the Knight could therefore be discounted on the grounds that both derive from a pattern used by Vigarny, and so could both be by different sculptors. It is neverthe- less possible that Jordán adapted the pattern for the later work. The correspondences between the tomb of Don Juan de Ortega and the pre- sent one are not however merely those of decorative detail. Don Juan de Ortega was Chief Armoiirer of Philip II, and founded a family chapel where he and his descen- dants were to be interred in the Church of Sancti Spititus, endowing it with a retable (also by Jordán) and an altarrail. Although he did not die until after 1598, Ortega's tomb had been, installed by 1588 29. The grand, monumental style, of which Jordán was a prime exponent, is evident in both this tomb and that of the Knight. The broad, Roman forms of the heads, the thick, deep carving of the hair and beard and folds of the cloak, strongly suggest that the same artist carved both. As Jordán must have been responsible for the Ortega tomb, it is probable that he was also the author of the effigy of the Knight".

25 J . J. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, O. cit., pp. 59-63, and pp. 63-64. 26 Ibid., pp. 75-79, and AGAPITO Y REVILLA, O. cit., III, pp. 32-33. In the contract, Jordán's figure of Martín de Vergara (see below) is cited as the model to be followed. 27 BOSARTE, op. cit., p. 415. The document states: "en lo que toca al enriquecer con los ornamentos pontificales, y en en el báculo y mitra e almohadas, que sean y hán.de ser conforme al dicho bulto del dicho colegio de Sant Gregorio, e antes mas que menos, e con sus almohadas como allí estan". 28 See C. J. ARA GIL: Escultura Gótica en Valladolid y su Provincia, Valladolid, 1977, pp. 260, 283, 326-7. 29 Set F. ANTÓN: "La iglesia de Sancti Spiritus, de Valladolid", Archivo Español de Arte, XXIV, Madrid, 1951, pp. 155-162. 30 Although outside the scope of this article, the tomb of Pedro Boninseni, alto a Knight of the Order of St John, mentioned aboye, shows marked stylistic similarities to the figure of the Knight, notably in the head and the lion at the feet. This figure is now in the Church of Santa Clara in Valladolid. It is tentatively ascribeb byJ. M. Azcárate to Francisco de la Maza, a pupil ofJuan de Juni. See J. M. AzcA- RATE: Ars Hispaniae. Historia Universal del Arte Hispánico, XIII, Escultura del siglo XVI, Madrid, 1958, p. 282 and fig. 267. It is possibly another hitherto unrecognised work by Esteban Jordán. VARIA DE ARTE 359

A third tomb by Jordán in Valladolid is now lost, having probably been des- troyed during the Napoleonic wars. This was made for Martín de Vergara, commis- sioned by his executors in 1588, for the Capilla de los Reyes in the Convento de la Trinidad Calzada'. Martín de Vergara was from another branch of the Vergara family. He was the nephew of the Knight Juan Ruiz de Vergara's paternal grandfa- ther'. The figure was apparently almost bald, and was dressed in a short cloak, not as long as that worn by the figure of Ortega; he wore a sword and sword-belt, with the hand placed over the latter. He was not portrayed in armour, and wore laced shoes'. On its completion, the testators examined the finished figure, and noted various imperfections, such as its size, which was smaller than that stipulated in the contract, and faults in the ala- baster'. This caused them to file objections. The artists who were called to assess the work included Adrián Alvarez, Andrés de Rada, and Isaac de Juni. It was agreed that some minor details had been changed from the stipulations of the contract, and Jordán was ordered to pay back one hundred ducats to Martín de Vergara's exe- cutors. Jordán appealed, and a further assessment took place in December, 1589. Jordán affirmed then that the work "había guardado el arte, que es lo principal"; he also said that it exemplified the new style which was being practised in Castile. The result was a judgement given in 1590 in Jordán's favour'. It is clear that the lost tomb of Martín de Vergara is not to be identified with the effigy in Clerkenwell, but that it was unarguably made by Jordán. However, no mention was made in the contract for the effigy of Martín de Vergara of the tomb of Juan Ruiz de Vergara, probably completed ten years previously, and this despite the fact that the contract stipulated that Martín de Vergara's effigy should resemble the tomb of Don Juan de Ortega (mentioned abo ye). This absence of comment is strange if the same sculptor was completing a work for another member of the same family. Perhaps because such different costume was worn (one armend, the other unarmed), no parallel was drawn. If the Clerkenwell figure does represent Juan Ruiz de Vergara, it is likely that the family would have repeated their pattern of patronage by commissioning a second work from Jordán, the tomb of Martín de Vergara. Perhaps indeed the origi- nal location of the tomb ofJuan Ruiz de Vergara was also the Capilla de los Reyes in the Convento de la Trinidad Calzada, alongside his relative. In that case his tomb would have been salvaged, and deposited in the Cathedral, while that of Martín de Vergara has been lost. Until further evidence is found, the exact provenance of the Clerkenwell tomb will remain a mystery". The stylistic and circumstantial evi- dence strongly suggest that Jordán is its author, and it stands as one of the foremost examples of bis work.—MARJORIE TRUSTED.

31 J. J. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ: O. cit., pp. 79-81. See alsoi. AGAPITO Y REVILLA: op. cit., III, p. 38. This tomb also mentioned by Don Antonio Ponz, whose correspondence is quoted by Agapito y Revilla. 32 RUIZ DE VERGARA: O. cit., pp. 55-56. 33 According to the contract made between Jordán and the executors of Martín de Vergara. See J. MARTÍ r MONS& Estudios Histórico-Artísticos Relativos Principalmente a Valladolid, Valladolid, 1898- 1901, p. 539. 34 'bid., loc. cit. 35 'bid., pp. 540-42, and J. J. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, op. cit., pp. 80-81. 36 No documents have been found in the archives of the Cathedral in Valladolid relating to the tomb. I am grateful to doña Eloísa García de Wattenberg and don Jonás Castro Toledo for their searches through the archives for related material.