Arctic Human Development Report Arctic Human Development Report Published by Stefansson Arctic Institute, under the auspices of the Icelandic Chairmanship of the Arctic Council 2002-2004

The Arctic Human Development Report can be ordered through the Stefansson Arctic Institute, Borgir, Nordurslod, IS-600 Akureyri, Iceland, www.svs.is

Editorial team: Níels Einarsson, Joan Nymand Larsen, Annika Nilsson, Oran R. Young

Project manager and editor: Joan Nymand Larsen

Science writer and editor: Annika Nilsson

This publication should be cited as follows: AHDR (Arctic Human Development Report) 2004. Akureyri: Stefansson Arctic Institute

Chapters should be cited by chapter authors

Arctic map: Winfred Dallmann, Norwegian Polar Institute

Cover photo, upper: Nenets girl drives reindeer sled past drilling rig. The Yamal Peninsula, Russian Federation. Bryan & Cherry Alexander Cover photo, lower: Nuuk, Greenland. Ragnar Th. Sigurðsson. Back-cover photos, upper: Inupiat drummer and dancer, Alaska, U.S.A. Kristen Kemmerling, Alaska Tourism Marketing Council Back-cover photo, lower: Akureyri, Iceland. Þórhallur Jónsson

Photos are used with permission

Printing and binding: Oddi Printing Co., Reykjavik, Iceland Layout: Árni Pétursson Cover design: Guðjón Hafliðason

ISBN: 9979-834-45-5 3

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter

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It gives me great pleasure to present the Arctic Human Development Report (AHDR), initiated at the Foreign Ministers meeting in Inari in the fall of 2002 as part of Iceland’s Chairmanship programme in the Arctic Council. The report represents the first comprehensive attempt to document and compare sys- tematically the welfare of Arctic residents on a circumpolar basis. Building on the pioneer- ing work of the Arctic Council on environmental issues, it seeks to expand our horizons by spotlighting the social, economic and cultural aspects of the lives of the people in the region. In this way, the Arctic Human Development Report should mark a substantial con- tribution to the work of the Arctic Council in the area of sustainable development. From the time of its inception, the Arctic Human Development Report was an ambitious undertaking. Many obsta- cles, including gaps in knowledge, scarcity of data and the difficulty of coordinating the perspectives of local, region- al and national contributors, had to be overcome within a very short period. Through the dedication and hard work of a great many people in the Member States and the Permanent Participants, an impressive milestone has been reached with the publication of the Arctic Human Development Report only two years later. I would like to thank in particular the Co-Chairs of the Arctic Human Development Report Steering Committee, Professor Oran Young and Mr. Níels Einarsson for their skill and leadership in coordinating this challenging task. Lead authors and contributing authors all deserve to be congratulated on bringing the effort to fruition. Special thanks are due to Dr Joan Nymand Larsen, project manager of the Arctic Human Development Report Secretariat located at the Stefansson Arctic Institute in Akureyri as well as to Ms. Annika Nilsson, the project’s science writer. At a time when rapid change is sweeping through the North, it is my sincere hope that Member States will find in the Arctic Human Development Report a useful source of information and analysis as they seek to respond to the social, economic and cultural needs of Arctic residents in the coming years. The contents of the report should also pave the way for new research and stimulate general interest in issues of Arctic concern. To complete the picture and address major shortcomings in our knowledge of human conditions in the North, thought must now be given to appropriate follow-up in the framework of the Arctic Council. In presenting the Arctic Human Development Report, I am keenly aware that the people responsible for the views expressed in the different chapters of the report are, in the first instance, the authors themselves. While mandated by governments, the report reflects neither the joint position of the Arctic Council nor the policies of its Member States. Such a disclaimer in no way detracts from the intrinsic value of the AHDR itself. On the contrary, by distinguishing between research and policy we are able to establish the synergy required for governments and the wider academic and research communities to work together in a purposeful manner. For it is only on the basis of an improved under- standing of our circumstances in the Arctic that we can set about our task of building a better future.

Davíð Oddsson Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iceland Chairman of the Arctic Council 4

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70o Preface60o

This report is an integral part of the evolution of regional cooperation in the Arctic. The idea of carrying out an assess- ment of the state of human development in the Arctic viewed as a distinct region arose in large part from difficulties experienced in devising a coherent agenda for the Arctic Council’s Sustainable Development Programme. It is our hope that this report will not only make a direct contribution toward eliminating these difficulties but also set in motion ongoing activities that will strengthen the Council’s work on sustainable development in the future. Interest in joining a clearcut emphasis on sustainable development to the concern for environmental protection goes back to the early days of the Rovaniemi process. But for a number of reasons – political as well as technical – envi- ronmental protection became the central theme of the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy (AEPS), while efforts to address issues of sustainable development lagged behind. The 1996 Ottawa Declaration on the Establishment of the Arctic Council reemphasized the theme of sustainable development, establishing a Sustainable Development Programme to complement the Environmental Protection Programme inherited from the AEPS. Yet this did not result immediately in a coherent program of activities dealing with sustainable development. Members of the Council adopted divergent approaches to this theme, and it took sev- eral years to launch a Sustainable Development Working Group (SDWG) with a mandate to devise a coherent pro- gram in this area. At this stage, the Arctic parliamentarians became involved in the process. The Standing Committee of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region (SCPAR) assumed a leading role, launching an initiative resulting in a clear emphasis on human development in the Arctic at the Fourth Conference of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region in 2000 and a specific call for the preparation of an Arctic Human Development Report at the Fifth Conference of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region in 2002. As members of the SCPAR, Clifford Lincoln and Tomas Ingi Olrich were particularly effective champions of this initiative. Shortly thereafter, in the ministerial declaration adopted in Inari in October 2002, the Arctic Council approved the preparation of the Arctic Human Development Report (AHDR) as a “priority project” with the goal of developing a “comprehensive knowledge base” for the work of the Sustainable Development Programme. Iceland agreed to pro- vide direction and material support for this work as a part of the 2002-2004 Icelandic chairmanship of the Arctic Council. In this regard, we are happy to acknowledge the strong and consistent support for our work on the part of Gunnar Pálsson, who has chaired the Senior Arctic Officials, and Hugi Ólafsson, who has headed the SDWG, during the Icelandic chairmanship. We could not have carried out the project mandated in the Inari Declaration without their steady support and wise counsel. The preparation of the AHDR has gone forward under the supervision of a Report Steering Committee (RSC) including representatives of all the members of the Arctic Council, all the Permanent Participants, and a sizable num- ber of the accredited observers. The two of us have served as co-chairs of the RSC, one (Níels Einarsson) appointed by Iceland, the other (Oran Young) designated by the University of the Arctic. We have been joined in forming a four- member Executive Committee by Ingvild Broch of the University of Tromsø and Rune Fjellheim of the Saami Council. Joan Nymand Larsen has done an outstanding job as head of the AHDR Secretariat, located at the Stefansson Arctic Institute in Akureyri. We have been fortunate as well to have had the services of Annika Nilsson, a highly experienced science writer and editor who has a number of Arctic projects to her credit. Preface 5

The result is a document that consists of eleven substantive chapters together with a summary of major findings, an introduction, and a conclusion. The AHDR does not constitute a negotiated document whose content has been agreed to by all those who have worked on it. Each of the substantive chapters has been prepared by one or more lead authors who have benefited in every case from input provided by a number of contributing authors. As co-chairs of the RSC, we have prepared both the introduction and the conclusion. Each substantive chapter is signed by one or more lead authors who take responsibility for the content of the chap- ter. Nonetheless, the report is a coherent document. We have structured the chapters to provide an integrated picture of the state of human development in the circumpolar Arctic; we asked all lead authors to use a common template in order to produce substantive chapters that are parallel with regard to the approach they adopt and the topics they cover. At the same time, there is some variation among the chapters. While many provide surveys of well-established fields of study, others (e.g. the chapters on education and gender relations) deal with emerging issue areas and have a more preliminary character. The preparation of the AHDR has proceeded in a transparent manner. All the chapters have been subjected to peer review at least once and often several times; the acknowledgements list all those who served as peer reviewers. Members of the RSC have also had an opportunity to review and comment on drafts of the individual chapters which have been made available for review on the SDWG website. Of course, this does not guarantee that the materials included in individual chapters are free of errors and questionable interpretations. But we can say with assurance that the report has been thoroughly vetted both by knowledgeable scientists and by representatives of the members of the Arctic Council, the Permanent Participants, and other stakeholders. Naturally, readers will make their own judgments about the quality of the product and about the usefulness of the AHDR as a knowledge base for the work of the SDWG. For our part, we see the report as an initial step in an ongo- ing process. It provides a point of departure, a baseline for measuring changes over time and for comparing conditions in the Arctic with those prevailing elsewhere. The report articulates a number of policy-relevant conclusions, lifts out success stories relating to human develop- ment in the Arctic, and identifies gaps in knowledge needing attention in the future. Ideally, the SDWG should revis- it many of the topics addressed in the AHDR at regular intervals. This would provide the basis for tracking trends in human development in the Arctic and evaluating the performance of policies designed to address issues of human development from a regional perspective. Additionally, the SDWG may wish to consider launching new efforts to improve our understanding of matters that are not well understood at this time.

Níels Einarsson and Oran R. Young Co-chairs, AHDR RSC Arctic Human Development Report

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The Arctic Human Development Report is published by Stefansson Arctic Institute, under the auspices of the Icelandic Chairmanship of the Arctic Council 2002-2004

Editorial team Níels Einarsson Joan Nymand Larsen Annika Nilsson Oran R. Young

Project manager and editor Joan Nymand Larsen

Science writer and editor Annika Nilsson

Executive committee Oran R. Young (Co-chair University of the Arctic) Níels Einarsson (Co-chair Iceland) Ingvild Broch (Vice-chair Norway) Rune Sverre Fjellheim (Vice-chair Saami Council)

Acknowledgements Lead authors and Gauksdóttir, G. Koposov, R. Stemland, M. Dacks, G. contributing experts: Godmaire, A. Koukarenko, N. Stordahl, V. Eðvarsson, I.R. Aarsæther, N. Gofman, V. Kublu, A. Todyshev, M. Eyþórsson, E. Alfreðsson, G. Goldsmith, O. Lee, M. Trondheim, G. Eyþórsson, G.Þ. Allard, C. Goudina, E. Lemelin, A.Didyk, V. Wells, R. Fondahl, G. Angutinngurniq Haley, S. Limstrand, I. Wenig, M.M. Goldsmith, S. Bærenholdt, J.O. Hamilton, L.C. Lotherington, A.T. Wessendorf, K. Grieffenberg, T. Bankes, N. Heininen, L. Meakin, S. Williamson, K.J. Griffiths, F. Bernard, N. Henriksen, T. Müller-Wille, L. Winther, G. Hoel, A.H. Bjerregaard, P. Hild, C. Novikova, N. Young, O. Huebert, R. Bogoyavlenskiy, D. Hoel, A.H. Olsen, C.C. (Puju) Hukkinen, J. Broch, I. Hoogensen, G. Paci, C. Proof reader: Huntington, H. Broderstad, E.G. Hovdenak, S.S. Pelyasov, A. Barbara Nelson Jernsletten, J.L. Buck, M. Hovelsrud-Broda, G. Petersen, H. Käkönen, J. Caron, A. Ingimundarson, J.H. Poppel, M. Arctic mapmaker: Korsmo, F.L. Caulfield, R. Jacobsen, I.U. Pullar, G.L. Winfried Dallmann McBeath, J. Csonka, Y. Jessen, A. Retter, G. Mósesdóttir, L. Curtis, T. Johansson, G. Riabova, L. Peer reviewers: Müller-Wille,L. Dahl, J. Johnson, C. Savage, S. Archer, C. Mulvad, G. Dorough, D.S. Kafarowski, J. Saylor, B. Balto, A. Osherenko, G. Duhaime, G. Kalinina, M. Schweitzer, P. Barnhardt, R. Óskarsson, H. Einarsson, E. Kalstad, R.V. Scrivener, D. Beach, H. Pálsson, G. Fedorova, C. Karlsdóttir, A. Segerståhl, B. Bjerregaard, P. Poppel, B. Fenge, T. Kemi, R. Semenova, T. Bóasdóttir, S.A. Rasmussen, R.O. Fleener, C.L. Keskitalo, J.H. Siggner, A. Bodenhorn, B. Sejersen, F. Fondahl, G. Klokov, K. Sloan, L. Bone, R. Stokke, O.S. Fox, S.I. Koivurova, T. Spein, A.R. Bull, K.S. Wenzel, G. Thanks are also due to members of the Report Steering Committee, members of the Sustainable Development Working Group of the Arctic Council, the Icelandic Arctic Council Secretariat, Senior Arctic Officials, and others, who provided valuable comments on the AHDR. Acknowledgements 7

AHDR Report Steering Committee (2002-2004): Saami Council Oran Young, University of the Arctic, Co-Chair Canada Níels Einarsson, Iceland, Co-Chair Denmark/Greenland/Faroe Islands Victoria Gofman, Aleut International Association (AIA) Finland Chris Paci, Arctic Athabaskan Council (AAC) Iceland Hugh G. Lloyd, Canada Norway Jóan Petur Hentze, Faroe Islands Sweden Paula Kankaanpää, Finland Russian Federation Monica Tennberg, Alternate, Finland United States of America Marianne Lykke Thomsen, Greenland International Arctic Science Committee (IASC) Stephen J. Mills, Gwich’in Council International (GCI) International Arctic Social Science Association (IASSA) Peter Schweitzer, International Arctic Sciences Association (IASSA) Indigenous People’s Secretariat (IPS) Mark Nuttall, International Arctic Science Committee (IASC) International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) Carl Christian Olsen (Puju), Inuit Circumpolar Conference (ICC) North Atlantic Marine Mammal Commission (NAMMCO) Hugi Ólafsson, Iceland Northern Forum Gunn-Britt Retter, Indigenous People’s Secretariat (IPS) Standing Committee of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region John Crump, Indigenous People’s Secretariat (IPS) (SCARP) Jens Dahl, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP) (IWGIA) United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Grete Hovelsrud-Broda, North Atlantic Marine Mammal University of the Arctic Commission (NAMMCO) Priscilla Wohl, Northern Forum Special thanks are due to Bernard Funston, executive secretary Ingvild Broch, Norway, Vice Chair of the SDWG secretariat. Thanks are due as well to the Vladimir Pavlenko, Russian Federation Department of Water and Environmental Studies, Linköping Tamara Semenova, Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of University, Sweden, for facilitating Annika Nilsson’s the North (RAIPON) participation in the project. Rune Sverre Fjellheim, Saami Council, Vice Chair Sigrídur Anna Þórðardóttir, Standing Committee of Financial Support: Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region (SCPAR) The project could not have been completed without the Lilja Grétarsdóttir, Alternate (SCPAR) generous financial support received by: Stefan Källman, Sweden Government of Iceland. Ministry for Foreign Affairs Inge Kaul, United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Icelandic Ministry for the Environment/ Stefansson Arctic Institute Thor S. Larsen, United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP) Nordic Council of Ministers Kim M. Peterson, United States of America Government of Canada. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, and Department of Indian Affairs and Past members of the AHDR Report Steering Committee: Northern Development Aquilina Lestenkof, Aleut International Association (AIA) Government of Finland. Ministry for the Environment Flore Lekanof Sr., Aleut International Association (AIA) Government of Norway. Ministry of Foreign Affairs David Roddick, Arctic Athabaskan Council (AAC) Government of Sweden. Ministry of Foreign Affairs Mark Cleveland, Canada International Arctic Science Committee (IASC) University of Alaska The Sustainable Development Working Group of the Arctic US Department of State, Bureau of Oceans and International Council: Indigenous peoples’ organizations, permanent and Scientific Affairs participants, international organizations: Aleut International Association (AIA) The above list of contributors to the AHDR is not comprehensive; Arctic Athabaskan Council (AAC) it includes main contributors only. Thanks are also due to the Gwich’in Council International (GCI) numerous individuals who have been involved in this project but Inuit Circumpolar Conference (ICC) who are not mentioned by name. Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON) 8 Arctic Human Development Report

Contents

Summary of Major Findings ...... 10

PART I: Orientation ...... 13

Chapter 1: Introduction: Human Development in the Arctic ...... 15 Oran R. Young, University of California at Santa Barbara, U.S.A., and Níels Einarsson, Stefansson Arctic Institute, Iceland

Chapter 2: Arctic Demography ...... 27 Dmitry Bogoyavlenskiy, Center for Demography and Human Ecology, Institute for Economic Forecasting, Russian Academy, Russian Federation, and Andy Siggner, Statistics Canada

PART II: Core Systems ...... 43

Chapter 3: Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence ...... 45 Yvon Csonka, University of Greenland, Nuuk, Greenland, and Peter Schweitzer, University of Alaska Fairbanks, U.S.A.

Chapter 4: Economic Systems ...... 69 Gérard Duhaime, Université Laval, Québec City, Canada

Chapter 5: Political Systems ...... 85 Else Grete Broderstad, University of Tromsø, Norway, and Jens Dahl, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Denmark

Chapter 6: Legal Systems ...... 101 Nigel Bankes, University of Calgary, Canada Contents 9

PART III: Crosscutting Themes ...... 119

Chapter 7: Resource Governance ...... 121 Richard A. Caulfield, University of Alaska Fairbanks, U.S.A.

Chapter 8: Community Viability ...... 139 Nils Aarsæther, University of Tromsø, Norway; Larissa Riabova, Kola Science Centre, Russian Federation; and Jørgen Ole Bærenholdt, Roskilde University, Denmark

Chapter 9: Human Health and Well-being ...... 155 Carl M. Hild, Institute for Circumpolar Health Studies, University of Alaska Anchorage, U.S.A., and Vigdis Stordahl, University of Tromsø, Norway

Chapter 10: Education ...... 169 Gunilla Johansson, Luleå University of Technology, Sweden; Chris Paci, Arctic Athabascan Council, Canada; and Sylvi Stenersen Hovdenak, University of Oslo, Norway

Chapter 11: Gender Issues ...... 187 Karla Jessen Williamson, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, Ottawa, Canada; Gunhild Hoogensen, University of Tromsø, Norway; Ann Therese Lotherington, Norut Social Science Research Ltd., Tromsø, Norway; Lawrence H. Hamilton and Sarah Savage, University of New Hampshire, U.S.A.; Natalia Koukarenko, Pomor State University, Russian Federation; Marina Kalinina, Norwegian Pomor University Center, Norway; Ingunn Limstrand and Marit Stemland, Northern Feminist University in Steigen, Norway; Stephanie Irbacher Fox, Scott Polar Research Institute, U.K.; Joanna Kafarowski, University of Northern British Columbia, Canada and Canadian Circumpolar Institute; Lindis Sloan, Northern Feminist University in Steigen, Norway; Mariekathrine Poppel, University of Greenland, Nuuk, Greenland

Chapter 12: Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics ...... 207 Lassi Heininen, University of Lapland, Finland

PART IV: Conclusion ...... 227

Chapter 13: A Human Development Agenda for the Arctic: Major Findings and Emerging Issues ...... 229 Oran R. Young, University of California at Santa Barbara, U.S.A., and Níels Einarsson, Stefansson Arctic Institute, Iceland 10

Arctic Human Development Report

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70o Summary60o of Major Findings

The goal of the Arctic Human Development Report (AHDR), mandated in the 2002 Inari Declaration, is to provide “… a comprehensive knowledge base for the Arctic Council’s Sustainable Development Programme.” This report provides a sci- entific assessment that fulfills this goal. To this end, the report deals with five major topics: (i) policy-relevant conclusions, (ii) success stories, (iii) gaps in knowledge, (iv) regional perspectives on human development and (v) follow up activities.

Policy-relevant conclusions The AHDR covers a wide range of topics grouped into two broad categories: basic systems, encompassing Arctic demography, Arctic societies and cultures, Arctic economic systems, Arctic political systems, and Arctic legal systems and crosscutting themes, including resource governance in the Arctic, Arctic community viability, human health in the Arctic, Arctic education, gender relations in the Arctic, and Arctic international relations. The report contains a large number of policy-relevant conclusions. But two broad propositions stand out:

✓ Arctic societies have a well-deserved reputation for resilience in the face of change. But today they are facing an unprecedented combination of rapid and stressful changes involving environmental processes (e.g. the impacts of climate change), cultural developments (e.g. the erosion of indigenous languages), economic changes (e.g. the emergence of narrowly based mixed economies), industrial developments (e.g. the growing role of multinational corporations engaged in the extraction of natural resources), and political changes (e.g. the devolution of politi- cal authority). ✓ The issues that dominate the Arctic agenda today typically involve institutional issues or matters of governance. These concerns arise at the local level (e.g. creating co-management regimes), the regional level (e.g. resolving frictions between public governments and indigenous peoples organizations, finding ways for county, state, and territorial governments to generate needed revenues), and the circumpolar level (e.g. sorting out relations between the Arctic Council and the Northern Forum).

Arctic success stories There is no denying the existence of serious social problems in many parts of the Arctic. Yet it would be wrong to convey a sense of gloom and doom in addressing human development in this region. The problems are accompanied by genuine success stories, including the ability of Arctic peoples to retain a clear sense of cultural identity under considerable pres- sure, the effective use of advanced technologies in areas like telemedicine and the delivery of education, and the creation and refinement of innovative political and legal arrangements that are responsive to the needs of a range of stakeholders. The important thing in this context is to strike a proper balance, recognizing the problems but at the same time cel- ebrating the successes.

Gaps in knowledge The AHDR is a scientific assessment. Its goal is to take stock of and synthesize all available knowledge pertaining to human development in the Arctic; it is not a report on the findings of new research. In the process, the report has identified major gaps in knowledge that require attention in the near future in order to provide a firm basis for the development of the Sustainable Development Programme. Specifically, the report calls for a concerted effort to address the following topics: Summary of Major Findings 11

• Demography – a regional demographic profile based on common data protocols, • Cultures and societies – a better understanding of the effects of cumulative changes on cultural identity and social well-being, • Settlers – more knowledge of the experiences of recent settlers and Arctic residents of mixed heritage, • Industry – an enhanced understanding of the arrangements needed to ensure that modern industrial activities do not undermine community viability in the Arctic, • Governance – a sustained effort to compare and contrast the results of institutional innovations introduced in dif- ferent parts of the Arctic in recent years.

Regional perspectives on human development Tools like the UN’s Human Development Index (HDI) have become more sophisticated in recent years. There is no doubt, for instance, that the HDI, which includes measures of longevity and education levels as well as GDP per capi- ta, is a far better measure of human development than GDP per capita alone. Yet there is a need for measures of human development that are better suited to the conditions prevailing in a region like the Arctic. Partly, this is a matter of adjusting for regional conditions. School enrollments, for example, may not be a good measure of education in societies where subsistence hunting and gathering remain important and knowledge is passed on from one generation to another through experiential learning. In part, it is a matter of identifying additional aspects of human development that are widely regarded as critical in a particular region. In the Arctic, human development is closely associated with:

• Fate control – guiding one’s own destiny, • Cultural integrity – belonging to a viable local culture, • Contact with nature – interacting closely with the natural world.

Follow-up activities The AHDR should be viewed as part of a process rather than an end in itself. A number of specific steps can and should be taken to follow up on this initial effort:

• Dissemination, education and outreach – The AHDR should be translated into other languages (e.g. Russian) and made available electronically to students and other interested parties, • Monitoring – the SDWG should organize a workshop to devise a small number of indicators to be used in moni- toring or tracking changes in human development in the Arctic over time, • Gaps in knowledge – the SDWG should organize an off-the-record, brainstorming workshop to set priorities and identify procedures for addressing the gaps in knowledge identified in the AHDR, • International Polar Year planning – Those involved in the IPY planning process should make use of the AHDR in developing an agenda for human dimensions research, • Arctic Human Development posters and pamphlet – It would be helpful to encapsulate some of the main messages of the AHDR in a set of posters and a pamphlet for use in a variety of public settings.

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Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 1

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Lead authors: Oran R. Young, University of California at Santa Barbara,U.S.A., and Níels Einarsson, Stefansson Arctic Institute, Iceland.

In its ministerial declaration adopted in Inari, • The AHDR will provide a framework and Finland in the fall of 2002, the Arctic Council help to establish priorities for the activities called for the production of an Arctic Human of the Sustainable Development Working Development Report (AHDR) to initiate the Group. process of developing “… a comprehensive • More generally, the AHDR will shed light knowledge base for the Arctic Council’s on the concept of human development Sustainable Development Programme.” itself, highlighting dimensions of human Originating in discussions in the Standing well-being that are not prominent in main- Committee of Parliamentarians of the Arctic stream discussions of this topic. Region and evolving during the course of meet- ings of the parliamentarians in Rovaniemi, The individual chapters of the AHDR not only Finland in 2000 and in Tromsø, Norway in 2002, identify problems, they also lift out success sto- the proposal to produce an AHDR met with a ries that can be studied and possibly adapted by positive reception in the Arctic Council. During policymakers and people throughout the the 2002 ministerial meeting, Iceland made a region. The Arctic is not the place of unmitigat- commitment to the completion of the report as ed gloom and doom, ridden with pollution, a matter of priority during the 2002-2004 social problems, and depression that popular Icelandic chairmanship of the Council. This accounts often portray. We need a much more book fulfills that pledge. nuanced picture of life in the Arctic – the kind This introductory chapter presents the ration- that ordinary inhabitants themselves possess. It ale behind the project in more detail and some should reflect an awareness of the realities of of the choices made in the process of producing successes and failures of people and communi- the report. It also provides some general back- ties in coping with changes and striving to ground about the Arctic as it relates to human maintain lifestyles, traditions, identities, and development in the region. culturally constructed meaning. Social scientists have played a prominent role The Arctic Human in the making of this book. This is testimony to the fact that the Earth has entered an era in Development Report which major changes in the global biosphere Rationale and purpose and global society result from human actions and the operations of social institutions. The The rationale for treating the Arctic Human Arctic is strongly affected by rapid social as well Development Report (AHDR) as a priority as natural changes, and we need to know what includes a number of distinct elements: adaptive mechanisms societies and cultures in • The AHDR will offer an accessible overview the North have at hand, how they are likely to of the state of human development in the react, and how these reactions will play out. To Arctic that can serve as a point of departure understand the effects and adaptations of Arctic for assessing progress in the future. societies and their welfare, we can use the tools • The report will identify critical gaps in of modern social science. These tools can help knowledge that require attention on the us to comprehend these societies and how they part of the scientific community. interact with outside threats and opportunities. 16 Arctic Human Development Report

The concept of interaction is crucial, as human Demography makes clear, we have encountered societies are not impacted as dead matter but problems even in identifying the Arctic’s resi- react creatively within social and cultural struc- dents with precision. But also, the decision tures that guide actions and adaptations of indi- reflects a desire to address human development vidual actors. in broader terms, taking into account a range of Given the tight schedule imposed on this factors not represented in the HDI. project and the limited resources available, the The residents of many Arctic communities AHDR can make no claim to be comprehensive, would not receive outstanding HDI scores (1). encyclopedic, or all-encompassing. The purpose Yet humans residing in the Arctic do not gener- of this book is to identify and provide policy rel- ally see themselves as lagging behind in terms evant insights on key issues, themes, and trends of human development or deficient with regard that are of high importance and immediate con- to some broader conception of human well- cern to individual livelihoods and the welfare of being. Clearly, there are social problems in the people and societies in the circumpolar region. circumpolar North; the chapters of this report discuss a number of them along with strategies What is human that have been devised to cope with them. But this does not mean that Arctic lifestyles, cul- development? tures, or social institutions are inferior to those Human development has emerged in recent in communities that rank higher in terms of years as an important concept among those HDI scores. seeking an alternative to Gross Domestic This suggests the value of enquiring into Product (GDP) per capita as a measure of dimensions of human development that are not human well-being or the quality of life. But included in the HDI and asking about their rel- what is the nature of human development in the evance to the Arctic. Many Arctic residents – Arctic and how should we go about measuring especially those who are indigenous to the it? This question emerged as a key issue for the region or long-term residents – associate a good authors of the Arctic Human Development life with the maintenance of traditional hunting, Report. gathering, and herding practices. Yet it is diffi- cult to use indicators like GDP per capita to The Human Development Index and its measure the health of subsistence systems or limitations mixed economies more generally. For many, The United Nations Development Programme well-being is to be found in a way of life that has devised and made good use of a Human minimizes the need for the sorts of material Development Index (HDI) that integrates three goods and services included in calculations of distinct factors: (1) a long and healthy life meas- GDP per capita. ured in terms of life expectancy at birth, (2) edu- Education raises similar concerns. Many cation treated as a combination of adult literacy Arctic residents have a highly sophisticated and school enrollments, and (3) a decent stan- grasp of matters important to their well-being. dard of living construed as GDP per capita. But their knowledge often does not translate Simple as it is, calculations of the HDI over a into high scores in terms of adult literacy and number of years have shown how a broader gross school enrollments. measure of human development diverges sig- Even the weight given to life expectancy at nificantly from GDP per capita beyond a rela- birth can be discussed in this setting. No doubt, tively modest income level. This is a finding of living a long life is desirable. But what if one obvious importance. In an era in which escalat- were offered a choice between a shorter life ing levels of material consumption constitute a deeply rooted in traditional values and cultural major source of large-scale environmental prob- practices and a longer life spent trying to adjust lems, the realization that human well-being to the loss of a highly-valued lifestyle? Evidence does not correlate with GDP per capita beyond from the Arctic makes it clear that longevity by a certain point is both critical and encouraging. itself is not a paramount goal. Nevertheless, the AHDR Report Steering Turning our enquiry around, we can identify Committee decided at its first meeting not to several important aspects of human develop- attempt to compute a regional HDI for the ment that are not well represented in the HDI. Arctic. Partly, this was because of the lack of Most Arctic residents value fate control or the regional data. As the analysis in Chapter 2. Arctic ability to determine their own destinies. Highly Introduction: Human Development in the Arctic 17 Chapter 1 valued also is cultural continuity in the sense of The Arctic region nurturing traditional values and ways of life, even while embracing some of the obvious ben- Defining the Arctic efits of modernization. Close relationships with There is nothing intuitively obvious about the the natural world together with a sense of idea of treating the Arctic as a distinct region. belonging to the land (and the sea) are impor- Unlike more familiar regions, such as Southeast tant as well. Many of the Arctic’s residents Asia, the Middle East, or South America, the would not want to exchange this way of life for Arctic consists largely of segments of nation the lifestyles of residents of southern metropo- states whose political centers of gravity lie, for lises, even though such a life may offer higher the most part, far to the south (2). This observa- standards of living in material terms. tion presents us with the problem of determin- Anyone who has worked extensively in the ing what specific parts of these states to include Arctic is also acutely aware of the differences in a region designated as the Arctic or the cir- among individual communities in the region in cumpolar North. terms of social welfare and community viability. Even more troublesome is the fact that this It is not uncommon to find radically different effort requires the application of different conditions prevailing in communities that are geopolitical conventions in individual sectors of located in the same area and that resemble each the region. In the Canadian Arctic, for instance, other in terms of a range of demographic, eco- it seems reasonable to adopt 60°N as the south- nomic, and social factors. As a result, we found ern boundary of the region, a convention that it particularly important to identify success sto- separates the three northern territories from the ries relating to the achievements of individuals southern provinces (3). Yet applying the same and specific communities in the Arctic convention to Fennoscandia would demarcate a Considering these issues, the Report Steering region running as far south as Oslo and Committee concluded not only that computing Helsinki, an outcome that makes little sense to a regional HDI for the Arctic would not be fea- those who think about Arctic issues in the sible but also that it should not be the principal Nordic countries. objective of this effort. Instead, the AHDR Of course, it is possible to resort to the use of seeks to identify characteristics of human biophysical criteria to determine the extent of development that are informative in their own the Arctic as a region. But aside from the fact right and that can pave the way for collecting that this approach has little to recommend it in data that can be used in devising indicators that cultural, economic, or political terms, it also fails illuminate the special features of life in the to produce a clear cut result. Arctic. Examples are efforts to capture econom- In practical terms, we have concluded that ic rents associated with the extraction of natural there is much to be said for bounding the resources or the devolution of authority to Arctic in a manner that is broadly compatible regional and even local decision-makers. with studies of other Arctic issues rather than Similarly, the report addresses measures adopting yet another approach to determining designed to empower men and women in a the extent of the region. For this reason, the rapidly changing social environment that is AHDR takes as its point of departure the calling into question some traditional gender region that the Arctic Monitoring and roles. Assessment Programme covers in its 1997 and In the process, we hope to broaden and 2002 reports (4-5). For reasons having to do deepen the vision of human development mainly with the location of jurisdictional or implicit in the HDI. Our purpose is not to administrative boundaries and the availability undermine the HDI; it has served its purpose of data, however, the area covered by this well as a supplement to indicators based exclu- report differs from the AMAP Arctic in some sively on economic measures like GDP per respects. capita. But if we succeed, the AHDR will both Thus, the AHDR Arctic encompasses all of identify issues that need to be addressed by Alaska, Canada North of 60°N together with policymakers concerned with the quality of life northern Quebec and Labrador, all of in the Arctic and contribute to a richer concep- Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and Iceland, and tion of human development that will prove the northernmost counties of Norway, Sweden useful in assessing the quality of life in other and Finland. The situation in Russia is harder to regions of the world. describe in simple terms. The area included, as 18 Arctic Human Development Report

80o

70o

60o

Arctic circle Source: Arctic boundary: AMAP Compiled by W.K. Dallmann, Arctic boundary: AHDR Norwegian Polar Institute

demarcated by our demographers, encompasses the Murmansk Oblast, the Nenets, Yamalo- Arctic cooperation: a context for this Nenets, Taimyr, and Chukotka autonomus report okrugs, Vorkuta City in the Komi Republic, A number of writers have questioned the Norilsk and Igsrka in Krasnoyarsky Kray, and appropriateness of treating the Arctic as a those parts of the Sakha Republic whose region at all. They point to striking differences boundaries lie closest to the Arctic Circle., in the history of the Arctic and the roles the This, then, is the AHDR Arctic. It encompass- Arctic has played in North America, es an area of over 40 million square kilometers Fennoscandia, and Russia. To them, the idea of or about 8% of the surface of the Earth, a sizable the Arctic as a coherent region with a policy domain by any standards (4, 6). But the human agenda of its own is little more than an artifi- residents of this vast area number only about 4 cial construct that requires serious manipula- million, of whom almost half are located within tion of the facts to seem credible (7). Although the Russian Federation (4). it is understandable in some respects, this cri- Unless otherwise stated, we use the AHDR tique is falling increasingly on deaf ears among Arctic as our domain of interest. Nonetheless, both those who live in the Arctic and others the lead authors of some chapters have found it who think about Arctic issues today. More and necessary to deviate from these boundaries in more, the Arctic has emerged as a distinct addressing certain topics. In these cases, we region in public policy discussions (8-12). have asked the authors to indicate clearly where During the Cold War, the Arctic loomed as a these differences lie. region of confrontation, if it merited treatment Introduction: Human Development in the Arctic 19 Chapter 1

Non-Indigenous Indigenous population population

Total Population

USA (Alaska) 648,818

Canada 130,275

Russia 1,982,450

Greenland o 56,676 80 Norway 379,641

Finland 70o 200,677 Iceland 288,471 Sweden 263,735 Faroe Islands o 47,704 60

Arctic circle Arctic map by W.K. Dallmann, AHDR Arctic boundary Norwegian Polar Institute

as a region at all. Yet today, the circumpolar icy agenda for the Arctic and in amplifying the North has become an arena for launching coop- voice of the Arctic in global settings. erative activities featuring not only interstate The Council has assumed a proactive role in agreements but also innovative transnational sponsoring scientific assessments regarding initiatives on the part of subnational units of pollution, flora and fauna, and climate change government and a variety of non-state actors and variability. The Arctic Human Development (11-12). Report is an assessment prepared under the At the interstate level, the most important auspices of the Arctic Council’s Sustainable joint initiatives include the Arctic Environmental Development Working Group. Protection Strategy (AEPS) established in 1991 The Arctic has also become an arena for and its successor, the Arctic Council, founded in efforts on the part of lower levels of government 1996. The agenda of this cooperation has grown to form transnational associations. The most from an initial focus on environmental protec- striking example of this phenomenon is the tion to a broader emphasis on sustainable Northern Forum, founded officially in 1991 and development. Moreover, the Arctic Council has evolving over time in parallel with the introduced innovative procedures granting AEPS/Arctic Council. The years since the found- indigenous peoples organizations the status of ing of the AEPS/Arctic Council and the permanent participants and allowing them to Northern Forum have witnessed also a remark- participate fully in its work. Although its author- able growth in the number and variety of non- ity is limited, the Council has played a part of governmental organizations focused on Arctic considerable significance both in framing a pol- issues. Among the most important of these are 20 Arctic Human Development Report

governmental organizations has contributed The Permanent Participants and the AHDR significantly to the emerging profile of the Arctic A unique and innovative feature of the Arctic as a distinct region. See also Chapter 12. Council is the role it accords to the Permanent Circumpolar Geopolitics and International Participants. Although they are not treated as Relations. formal members, the indigenous peoples organ- izations representing the six Permanent Partici- Global connections pants are engaged in all activities of the Council on a basis of de facto equality. Representatives Given the fact that the Arctic is still emerging as of all the Permanent Participants sit on the an accepted region in world affairs, it is tempt- AHDR’s Report Steering Committee; one of the ing to focus on efforts to delineate Arctic-specif- ic issues and, in the process, to ignore or down- play links between the Arctic and the outside world. Such an approach would be misleading. The Arctic is affected increasingly by outside developments and the region has also played a role in shaping the course of world affairs. Roughly, these links can be categorized under the headings of global environmental change and globalization or global social change. The PHOTO: SVEN HAAKANSON, JR. Nenets children. environmental links between the Arctic and the outside world are emerging with greater and members of the Executive Committee is indige- nous. The Permanent Participants have taken an greater clarity. Impacts of climate change, for active interest in the preparation of the AHDR example, are already observable in the Arctic. It and made many contributions to the quality of is accepted now that there is a critical need to the product. While the report is not in any way a improve our understanding of regional process- negotiated document, the concerns of the es and that the high latitudes of the northern indigenous stakeholders of the Arctic are clearly hemisphere constitute a critical region both as a reflected in the substantive chapters of this generator of global processes and as an area in assessment. which the effects of climate change are likely to be particularly severe. indigenous peoples organizations (e.g. the Globalization, too, has affected the Arctic in a Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of number of ways. The volatility of world markets the North), scientific organizations (e.g., the for raw materials (e.g. oil and gas) has intensi- International Arctic Science Committee), and fied preexisting forces giving rise to rapid socio- organizations focused on the delivery of educa- economic changes – often called boom-bust tion to residents of the Arctic (e.g. the University cycles – in many Arctic communities. The nar- of the Arctic). See also Chapter 10. Education. row economic base of most Arctic communities Taken together, the growth of this array of non- has made them vulnerable to actions (e.g. bans

The Arctic Climate Impact Assessment The Arctic Climate Impact Assessment (ACIA), mandated under the terms of the Arctic Council’s October 2000 Barrow Declaration, involves an effort to integrate all available knowl- edge regarding climate change and variability in the circum- polar North and to investigate the economic and social impacts as well as the biophysical consequences of climate change in the region. Guided by a Scientific Committee and supported by the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP), the Working Group on the Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna (CAFF), and the International Arctic

Science Committee (IASC), ACIA is the most extensive assess- PHOTO: JÓNAS G. ALLANSSON Spring in Kulusuk, East Greenland. ment of climate change and variability at the regional level that has been done so far. As the assessment makes clear, cli- sure to relocate some communities, and the deepening of the mate change is already generating impacts that affect human active layer of the permafrost is undermining infrastructure in well-being. Thus, storm surges are producing mounting pres- many areas. Introduction: Human Development in the Arctic 21 Chapter 1 on the import or sale of seal products, sudden changes in the rules governing uses of whales Native? Aboriginal? Indigenous? and other marine mammals) on the part of out- Aside from language differences, Arctic countries have different words to siders who may not understand the impacts of designate the peoples who were already established at the time people of their actions on northern communities. More European tradition came to the North. In Alaska, “Native” is the most positively, Arctic indigenous peoples have common designation. In Canada, the constitution defines the term “abo- riginal peoples of Canada” to include “the Indian, Inuit and Métis peoples become leaders in the global struggle to secure of Canada.” But while the Constitution of Canada uses the term “Indians”, the rights of indigenous peoples. Indian people themselves increasingly prefer the term First Nations. Soviet, and then Russian, legislation distinguishes between “indigenous numeri- cally-small peoples”, less than 50,000 strong, and other non-Russian peo- A scientific assessment ples – e.g., in the Arctic, the Sakha and the Komi – who, by virtue of their The AHDR constitutes an assessment rather numbers, are denied indigenous status. The AHDR uses the term “indige- than a report intended to present original nous” in recognition of the need to find a common terminology that tran- research. In this, it resembles the reports of the scends a particular people or peoples. We note as well that many Arctic res- idents are of mixed heritage. The rules regarding who qualifies as indige- Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme nous vary from one part of the Arctic to another. But it is fair to say that a and the Arctic Climate Impact Assessment. The sizable proportion of those living in the Arctic today have both indigenous essential goal is to identify and synthesize exist- and non-indigenous roots. A map of the indigenous peoples of the Arctic is ing knowledge in the interests of presenting an provided in Chapter 3. Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence. integrated picture of human development in the Arctic, including similarities and differences between the Arctic and other parts of the coun- The report is structured with these ends in tries whose northern areas make up the Arctic. mind. Chapter 2. Arctic Demography addresses a The practice of scientific assessment has become range of demographic issues arising from the relatively familiar in the natural sciences during treatment of the Arctic as a distinct region, the past 20 years (13). But there is no parallel including population growth rates, the balance tradition of conducting scientific assessments in between indigenous peoples and other resi- the social sciences. Accordingly, we envision the dents, and rates of in- and out-migration in the AHDR as a contribution to the rise of scientific North. Together with this chapter, it provides a assessment in the social sciences in general, as point of departure for examining a range of well as a contribution to the work for the Arctic aspects of human development in the Arctic. Council’s Sustainable Development Working The second section includes four chapters Group. addressing the basic systems of the circumpolar North: socio-cultural systems (Chapter 3), eco- Scope and structure of the report nomic systems (Chapter 4), political systems The AHDR is broad in scope. The topics covered (Chapter 5), and legal systems (Chapter 6). The range from straightforward issues of demogra- goals are to monitor trends over time in a set of phy, through more or less familiar socio-cultur- basic systems, to contrast systems prevailing in al, economic, political, and legal concerns, to the Arctic with those more typical of the outside emerging issues of health, education, and gen- world, and to compare recent developments der roles. In each chapter, the lead authors have occurring in various sectors of the Arctic itself. undertaken to single out the most important More specifically, these chapters address issues themes and trends rather than attempting to like the retention of culture in the face of rapid address all matters of interest pertaining to that social change, the rise of mixed economies in topic. Specifically, the instructions given to the remote Arctic communities, initiatives designed lead authors requested that they single out the to secure the rights of indigenous peoples to 3-5 most important trends in an issue area, self-determination without eroding the rights of compare and contrast conditions regarding others, and shifting approaches to property and these matters in the Arctic with parallel condi- property rights in the Arctic. tions in the southern reaches of the Arctic states, The third section of the report contains a comment on variations from one section of the series of chapters focusing on themes that are Arctic to another with respect to these concerns, crosscutting in the sense that they relate to all and identify important issues where there is a the basic systems considered in the previous need for improving our understanding to pro- section. Specifically, these chapters focus on vide a basis for making public choices in the managing harvests of renewable resources future. (Chapter 7), community viability (Chapter 8), 22 Arctic Human Development Report

human health (Chapter 9), education (Chapter 10), gender issues (Chapter 11), and interna- Arctic visions and interests tional relations (Chapter 12). To take a single Before turning to the substance of the report, we example, the discussion of managing the har- pause to reflect on the general perspectives that vest of renewable resources touches on endur- stakeholders bring to a consideration of human ing cultural practices dealing with consumptive development in the Arctic. Those wanting to uses of animals, the significance of the infor- plunge directly into the main concerns of this mal economy, the creation of co-management assessment may want to skip this section. But regimes, and the legal bases for creating others will find it helpful, providing a broader unconventional but innovative resource context for the AHDR accounts of conditions regimes. The result is a set of accounts of cut- prevailing in the Arctic. ting-edge concerns that go to the heart of sus- It is tempting to assume that we can charac- tainable development in the circumpolar terize a region like the Arctic in objective terms North. that will somehow capture the perspectives of all those who are active in the area as well as Policy-relevant conclusions those who are interested in the region even The AHDR closes with a chapter that highlights though they are not players in the Arctic in any policy-relevant conclusions arising from the direct sense. But efforts of this sort are doomed analyses presented in the previous chapters. The to failure. There are many visions of the Arctic, aim is to draw attention to policy-relevant find- and the appeal of individual visions varies as a ings rather than to advocate the adoption of function of the vantage points and interests of specific policies. There are cases in which the individual actors. Thomas Berger’s familiar pursuit of this goal necessitates walking a fine phrase “Northern Frontier, Northern line. Ignoring the identification of policy-rele- Homeland,” for instance, captures the distinc- vant conclusions, however, would be incompat- tion between those who see the circumpolar ible with the terms of reference for the prepara- Arctic as a storehouse of natural resources of tion of this report articulated in the 2002 Inari interest to industrialized societies to the south Declaration. The AHDR will succeed to the and those who reside in the Arctic and see extent that it proves helpful to the activities of themselves as the current representatives of the Arctic Council’s Sustainable Development peoples who have lived in the region. Working Group. Important as it is, this dichotomy does not do justice to the range of Arctic visions that have framed northern issues and shaped the interests of individuals and stakeholder groups during the course of modern history (15). Many of the The Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry visions have given rise to distinct mindsets. Because these mindsets tend to spawn dramati- Responding to both growing pressures from industry to develop Arctic oil and gas and increasingly vocal opposition on the part of the Dene and cally different and sometimes conflicting Metis, the Government of Canada acted in March 1974 to establish the approaches to Arctic issues of public impor- Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry as a royal commission and to appoint tance, they provide an important backdrop for Justice Thomas R. Berger to serve as the Inquiry’s commissioner. The report the Arctic Human Development Report. of the Inquiry entitled Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland, published in 1977 and commonly known as the Berger Report, is widely recognized as a Homeland seminal statement regarding alternative visions of the Arctic. As Berger First and, in our view, foremost, is the idea of the observed in his letter of transmittal, “[T]he North is a frontier, but it is a Arctic as a homeland for a diverse group of homeland too … And it is a heritage, a unique environment that we are called upon to preserve for all Canadians.” indigenous peoples ranging from the Inuit and Mackenzie Athabascans of the North American Arctic Delta As a result, he concluded, “[T]he decisions Inuvik we have to make are not … simply about through the Saami of Fennoscandia and the northern pipelines. They are decisions Kola Peninsula and on to the small-numbered Fort Good about the protection of the northern Hope Norman Wells peoples of the Russian North and Arctic. They environment and the future of north- are the descendents of peoples who followed Tulita ern peoples” (14). Northwest Territories the retreating icecap in Europe, spread out over Wrigley The proposed route of the Mackenzie Valley Natural Gas Pipeline. Map published by the Mackenzie Gas Project, northern Siberia and the Russian Far East, and Fort Simpson see www.mackenziegasproject.com. crossed the Bering Strait some 4,000 years ago or more. They have found ways to live comfort- Introduction: Human Development in the Arctic 23 Chapter 1 ably in the Arctic and to respond in a flexible circumstances, like the existence of a surplus of manner to the biophysical fluctuations in the naval officers in Great Britain in the aftermath region. Throughout much of the past, groups of the Napoleonic Wars and the culture of like the Inuit of the North American Arctic and chivalry that fueled the search for the lost the Nenets of Northwestern Siberia have led a Franklin Expedition during the middle decades relatively self-contained existence, a condition of the 19th century (19). Today, most of the that accounts for their common practice of using Arctic is well mapped and firmly allocated in terms that mean “the people” to refer to them- jurisdictional terms to the eight Arctic states, a selves and “the land” to characterize the areas fact that suggests that this vision of the region in which they live. is no longer relevant. But we should avoid In more recent times – ranging from the end jumping to such a conclusion prematurely. of the 10th century for the Greenlandic Inuit as a There are major unknowns regarding the result of Icelandic Norse passages and settle- undersea topography of the Arctic Basin, a situ- ment (16-17), to the middle of the 18th century ation whose importance is growing with the for the Aleuts residing in the Bering Sea region, onset of climate change in the region. and on to the early 20th century for the Inuit of Moreover, many outsiders persist in viewing the High Arctic in Canada – the Arctic’s indige- the Arctic region as a land of discovery or a nous peoples have come into contact with a wilderness mostly devoid of permanent human variety of outsiders. Over the past fifty years, residents. Such perspectives make it hard for these contacts have precipitated a cascade of decision-makers to come to terms with the real rapid and accelerating social changes among the concerns (e.g. establishing the rights of indige- Arctic’s indigenous residents. nous peoples, protecting the region’s environ- Today, the indigenous peoples of the Arctic ment) that dominate the Arctic policy agenda constitute only a fraction of the region’s perma- today. nent human residents (though they are the majority in some subregions). Under these cir- Magnet for cultural emissaries cumstances, a major issue facing those respon- As in other parts of the world, Christian mis- sible for making decisions about the Arctic is the sionaries arrived in the Arctic on the heels of clarification of the rights of the region’s indige- explorers. In fact, the region soon became an nous peoples, including not only human and arena for competition among a wide range of political rights but also the rights to the land and Christian sects, including Roman Catholics, natural resources of those who have never relin- Russian Orthodox, Anglicans/Episcopalians, quished their aboriginal rights despite the Lutherans, Moravians, Presbyterians, and absorption of their homelands into the jurisdic- Quakers, to name but some. The most deter- tions of modern nation states. Struggles cen- mined efforts of the missionaries produced in tered in one way or another on claims and many areas some form of syncretism rather than counterclaims relating to indigenous rights now a complete conversion to one variety of constitute a major feature of the Arctic’s political Christianity or another. See also Chapter 3. and legal landscape. For more detail, see Societies and Cultures. Change and Persistence. Chapter 5. Political Systems and Chapter 6. Legal Today, the era of Christian missionaries is large- Systems. ly over in the Arctic. Nonetheless, the legacy of this experience lives on in many quarters, and Land of discovery the impact of western culture, ranging from From a European perspective, the Arctic has dietary habits through recreational activities and long loomed large as a land of discovery (18). on to popular music, is pervasive. In many cases, Starting in the 16th century and accelerating this cultural impact on the Arctic encompasses well into the 19th century, Europeans, ignoring unintended side effects from activities carried or denying the presence of the region’s indige- out with little or no concern for these extrane- nous peoples and driven by a desire to open up ous effects. But the consequences are no less a Northwest Passage or a Northeast Passage to pervasive and powerful. At present, efforts to the Orient, strove to explore the far reaches of come to terms with the impacts of the mission- the Arctic and to assert jurisdictional claims to aries and their successors as emissaries of west- various parts of the region on behalf of their ern culture constitutes an important preoccupa- countries of origin. The intensity of this vision tion for many of the Arctic’s permanent resi- waxed and waned with seemingly unrelated dents. 24 Arctic Human Development Report

equipped with cruise missiles and nuclear-pow- Storehouse of resources ered submarines able to operate beneath the Starting with the activities of Basque and Dutch region’s sea ice in relative safety (20). With the whalers in the 16th century, the Arctic has collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the appealed to many as a storehouse of natural Cold War, it would be reasonable to assume that resources – both renewable and nonrenewable. the military perspective would be marginalized, This perspective has given rise to a view of the and to some degree this has happened. But it Arctic as a place to be mined for natural would be a mistake to assume that the idea of resources with relatively little concern for sus- the Arctic as a theater of military operations is a tainability or the side effects of resource extrac- thing of the past. The United States continues to tion. In earlier times, these practices focused deploy strategic weapons systems to forward mainly on the exploitation of living resources, as bases in Alaska and Greenland as well as in the in Russian harvests of sea otters and fur seals waters of the Arctic. The residue of military starting in the middle of the 18th century, and operations remains in evidence in many parts of American and British harvests of great whales the region. A prominent example involves during the 19th and early 20th centuries. decommissioned Russian nuclear-powered sub- During the 20th century, the Arctic emerged as marines at rest in the Murmansk Fjord as they locus for world-class fisheries as well as a store- await the attention of those with the expertise house of nonrenewable resources, including and technology needed to dismantle them safe- minerals and hydrocarbons. Today, the region is ly. Another example centers on the fate of the a major source of nickel, lead, zinc, and even American airbase at Thule in northwestern diamonds. Perhaps even more important is its Greenland. See also Chapter 12. Circumpolar role as a relatively secure source of oil and gas. International Relations and Geopolitics. The Prudhoe Bay oil field, identified as commer- cially significant in 1968, is the largest field in Environmental linchpin North America. The immense gas fields of The environmental importance of the Earth’s Northwest Siberia, as well as the oil and gas high latitudes and especially the high latitudes potential of the Barents Sea, are critical to the of the northern hemisphere has been recog- efforts of Russia to mobilize the financial nized for a long time. Partly, this is a product of resources needed to engage in international the fact that waterborne and airborne pollutants trade. Those who complain about the sizable originating in the mid-latitudes make their way role that transfer payments from southern gov- to the Arctic and often remain there for extend- ernments play in the Arctic economy seldom ed periods of time. Information about the accu- stop to think about the money flowing south in mulation of persistent organic pollutants the form of economic returns and rents arising (POPs) in the Arctic and their impact on human from the extraction of the Arctic’s raw materials. health played a role of some importance in the But as Chapter 4. Economic Systems demon- successful effort to negotiate a multilateral envi- strates, the southward flow exceeds the north- ronmental agreement – the 2001 Stockholm ward flow. Convention – designed to curb the production, uncontrolled use, and release of POPs (21). Theater for military operations Even more dramatic is the emerging evidence Although the region’s hydrocarbons are impor- regarding the role of the Arctic in climate tant to the operation of advanced industrial change. The impacts of climate change, in such societies, those who focus on matters of securi- forms as the retreat of sea ice, the erosion of ty have seldom considered the Arctic as a prize beaches in storm surges, and increased depth of in its own right. Nevertheless, the region has the active layer of permafrost, are now clearly in emerged from time to time as an important the- evidence in the circumpolar North (22). ater of military operations (9). Perhaps the most Moreover, climate change in the Arctic may pro- dramatic case is the role of the Arctic during the duce feedbacks that serve to accelerate global Cold War between the Soviet Union and the climate change. The melting of permafrost may United States and its allies. Not only did the change the region from a net sink to a net region encompass the closest point of contact source of greenhouse gases, and the melting of between the superpowers, it also provided sea ice will lower the capacity of the Arctic to attractive conditions for the deployment of reflect solar radiation back into space. As a con- nuclear weapons mounted on manned bombers sequence, those interested in the global impacts Introduction: Human Development in the Arctic 25 Chapter 1 of climate change and variability have begun to remote locations in the North American Arctic pay close attention to the Arctic. via scheduled commercial air service, for Looking at the Arctic solely as an environ- instance. mental linchpin does nothing to address the Of course, the circumpolar North is not a cultural, economic, or political issues of impor- wilderness at all. Most parts of the region have tance to the Arctic’s permanent residents today. been lived in and used on a regular basis by a If anything, it may distract attention from more variety of indigenous peoples for centuries. immediate regional concerns, such as the deci- Nonetheless, it is possible to travel quite exten- sion whether to continue eating traditional but sively in the Arctic in a manner that allows visi- now increasingly contaminated foods. Still, it is tors to retain an image of the region as an undeniable that this vision of the Arctic is on the unspoiled wilderness area. This vision of the upswing. Arctic encourages some visitors to oppose efforts to develop the region’s nonrenewable The scientific Arctic resources and to espouse measures (e.g. prohi- The Arctic has long served as a magnet for bitions on the killing of whales or wolves) that researchers, ranging from physical scientists are likely to erode cultural practices important to interested in glaciers and the Earth’s climate some of the region’s indigenous peoples and system to cultural anthropologists seeking to coastal communities (23-24). These side effects reconstruct the peopling of the new world and seem like acceptable consequences to those to understand the cultures of indigenous peo- adventure travelers who have limited knowl- ples whose lives are focused on herding or edge of Arctic cultures and little understanding hunting and gathering. Today, awareness of the of the dynamics of Arctic ecosystems. They wish sophistication of indigenous or traditional eco- to sustain their “Arctic,” regardless of the likely logical knowledge is growing. Efforts are under- impacts of such a position on the interests of way to compare and contrast the two approach- other Arctic stakeholders. es to knowledge and to bring both western sci- ence and traditional ecological knowledge to The Arctic of the imagination bear in efforts to solve concrete problems. Last but not least is what some have referred to Scientists interested in the Arctic became as the Arctic of the imagination. The region has driving forces behind the International Polar come to occupy an important place in the think- Years in 1882-1883 and 1932-1933 and, to a ing of many who will never set foot in the Arctic lesser extent, the International Geophysical Year and who lead lives in urban settings that are in 1957-1958. In recent years, the Arctic has increasingly divorced from direct contact with loomed large in the work of scientists seeking to nature (25). The Arctic has played a role of con- understand such matters as climate change, the siderable significance in fleshing out the con- depletion of stratospheric ozone, and the effects cept of the sublime (26). The region has pro- of different pollutants. The focus has been on duced a seemingly endless supply of accounts of both global processes and conditions that are derring-do – starting with expeditionary reports specific to the region. Planning is currently well of Elisha Kent Kane, and the fictional stories of underway to prepare for a new International Jack London – that appeal to sedentary urban Polar Year in 2007-2008, in which Arctic con- dwellers. It has even attracted a wide range of cerns will loom large. advertisers looking for appealing images to be used in promoting specific products. Destination for adventure travelers It may seem at first blush that this vision on As the planet grows smaller in conceptual the part of outsiders is – or should be - of little terms, regions that appeal to eco-tourists as rel- or no significance from the point of view of atively unspoiled wilderness and to devotees of those who live in the Arctic. But it would be a extreme sports as physical challenges become mistake to dismiss this view of the Arctic too rarer and take on added value. In some respects, quickly. Not only is there an extraordinary Antarctica with its lack of permanent human demand for images and writings that reinforce residents fits this vision better than the Arctic. the Arctic of the imagination, but those who While it is difficult and costly to reach view the region in this way are easily recruited Antarctica, however, many parts of the Arctic to causes calling for a cessation of the harvest- are readily available to adventuresome travelers. ing of wildlife and, more generally, for the It is possible to reach Svalbard as well as many imposition of severe restrictions on human 26 Arctic Human Development Report

activities in the Arctic. Given their numbers and 14. T. R. Berger, Northern Frontier, Northern their general lack of interest in human welfare Homeland: The Report of the Mackenzie Valley in the region, members of this group can and Pipeline Inquiry, 2 vols. (Ministry of Supply and often do support policies that prove disruptive Services, Ottawa, 1977). 15. G. Osherenko, O. Young, The Age of the Arctic: to the interests of the Arctic’s permanent resi- Hot Conflicts and Cold Realities (Cambridge Univ. dents as well as to those of a number of other Press, Cambridge, 1989). stakeholder groups in the region. 16. W. W. Fitzhugh, E. I. Ward, Eds., Vikings: The In summary, the Arctic is not a uni-dimen- North Atlantic Saga (Smithsonian Institute Press, sional space. Because they start from different Washington and London, 2000). vantage points, Arctic stakeholders frequently 17. G. Pálsson, Frægð og firnindi: Ævi Vilhjálms talk past one another, often without realizing Stefánssonar (Biography of Vilhjalmur that they are doing so. A first step in assessing Stefansson) (Mál og menning, Reykjavik, 2003). human well-being in this region, then, is to rec- (In Icelandic). 18. P. Berton, The Arctic Grail (Viking, New York, ognize this diversity of perspectives and to grasp 1988). its implications for any effort to understand the 19. F. Fleming, Barrow’s Boys: A Stirring Story of state of human well-being in the Arctic. Daring, Fortitude, and Outright Lunacy (Grove Press, New York, 1999). 20. O. R. Young, “The Age of the Arctic,” Foreign Policy, 61: 160 (1985-1986). References/Further Reading 21. D. Downie, T. Fenge, Eds., Northern Lights 1. This is true despite the fact that whole countries Against POPs: Combatting Toxic Threats in the like Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden Arctic (McGill-Queen’s Univ. Press, Montreal regularly receive high UN HDI scores. and Kingston, 2003). 2. The exception is Iceland, the only country that 22. These changes are documented fully in the Arctic lies wholly within the Arctic. Climate Impact Assessment, a work in progress 3. Even in this case, there are complications due to under the auspices of the Arctic Council that is the fact that Nunavik (or northern Quebec) and scheduled for release during the fall of 2004. Labrador extends below 60°N. 23. N. Einarsson, “All animals are equal but some are 4. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme cetaceans: conservation and culture conflict,” in (AMAP), Arctic Pollution Issues: State of the Arctic Environmentalism: The View from Anthropology, K. Environment Report (AMAP, Oslo, 1997). Milton, Ed. (Routledge, London and New York, 5. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme 1993) pp. 73-84. (AMAP), Arctic Pollution 2002 (AMAP, Oslo, 24. N. Einarsson, “A sea of images: Fishers, whalers 2002). and environmentalists,” in Images of 6. T. Armstrong, G. Rogers, G. Rowley, The Contemporary Iceland: Everyday Lives and Global Circumpolar North (Methuen, London, 1978). Context, G. Pálsson, E.P. Durrenberger, Eds. 7. C. Keskitalo, Negotiating the Arctic: The (Univ. of Iowa Press, Iowa City, 1996) pp. 46-59. Construction of an International Region (Routledge, 25. Spofford, Francis 1997 I May Be Some Time: Ice London, 2004). and the English Imagination (Faber and Faber, 8. L. P. Bloomfield, “The Arctic: Last Unmanaged London, 1996). Frontier,” Foreign Affairs 60: 87 (1981). 26. C. Loomis, “The Arctic Sublime,” in Nature and 9. F. Griffiths, “Introduction: The Arctic as an the Victorian Imagination, U.C. Knoepfmacher, International Political Region,” in The Arctic G.B. Tennyson, Eds. (Univ. of California Press, Challenge: Nordic and Canadian Approaches to Berkeley, 1977) pp. 95-112. Security and Cooperation in an Emerging F. Griffiths, Ed., Arctic Alternatives: Civility or International Region, K. Mottola, Ed.(Westview, Militarism in the Circumpolar North (Science for Boulder, 1988 ) pp. 1-14. Peace/Samuel Stevens, Toronto, 1992). 10. D. Scrivener, Gorbachev’s Murmansk Speech: The O. R. Young, Arctic Politics: Conflict and Soviet Initiative and Western Response (Norwegian Cooperation in the Circumpolar North (Univ. Press Atlantic Committee, Oslo, 1989). of New England, Hanover, 1992). 11. O. R. Young, “The Arctic Council: Marking a New Era in International Relations” (A Twentieth Century Fund Report, 1996). 12. O. R. Young, “Arctic Governance: Preparing for the Next Phase” (Background paper prepared for the Fifth Conference of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region, 2000). 13. E. A. Parson, Protecting the Ozone Layer: Science and Strategy (Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford, 2003). 27

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 2

80o

70o Arctic60o Demography

Lead authors: Dmitry Bogoyavlenskiy, Center for Demography and Human Ecology, Institute for Economic Forecasting, Russian Academy of Sciences, Russian Federation, and Andy Siggner, Statistics Canada.

Approximately 4 million people live in the Arctic. closely related to each other and distinctly dif- Some countries are completely located within ferent from those residing in the more southern this region, namely Iceland, Greenland, and the areas of their countries, or in other non-circum- Faroe Islands. Other countries, Russia, Canada, polar areas of the northern hemisphere (1). United States, Norway, Sweden, and Finland, Fertility, although decreasing, is generally have just a small portion of their overall popula- higher in the Arctic when compared to south- tions residing within their respective Arctic areas. ern parts of Arctic countries and the Nordic This chapter describes the different popula- countries in Europe as a whole. Mortality is also tions in the Arctic by focusing on key demo- higher, and life expectancy, accordingly, is graphic characteristics: how many people there lower. are, where they live, fertility, mortality, age and During the last decade of the 20th century, the gender composition, and migration. The statis- inflow of population in all the circumpolar tics refer to the population of the Arctic countries regions has been less than the outflow, resulting as a whole for those countries that are complete- in a net loss of population due to migration. ly within the Arctic. For the other countries, the The age structure of the Arctic population dif- statistics refer to the geographic areas included fers from that of its more southern counterparts. in the circumpolar region of the world as defined The most noticeable difference is the relatively in Chapter 1. Introduction: Human Development in high share of the population in the labor-force the Arctic. age group, as well as in younger age groups in some circumpolar regions, and a smaller portion Population of Arctic Regions and Countries in older age groups. This peculiar feature of the circa 2003 age structure is characteristic of the population Arctic Country/Region Square Date Population Population in the majority of circumpolar regions and (1,000 Size (1,000) Density (per sq km) 100 sq km) depends on migration flows into and out of Total 12575 4058.0 32 these regions. USA: Alaska 1516 1.7.2003 648.2 43 In the countries where there are data for the Canada: Arctic regions 4191 15.5.2001 130.3 3 indigenous populations, these populations tend Denmark: Greenland 2176 1.1.2003 56.7 3 Iceland 103 31.12.2002 288.5 280 to be much younger, with a very high share of Denmark: Faroe Islands 1 31.12.2002 47.7 3410 their populations under 5 years old (see box on Norway: Arctic regions 107 1.1.2003 462.7 431 page 29 for definitions of indigenous). Depend- Sweden: Arctic regions 99 31.12.2002 253.6 257 ing on the relative shares of indigenous and Finland: Arctic regions 93 31.12.2002 187.8 202 Russia: Arctic regions 4289 9.10.2002 1982.5 46 non-indigenous populations in each circumpo- lar region, this factor often has significant impact on the socio-economic conditions of the region. General population An example is Nunavut, Canada, where 85% of the population is Inuit, and only 15% is non- characteristics indigenous. The median age of Inuit in Nunavut Despite the fact that the demographic situation is 19 years, old (which means that half the Inuit is different in various parts of the circumpolar population is under that age). If one includes the region, there are general population characteris- non-indigenous population in Nunavut, the tics that make the various Arctic populations median age rises to only 22 years because of the 28 Arctic Human Development Report

Some Vital Indices of Arctic Countries (1950-2000)

Country Regions Index 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2001 Country Regions Index 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2001 USA Whole CBR 24.1 23.7 18.4 15.9 16.7 14.1 Norway Whole CBR 16.6 12.5 14.4 12.6 CDR 9.6 9.5 9.5 8.8 8.6 8.5 CDR 10.0 10.1 10.9 9.8 TFR 2.48 1.84 2.08 2.12 TFR 2.72 1.72 1.93 1.78 LEx-m 65.6 66.6 67.1 70.0 71.8 74.4 1968-69 1976-80 1986-90 LEx-f 71.1 73.1 74.8 77.4 78.8 79.8 LEx-m 73.1 76.2 Alaska CBR 30.0 32.8 24.1 23.6 21.3 16.0 1986-90 CDR 9.6 5.6 4.7 4.1 4.0 4.7 LEx-f 79.7 81.5 TFR 2.61 2.32 1986-90 2000 Arctic Regions CBR 18.9 13.5 14.7 12.1 LEx-m 57.8 66.1 68.7 72.3 CDR 9.2 9.3 10.6 10.1 1969-71 1979-81 1994-98 TFR 3.22 1.86 1.98 1.82 LEx-f 62.8 74.0 76.9 77.5 1968-69 1976-80 1986-90 1969-71 1979-81 1994-98 LEx-m 72.0 74.6 Canada Whole CBR 27.2 26.1 15.8 15.0 14.4 10.5 1986-90 1996-2000 LEx-f 79.5 80.8 1986-90 1996-2000 CDR 9.0 7.7 7.2 6.9 6.9 7.1 LEx-f Sweden Whole CBR 16.5 13.7 13.7 11.7 14.5 10.3 TFR CDR 10.0 10.0 10.0 11.1 11.1 10.5 LEx-m 66.3 68.4 69.3 72.0 75.0 77.0 TFR 1.67 2.13 1.56 LEx-f 70.8 74.2 76.4 79.0 81.0 82.0 LEx-m 71.9 72.4 74.8 77.6 1970-72 1980-82 1990-92 2000 LEx-f 76.8 78.5 80.4 82.1 Norbotten CBR 12.2 14.2 9.4 Arctic Regions CBR* N/A 45.2 30.5 24.7 24.3 17.3 1961 1972 1981 1991 2001 CDR 9.9 10.4 10.8 TFR 1.75 2.18 1.62 CDR* 14.7 9.4 6.2 4.7 3.6 4.4 1951 1961 1972 1981 1991 2001 LEx-m 71.5 71.5 73.4 76.0 1966-70 1976-80 1986-90 1997-2001 TFR LEx-f 76.5 77.8 79.8 81.5 LEx-m** N/A N/A 54.9 69.7 71.9 70.7 1966-70 1976-80 1986-90 1997-2001 LEx-f** N/A N/A 59.8 74.9 75.1 75.5 Finland Whole CBR 24.5 18.5 14.0 13.2 13.1 10.8 1971 1981 1991 1999 CDR 10.2 9.0 9.6 9.7 10.0 9.4 Greenland Whole CBR 45.5 48.8 24.6 20.5 22.6 16.6 TFR 3.16 2.71 1.83 1.63 1.78 1.73 1953 LEx-m 65.9 68.5 70.7 74.6 CDR 17.4 7.8 6.1 7.6 8.4 7.8 1966-70 1976-80 1986-90 1953 LEx-f 73.6 77.2 78.8 81.5 TFR 5.76 6.98 3.07 2.40 2.44 2.45 1966-70 1976-80 1986-90 1952 1971 Lapland CBR 34.8 27.2 15.3 14.1 13.6 9.5 LEx-m 32.2 58.9 59.7 60.7 62.8 1959 1946-51 1966-70 1976-80 1986-90 1996-2000 CDR 9.2 7.0 7.6 7.7 9.0 9.4 LEx-f 37.5 65.7 67.3 68.4 68.0 1959 1946-51 1966-70 1976-80 1986-90 1996-2000 TFR Iceland Whole CBR 27.9 28.1 21.5 19.8 18.8 14.3 LEx-m 1951-55 1956-60 1966-70 LEx-f CDR 7.9 6.6 7.1 6.7 6.7 6.0 Russian Whole CBR 23.2 14.6 15.9 13.4 8.7 TFR 4.17 3.14 2.48 2.31 1.95 CDR 7.4 8.7 11.0 11.2 15.4 1956-60 1966-70 TFR 2.42 2.01 1.90 1.89 1.21 LEx-m 73.5 75.0 78.1 1961-1962 1970-1971 1980-1981 1976-80 1986-90 2000-01 LEx-m 63.8 63.2 61.5 63.8 59.0 LEx-f 79.5 80.1 82.2 1961-1962 1970-1971 1980-1981 1976-80 1986-90 2000-01 LEx-f 72.4 73.6 73.1 74.3 72.3 Faroe Islands Whole CBR 22.0 21.1 17.1 20.1 13.5 1961-1962 1970-1971 1980-1981 CDR 7.9 7.4 7.1 7.5 7.7 Arctic Regions CBR 18.2 18.1 16.5 10.3 TFR 3.85 2.64 2.71 2.31 1979 1989 2002 1966-70 1976-80 CDR 6.8 6.9 5.3 9.5 LEx-m 72.8 75.2 1979 1989 2002 1986-90 1996-2000 TFR LEx-f 79.6 81.4 LEx-m 1986-90 1996-2000 LEx-f * Includes only NWT+ Yukon+ Nvt. * Includes only NWT+ Yukon+ Nvt. ** Note: Life expectacy for males & females are for NWT (including Nunavut) as a proxy for Canada's numerical weight of the Inuit population. By polar countries by indigenous and non-indige- Arctic regions.) contrast, also in Canada, the Yukon Territory nous composition is very likely hiding important CBR: Crude birth rate population is 75% non-indigenous and the demographic distinctions in those countries CDR: Crude death rate TFR: Total fertility rate median age for the total population is 35.8 years, where such data are not available. Not having LEx-m: Life expectancy - males LEx-f: Life expectance – females only 2 years younger than for Canada as a such data available may pose serious challenges whole. Yet its indigenous population has a medi- for the country’s national and regional govern- an age of 28.6 years. ments in their planning processes, and subse- Our inability to obtain data for all the circum- quently affect outcomes in these regions. Arctic Demography 29 Chapter 2

Indigenous and non-indigenous populations in official statistics A certain part of the circumpolar population is indigenous to Indigenous Population of the Arctic Region

these northern localities. They have been residing here for over a Population Share of Arctic Region or Country Date (1,000) Indigenous thousand years. Another part of the overall circumpolar popula- indigenous (%) tion is non-indigenous. These ethnically dissimilar populations Total USA (Alaska) Census 2000 627 98 (119)* 15.6 (19.0) differ noticeably in their demographic characteristics and life- Canada: Arctic region Census 2001 130 66 50.8 styles, despite considerable rapprochement in recent decades. Denmark: Greenland 2003 57 50 88.1 Official statistics from several Arctic countries do not identify Iceland 2003 288 NA indigenous peoples specifically, nor do they all identify people of Denmark: Faroe Islands 2003 48 NA other ethnicities. For example, in the Saami inhabited circumpo- Norway: Arctic region 2003 463 lar areas of Norway, Sweden, and Finland, ethnicity is not regis- Sweden: Arctic region 2003 254 50** ~5 tered in official statistics. Therefore, no demographic indicators Finland: Arctic region 2003 188 Russia: Arctic region Census 2002 1982 ~90*** >4 are available for them. In Greenland, where the indigenous pop- Notes: ulation – the Inuit – are a majority, the situation is similar, * Just American Indians & Alaska Natives (American Indians & Alaska Natives and some other race) although Greenland’s official statistics identify those individuals ** Estimate for Nordic Saami (AMAP, 1998) *** Estimate author (D. Bogoyaviensky, Census 1989 = 77) born in Greenland and those born outside. As a proxy, people born in Greenland can be viewed as indigenous inhabitants. In The Russian census identifies the following indigenous peoples the US census, indigenous peoples include American Indians (from west to east): Saami, Nenets, Khanty, Sel’kup, Enets, and Alaskan Natives. The Canadian census defines as indige- Nganasan, Dolgan, Evenk, Even, Yukagir, Chukchi, Chuvan, and nous the following: Inuit, North American Indians, and Métis. Eskimo/Inuit-Yupik.

Population dynamics and increase in population gave place to a slow decrease. The population of Iceland continues settlement patterns to grow. There have been major changes in the Arctic The Arctic regions of Russia and Alaska have population since World War II. This section witnessed considerable population growth. In looks at the number of people in different parts Russia it grew dramatically in the 1930s, the of the Arctic, including how this has changed Arctic population increasing from 120,000 in over time. Later sections focus on the different 1926 to 520,000 in 1939. Prisoners and depor- factors contributing to growth and decline: fer- tees counted for a large share of this increase. In tility, mortality and migration. the 1950s-1980s, growth was also fast but not as fast as in the 1930s. This time, it was caused by A peak in population growth voluntary in-migration. In the 1990s, there fol- In the 1950s, the population of the entire cir- lowed a dramatic population decline with the cumpolar region was increasing. In the case of so-called flight from the North. The local popu- Greenland, Alaska, and Northern Russia this lation shrank by almost a quarter. increase was significant. In Alaska, population growth was most rapid In Greenland, the growth was mostly the in the 1940s-1950s, after which it slowed down, result of natural increase, while in the other two especially in the 1990s. Even then, however, countries, much of the growth was due to in- Alaska’s population continued to grow. migration up to the 1990s. Greenland’s popula- Canada has demonstrated a similar pattern of tion continued to grow in a strong upward trend growth since World War II, with very rapid until the 1970s when it slowed down sharply. In growth in its North in the 1950s and 1960s and a the last decade of the 20th century, growth marked slow-down in the past 30 years (2). Much became negligible. of the earlier growth can be explained by a com- In the 1960s, the population of Sweden’s bination of a natural increase (birth rates being Norrbotten and Finland’s Lapland regions start- higher than death rates) and immigration. This ed to decrease. After a while, there was a period immigration was connected to the rapid develop- of slight growth, which was then followed by ment of Canada’s northern resources, and to the another decrease. sovereignty and defense issues in the 1950s and The growth of the three circumpolar counties early 1960s. Much slower growth has been of Norway first slowed down, and then from the observed in the Canadian North since the 1990s. 1980s, their population started to decline. The In summary, the peak of the population population of the Faroe Islands continued to growth in Arctic Finland and Canada was in the grow even in the 1960s, but in the 1990s the 1960s, in northern Norway in the 1980s, and in 30 Arctic Human Development Report

northern Sweden and Russia in the 1990s. In general, by the beginning of the 21st century Where do people live? only Canada, Alaska, Greenland, and Iceland The extremely sparse population is the main were still growing. feature making the Arctic different from the rest of the world. What is more, it is often settled in Declining share national populations a rather contrasting way, with vast uninhabited In the European countries, the share of the total territories and relatively big cities. population residing in their respective northern areas is declining gradually. In Norway, its max- Cities of the Arctic imum was registered in the 1950s (12.5%), in In Alaska, Anchorage is the largest city with Sweden in the early 1960s (3.5%), while in 260,000 inhabitants (40% of the total popula- Finland the maximum was reached in the mid- tion of the state). More than one half of the 1960s (4.8%). At present, the northern popula- Alaskan population is concentrated here and tion share is 10.2% in Norway, 2.9% in Sweden, in the other two largest cities (Juneau and and 3.6% in Finland. Fairbanks, with a population of 30,000 each). The share of Russia’s population living in its In Iceland, the concentration of population Arctic regions increased without interruption is even greater, with a population of almost 180,000 residing in the capital city of Reykjavik until recently. It reached its maximum in 1990 and the six surrounding towns (more than 60% (1.7%). There has been a recent rapid drop, of the country’s total population). The popula- however, and in 2002 it was 1.4%. tion of the next largest city, Akureyri, is about The growth of the Alaskan share in the total 16,000. US population has stopped in the past decade at There is not enough population to form what a negligible 0.2%. In Canada, the northern could be considered large cities in Canada, share of the total population was about the Greenland, and the Faroe Islands. Canada’s same in the 1950s as Alaska’s is now, but it rose largest population concentrations can be found in Yellowknife (16,500) and Whitehorse steadily to about 0.4%, where it has remained (19,000). Greenland’s biggest town, Nuuk, has stable from 1981 to the present (3). a population of less than 15,000 while the pop- ulation of Torshavn, the capital of the Faroe Islands, is just over 15,000. The biggest towns of Population Dynamic of Arctic Region 1940-2000 the northern Norway (Tromsø, 50,000), Population (in 1,000) Sweden (Luleå, 45,000), and Finland Arctic Regions 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 (Rovaniemi, 45,000) are far from being large. USA: Alaska (Censuses) 72.5 128.6 226.2 300.4 401.9 550 626.9 The nine biggest cities in the Russian Arctic Canada* N/A 33 51.2 81.4 100.2 115.8 120.6 (over 50,000 each) are scattered from the Kola Denmark: Greenland 21.4 23.6 33.1 46.3 49.8 55.6 56.1 1945 1951 Peninsula to Taimyr. Almost 980,000 people, or Iceland 121.5 144 175.7 204.6 229.2 255.7 282.8 about one half (49.5%) of the population of Denmark: Faroe Islands 29.2 34.6 38.6 47.4 46.2 Arctic Russia, are residing there. The biggest 1945 city of the circumpolar world is Murmansk, as Norway 221.8 237.2 243.2 243.8 239.5 239.1 a major Russian seaport in the Arctic Ocean Sweden 216 241.5 261.8 255.9 267 263.3 257.2 (military, fishing and commercial), with its Finland 137 167.1 205.1 197.1 194.9 200.7 191.8 population of about 340,000. Other “mining Russia (Censuses) 523.8 1128 1508.7 1948.1 2598.5 1981.1 1939 1959 1970 1979 1989 2002 cities” are Norilsk (135,000) and Vorkuta (over Notes: 85,000). Two young “oil-and-gas cities” are * Canada‘s Arctic population excludes Nunavik in Quebec due to historical availability issues. Noyabrsk and Novy Urengoi (about 100,000 Its 2001 population stands at 9,630, which can be added to the 2001 count above. and 90,000 respectively). The population of Average Year Increase (per cent) most cities in the Russian North, like that of the entire Russian North, is declining (the “oil- Arctic Regions 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 and-gas cities” are an exception), and this spe- USA: Alaska (Censuses) 5.9 5.8 2.9 3.0 3.2 1.3 cific feature makes them different from other Canada 4.5 4.7 2.1 1.5 0.4 big cities of the Arctic. Denmark: Greenland 1.6 3.8 3.4 0.7 1.1 0.1 1945-1951 1951-1960 Iceland 1.7 2.0 1.5 1.1 1.1 1.0 Denmark: Faroe Islands 1.1 1.1 1.0 -0.3 About two thirds of the total Arctic popula- 1945-1960 1960-1980 tion is concentrated in relatively big settlements Norway 0.7 0.3 0.0 -0.2 0.0 (over 5,000 inhabitants each). But this share Sweden 1.1 0.8 -0.2 0.4 -0.1 -0.2 Finland 2.0 2.1 -0.4 -0.1 0.3 -0.5 varies across the Arctic, reflecting great differ- Russia (Censuses) 3.9 2.7 2.9 2.9 -2.0 ences in settlement patterns across countries 1939-59 1970-1959 1970-1979 1980-1989 1989-2002 and regions. Thus, in Arctic Russia, over 80% Arctic Demography 31 Chapter 2 live in big settlements, over 70% in Iceland, over 60% in Alaska, and over half in Norrbotten Some demographic definitions (Sweden), while it is just over 40% in Arctic The three essential components of change in the size of the population are Canada, less than 40% in northern Norway and fertility, mortality, and migration. Two different indicators of fertility are the Faroe Islands, and only one third in crude birth rate and total fertility rate. Greenland. Crude birth rate is the annual number of live births per 1,000 people in the population of a geographic area at the midpoint of a given year. Focusing on the share of the population liv- Crude death rate (mortality) is the annual number of deaths per 1,000 peo- ing in small settlements, northern Norway ple in the population of a geographic area at the midpoint of a given year. stands out among the Arctic countries with Natural population change is the difference between birth rate and death 33% of its population in locations of less than rate (mortality). 200 people including those in unorganized Total fertility rate (TFR) is an estimate of the average number of children areas (for Norway as a whole the share is 23%). who will be born alive to a woman during her lifetime, i.e. the average In other Arctic countries, the share of the pop- number of children a woman will have in her childbearing years. ulation residing in either the smallest locations Net migration is the number of people moving into an area minus the number of people moving out. or outside any settlements is considerably Life expectancy is the average number of additional years that people of smaller: 18% in Norrbotten (Sweden), less a given age can expect to live, assuming that age-specific death rates remain than 10% in Alaska, about 8% in Iceland and constant. Greenland, and more than 3% in the Faroe Islands. In Arctic Russia, the census data available Total Fertility Rates, Arctic Regions and Countries about 2000 indicate that the share of the population in 3.00 these smallest settlements hardly reaches 1%, Arctic Whole though there are almost 200 such small com- 2.46 2.50 2.40 2.44 munities. Nomads are not listed separately in 2.05 1.94 Russia,however, but rather assigned to various 2.00 1.89 1.85 1.74 permanent villages and registered as part of 1.57 1.5 1.53 1.50 those communities. About 15,000 people in 1.17 1.23 the indigenous population of the Russian 1.00 Arctic lead a nomadic way of life. The biggest nomad group is in Yamal (over 10,000, with the 0.50 Nenets making the majority); smaller groups are engaged in a nomadic lifestyle in the 0.00 USA Canada Greenland Iceland Faroe Norway Sweden Finland Russia Nenets Autonomous Okrug, in Taimyr, Island Yakutia, and Chukotka (about 1,000 people in each region). As has been already noted, fertility in the In Canada, the majority of northern com- majority of circumpolar regions is slightly high- munities are in the 100-499 range in popula- er than in their respective countries as a whole. tion size. This represents, however, only about In the United States and Canada the differ- 11% of the overall northern population, while ences in fertility between circumpolar regions only five communities have 5000+ population, and the countries as a whole are significant. It is containing 43% of the population of the largely explained by the greater percentage of North. indigenous populations, whose fertility is high- er than that of the non-indigenous residents. Thus, in the year 2000, the total fertility rate of Fertility Alaska’s population as a whole was about 2.3, With an average crude birth rate of 19.7 births with a indigenous rate of 3.5 and a non-indige- per 1,000 population, the present-day fertility in nous rate of 2.1. The non-indigenous fertility the circumpolar region as a whole cannot be rate was almost the same as that for the United characterized as high compared with that of the States as a whole (5). In Canada, based on the world (4). However, compared to other devel- total fertility rates for the Northwest Territories oped countries, the USA and Iceland stand out in 2001, where the population is about 50% with somewhat higher fertility rates; in indigenous and 50% non-indigenous, the rate Greenland and the Faroe Islands fertility is even was 1.8 births per woman. The estimated total higher. At the same time, fertility in Russia is fertility rate for the indigenous population in the one of the lowest in the world. territories (excluding Nunavut, northern 32 Arctic Human Development Report

Québec and Labrador) was an average 3.1 births giving birth to their first child for reasons of edu- per woman over the 1996-2001 period. By con- cational and professional growth. This phenom- trast, in Nunavut where the population is 85% enon is referred to as the second stage of the Inuit, the total fertility rate is estimated at 3.7 demographic transition. This fertility decline in births per woman. the last decades of the 20th century occurred at In both Norway and Sweden, the differences an especially fast rate. The same phenomenon is in fertility rates are small between the Arctic and characteristic of the non-indigenous populations the rest of the country. In Norway, for example, of the United States and Canada. fertility in the county of Nordland is low and almost equals the overall Norwegian rate; how- Age-Specific Birth Rates, Iceland 1956-2000 ever, in the county of Finnmark, it is appreciably higher (6). 250 1956–1960 The fertility of Russia’s circumpolar popula- 1966–1970 tion is equal to, or slightly lower than that of 1976–1980 200 Russia’s total population. This can be explained 1986–1990 1996–2000 by the high proportion of urban population, including those inhabiting large towns 150 (Murmansk, Norilsk, Vorkuta, Noyabrsk, Novy Urengoi), where fertility rates have always been

lower. Since the share of the indigenous popu- Birth Rate 100 lation in the Russian North is very small, its indicators have almost no bearing on the indica- tors of the overall population of the region. 50 However, in regions with a relatively high share of indigenous people, the differences in the lev- els of fertility among the urban and rural popu- 0 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 lation are evident, and reflect the fact that the Source: http://www.hagstofa.is) indigenous population by and large consists of rural inhabitants. For example, in Chukotka in In Russia, there are signs that large-scale year 2000, the total fertility rate of the urban intentional postponement of giving birth to the population was only 0.9 per woman while that first child is underway. This is a relatively new of the rural population was as high as 2.5. trend however, and the fertility peak is still pointing at the 20-24 age group. The 1990s in Declining fertility rates in various Russia witnessed a fast decline of fertility rates, stages which was aggravated by the simultaneous Fertility rates declined during the second half of onset of a severe economic crisis. the last century among all the populations in the Among Arctic indigenous peoples, the Arctic. However, the rates of decrease and their decline in birthrates started in the 1960s. contemporary levels differ significantly among Greenland is a classic example of this process the various countries and regions. One explana- (7). While Greenland experienced a certain tion is that the decrease in fertility of the indige- growth of fertility at the earliest stage of the nous and non-indigenous populations is taking demographic transition in the 1950s (8), the place in different stages. rates soon declined. In the 1960s, Greenland In the Nordic countries (Iceland, the Faroe exhibited possibly the fastest and the most sig- Islands, Norway, Sweden, and Finland), an nificant decline in fertility rate in the world. In intentional constraint of fertility has been prac- the first half of the 1960s, the total fertility rate ticed for over a hundred years, with the fertility was 7 children per woman, and only ten years of older women being reduced first. Since the later, in the first half of the 1970s, this indicator 1960s, a new fertility pattern has been underway, had dropped to 2.7 (9). with the fertility of young women under age 25 At about the same time, a very rapid fertility declining faster than in other age groups. The decline among Alaska Natives was observed peak in fertility is now pointing at the 25-29 age (10), though slower than in Greenland. Also, group, in comparison to the 20-24 age group in the fertility decline in Alaska was not as pro- earlier years. One of the basic reasons for this is found, only reaching 3.7 children per woman in the conscious decision of women to postpone the late 1970s. Arctic Demography 33 Chapter 2 Age-Specific Birth Rates, Persons Born in The recent decline in fertility is evident in the Greenland, 1951-2000 age composition of the various Arctic countries

400 and regions, with the 0-4 age group being 1951-1955 smaller than that of older age groups. There may 350 1956-1960 be an echo baby boom, however, when the very 1966-1970 large cohorts who are currently under age 15 1971-1975 300 enter the family formation stage in the next ten 1981-1985 1996-2000 to fifteen years. Even if fertility rates continue to 250 decline, these cohorts could still produce large numbers of children - the echo effect - because 200 they are numerically large. 150 Total Fertility Rates, Arctic Indigenous Peoples 100 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 8.0

50 7.0

0 6.0 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 5.0 Source: Statistical Yearbook of Denmark; http://www.statgreen.gl/ 4.0

3.0 The decline of fertility among Russia’s indigenous peoples also started in the 1960s, 2.0 according to the data available, but from lower 1.0 levels (11). 0.0 Fertility decline among indigenous northern- USA Canada Greenland Russia ers started with a decline in the number of Alaska Inuit Born in Yamal AO births among women in older age groups. Simultaneously, fertility in the youngest group (15-19 year olds) was growing. Even today, Mortality when fertility among indigenous people in this In an international comparison, the majority of age group is on the decline, the crude birth rate Arctic countries have very low mortality among among Alaska Natives are still a high 90 births both children and adults (13). Life expectancy at per 1000 women, while in Greenland and birth is an indirect measure of mortality. The Russia it is about 60 per 1000 women. By con- Scandinavian countries and Canada are among trast, the rate among Alaskan non-indigenous those countries whose life expectancy, on the young women is about 30 per 1000 women. The whole, is among the highest in the world. rates are even lower in other countries. The Iceland also ranks high. peak of fertility among indigenous women in Russia is an exception, however, joining all the countries observed is in the 20-24 age countries with low infant mortality rates but group (12). high adult mortality rates (14). Consequently, in In the Canadian North, fertility rates appear the Arctic as a whole, Russia has the lowest life to be declining among the indigenous popula- expectancy. tions, but they remain high relative to those of In the Arctic regions of large countries, mor- non-indigenous peoples. The former group tality is generally higher than in other parts of appears to be going through the second stage of those countries, which results in a lower life the demographic transition with declining but expectancy. In Alaska, life expectancy is almost still high fertility, while mortality is declining yet two years lower than in the United States as a more quickly, yielding a relatively high natural whole. population increase rate. This is more true of the In the circumpolar parts of Norway and Inuit than of other indigenous populations in Sweden, the differences in life expectancy in Canada, who have much lower fertility rates their northern areas are due in part to greater and are approaching the third stage of the male mortality. demographic transition, namely low fertility, As with the case of fertility, differences in life low mortality, and low natural increase. expectancies between the northern counties in 34 Arctic Human Development Report

Life Expectancy, Arctic Regions and Countries, circa 2000

Whole Females Arctic Females Arctic Males 90 Whole Males

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0 USA '99 Canada '99 Greenland Iceland Faroe Islands Norway Sweden Finland Russia Alaska NWT (incl. 1997-2001 2000-2001 1996-2000 1996-2000 1996-2000 1996-2000 2002 1994-1998 Nunavut) 1999

Norway are quite noticeable. In Nordland, this during the past 30-40 years. Also, life expectan- indicator does not differ significantly from that cy has been on the decline, a decline that has of Norway as a whole, while in Finnmark it is been faster among men than among women. one year lower for women and almost three Hence, Russia is facing a gender gap in life years lower for men. expectancy of about 13 years, which is larger In Russia, the geographic and socio-econom- than anywhere else in the Arctic. ic differences are great across the North, and The circumpolar pattern of decreased mortal- differences in mortality rates follow this pattern. ity was most pronounced among the indigenous In the Murmansk Region, life expectancy is population in the 1950s-1960s. It started from almost the same as in Russia as a whole, while extremely high mortality rates in the indigenous in Taimyr, Sakha-Yakutia, and Chukotka, it is 2- populations in the early 1950s, much higher 3 years lower. than among their non-indigenous counterparts. In the circumpolar region as a whole, male Life expectancy of Alaska Natives (48 years) was mortality is higher than female mortality. 20 years lower than in the United States as a However, gender differences in life expectancy whole (16), while infant mortality was four rates vary greatly across the Arctic. They are the times higher than among the non-indigenous lowest in Iceland with a difference of about four population (17). During the same period, life years. In Alaska, Greenland, and Norrbotten expectancy in Greenland was 35 years, 34 years (Sweden), the difference is more than five years, less than in Denmark at that time. and in northern Norway and the Faroe Islands, In Alaska, the general mortality rate went it is more than six years. There are no data on down from 19 per 1,000 in the late 1940s to 10 Lapland (Finland), but on the whole, the differ- per 1,000 in 1955. It stayed around 9 per 1,000 ence in Finland is more than seven years, and it throughout the 1960s. Life expectancy of is likely that is it not less than that in the Arctic. indigenous Alaskans grew from 48 (1949-1951) In various Arctic regions of Russia, this differ- to 60 years (1959-1961) in about a decade (18). ence reaches 11-13 years, similar to Russia as a The mortality decline in Alaska continued, whole (15). although at a slower pace. During the following 30-40 years, life expectancy increased by 9 years Changes in overall mortality and life (19). While this increase in life expectancy expectancy among the indigenous Alaskan population is There is a trend towards a decrease in mortality significant, their life expectancy is still lower in the majority of the Arctic countries and than that of their non-indigenous counterparts regions. During the past 15-20 years, male mor- (a 6-year difference) and that of the United tality has decreased faster than female mortali- States as a whole (an 8-year difference). ty, with life expectancy increasing 1-2 years for In Greenland, the overall mortality rate women and 2-4 years for men. dropped from 25 per 1,000 in the late 1940s to 9 Russia is an exception to this trend of per 1,000 in 1960 and 6-7 per 1000 in the second decreasing mortality, with no steady decrease half of the 1960s. At the same time life Arctic Demography 35 Chapter 2 expectancy went up from 35 (1946-1951) to 60 1,000 births among the indigenous peoples of (1960-1965) (20). The decrease in mortality rates Alaska, which was four times higher than in Greenland slowed down notably in the among the non-indigenous population, while at 1970s-1990s, with a life expectancy of 65 years present it is only twice as high (about 10 per in the late 1990s, 11 years less than in Denmark. 1,000 and 5 per 1,000 respectively). In Russia, The gap has hardly changed since the second infant mortality has dropped from more than half of the 1960s. 100 infant deaths per 1000 births in the early Among the indigenous peoples of the 1960s, to 70 per 1,000 by the first half of the Russian Arctic, the decrease in mortality rates 1970s, and 30 per 1,000 in the late 1990s. In the started in the 1960s, but it was not as rapid, and Russian Arctic, the infant mortality rate among even in 1979 the crude death rate was 17 per the indigenous peoples is twice as high as that 1000, while life expectancy was about 50 years of the non-indigenous population (15 per 1000). (21). In the mid- and late- 1980s, the crude Adult mortality decreased at a considerably death rate went down to 11 per 1000, while life slower pace. At present, the differences between expectancy increased to 60 years (22). In the indigenous and non-indigenous mortality rates 1990s, mortality among indigenous peoples, are largely determined by higher mortality rates similar to Russia’s population as a whole, was among young and middle-aged indigenous increasing with the death rate up to 15 in mid- groups. Non-natural causes stand out as lead- decade, and 13 at the end. ing causes of death. There are also regional and ethnic differences In Greenland, approximately every sixth in mortality of indigenous populations in the death is due to non-natural causes (17.5% in Russian Arctic, being lowest among the Saami 2000). While this is a considerable share, it has of the Murmansk Region, and highest among been declining in the last 10-15 years. At its the indigenous populations of Taimyr and peak, from the 1970s into the first half of the Chukotka (23). 1980s, it reached 30% and more. In comparison,

Life Expectancy, Arctic Indigenous Peoples (25)

Life expectancy USA - Alaska Life expectancy Greenland Life expectancy Russia All Pop Alaska Natives Born in Greenland All North Indig Pop 80 74.7 72.2 69.3 69.6 67.5 68.5 67.7 70 65.3 65.3 65.3 68.7 69.5 63.4 63.3 59.6 65.7 60.5 60 62.1 62.2 60.4 59.9 60.0 50 46.8 49.0 40 34.8 30

20

10

0 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000

only 5.8% of the deaths in 1999 in Denmark Changes in infant and adult mortality were due to non-natural causes. The high mortality rate of the indigenous peo- Every fourth death among the indigenous ples of the Arctic is rooted in higher infant mor- population of Alaska is non-natural (24.6% in tality (especially in Greenland and Arctic Russia) 1999), while among non-indigenous Alaskans it and high mortality among adults due to non- is every seventh death (13.6%). natural causes, such as accidents, suicides, and The share of non-natural deaths among murders. indigenous inhabitants of the Russian Arctic is The decrease in mortality rates for infants and even higher. In several districts, it reached 45% children has been most significant. In the early during the period of the1970s and 1980s. In 1950s, there were about 100 infant deaths per 1998-2001, the share of such deaths among all 36 Arctic Human Development Report

Age-Gender Structure, Arctic Regions and Whole Countries circa 2000 per 1,000

Whole_country females Whole_country males Arctic_pop females Arctic_pop males

85+ 85+ 85+ USA 80-84 Canada 80-84 Greenland 80-84 Cns 2000 75-79 Cns 2001 75-79 2002 75-79 70-74 70-74 70-74 65-69 65-69 65-69 60-64 60-64 60-64 55-59 55-59 55-59 50-54 50-54 50-54 45-49 45-49 45-49 40-44 40-44 40-44 35-39 35-39 35-39 30-34 30-34 30-34 25-29 25-29 25-29 20-24 20-24 20-24 15-19 15-19 15-19 10-14 10-14 10-14 5- 9 5- 9 5- 9 0- 4 0- 4 0- 4

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

85+ 85+ 85+ Iceland 80-84 Faroe Islands 80-84 Norway 80-84 2002 75-79 2003 75-79 2003 75-79 70-74 70-74 70-74 65-69 65-69 65-69 60-64 60-64 60-64 55-59 55-59 55-59 50-54 50-54 50-54 45-49 45-49 45-49 40-44 40-44 40-44 35-39 35-39 35-39 30-34 30-34 30-34 25-29 25-29 25-29 20-24 20-24 20-24 15-19 15-19 15-19 10-14 10-14 10-14 5- 9 5- 9 5- 9 0- 4 0- 4 0- 4

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

85+ 85+ 85+ Sweden 80-84 Finland 80-84 Russia 80-84 2003 75-79 2002 75-79 Cns 2002 75-79 70-74 70-74 70-74 65-69 65-69 65-69 60-64 60-64 60-64 55-59 55-59 55-59 50-54 50-54 50-54 45-49 45-49 45-49 40-44 40-44 40-44 35-39 35-39 35-39 30-34 30-34 30-34 25-29 25-29 25-29 20-24 20-24 20-24 15-19 15-19 15-19 10-14 10-14 10-14 5- 9 5- 9 5- 9 0- 4 0- 4 0- 4

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

the indigenous populations of the Tumen’ The smallest differences in age structure Region, incorporating the circumpolar Yamalo- between the Arctic regions and their countries Nenets Okrug, was still 37%, which is far as a whole are observed in Norway. Here the greater than Russia’s high average share (14%). age-gender pyramids almost coincide. There are small though noticeable features making Age and gender Sweden’s Norrbotten and Finland’s Lapland different from their corresponding country’s composition national age structures. The share of younger The age structure of Arctic populations differs adults (25-39) is somewhat smaller here, while noticeably from the structure of the overall pop- that of the older adults (40-59) is bigger than in ulations in the respective Arctic countries. The the countries as a whole. The differences most striking difference is the higher share of between national age-gender composition and individuals of labor-force age and the smaller those of the Arctic populations in Russia and the share of those in older age groups. This peculiar United States (Alaska) are far greater. The most feature of the age structure is affected by the profound differences are seen in the Canadian inflow of working age migrants and the outflow Arctic and are a consequence of the high pro- of retiring people of older ages. portion of indigenous people in the population, Arctic Demography 37 Chapter 2 the highest in any large country’s Arctic region. Greenland’s “born-in Greenland” age-gender Focus on indigenous age structures structure is similar to those of Canada and Age structures of indigenous and non-indige- Alaska. nous populations differ greatly even within the same region or country. Indigenous populations Focus on age pyramids have a distinctly higher share of children in the The demographic history of Arctic populations age cohort 0-14 years. In Arctic Canada it is is clearly reflected in the age pyramids. Their 37%, compared to 19% among the non-indige- modern pattern largely depends on the level nous population. In Alaska the figure is 32% (for and dynamics of fertility decline, but also on the non-indigenous it is 24%). Among people born age structure of in- and out-migrants from the in Greenland, children make up 28% of the Arctic. population, while for children of those born The most stable age pyramid belongs to the outside Greenland the figure is only 10%. In the population of Iceland. There are almost no age Arctic regions of Russia, 0-14-year olds make up cohorts that appear very deep or which pro- 37% of the indigenous population compared to trude more than others. Fertility declined grad- 29% of the non-indigenous population (24). ually, without strong fluctuations. On There are more individuals of labor-force age Greenland’s pyramid, in contrast, there is a (25-64 years) among the non-indigenous popu- very pronounced cavity in the 20-34 age lation of the Arctic region. In the Arctic region of groups formed as a result of a very rapid fertil- Canada, 41% of the indigenous population is in ity decline more than 30 years ago. In Canada the labor-force age group, compared to 64% of and in Alaska, the smallest age cohort is the the non-indigenous population. In Alaska, 45% 20-24 age group. To understand the shape of of the indigenous population is in the labor- their current age-gender pyramid it is impor- force age compared to 57% for the non-indige- tant to analyze not only fertility 20 or so years nous population. In Russia in 1989, these shares ago but also how migration and mortality pat- were 42% and 56% respectively; and in terns have affected the size of this age group Greenland, 51% and 80% respectively. over time. The age pyramid of Russia’s Arctic population Focus on gender structures is considerably “indented,” with a cavity at the On the whole, there are more men than women age of 30-34. This reflects a numerically small in the Arctic, largely as a result of more male generation of children born to those who were than female migrants moving to the North. The born during World War II, a “second demo- only region where the number of women is graphic echo of the war”). The abruptly nar- somewhat higher is the Russian Arctic: 990 men rowed foundation of the pyramid reflects a dra- per 1,000 women according to the latest Russian matic fertility decline in the past decade, when census. However, the female majority through- the economic crisis of the 1990s and “the sec- out Russia is far more impressive: 872 men per ond echo of the war” coincided. 1,000 women. The female majority is a new phe- The foundations of the “Arctic” pyramids of nomenon for the Russian Arctic. In the 1989 Sweden and Finland are similarly narrow, indi- census and earlier, there were more men than cating low fertility, though lacking the sharp women. This shift is most likely a consequence differences seen in Russia. The broadest foun- of the high male mortality rate. During the peri- dations are observed for the populations of od 1995-2002, the number of male deaths out- Canada and Greenland, but they are narrow- stripped male births by 3,000, while the number ing. of female births outstripped female deaths by The differences in the tops of the pyramids 25,000. There was thus an overall natural are even more radical. The greatest shares of increase of population in the region of about seniors are in Norrbotten and in Lapland, where 22,000. they are even higher than in the total popula- In all other circumpolar countries and tions of Sweden, Finland. The smallest shares of regions, there are more men than women. At seniors are in the Arctic regions of Canada and the same time, there are more women than men Greenland. Those few who are 70 years or older in “large” Arctic countries as a whole. The male lived here during periods of high mortality, majority is greater among the non-indigenous especially high infant mortality. population than the indigenous one. 38 Arctic Human Development Report

Age-Gender Structure, Indigenous and Non-Indigenous Populations of the Arctic circa 2000 per 1,000

Arctic_Indigenous females Arctic_Indigenous males Arctic_No-Indigenous females Arctic_No-Indigenous males 85+ 85+ USA, 80-84 Canada, 80-84 Alaska 75-79 Arctic reg 75-79 Cns 2000 70-74 Cns 2001 70-74 65-69 65-69 60-64 60-64 55-59 55-59 50-54 50-54 45-49 45-49 40-44 40-44 35-39 35-39 30-34 30-34 25-29 25-29 20-24 20-24 15-19 15-19 10-14 10-14 5- 9 5- 9 0- 4 0- 4

70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 per 1,000 per 1,000

Born in Greenland females 85+ 85+ Born in Greenland males Greenland 80-84 Russia, 80-84 Born outside Greenland females 2002 75-79 Arctic reg 75-79 Born outside Greenland males 70-74 Cns 1989 70-74 65-69 65-69 60-64 60-64 55-59 55-59 50-54 50-54 45-49 45-49 40-44 40-44 35-39 35-39 30-34 30-34 25-29 25-29 20-24 20-24 15-19 15-19 10-14 10-14 5- 9 5- 9 0- 4 0- 4

90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 per 1,000 per 1,000

Migration Focus on Greenland Migration is important to the population struc- Greenland has witnessed an almost constant ture in many areas of the Arctic. One of the main flow of out-migration for the past twenty years, causes of migration seems to be employment varying in quantity only. Most people who opportunities. The Arctic is not an exception in leave were born outside Greenland. The long- this. Migration depends heavily on economic term net migration is practically zero as the conditions and the inflows of population into the number of in-migrants roughly equals that of Arctic regions often give way to outflows. out-migrants, the latter being 3% more. The migration flows declined notably in the 1990s Focus on Alaska compared to the 1980s (by 40%). Despite the The connection between migration and eco- fact that those born in Greenland migrate less nomic conditions is clearly seen in Alaska, than those born elsewhere, the number of where there have been three “tidal waves” of indigenous people leaving Greenland is in-migration changing into almost similarly big greater than the number of those returning to ebb tides during the past three decades. The Greenland. Net out-migration was 3,300 in strongest fluctuations of migration gains and 1992-2002 compared to 1,800 in 1981-1991. It losses have also been registered here, caused by is a remarkable figure for Greenland and rep- the relatively small Alaskan population when resents about 6% of the total population leav- compared to the country as a whole, making the ing in 11 years. flows of in-migration from and out-migration to There are more women than men among the “the lower 48” especially significant for the indigenous people leaving Greenland. This state. During 2001-2002, the net migration was raises the question of whether there is a gender positive, but in the previous eight years (1993- bias among those leaving the North. (see 2000), Alaskan migration losses were 24,000. Chapter 11. Gender Issues, for further discus- Compared to the late 1980s, when such losses sion.) were 44,000 in four years, the recent migration is not very significant, however. Arctic Demography 39 Chapter 2 have been contrary to those in Arctic Norway: Focus on the Nordic countries when there is an inflow of population in In Iceland, the migration out-flow has changed Norrbotten, then the biggest outflows occur in into an in-flow. The end of the last decade and Nordland, Troms, and Finnmark. the beginning of the current one (1997-2002) are characterized by a net in-migration, while Focus on Russia the previous five-year period (1992-1996) had a The past 15 years have witnessed the greatest- negative balance. The net in-migration for the ever outflow of population from the Russian past decade amounts to a total of 1,700, people Arctic (and on a greater scale, from all of the or 0.5% of Iceland’s population. Russian Far North), and it is still going on. This The Faroe Islands experienced a consider- tendency has been in direct contrast with the able outflow of population, relative to total situation facing Russia as a whole, where an population size, in the first half of the 1990s, impressive inflow of population from the out- when in-migration decreased and out-migra- side has taken place. tion went up sharply. The total population Migration from the Arctic began in the 1990s decrease was more than 7,000 people (15% of and reached its peak in the period 1992-1994, the 1989 population) because of the migration when 2-4% of the population left the region processes in 1989-1995. More recently, in the every year. In Chukotka, more than 10% of the period 1996-2002, there has been a net in- population left every year. Unlike the Faroe migration, but this has only compensated for Islands, the migration outflow, although some- one third of the losses suffered in the previous what diminished, did not stop and was still five-year period. underway in 2002. In the three northern counties of Norway A comparison of the Russian censuses of out-migration has almost always exceeded in- 1989 and 2002 makes it possible to assess the migration during the past three decades. On the migration losses in the Arctic regions. These average, the annual migration loss was close to amount to 650,000 people, or about one fourth 2,000 people. However, fluctuations still prevail: of the total population in 1989. However, in “good” years (1972-73, 1979, 1991-93, 1999), Russia’s Arctic is far from being homogeneous the migration loss was minimal or even non- in this respect. The greatest losses were in existent, whereas in “bad” years (1984-86, Chukotka, where about 70% of the population 1996-97) it went up to 4,000 people a year or registered in 1989 was lost to migration. The more. Arctic part of the Republic of Sakha has lost In Norway as a whole, immigration has almost one half of its population, while the ensured an inflow of population since the sec- Sakha as a whole lost only one fifth of its over- ond half of the 1960s. The number of immi- all population. Almost 40% of the population in grants in the northern part of Norway has also Vorkuta have been lost as a result of migration, exceeded the number of out-migrants from the and the rest of the districts have lost 20 to 30% beginning of the 1970s. However, numerically of their populations. Only the Yamalo-Nenets they offset less than one half of losses in the Okrug stands out against the general back- migration exchange with the southern parts of ground with its minimal losses of a mere 7% of Norway. the 1989 population. Finland’s Lapland has been decreasing in population size as a result of net out-migration Key conclusions and gaps for more than thirty years now, while in Finland itself, net migration has been steadily in knowledge positive since the early 1980s. During the past The demography of the Arctic is diverse and nine years (1993-2001), Lapland lost about thus challenging to describe. The diversity is 17,000 people, or 8% of its 1993 population, observed not only across the circumpolar due to migration. region, but also within the Arctic areas of indi- In Norrbotten (Sweden), unlike its Nordic vidual countries such as Canada and Russia. neighbors, the migration outflow of population Without specific data on the different ethno- at times changes into an inflow. In the long run, cultural groups, the overall population patterns however, there has been net population loss and trends tend to hide important demographic here as well. During the past 20 years, the differences within countries or regions. migration waves in the Arctic region of Sweden Furthermore, the demographics of the non- 40 Arctic Human Development Report

indigenous populations in the circumpolar With this wide variation in demography, any North are quite different from those of their cross-country comparisons need to control for indigenous counterparts. Depending on their a variety of key variables, such as the indige- weight in the overall population, this also can nous versus non-indigenous populations, dif- make a big difference demographically in ferent age structures across regions and assessing age structure and total population groups, and community-size differences. growth. This suggests that the diverse popula- Without more such data, we get a very dis- tions within the Arctic regions need to be more jointed picture of the overall demography of specifically identified in official data collection the circumpolar region. systems within each country. That said, this chapter has attempted to high- References and notes light the overall demographic picture in the cir- cumpolar regions of the world, with its popula- 1. Incidentally, in Russia the inhabitants of this part of the country call it “the Norths” (in plural) tion of about 4 million. Since World War II, the while in the rest of the country, its southern part population has grown. The growth pattern has is referred to as “the mainland” (“continent”), been somewhat sporadic, but, in general, though “the Norths” have, in fact, nothing to do growth was fairly rapid in the 1950s and 1960s, with islands. This expression is an echo of the and in some countries into the 1970s. In recent times when communication with the South used years, this growth has slowed down and in to be time-consuming and difficult, and the some cases (e.g Russia) been replaced by popu- North was viewed as “an island” of sorts, isolat- lation decline. However, some northern areas, ed from the rest of the country). such as Canada, Alaska, and Greenland, still 2. Data for calculation of the growth rate for Canada’s North exclude northern Quebec, as show signs of growth. Much of the overall data for earlier years were not readily available. growth pattern appears to be dependent on 3. Data for calculation of the percentage share in resource development cycles. Nevertheless, for Canada’s North excludes northern Quebec, as regions and/or countries where data are avail- data for earlier years were not readily available able for the indigenous populations, their for the time series comparison. growth rate is high. This is largely driven by nat- 4. Source for world crude birth rate is ural increase rather than net migration. In some http://www.phrasebase.com/countries/index.ph regions, such as in Canada, there is evidence p?variable=people_birthrateperk&submit=Next that fertility rates among the Inuit are starting to +20+%26gt%3B%26gt%3B&action=rankorder &cat=0&counter=20&track=257] decline, but they still remain more than double 5. The total fertility rate for the United States was that of the country as a whole. 2.13 in 2000. Statistical Abstract of the United Age structures also vary and are very much States 2002. P.62 http://www.census.gov/prod/ affected by the relative shares of non-indige- 2003pubs/02statab/vitstat.pdf nous and indigenous populations in a particular 6. We have no data on the overall fertility in the region. Regions with high shares of non-indige- Finnish North (Lapland), though it is likely to be nous populations tend to have an older popula- higher than in the country as a whole judging by tion with more people in the labor-force age the fact that the share of children of the high groups, while regions with large indigenous order of births (third and more) here is steadily higher. shares have younger populations. The latter 7. Incidentally, there are long statistical series of includes Canada, Alaska and to some extent fertility rates in Greenland (http://www.stat- Greenland. green.gl/). The size of communities varies greatly across 8. Connected with the improvement of women’s the Arctic. Some regions (e.g. Alaska and health and the spreading of manufactured baby’s Russia) have the vast majority of their popula- milk products instead of breastfeeding, similar to tion in large urban centers or cities, while others what was observed among Canadian Indians (A. (e.g. Canada) have a large share of the popula- Romaniuk, “Increase in Natural Fertility During tion living in small or very small communities. Early Stages of Modernization: Canadian Indians Case Study” Demography 18, 1981). In many of the circumpolar countries, the 9. See http://www.statgreen.gl/english/ indigenous populations generally live in the 10. L. Blackwood, “Alaska Native Fertility Trends, smaller communities. To understand the 1950-1978” Demography 18.2:173-179 (1981). demography of the North, it is thus necessary to 11. D. Bogoyavlenskiy, “The Demographic Problems take account of this variation in settlement pat- of Non Numerous Northern Indigenous terns. Populations” In: Population of Russia ,A Second Arctic Demography 41 Chapter 2 Annual Analytical Report, pp. 144-160. Eurasia, 22. This later indicator of life expectancy is for all Moscow (1994). (in Russian) indigenous peoples of Russia’s North (about 12. For data on Alaska Natives see L. Blackwood, 180,000), and not the Arctic region alone (about 1981; Alaska Bureau of Vital Statistic Annual 77,000). Report 1988-89, 1995-2000; for data on 23. According to some data, life expectancy of Greenland see Statistisk Aarbog 1950-1980, Chukotkan indigenous population in 1995 was http://www.statgreen.gl; for Russia, data are 50 years (Y. D. Chernukha et al. The medical-and- available only on indigenous peoples of the social as well as medical-and-demographic problems Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug (Area) cal- of peoples in the Asian North. Problems of social culated on the basis of unpublished statistical hygiene, health service and history of medicine. data of natural movement of population and 2003. 2:16-18), 2003. (in Russian). censuses, while those covering 1998-1999 are 24. Data of 1989 based on the author’s estimates. 25. Sources: Life Expectancy (USA-Alaska): 13. According to the Mortality Stratum A used by Middaugh et al., 1991. Middaugh J.P., Miller J., WHO. World health report 2004. P.156 “List of Dunaway C.E., Jenkerson S.A., Kelly T., Ingle D., member states by WHO regions and mortality Perham K., Fridley D., Hlady W.G. and stratum”. http://www.who.int/whr/2004/annex/ V.Hendrickson. Causes of Death in Alaska 1950, topic/en/annex_member_en.pdf 1980-89.; Gurananjappa, 1969. Bale S. 14. According to the Mortality Stratum C used by Gurananjappa Life Tables for Alaska Natives. WHO. World health report 2004. P.156 “List of Public Health Report.84:65-70; Williams, 1986. member states by WHO regions and mortality Greg Williams, Life Tables 1977-83. Alaska stratum”. http://www.who.int/whr/2004/annex/ Departament of Labor. Research and Analysis. topic/en/annex_member_en.pdf Demographic Report No 1, Dec.; Goldsmith S. et 15. It reached 13.2 in 2000. Demography Yearbook al., 2004. Goldsmith S., Angvik J., Howe L., Hill (2002). The Demographic Yearbook of Russia, A. and L. Leask. The Status of Alaska Natives 2001 Moscow: 2002. P.105 (In Russian/English) Report 2004. http://iser.uaa.alaska.edu/Home/ 16. B. S. Gurananjappa, “Life Tables for Alaska ResearchAreas/statusaknatives.htm. Source for Natives” Public Health Report. 84:65-70 (1969). Life Expectancy in Greenland: Statistics 17. Infant mortality was 101 among the indigenous Greenland. Source for Life Expectancy in Russia: population compared to 24 for the non-indige- Goskomstat of Russia. nous population, Alaska HSS, 1991. 18. B. S. Gurananjappa, “Life Tables for Alaska Natives” Public Health Report. 84:65-70 (1969). 19. Alaska Bureau of Vital Statistics, 1998 Annual Report http://health.hss.state.ak.us/dph/bvs/ publications/1998ar.htm 20. Statistics Aarbog, 1970. Danmark. 21. The indicator of life expectancy is for all the indigenous peoples of Russia’s North (over 150,000 in 1979), and not just the Arctic region alone (about 65,000 in 1979).

45

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 3

80o

70o Soci60o eties and Cultures: Change and Persistence

Lead authors: Yvon Csonka, University of Greenland, Nuuk, Greenland, and Peter Schweitzer, University of Alaska Fairbanks, U.S.A.

“Rapid change” is a common expression in use the widespread definition of societies as describing contemporary societies of the Arctic, groups of human beings that have the capacity usually followed by mentions of cultural losses to self-reproduce their collective existence, it and social ills caused by the inability to cope becomes almost impossible to speak of “Arctic with extraordinary rates of transitions. Indeed, societies.” No human collective in the Arctic for the past few decades rapid change has been today is able reproduce itself without non-Arctic a major trend in the North, and it remains so input. Culture, often defined as sets of rules and today. Change does not necessarily lead to cul- values shared by a given society, fares not much tural extinction, however. By the beginning of better in that respect, since all contemporary the 21st century, the persistence of identities and Arctic cultures are influenced by southern rules the re-creation of traditions show that indige- and values. nous cultures can thrive in the modern world. Arctic societies thus refer to groups ranging Under the recurring theme of change and per- from co-residents of a settlement to ethnic sistence, this chapter discusses three major groups and nations. Accordingly, Arctic cultures trends in Arctic societies and cultures. The first is refer to the shared rules and values of these very the rapid change and its base in the recent colo- diverse societies. nization of the Arctic and paternalistic policies of Finally, the notion of identity also has come to welfare states. The second trend focuses on cul- play a major role in assessing social and cultur- tural expressions. Although there has been a al developments in the Arctic in recent years. measurable decline in linguistic and religious Identity refers to the ways in which individuals knowledge, in certain songs, dances and other and groups perceive and act upon the social and art forms, this is only part of the cultural reality of cultural traditions they inhabit. the Arctic. ”Culture gain” and ”culture creation” Within the diversity of cultural and social have been present as much as ”culture loss,” and traditions in the Arctic, one can distinguish two many aspects of Arctic worldviews have persisted broad types which correspond to two waves of despite processes of change and replacement. colonization of the Arctic: One by the indige- The third trend focuses on social reproduction, nous peoples, who established themselves in kinship, and how traditional social relations have the Arctic millennia ago; The second by peo- been transplanted into new settings with urban- ples from a European background, whose pres- ization. Together, these trends indicate that the ence in the Arctic is much more recent and resistance and resilience of Arctic cultures and who remain closely connected to societies societies are as impressive as the changes they south of them. have so far managed to successfully negotiate. Not all peoples residing in the Arctic today fit into one of these two categories. There are also A socially and culturally peoples of mixed cultural ancestries, but with distinct identities and cultures, such as the diverse Arctic Métis of Canada and the Kamchadals and other “Arctic societies” and “Arctic cultures” are not as “old-settler” groups in Russia. And there are easy to define as it would appear. Seven of the also some relatively recent colonizers of other eight Arctic countries have the majority of their than European background, such as the Sakha territory and citizens south of the Arctic. If we (Yakuts). 46 Arctic Human Development Report

are even less readily available. The other reason Indigenous? is that rapid social and cultural change has As discussed in Chapter 1. Introduction, Arctic affected small-scale indigenous societies much countries have different words to designate the more heavily than other groups. peoples who were already established at the time people of European tradition came. This chapter uses the word indigenous as a com- Rapid cultural and social mon term, defined as follows: change: traditions in Indigenous peoples are those peoples who were marginalized when the modern states transition were created and identify themselves as Although change has been and remains a con- indigenous peoples. They are associated with stant in the Arctic, the nature and the rapidity specific territories to which they trace their his- tories. They exhibit one or more of the follow- of the changes vary widely over space and time. ing characteristics: Social and cultural change started accelerating around World War II, more so in the Arctic than • they speak a language that is different from in many other areas of the world. In its first that of the dominant group(s), • they are being discriminated in the political phase, state encroachment affected the autono- system, my of indigenous peoples. This was followed by • they are being discriminated within the legal successful struggles to regain control over local system, affairs but under wholly new circumstances • their cultures diverge from that of the that included not only traditions but also remaining society, modernity and globalization. This section • they often diverge from the mainstream focuses on how this encroachment has affected society in their resource use by being Arctic societies. hunters and gatherers, nomads, pastoralists, or swidden farmers, Change: a constant in the Arctic • they consider themselves and are considered by others as different from the rest of the Human colonization of the Arctic is compara- population. (1). tively recent. It started at least fifteen millen- nia ago. Since then, marked fluctuations of the environment, some of which have been at In addition, there is a third layer: recent least as rapid as those predicted for current immigrants who were born and educated out- global warming, have regularly forced human side the Arctic and who live by the cultural and populations to adapt. In such an environment, social standards of their region of origin. Many they had to perpetually fine-tune their adapta- return south after a few years, while some stay tions, or risk dying out. There are many such and integrate into the surrounding societies. In examples in the archaeological and historical some areas of the Arctic, this recent immigra- record. tion has come to constitute the majority of the Other “internal” drivers for social and cultur- population. This has been a particularly striking al change were technological innovations, such feature of the Russian Arctic throughout Soviet as dog traction, whale-hunting gear and know- times. Even more recently, the countries of ori- how, and intensive reindeer herding, as well as gin of these newcomers are becoming increas- contacts with other populations. ingly diverse. A major outside source of change was the Although this chapter will address all Arctic increased colonization of indigenous lands by residents, more attention will be devoted to people of a European cultural tradition. The indigenous societies and cultures than to later wave of colonization started before the end of immigrants. There are two main reasons for the first millennium, and despite setbacks such this. One is that, except in Europe, the literature as the demise of the Norse in Greenland describing social and cultural processes in the around the 15th century, it increased exponen- Arctic from a local perspective has focused on tially. In the 20th century, it included all regions indigenous communities. Although more of the Arctic that were inhabited by indigenous recent settlers figure prominently in national peoples. By the outbreak of World War II, statistics, qualitative data about their communi- nations centered outside the Arctic had estab- ties are rare. For groups of mixed cultural lished sovereignty over most of the Arctic. ancestry, as well as for recent immigrants, data Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 47 Chapter 3

Aleuts

Aleuts Aleuts Evens

Koryaks Alutiiq

Central Kereks Koryaks Alaskan Evenks Yupik Chukchi Alutiiq Dena’ina Siberian Evens Yupik Eyak Tanacross Ahtna Upper Kusko- Evens kwim Deg Evenks Tutchone Chukchi Tlingit Tanana Hit’an Yukagirs Tagish Holikachuk Inuit Evens Tlingit Koyukon (Iñupiat) Sakha Hän Yukagirs (Yakuts)

Kaska Gwich'in Sakha Evens Sakha (Yakuts) Slavey (Yakuts) Evenks

Inuit Dogrib (Inuvialuit)

Evenks

Chipewyan Inuit Evenks

Dolgans Inuit Evenks

Nganasans Dolgans Kets Enets Kets

Selkups

Selkups Nenets Inuit Nenets Khanty Inuit Khanty 80o Nenets Khanty

Komi Mansi Inuit Nenets (Kalaallit)

Komi Saami 70o Norwegians Finns Karelians Saami Icelanders Swedes Finns

Faroese

Norwegians o 60 Swedes

compiled by: W.K. Dallmann, Norwegian Polar Institute P. Schweitzer, University of Alaska Fairbanks

Arctic peoples subdivided according to language families Arctic circle Arctic boundary according to AMAP Indo-European family Isolated languages Arctic boundary according to AHDR Germanic branch (Ketic and Yukagir) Eskimo-Aleut family Notes: Uralic family Inuit group (of Eskimo br.) Areas show colours according to the original languages Finno-Ugric branch of the respective indigenous peoples, even if they do not Samoyedic branch Yupik group (of Eskimo br.) speak their languages today. Aleut branch Overlapping populations are not shown. The map does Altaic family not claim to show exact boundaries between the individual Turkic branch Na-Dene family language groups. Athabaskan branch Tungusic branch Typical colonial populations, which are not traditional Arctic Eyak branch populations, are not shown (Danes in Greenland, Russians in the Russian Federation, non-native Americans in North Chukotko-Kamchatkan fam. Tlingit branch America). (95)

conditions did not prevail anywhere by that Population concentration and loss of time, nor a long-standing period of stability or autonomy, ca. 1940-1970 slow evolution. But for many peoples, it meant a The World War II era can be considered a water- change to totally new concepts and living shed in the history of the Arctic, initiating social habits. Before World War II, many Arctic soci- and cultural change at an unprecedented rate. eties led a relatively autonomous way of life The point of departure for this accelerated based mostly on hunting, herding, fishing, and change was neither a pristine indigenous life in gathering, where kinship represented the main isolation from the rest of the world, since such and almost sole focus of social organization. 48 Arctic Human Development Report

The war itself had consequences everywhere when it amounted to almost 20% of the total in the Arctic. Greenland, as well as Iceland, population of the island (7). were cut off from Denmark and had more con- In all parts of the Arctic, the population tacts with North America, whereas the Faroe became less scattered. This centralization Islands were occupied by the British. Vast areas involved relocations of whole groups of peoples, of the Saami homeland in Norway and Finland some of which were imposed. Previously were burned by the retreating Germans. Later nomadic peoples became sedentary, and they were rebuilt according to new standards “unprofitable” settlements were closed down. (2). The Skolt Saami left their homeland in With a few exceptions (e.g. the Nenets reindeer Russia to settle in Finland (3) Alaska saw an herders of the Yamal Peninsula in Russia), cen- increase in military activity following the tralization of nomadic populations was achieved Japanese invasion in the Aleutians. The by 1970. In the centralization process, new com- Canadian Arctic and the Asian part of the munities were built where many functions were Russian Arctic were less directly affected, but in controlled by incomers. A trend of urbanization all regions, the war ended the Arctic’s relative was also emerging with people concentrating in isolation from centers further south. a smaller number of larger settlements and The subsequent Cold War (1948-1988) per- towns. petuated political interest and military pres- In the Canadian Arctic, it remains a matter of ence. In addition to the increased military contention whether the process of concentra- activity, there were several aspects of tion was imposed or corresponded to the wish- encroaching modernity that drove this early es of those involved. In many regions it entailed phase of rapid transformation. One of them both aspects to some degree, often in succes- was the rush to exploit the non-renewable sion (8). Although many individuals felt help- resources of the North, generally with little less and behaved passively in the midst of these regard for environmental consequences or transformations in and around their lives, local impacts on indigenous societies. Another leadership developed, and these new leaders major factor of change was the spread of wel- eventually took over responsibilities in the fare state policies. Directed at indigenous peo- community. ples, they came out as paternalistic attempts at Partly as a consequence of the availability “social engineering.” In several countries, the and the form of new housing, household size goal was to assimilate the indigenous popula- and composition tended to shift from the tions as exemplified by the policies of extended to the nuclear family (9). In Norwegianization (4), Russification (5), and Greenland for instance, the average household Canadianization (6). In the Soviet Arctic, size decreased from 7.6 in 1901 to 5.3 in 1955 planned social change was based on Marxist- and 2.6 in 2003 (10 -11). In some communities, Leninist ideology (5). As described in more there has been a development towards “matri- detail in Chapter 5. Political Systems, struggles focal” families, revolving around a woman, for emancipation and local empowerment rather than a couple, as head of household. were already emerging in some regions before Around 1975, 20% of all Asian Yuit (Russian the war, beginning with the islands of the Eskimo) families were headed by women, Atlantic. while about a third of the males aged 25-45 At ground level, changes were numerous and remained single (12). pervasive. The influx of immigrants from the Mandatory school education was introduced south accelerated. In indigenous communities, among some indigenous peoples in the 1950s or they came to fill the newly opened positions as 1960s. For some children it meant attending administrators, teachers, health professionals, boarding schools away from their families, construction workers, etc. Most immigrants where they were inculcated with foreign lan- considered themselves superior to locals, at guages and cultures. In the process, many lost least implicitly. They enjoyed higher pay and a fluency in their mother tongue and were alien- better standard of living. The influx of immi- ated from their families and communities. grants was especially strong in the Russian Health care services were vastly improved North, where the ratio of natives to incomers with life in settled communities. As a result, was transposed, going from 10:1 to 1:10 in some mortality decreased while life expectancy and regions. In Greenland, the Danish population fertility increased, causing rapid population increased nine-fold between 1950 and 1975, growth. At the same time, traditional healers, Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 49 Chapter 3

Growing up with change in the Canadian Arctic Alexina Kublu tells of her experience of growing chores as they were assigned and not because some- up in Igloolik and in Igluligaarjuk (Chesterfield one asked that you do it. You did not feel the pride of Inlet), where she attended residential school from accomplishment but felt the wrath of failure to do 1962 to 1967. She is currently Senior Justice of the so. The life you lived at home and the life at the Peace in Nunavut and chair of the Akitsiraq Law school were so alien to one another you lived them School Society. separately and did not incorporate the lifestyle of one with the lifestyle of the other. The first part of my childhood was spent close to my parents’ families. As my grandparents didn’t live at From 1960 to 1987, the Inuit population of Igloolik the same place we were surrounded either by pater- grew from 87 to 806, the White from 4 to 48, ten- nal aunts and uncles or maternal aunts and uncles fold increases. The percentage of extended house- and their cousins as well as all my cousins wherev- holds decreased from 76% to 10%, to the profit of er we happened to be. As children there was a nuclear households. Many jobs were created. “blanket” treatment of us yet we were treated as Simultaneously, the importance of hunting individuals. There were aunts and uncles to dole out decreased. Alcohol and drug consumption affection, others to discipline, others who were increased, as well as criminality and cases of sui- childhood friends and others who ordered you cides (15). around to help out with chores and you felt proud to Igloolik (2003 population: 1457) is home to be considered able to help. Isuma Productions, which produced Zacharias The latter part of my childhood was spent in the Kunuk’s internationally acclaimed movie residential school in Igluligaarjuk. You all got to do “Atanarjuat, The Fast Runner” (2000). healing methods, and midwifery were margin- ple could not escape the impression that they alized. were watching helplessly while things were In some regions, wage employment and a being done around them and “for” them. As cash economy were introduced when people former Greenland Home Rule Premier Jonathan settled into modern communities. This meant Motzfeldt has put it: “… things were adminis- that kinship ties ceased to be the exclusive focus tered by Danes, decisions were taken by Danes, for economic cooperation. Moreover, unem- and problems were solved by Danes. […] The ployment also became a feature of life in settled common Greenlander had a feeling of standing communities, exacerbated by the rapid popula- outside, of being observer of an enormous tion growth. As it became increasingly possible development, which s/he did not have the nec- to make a livelihood from activities other than essary background to understand” (16). traditional ones, the share of traditional activi- Even a seemingly more benign intervention, ties in the local economies decreased. The sym- such as the imposition of a Euro-American sys- bolic value of hunting, fishing, and herding has tem for family names among the Canadian Inuit been maintained or even increased (13), howev- during the 1960s and 1970s, introduced impor- er which is not surprising given that work and tant departures in representations of selves and subsistence activities are a central aspect of social relations (17-19). The feelings of estrange- identity (14). ment caused by the loss of control over changes Transport and communications improved at in turn contributed to the rise of social prob- an increased pace from the time of World War lems, such as suicide, violence, law-breaking, II. Television has become available in most and alcohol abuse. Arctic households in recent decades, with its The decades around the middle of the 20th attendant exposure to new lifestyles and role century were for many northern indigenous models. peoples the period in their histories when they Most of the social and cultural changes in the had the least autonomy, and, simultaneously, post-war era were directed by government were undergoing the farthest-reaching changes agencies. Many of them, such as the provision they had ever experienced. Some have evoked of education, health care, and welfare, had eth- the notion of a “lost” or “broken generation” to ical justifications. Even though some of these describe the group of people who lived changes were for the better, the way they were “between two worlds”, not really belonging to imposed led to a loss of control over local affairs, either of the two, and who may have felt as lit- and over collective as well as individual des- tle connected to their parents and grandparents tinies. In small northern settlements, local peo- as to their own children. 50 Arctic Human Development Report

gender roles are in the process of redefinition Regaining autonomy and reaffirming (see Chapter 11. Gender Issues). cultures and identities As we discuss later in the chapter, some In all of the Arctic countries whose governments indigenous languages have disappeared, but were willing to negotiate land claims and meas- others are being revived, and others still are as ures of autonomy, indigenous peoples were healthy as ever. Group identities have shifted, quick to present coherent demands that reflect- but their distinctness has been preserved (21). ed their cultures and aspirations. This demon- World views and spiritualities are reaffirmed. strates that indigenous cultures and identities The arts are flourishing, often as vehicles as had not been entirely crushed. Even during the much for collective as for personal identity. “dark years” of directed change, an elite was More and more indigenous persons live in able to emerge which was conversant with, if not urban centers outside the Arctic. More often at ease in, “both worlds.” These developments than not, they expand the borders of their home took place within the framework of nation states communities rather than getting “lost in the and in contexts of increasing economic depend- crowd.” Less trivial than it seems, food tastes ency and encroaching globalization. have changed (22), which has an impact on the With the hope of regaining some autonomy degree of local renewable resources exploita- came the reaffirmation of identities, cultures, tion, on the dependence on imported foods, and and sometimes also languages. As Nikolai on household activities and budgets. Vakhtin puts it about Soviet and post-Soviet Chukotka, “the horrible totalitarian mincing How much change can cultures and machine in which the Chukotkan minorities societies take? found themselves in the 1950s-1980s could Change is an aspect of all societies and cultures. decrease their ability to resist, could decrease the It is more “normal” and in that sense “healthi- linguistic and cultural differences between them, er” than stagnation. Traditions come, transform but was far from what is needed to wipe those themselves, and some eventually pass. Obsolete differences (and those people) out. As soon as elements of cultures are discarded and new ones the leveling pressure went down, immediately emerge. One must question the tendency to new groups, new types of individual and group consider change as a threat to some immemori- identities, even new languages, began to al “tradition” in discussing indigenous societies, appear.” (20) Although it does make reference to when it is called progress in western societies. roots in the past, cultural reaffirmation is not a How the people affected by changes perceive “return to traditions” in the sense of a simple them (the so-called emic perspective) deter- reactivation of previously existing customs. It is mines how they react to them. Research so far an active re-creation of culture and symbols, has focused too little on local perceptions of whose functions in current contexts differ from changes. One may strongly suspect that the the ones they had a few decades earlier. most damaging aspect of change is the feeling The context for this cultural reaffirmation is of not being able to control it locally, neither one in which most indigenous peoples have individually, nor collectively as a society. This been living since at least the 1970s in settled means that attempts at “planned social change” communities, surrounded by most of the para- from the outside are doomed to create as many phernalia of modern life in the way of house- problems as they solve, even if the planning hold goods, communication technology, modes rests on pertinent scientific knowledge. of transportation, but also community commit- The occurrence of massive changes in all tees, local schools, recreation, etc. Many of the aspects of life simultaneously with symptoms of challenges they face are therefore new ones. cultural and social distress (e.g. violence, suicide, Social unity has been harder to achieve in com- alcoholism) has made many people suspect a munities that bring together groups that had lit- causal association between the two: the symp- tle to do with each other in earlier times. toms are seen as the consequence of the inabili- Societies have also become more complex and ty to cope with the changes. Little research has more differentiated, and are segmented along been done so far, however, into what may be new lines, such as lifestyle patterns, political considered “overly” rapid transitions and the parties, and religious denominations. Social accumulated effects of different types of stratification has increased. Sharing networks changes. Therefore, we still lack convincing are affected. And, as much as anywhere else, explanations of why problems erupt when and Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 51 Chapter 3

Icelandic culture coping with a rapidly growing tourism industry In the past decade, Iceland has gone through profound structural changes, from an economy dominated by primary production to a more serv- ice dominated economy where tourism is becom- ing a major factor. Almost every municipality and rural community has expectations towards growth in tourism and tries to formulate a strat- egy either for the visualization of heritage in the area in forms of museums or other recreational resources, or of identifying special attributes embodied in the community or surrounding area. PHOTO: SIGRÍÐUR G. ÁSGEIRSDÓTTIR Elements of an earlier vivid and now declining Tourism in Iceland culture are turned into a commercial product for tourists and other amenity land users. This is not ness. It is too early to predict whether this will only an economic change but to a high degree turn out to become a long-term sustainable also a change in mental and occupational focus, foundation for the survival of small communities which impacts on the creation of rural identities and rural areas. and reshapes historical and cultural conscious- Anna Karlsdóttir, University of Iceland. where they do, such as in the traditional and iso- regions of the world because of the generally lated communities rather than in larger centers high incomes and good communications net- where the pace of change is more rapid (23). We works. are even less able to predict the outcomes of These new blends illustrate Marshall Sahlins’s change. For example, local empowerment does assertions, based on recent research in many not in and of itself reduce vulnerabilities. This is parts of the Third and Fourth Worlds, that peo- illustrated not only by the fact that suicide rates ples around the world see no opposition are comparably high in Nunavut and in between tradition and change, indigenous cul- Greenland, although these two regions have fol- ture and modernity, townsmen and tribesmen. lowed quite different historical developments Culture is not disappearing, he concludes: rather, but also by the fact that rates have continued to it is modernity that becomes indigenized (27). increase ever after the introduction of self-gov- In the North, this process includes elements ernment (24-25). (This is further explored in of an emerging Arctic identity. The Arctic is gen- Chapter 9. Human Health and Well-being.) erally considered as a specific geographic and Health specialists tend to explain the symp- cultural area and within each of the countries toms in terms of response to “acculturative that straddle the boundaries of the Arctic, stress” (26), i.e. a view of indigenous cultures “nordicity” (28) emerges as an element of and identities as bound to erode into those of regional identity. In some cases, indigenous the mainstream. This does not fit the fact that peoples may downplay their local identity and Arctic indigenous cultures and societies have emphasize a common indigenous background. proven to be resistant and resilient. For example, the Inuit Circumpolar Conference and the Saami Council have fostered, respec- Towards a common Arctic culture and tively, common Inuit and Saami identities. In identity? some regions, indigenous and non-indigenous Recently, the spread of information and com- identities are converging. Increased cooperation munication technology has given rise to new across the Arctic may foster the emergence of a blends of traditions and elements of “world cul- feeling of community throughout the region. ture,” in music and arts, clothing fashions, food, etc. This coexistence of traditions and moderni- Circumpolar synchronicity despite ty is currently observed among many indige- short-term offsets nous peoples worldwide. It includes renewal Within the overall trend of rapid social and cul- and in some cases reinforcement of ethnic iden- tural change, there is variation across the Arctic tities, as well as an instrumentalization and as to when these changes occurred. In commoditization of cultures. This trend is prob- Fennoscandia, indigenous peoples’ contact with ably stronger in the Arctic than in poorer people of European origin started a millennium 52 Arctic Human Development Report

Population of Chukotka 1926–2003

non-indigenous indigenous 180,000

160,000 148,031

140,000 126,561

120,000

100,000 88,000

Population 80,000

60,000 35.300 40,000 35,000 Sources: censuses 1926, 1939, 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989. 1997: 18.500 20,000 estimates from the Chukotka 985 18,300 administration 2003: 13,946 16,500 12,000 13,000 13,383 15,903 16,252 Bogoyavlenskiy, this volume. 0

1926 1931 1936 1939 1946 1951 1956 1959 1966 1970 1976 1979 1986 1989 1997 2003 Year

ago, whereas this happened only a century ago as most parts of the Arctic were Christianized in remote areas of the Canadian Arctic. before World War II, this process only began a Developments in the Soviet and post-Soviet decade ago in Northeastern Russia. Russian Arctic have been quite distinct. Wide- During the 20th century, differential access to scale changes started already a decade before self-government introduced further divergences World War II, with massive efforts to exploit non- in social and cultural change across the Arctic. renewable resources, importing immigrant popu- lations for that purpose. In addition, the state Trend summary implemented ideologically driven experiments In spite of some differences in content and the aimed at transforming society, especially with timing of changes across the Arctic, some trends regard to indigenous peoples. It was not until of the past few decades are amazingly similar 1990 that Russian indigenous peoples were and synchronous. Arctic cultures and societies allowed to create their own independent nation- are rapidly being transformed. After World War al organization: the Russian Association of II, the rate of change accelerated and paternalis- Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON). tic welfare state policies were imposed. Such Small indigenous peoples of the Russian North planned change gave rise to hitherto unknown are now better connected with developments social problems. Later, as the pressure to assim- abroad than they were in Soviet times, but the ilate decreased, cultures and identities started to evolution of their situation still remains quite dis- reaffirm themselves. This revival of tradition tinct from other circumpolar regions. Except in occurs in new forms that accommodate moder- resource rich regions, this situation is character- nity and incipient globalization. ized by dis-investment from the state, which pre- viously played a central economic role. This has caused severe impoverishment and social and Cultural trends: languages, cultural disruptions. In addition, there has been a religions, world views, massive out-migration of recent immigrants (29-31). Ever since the collapse of the Soviet and art Union, the Russian state has cut subsidies to its The rapid social changes that have taken place Arctic provinces, which has been very effective in since World War II, coming on top of the fact inducing newcomers to leave as in Chukotka. that many Arctic societies remained isolated Without such economic (dis-)incentives they from other parts of the world for so long, have tend to stay: Norilsk is a case in point (32). had profound effects on cultural expressions Another significant area of contrast is that where- such as languages, religions, world views, and Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 53 Chapter 3 art. This section provides a survey and some these languages, brought to pass by the Euro examples of the current situation across the American colonial expansion of the past millen- Arctic. A recurring theme is again the merging nium, peaked in the 20th century as a result of of traditions and new influences. mandatory schooling for all Arctic residents. Many of the over 40 indigenous languages, Languages: losses and reversed which had characterized the linguistic space of language shifts the Arctic for centuries or even millennia, The circumpolar North today is dominated by became threatened by extinction or insignifi- languages that originated far south of the Arctic. cance after World War II. Icelandic and Faroese, Russian is currently the most wide-spread lan- which despite their southern roots can be said guage, followed by English, Norwegian, to have developed into their present form in Icelandic, Swedish, Finnish, and other situ, are exceptions. Apart from their ambiguous Scandinavian languages. The gradual spread of status as being indigenous to the Arctic, howev-

Language Total Number of Language Name/s Retention (% of Language Family Country/ies Spoken Population Speakers total population) Ahtna 500 80 16 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene USA Aleut 2,200 305 14 Aleut branch of Eskimo-Aleut Russia, USA Alutiiq 3,000 400 13 Yupik group of Eskimo branch of Eskimo-Aleut USA Central Alaskan Yupik 21,000 10,000 48 Yupik group of Eskimo branch of Eskimo-Aleut USA Chipewyan 6,000 4,000 67 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene Canada Chukchi 15,000 10,000 67 Chukotko-Kamchatkan Russia Deg Hit’an (Ingalik) 275 40 15 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene USA Dena’ina 900 75 8 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene USA Dogrib 2,400 2,300 96 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene Canada Dolgan 7,000 5,700 81 Turkic branch of Altaic Russia Enets 200 50 25 Samoyedic branch of Uralic Russia Even 17,000 7,500 44 Tungusic branch of Altaic Russia Evenk 30,000 9,000 30 Tungusic branch of Altaic Russia Eyak 50 1 2 Eyak branch of Na-Dene USA Faroese 47,000 ? 100 Germanic branch of Indo-European Faroe Islands (Denmark) Finnish ca. 5,000,000 ? 100 Finno-Ugric branch of Uralic Finland, Sweden, Norway Gwich’in 3,000 700 23 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene Canada, USA Hän 300 15 5 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene Canada, USA Holikachuk 200 12 6 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene USA Icelandic 290,000 ? 100 Germanic branch of Indo-European Iceland Inuit 90,000 74,500 83 Inuit group of Eskimo branch of Eskimo-Aleut Canada, Greenland (Denmark), USA Kaska 900 400 44 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene Canada Karelian 131,000 62,500 48 Finno-Ugric branch of Uralic Russia Kerek 400 2 1 Chukotko-Kamchatkan Russia Ket 1,100 550 50 Ketic Russia Khanty 21,000 12,000 57 Finno-Ugric branch of Uralic Russia Komi 344,500 242,500 70 Finno-Ugric branch of Uralic Russia Koryak 9,000 2,700 30 Chukotko-Kamchatkan Russia Koyukon 2,300 300 13 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene USA Mansi 8,200 3,100 38 Finno-Ugric branch of Uralic Russia Nenets 35,000 28,500 81 Samoyedic branch of Uralic Russia Nganasan 1,300 500 38 Samoyedic branch of Uralic Russia Norwegian ca. 4,500,000 ? 100 Germanic branch of Indo-European Norway, Sweden Saami group 57,200 26,100 46 Finno-Ugric branch of Uralic Finland, Norway, Sweden, Russia Sakha (Yakut) 382,000 358,500 94 Turkic branch of Altaic Russia Selkup 3,600 1,570 44 Samoyedic branch of Uralic Russia Siberian Yupik 2,400 1,370 57 Yupik group of Eskimo branch of Eskimo-Aleut Russia, USA Slavey 5,200 3,900 75 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene Canada Swedish ca. 9,000,000 ? 100 Germanic branch of Indo-European Sweden, Finland Tagish 400 2 1 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene Canada Tanacross 220 65 30 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene USA Tlingit 11,000 575 5 Tlingit branch of Na-Dene USA, Canada Tutchone 2,500 400 16 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene Canada Tanana 940 210 22 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene USA, Canada Upper Kuskokwim 160 40 25 Athabaskan branch of Na-Dene USA Yukagir 900 70 8 Yukagir Russia

Source: Krauss 1997: 32-34; except for Dolgan, Karelian, Komi, and Sakha: All-Soviet Census for 1989. No language retention data available for Faroese, Finnish, Icelandic, Norwegian and Swedish (population figures: Nordic Statistical Yearbook 2003). (95) 54 Arctic Human Development Report

er, these languages are also characterized by a including government policies, ethnic prestige, retention rate of almost 100%. and local leadership, have also played a role in The state of indigenous languages through- language retention. out the circumpolar North varies significantly. Government policies throughout the circum- Many are characterized by a dramatic loss of polar North were generally indifferent, some- speakers, including many of the Saami times even hostile to the preservation of indige- dialects/languages, Yukagir, Aleut, and several nous languages well into the second half of the Athabaskan languages in Alaska and Canada. 20th century. The situation in the Soviet Union Other indigenous languages seem to be in rela- was different and asynchronous with other parts tively good shape. These include Northern of the Arctic. On the one hand, indigenous lan- Saami, Tundra Nenets, Sakha, Chukchi, St. guages of the North were actively supported back Lawrence Island Yupik, central and eastern in the 1920s. On the other hand, local initiatives Canadian and Greenlandic Inuktitut (the east- to battle language loss had little chance under the ern variants of the Inuit language), Chipewyan, authoritarian conditions of pre-perestroika poli- Dogrib, and Slavey. One obvious reason for this tics. Danish Government policies regarding the difference relates to demographic factors. It is Greenlandic language though long based on not surprising, for example, that the language of paternalistic attitudes represent probably the the Sakha, who number over 400,000 (although longest history of language preservation, with the only a small portion of them live in the Arctic), result that the Inuit language – particularly as is in much better shape than the language of the spoken in Greenland – is one of the more positive Yukaghir of whom there are only slightly more examples of Arctic language retention today. The than 1,000 people. A variety of other factors, box below describes this case in more detail.

Hopes and motivations for the Greenlandic Inuit language Greenlandic is part of the Inuit language and of on Danish terms and Greenlandic was challenged the Eskaleut linguistic stock. The Inuit language is by the massive influx of the Danish language and spread from the eastern tip of Siberia and Aleutian Danish educational practices. There were cases Archipelago through the whole Arctic coastline of when Greenlandic parents encouraged their chil- North America, the Labrador Peninsula, and dren to speak Danish even though they did not Greenland. The basic grammatical structures, the understand Danish themselves. This period lasted phonological and cultural base are virtually the until Greenland Home Rule was introduced in same. Regionally different external influences 1979. The new political situation fostered the sta- through European contact led to distinct educa- bilization of the Greenlandic Inuit language. The tional policies for each area. The Greenlandic Home Rule Government was in charge of educa- experience was “softer” than those of Inuit in tion in Greenland and the Greenland Home Rule other areas. Not only were the Dano-Norwegian Charter made Greenlandic the main language, policies of the 18th century “nicer,” but missionar- while providing for Danish language teaching and ies tried to reach the Inuit in their own language, permitting the official use of both languages. In and trade relations with outside merchants the meantime, a new phonemic orthography (a became more influential. writing system which tries to achieve a close Certain intellectual trends also influenced the resemblance between spoken sound units and policies of Denmark towards the Greenlanders. written symbols) had been introduced in 1973, For example, between the 1840s and the 1860s, which made it much easier to write in progressive administrators and young intellectuals Greenlandic. facilitated the development of Greenlandic litera- Poetry and music are now blossoming and liter- cy and educational materials. S. Kleinschmidt ature is being revitalized. The Greenland Home developed a standard system of spelling for the Rule Government established a Greenland Greenlandic Inuit language, issued a Greenlandic Language Committee, a Greenland Place Names dictionary, and provided a full translation of the Authority, and a Greenland Committee on Bible, while H. Rink published traditional Personal Names. Those committees are responsi- Greenlandic stories and tales. At the same time, ble for tracking language and naming trends and the first Greenlandic periodical was published and also collaborate with similar authorities in neigh- the principle of political self-government was boring and Arctic areas. gradually introduced. A new era started in the 1950s. Greenland was Carl-Christian Olsen (Puju), Greenland Home incorporated into the Danish jurisdictional sphere Rule Language Commission Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 55 Chapter 3 Contact between indigenous and outside lan- guages in the Arctic has been going on for cen- turies (33). One result has been the development of a number of pidgin and contact languages (34), as well as of one “mixed language,” name- ly Copper Island Aleut (35). During the 20th cen- tury, however, language contact reached a new level of intensity, leading to one-sided language shifts in favor of southern languages promoted HTGAHCUTS FNLO .H GRABURN H. PHOTOGRAPH COURTESY OF NELSON H. by schools and government agencies (36). Some people became bilingual, but it should be point- ed out that most Arctic communities had been bi- or even multilingual long before southern states encroached onto their territories. Within the general picture of language loss, there are fortunately also examples of reversed language shift, where indigenous languages are regaining ground. This includes the Saami lan- shift is not about languages but are a social, Camp leader Taiara, on guage, where the case study presented in the box political and economic phenomenon. right, visits his younger brother, Mugualuk below illustrates how political, social, and cultur- An important question is how individual Pallayak in Salluit, north- al empowerment enables language revitaliza- speech communities deal with language shift ern Quebec, May, 1964. tion. A similar development occurred in the 19th and loss. Does the apparent link of language On the wall is an example of the syllabic writing sys- century when political and romantic nationalism and identity lead to the disappearance of ethnic tem used by Canadian stimulated a revival of standardized and purified and other group identities as a result of lan- Inuit. Loosely translated, it Icelandic (37) and Faroese (38). These examples guage shift processes? Luckily, there are com- reads: “Anyone drinking is forbidden to enter this confirm an earlier (39) observation that language munities and groups, such as the Inuktitut house when I am out hunting.”

Saami language shift Saami is a Finno-Ugric language and belongs to desire to learn, some of the parents brought the ini- the Uralic family. Recent estimates indicate that tiative to the school authorities, and the communi- there are about 38,000 Saami speakers. There are ty became the source for teaching materials. There somewhere between 50,000 – 100,000 Saami indi- was a shortage of local written material. At the viduals, and in many Saami regions, there are more same time, there was a rich oral tradition in the people identifying themselves as Saami than there region held by the elders, and the schools devel- are Saami speakers (40). This is particularly the oped a program based on the local community, its case in many coastal and fjord areas of Finnmark history, and cultural traditions. The pupils produced and Troms, Norway. The Saami people have been their own textbooks on various themes for their subjected to assimilation policies. For example, excursions and fieldwork in the community. Their “Norwegianization” was an official policy of the work resulted in a collection of traditional oral Norwegian Government that lasted from the 1880s material that would otherwise have been lost. until the 1970s, which led to a language shift from Open community gatherings were held to discuss Saami to Norwegian. However, during the 1970s, a the various themes. The information gathered by Saami movement gradually managed to influence the pupils in their communities was brought back minority policies in Norway, and reversing the lan- to the community and the informants, who got the guage loss had high priority. The role of language chance to give feedback. Direct contact between revival in this culture-political process is well illus- school and community was established (42). trated by the following episode. The efforts of the Saami movement during the In one of the coastal Saami villages, where Saami 1970s and 1980s have borne fruit. The revitaliza- is spoken as the mother tongue mainly by those tion of the Saami culture and reversing of the lan- over 50, a son came to his mother, who was study- guage shift slowly evolved from the core Saami ing Saami at the university, and said: “Do I have to district to regions were the Saami language for go to the university to learn Saami?” (41). The decades seemed to have disappeared from the mother realized that this should not be the case, public spheres. which became a turning point for providing Saami Gunn-Britt Retter, Arctic Council Indigenous as a subject in schools in a region where it had Peoples’ Secretariat never been offered before. The pupils expressed the 56 Arctic Human Development Report

Aleuts and the Russian Orthodox Church Russian Orthodoxy has been a prominent part of included in Russia’s sale of Alaska to the Unites Aleut life since approximately the 1790s, when the States in 1867, and the people were separated from first missionaries arrived and established churches their original communities. After the Russian in most Aleut communities. While some research- Revolution of 1917, they were converted to atheism es have highlighted the devastating effects of the by the Bolsheviks. When the Orthodox Church first fifty years of Russian-Aleut contact (1741 – began regaining influence in the changing post- 1790s) and the role that the church played in Soviet society in 1990s, the Aleuts of Russia came imposing new social forms, religious institutions, full circle. The Russian Orthodox Church is not the and material culture, others have pointed to the only religion on the Commander Islands today and similarities between the Aleut pre-contact religion the impact of religion on the social lives of the and Orthodoxy as the reason for the acceptance of Aleuts is still limited. An Orthodox parish was the new religion. formed in the village of Nikolskoye in 2000 and an The Russian Orthodox Church triggered unde- apartment converted into a “church.” Occasionally, niable accomplishments in education and literacy priests from nearby Petropavlovsk come to perform by supporting elements of traditional Aleut culture weddings, baptisms, and other functions. and by preserving their language. This enabled a An Aleut Elder, Vera Timoshenko, recollects peaceful intertwining of both cultures. For the how her mother told stories about the closely knit majority of contemporary American Aleuts, the community of Nikolskoye and the role of the Russian Orthodox Church is woven into the fabric Orthodox Church in teaching people how to be of their lives. They are devoted followers and humane and compassionate, industrious, and believe it was embraced by their ancestors over obeying. Vera wishes Nikolskoye would build a two hundred years ago. Many communities care- real church to revive the Orthodoxy that used to fully maintain graceful church buildings that are be a spiritual foundation of the Commander not only places of worship but also symbols of Island residents. She believes that the rebirth of Aleut culture. the church may solve some of the social problems, The Commander Island Aleuts traveled a differ- such as alcoholism, and may teach people to treat ent historical path. Their islands were resettled from each other with kindness and respect (52). the islands of Atka and Attu in the western Victoria Gofman, Executive Director, Aleutians in the 1820s. These islands were not Aleut International Association

speakers of Nunavik, where almost 100% of the Arctic regions of the Russian Federation and in population continues to speak the language and addition has limited presence in Alaska and where it fulfills a variety of crucial functions in parts of Finland. Finally, the Roman Catholic contemporary life (43). On the other hand, for Church is particularly strong in parts of Canada many Alaskan Iñupiat, indigenous language use and Alaska. There is considerable variation as to is limited to individual words and phrases and a when Christianity reached different parts of the particular intonation of Village English (44). Arctic. While it happened almost 1,000 years Still, even in the Iñupiaq case, “language may ago in northernmost Europe, the inhabitants of continue to fulfill its [symbolic] functions even the Chukchi Peninsula in the Russian Far East in its absence” (45). Thus, while many Arctic had little first-hand experience with Christianity indigenous languages may lose some of their before the 1990s. Generally speaking, the 18th communicative functions to English, Russian, or and 19th centuries were the major periods of other wide-spread languages, individuals and religious conversion in the Arctic. groups will continue to use language as symbol- There have been various attempts to explain ic markers of identity. the rapid conversion of Arctic peoples to Christianity (46). Most authors agree that a com- Religions and world views: merger of bination of several factors is responsible. In some traditions and Christianity cases, such as the Lule Saami, (47) religious At the beginning of the 21st century, the vast change was forced, but in many other cases majority of all Arctic residents are affiliated with indigenous agency was much more pronounced some form of Christianity. Various Protestant (48-49). The adoption of Christianity rarely, if churches dominate in northern Fennoscandia, ever, resulted in the simple replacement of one Iceland, the Faroe Islands, Greenland, Alaska, religious system by another. Instead, old and and parts of northern Canada, while the new beliefs were reintegrated within a new sys- Russian Orthodox Church is prevalent in the tem that was both Christian and local (50). In Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 57 Chapter 3 some cases, a religious tradition that was initial- er, and so on, share the soul or spirit that ener- ly introduced through colonial expansion, not gizes them. This notion is at the core of most only became part of, but even reinforced the cul- Arctic belief systems (55), which means that tural identity of an indigenous people (51). One humans are not the only ones capable of inde- example of this can be found in the Aleutian pendent action. An innocuous-looking pond, Islands, as illustrated in the box on page 56. for example, is just as capable of rising up to kill Pre-Christian religious beliefs in the Arctic an unsuspecting person as is a human enemy. showed an abundance of local and regional Another fundamental principle of Arctic reli- variation. Nevertheless, two broad categories of gious life is the concept of humans being belief systems – shamanism and animism – endowed with multiple souls. The notion that at were characteristic of most of them (53). least one soul must be “free” to leave the Shamanism, which is often perceived as the human body is basic to the shaman’s ability to stereotypical “Arctic religion” by outsiders, was communicate with the spirits. never a unified system of beliefs but a variety of Since the killing and consumption of animals localized practices with a limited number of provide the basic sustenance of circumpolar common elements (54). Central was the figure communities, ritual care-taking of animal souls of the shaman, sometimes male, sometimes is of utmost importance. Throughout the North, female. Until recently, most Arctic communities rituals in which animal souls are “returned” to had religious functionaries who were able to their spirit masters are widespread, thus ensur- communicate with and “control” spirits. These ing the spiritual cycle of life. While most animals shamans were engaged in healing and other of prey receive some form of ritual attention, activities aimed at improving communal and there is significant variation in the elaboration of individual well-being. In the small-scale soci- these ceremonies. One animal particularly eties, these functionaries held extremely impor- revered throughout the North is the bear (56). tant social positions, which sometimes led to an Religious beliefs and practices in the Arctic have abuse of power. always been tied to the land and other aspects Animism is the belief that all natural phe- of the visible and invisible landscape and nomena, including human beings, animals, and “sacred sites” are of particular importance for plants, but also rocks, lakes, mountains, weath- many Arctic residents (see box below).

The conservation value of sacred sites: a case study from northern Russia Sacred sites are frequently located in regions tants have used to identify sacred sites. The where nature preservation has a high importance results of the field studies were presented after for the indigenous peoples: on highly efficient discussions with the communities involved and hunting grounds, in regions with rich biodiversity, the idea is to develop detailed recommendations along migration routes, in areas populated with to governmental authorities in Yamal and rare species, as well as in areas with unique land- Kamchatka. scapes. The Program on Conservation of Arctic In the Tazovsky district of the Yamal-Nenets Flora and Fauna (CAFF) recently supported a pro- Autonomous Okrug, 263 sacred sites were identi- posal by the Russian Association of Indigenous fied, described, and mapped from interviews with Peoples of the North (RAIPON) to implement a indigenous elders. In the Koryak Autonomous pilot project in Russia to protect indigenous peo- Okrug, interviews in villages of the Oloyutorsky ples’ sacred and ritual sites. The aim is to promote district helped describe and map 84 sacred sites. the preservation of indigenous cultural and spiri- All questionnaires are archived in the RAIPON tual heritage in the Arctic in sites that have sacred office and can be used for further research. The significance and enjoy high biodiversity and project will also identify ways to improve the pro- nature value, in order to demonstrate the necessi- tection of sacred sites. In conclusion, it seems that ty to incorporate sacred sites into the network of modern civilization is finally learning from indige- protected natural territories. nous peoples, who still worship Nature as a living In addition to literature and archive reviews on being and consider contacts with the land to be topics such as indigenous culture, spiritual and the primary factor of survival. One of the project religious representations, traditional knowledge, participants expressed it as follows: “Sacred sites resource use, and environmental protection, mean environment, morality and veneration for experts from CAFF and the Indigenous Peoples’ life.” Secretariat have developed a questionnaire that Mikhail Todyshev, Tamara Semenova et al., regional researchers and local, indigenous assis- RAIPON 58 Arctic Human Development Report

World views are not limited to the religious directed toward supernatural forces. While it sphere. In fact, Arctic indigenous worldviews would be naïve to assume that ecological beliefs are characterized by their holistic nature, which and practices have not changed over time (57), means that they cannot be easily compartmen- the persistence of “subsistence ideologies” (58) talized into religious, economic, social, or other is noteworthy. Contemporary Gwich’in think- components. Still, those aspects of Arctic world ing on “subsistence” illustrates how changing views such as “ecological” practices and beliefs economic and religious conditions become that seemed non-religious to outside observers, integrated, as is described in detail in the box faced less opposition from missionaries and below. state agencies than those more obviously Art: functional beauty and commercial commodity Art in the Euro-american understanding of the term – objects made solely for aesthetic purpos- es – did not exist in the Arctic until recently. However, an archaeological record with won- derful sculptures and drawings shows that peo- ples in the Arctic have been making objects that were functional and aesthetically pleasing from time immemorial. The first encounters with outsiders provided new possibilities for artistic expression, for example by the introduction of iron tools.

HT:RAIPON PHOTO: However, Christian missionaries and govern- ment officials were often responsible for under- mining the religious basis on which most of

The Nenets sacred site Numt’ khantorma. The worldview of Gwich’in subsistence Subsistence, narrowly defined, means to survive. where there is easy access. Unfettered access To the Gwich’in, it means far more. Besides our means that we gather resources when we need spiritual relationship with God, the Creator of all them and in the most economical and feasible that is, subsistence is the essence of the Gwich’in manner possible. As we continue this lifestyle, we Nation. It is how we are sustained physically. It build and maintain our close and interdependent serves to support us economically and spiritually ties to the resources around us. and is a key to our sustainability as a people. We Gwich’in identity is a picture of integration with are fed by plants and animals of the water, air, and the land and resources. We see ourselves as an land. Wood provides warmth and housing and the integral part of the diversity of the landscape. We raw materials for tools and transportation devices, believe that we would not be whole if we were such as boats, snowshoes, and toboggans [run- separated from this land. We also believe that this nerless sleds widely used by Native Americans]. land would not be whole without our presence. The cash component of our economy is a small Our well-being is linked closely with our ability to but important element of our subsistence lifestyle. live on and adapt with the land. Our family and We harvest wood, fur, and wildlife for barter or land-based bonds are strengthened, restored, and sale, mostly locally, but occasionally abroad. While invigorated as we continue our subsistence some have assumed the role of full-time workers, lifestyle. A tremendous sense of belonging and many rely mostly on natural resources they catch purpose is experienced as we survive on the land. or cut to meet their economic needs. Our spiritu- Subsistence encompasses all areas of Gwich’in ality is tied inextricably to the water, land, air, and life from the cradle to the grave. Gwich’in youth resources within them. Our relationship to the are trained early on the intricacies of our relation- spiritual realm has always been conducted ship with the natural environment and the har- through the beauty and awe of nature around us. vesting, processing, and distribution of wild We are sustained as individuals and as a people resources. These relationships are strengthened through our subsistence lifestyle. Our resource- when our youth mature into leaders. The cycle of dependent culture is sustained by unfettered life continues as they pass what they have learned mobility and access to the resources we depend from their elders and through trial and error to on. Unfettered mobility means that we pursue their children and relatives. resources where they are most abundant and Craig L. Fleener, Gwich’in Council International Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 59 Chapter 3 Arctic artistic production was based. In certain ity of indigenous art is to some extent protected areas, such as Greenland, art came under direct by subsidized programs that provide artists with influence of European traditions early on. The a sticker guaranteeing the authenticity of their Greenlander Aron of Kangeq (1822-1869) work (60). However, more and more artists in became known throughout Greenland and the Arctic do not want to be seen as representa- Denmark for his lively watercolors of Inuit vil- tives of a particular ethnic tradition but as active lage life and tales. In other areas, such as Alaska participants in a globalized art scene. Whatever and many parts of Arctic Canada, handicraft the position of the individual artist is, the fact items for trade provided a venue for “native art.” remains that almost all indigenous art from the For example, delicate Athabascan beadwork on Arctic is today created for consumption in a cul- moose and caribou skin was popular through- ture that is economically and politically more out the Canadian and Alaskan Arctic and sub- powerful than theirs (61). arctic (59). In recent years, the development of Arctic arts The entry of Arctic art into international mar- has gone far beyond the confines of what have kets is recent. One of the best-known examples been traditionally considered the fine arts. New is Canadian Inuit printmaking. In 1948, James art forms, such as literature and filmmaking, Houston, a young non-Inuit Canadian artist, have become prominent. For example, the criti- traveled north to the Nunavik village of cally acclaimed film Atanarjuat (“The Fast Inukjuak for a sketching trip. Houston befriend- Runner”) – written by Paul Apak Angilirq and ed the local Inuit, who coveted imported com- directed by Zacharias Kunuk – is the first feature modities. In trade, the Inuit brought him small film made in Inuktitut. Moreover, writers such as the Chukchi novelist Yuriy Rytkheu have suc- cessfully transformed oral traditions into books which are read throughout the Arctic and non- Arctic world. Finally, new forms of Arctic music are developing, which incorporate traditional ‘The Enchanted Owl’ elements, such as the Sami yoik, and elements Stonecut, 1960 by of western popular music. Kenojuak Ashevak. Reproduced with permis- Similarities and differences with non- sion of the West Baffin Eskimo Cooperative, Arctic areas Cape Dorset, Nunavut Many of the cultural trends in the Arctic are the result of an unbalanced encounter between the soapstone models of animals. Houston per- cultural traditions of small-scale, hunter-gatherer suaded the Canadian Government to subsidize societies and large-scale agricultural and indus- soapstone carving, which eventually became a trial states. What is peculiar for the Arctic is that multi-million-dollar enterprise for the Inuit. A these encounters occurred relatively late, and decade later, Houston had moved to Cape that agricultural/industrial cultural values were Dorset on Baffin Island and repeated the same imposed in the 20th century. The similarities to success story with printmaking. There, local non-Arctic areas are greatest with those of other Davvi Sˇ uvvá (The North Inuit artists submitted drawings for print mak- hunter-gatherers pushed aside by agriculturalists Sings) in 1993 ing. The prints were marketed in North America and Europe, and the demand soon outstripped the supply. Thanks to worldwide media cover- age, artists such as Kenojuak Ashevak and Pudlo Pudlat became famous with Inuit art col- lectors. Their works are in museums, art gal- leries, and private collections around the globe. In the early 21st century, indigenous art in the circumpolar North is thriving. Cruise-ship pas- sengers and other tourists are eager to bring home objects which signify the exotic Arctic. In Alaska and coastal British Columbia, gift shops routinely sell copies of native art mass produced

in Asia where labor is cheap (59). The authentic- PHOTO: JORMA LEHTOLA 60 Arctic Human Development Report

relatively recently, as in Australia and Amazonia. Socialization, kinship, and However, the indigenous groups in the Arctic are generally less impoverished than in their third- new networks world counterparts. And even more important, The accelerated change of recent decades has they are part of larger societies that have come to been accompanied by gaps in socialization and support – by and large – a fuller implementation knowledge transmission between generations. of civil and indigenous rights. Despite these difficulties, kinship and family relations, especially for indigenous peoples, Variations within the Arctic have remained a central focus. This is true also Various parts of the Arctic came into intense in the growing Arctic towns and even in urban contact with cultural agents from the outside at settings outside the Arctic homeland. different points in time, which in turn often Contemporary social networks also include determines the extent to which non-Arctic ele- connections between recent Arctic emigrants to ments have been incorporated into local cultur- more southerly cities and the Arctic communi- al traditions. An example is the almost complete ties they came from, as well as between south- erasure of shamanistic elements from Saami ern immigrants to the Arctic and their social worldviews as a result of almost 1,000 years of milieu of origin. This section highlights how Christian influence. For current cultural current social change is shaped by relations processes in the North, government policies are between generations, kinship networks, urban- among the most important variables. In the 20th ization, and the extension of local communities century, the policies implemented by the Soviet through emigration. Union differed most from other Arctic countries. Moreover, the cultural trajectories of Iceland Social transmission of knowledge and the Faroe Islands are noticeably different across generations from the rest of the Arctic, primarily because of Among indigenous peoples, recent changes their different settlement history. While the cul- have been so precipitous that they have been tural background of the ancestors of the con- interpreted by outsiders as a break from the temporary Icelanders and Faroese was past, and in some cases even, as a breakdown of undoubtedly non-Arctic and agricultural, their societies and cultures. In particular, transforma- descendants can point to over 1,000 years of tions have been associated with major commu- cultural development in the Arctic. nication gaps between generations. These gaps were amplified by just as abrupt linguistic shifts, Trend summary which are described in the previous section of Outsiders and Arctic residents have been this chapter. In many regions, children were in bemoaning “culture loss” for decades. This kind boarding schools where the only language they of judgment fits with the measurable decline in spoke was a language different from that of linguistic and religious knowledge, the fact that their people. Communication with their grand- certain songs, dances and other art forms were parents was thus often precluded. Arctic devel- pushed out of use, that languages became opments confirm the fact that minority lan- extinct, and worldviews replaced. However, guages can be dealt deadly blows in the space of “culture gain” and “culture creation” are also one or two generations. part of the cultural realities of the Arctic. The break in socialization was accentuated Vocabularies, dialects, and languages were when social changes and the school system dis- replaced by others, as were religions and art rupted important features of traditional educa- forms. Also, many aspects of Arctic worldviews tion systems. For example, among many indige- have persisted despite processes of change and nous peoples, a great deal of learning occurs replacement. In the final analysis, the most through observation and imitation rather than important factor is whether the local communi- through the written or spoken word. ty in question identifies with the cultural brico- Transmission of knowledge also takes place lage its residents hold today. Culture is inti- through the telling of myths and stories that mately tied to identity and the major question is implicitly teach lessons of life to those who are whether you can consider the language/s you culturally trained to decode them (62-63). speak and the spiritual entities you respect as Furthermore, among Inuit for example, children “yours,” no matter where they “originated.” are considered as autonomous beings, embody- ing the name soul of a deceased relative, whose Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 61 Chapter 3 own volition should not be interfered with (64). emphasis to biological relatedness as exists in These aspects of traditional culture have clashed most Euro-american societies. Notions of kin- with the recently introduced formal education ship are flexible and in many cases, social rela- and new role models. The introduction of cul- tions are kinship relations. Kinship structures turally sensitive curricula should reconcile pub- relations of cooperation and mutual aid, as well lic education with other modes of socialization. as those of avoidance and hierarchy. In some cases, parents thought they were The majority of indigenous Arctic societies improving their children’s chances by letting (e.g., most Inuit and Yup’ik societies, the Saami, them be educated in another culture and lan- and the Chukchi) are characterized by bilateral guage, rather than encumbering them with a principles of descent reckoning. This recognition cultural heritage they were told was obsolete. of both the father’s and the mother’s kin pro- Such a break in communication between gener- vides ample means for including a wide range of ations, which was common in the second half of people among those considered relatives. the 20th century and continues today in some Patrilineal descent is found only among the regions, has created a bottleneck for social Samoyedic, Tungusic and Turkic groups of reproduction. Nowadays, parents struggle with northern and central Siberia, probably an influ- the atomization of the household and the com- ence from Central Asia. Matrilineal descent, on petition of television programs when they try to the other hand, is only prevalent in the north- provide role models, while indigenous elders western part of the North American Arctic, strive to reach out to youngsters. The box below among Athabaskan groups of Alaska and, to a illustrates this modern dilemma. lesser degree, Canada. Since matrilineal systems need fairly large groups of people to function Kinship and other social networks properly, bilaterality among most Canadian In the Arctic, kinship has for centuries deter- Athabaskan groups could be due to resource mined the choice of marriage partners, where pressures and population losses triggered by you live, and participation in subsistence and Euro-american expansion (67). Athabaskan kin- ritual activities. The definition of kinship and ship terminologies sometimes refer to particular relatedness, however, does not give the same cousins as spouses, thereby implying cultural

Parenting and counseling the young: voices from Nunavut What child-rearing practices we follow are not speak English, even though they can’t understand that of our parents, as we were too young to have them, they follow them, because they think they learnt it before we went off to boarding school. We are more capable than they are. That is not the way did not learn to be parents from school either, it is. […] People fluctuate in the amount of time because there was no parenting role model to fol- they spend talking to young people. Sometimes low. We have children who have grown up in the they become too preachy and other times they TV age. They are learning what families are “sup- totally neglect them. This, too, is not good for posed to be like” from what they see: mostly TV young people.” sitcoms. In addition some of our children are Nunavut Inuit elder Itinnuaq (66) affected by the abuse of alcohol and other sub- “We were advised from the time we were children stances. We are the only ones in our self-contained to aim towards being good people. We have not nuclear household trying to be mother or father done all that our ancestors did, but we have who is supposed to provide affection, discipline, knowledge that our parents passed on to us. I enjoyment time as well as getting them to help think that if we were to impart this knowledge, it around the house [. . .]. These are the changes that would really improve our young people’s lives. I have occurred in one generation. Who is raising agree that we elders have not passed this knowl- the children? What parenting skills have they been edge on enough to our young people. If we start- given? What parenting skills are they passing ed talking to them about what we know, I think along to their children? the number of offences would go down. We seem Alexina Kublu, Iqaluit (Nunavut) (65) to have been hiding our knowledge. We have “We elders are also to blame because we are not based this on our thinking that it conflicted with talking to young people as much anymore. We are [Christian] religion. We have a lot of knowledge relying on the teachers. Our parents did not have that we should be passing on.” teachers or anyone else to rely on. […] Some peo- Nunavut Inuit elder Angutinngurniq (66) ple think that because their children are able to 62 Arctic Human Development Report

expectations as to whom one is supposed to during the twentieth century. Many of the major marry (68). Arctic towns have been growing at a rapid pace, While earlier studies mostly paid attention to and they are becoming increasingly multi-cul- formal aspects of kinship systems, more recent tural (73-76). The figure on the following page investigations have focused on the cultural provides an illustration of the rapidity of urban- notions that underlie how kinship and other ization in Greenland since 1950. social relations work in practice. For example, in In the past few decades, increasing numbers the everyday lives of Barrow and of indigenous people are also settling down in Kangersuatsiaq residents, the flexibility of Inuit larger centers away from their home areas. For kinship makes relatedness negotiable and instance, Oslo, Stockholm and Helsinki are almost entirely independent from biological playfully referred to as the largest Saami villages links (69-71), while among contemporary or siidas in the Nordic countries (77). According Dolgan and Nganasan residents of the Taimyr to a recent study (78), about 7,000 Greenlanders Peninsula, relatives still play a major role in food live in Denmark, which is equivalent to about distribution, sharing, and other aspects of 15% of the Greenlanders in Greenland. Two everyday life. (72) thirds of them are women, and they are spread The relevance of kinship has not diminished throughout the country rather than concentrat- with urbanization. An illustration of this is pro- ed in the capital. In 2001, about 10% of vided in a case study from Greenland presented Canadian Inuit lived outside the Arctic (79-80). in the box below. Among the recently better-studied Native urban communities are the Yup’ik and Iñupiat in The extension of Arctic rural Anchorage, Alaska (81-83). In 2003, about 10% communities of the 274,000 inhabitants of Anchorage were Urbanization is a universal and well-studied Native or part Native people, which corre- trend. In the Arctic, where living off the land sponds to almost 17% of the total Native popu- dictated low population densities and scattered lation of the State (84-85). settlements, it is a relatively recent phenome- According to Fienup-Riordan, outmigration non, associated with the rise of welfare state to cities does not mean the severance of ties policies, industrialization, and the spread of with home communities: “Yup’ik communities wage employment. The concentration of the are not disintegrating, their lifeblood gradually population in permanent settlements took place seeping away. Many can be seen as actually

Kinship in urban Greenland In Greenland, family is important also for many have no one to support them.” (67-year old people living in towns. For example, in Nuuk woman) where family members have to work many hours “I think families are more divided today maybe during the week, it becomes important for kins- because they are so busy, but there are still fami- men to spend time together in their spare time, lies that are strongly connected. It is very impor- during holidays, family celebrations, and times of tant that families are connected [...] we teach our crisis. Also, because people live in a large-scale children to understand how important it is for us society, they have a need to stick together to han- to keep together.” (young mother, 35 years old) dle outside crises. Voices gathered in research on Although urban kinship can be utilized in many the role of kinship among families in Upernavik, different ways, the basic ideology is centered with 1,218 inhabitants, and Nuuk with 13,884 around expectations about moral and mutual obli- inhabitants (2003 figures) illustrate this well: gations in the realms of sharing, naming, and “A family is a person whom you can get support adoption, among others. Relatives have many dif- from, I don’t know what I should do without my ferent kinds of mutual obligations in their lives and family. I need my family – it can be my own fami- sharing defines the family. Family members strive ly or my husband’s family.” (35-year old woman). to keep relatives together to avoid being isolated “Generally most of the families keep together, and having no one to support and share with. but a lot of the time they have to work. Your kins- People have a choice as to whether or not to fulfill men give you strength and help you through the mutual obligations of the family, and sharing crises, it is therefore important that families keep does not always mean that kinship systems and together. If families don’t stick together it will be forms of social organization are harmonic. harder for them to handle crises, because they will Gitte Tróndheim, University of Greenland, Nuuk Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 63

Evolution of urban and rural populations in Greenland, 1950–2000 (population born in Greenland) Chapter 3

pop.rural pop.urban 60,000 100%

90% pop.total.Greenland 50,000 80%

pop.urban 70% 40,000 60%

30,000 50%

40% 20,000 30%

pop.rural 20% 10,000 10%

0 0% 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 19501955196019651970197519801985199019952000

Source: J. Robert-Lamblin 2003 (96), with permission. expanding and recreating themselves in by wide sharing throughout the extended fami- unprecedented ways until today, when they are ly, with money from wage labor and commercial as strong and vital as at any time in their 2,500- fishing used to support a variety of harvesting year history. […] Although geographically much activities to fulfill extended family needs” (86). farther-reaching than ever before, contemporary Also, Yup’ik identities are not abandoned, but Yup’ik community continues to be characterized reinforced in Anchorage, albeit in a modified

Rural-urban connections in Alaska I became interested in urbanization while carrying the urban-dwelling women support themselves out a study of the socio-economic dimensions of through the sale of arts and crafts. These commodi- Yup’ik grass basketry. During the first few years of ties in turn depend for their appeal on exotic raw the study, when Annie Don, my Yup’ik collaborator, materials such as seal hide, walrus stomach, and and I traveled frequently throughout the Yukon- basket grass only obtainable in rural areas. The Kuskokwim Delta villages, we often arrived in com- question of whether urban Native people will have munities with no prearranged place to stay. Almost continued access to these products on public land is everywhere, there would be an older person living at present hotly debated and since their very liveli- alone who was willing to take us in. Because it is hood depends on such access, they are beginning unusual for Yup’ik / Inuit – especially older people – to participate more actively in the political process to live by themselves, I began to make inquiries. than would normally be the case. In 1998, the “Where’s your daughter?” I’d ask. “Moved into Alaska Federation of Natives, its collective patience Anchorage with the kids,” would come the reply. worn thin by the absence of resolution, called for a At the same time, I realized that Annie, who has public protest, summoning Alaska Natives to a lived in Anchorage since 1994, was part of this march and rally in downtown Anchorage. For migration, as were her circle of mainly Yup’ik Alaska Natives generally – and Alaska Native women friends. Furthermore, at the Alaska women in particular – direct confrontation such as Federation of Natives Crafts Fair held in a protest march, represented a lapse from cultural- Anchorage each October, roughly 75% of the ven- ly approved styles of conflict-resolution, which tend dors are female. So I wondered if the migration to favor settling disputes by negotiation. Among was evenly distributed between men and women. her circle of friends, the question of whether to par- Sure enough, this demographic reflects the gender ticipate was hotly debated. So as I circled by Annie’s breakdown of Anchorage-based Alaska Natives as house to pick her up, I wondered if she would act. a whole. In 2000, there were slightly over 7,000 But there she was on the doorstep. ”It’s for my Alaska Native women 18 years and above residing grandkids,” she commented as she climbed into the in Anchorage, but only some 5,500 men. car, “Anyway if I can’t go home and pick grass, how How does urban in-migration affect Alaska will I make my baskets?” Her remark illustrates the Native women? For one thing, they confront on a urban and rural connectedness that characterizes so daily basis political issues that would be at greater much about life for Alaska Natives today. remove from them in the village. Some 50-75% of Molly Lee, University of Alaska Fairbanks 64 Arctic Human Development Report

form emphasizing the common Yup’ik heritage might be the most important factor in helping rather than the local origin (87). Thus, outmigra- reduce social and cultural problems associated tion extends the social network of homeland vil- with rapid change. To reverse negative trends lages and gives rise to “translocal communities” that have their origins decades or centuries ago, – at least for a time (88). A similar case has been however, requires a lengthy “normalization” made for the Inuit in Montreal, where it appears period. Thus, one cannot expect things to that urban Inuit are using ethnic identity as an improve immediately. adaptive tool in a multi-ethnic city (89). In each Arctic region, there is a feeling of Due to the original vocation of anthropology being distinct from regions further south, even as a “western” discipline striving to study “exot- where those regions are adjacent. Globalization ic others,” corresponding studies of southern increases worldwide connections, but the infor- immigrant communities in the Arctic are much mation and communication technology that less abundant. For instance, Danish identities in fosters it is also used to intensify circumpolar Greenland are only recently attracting the connections. The emergence of a pan-Arctic attention of researchers, one of them a identity can be further encouraged. Greenlander (90). Finally, decision makers should not overesti- The persistence of kinship and community mate the predictive power of social science data. network among Arctic emigrants to urban areas The inherent complexity of social and cultural is similar to recent observations in urban systems makes predictions that rest upon the Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Africa. So extrapolation of particular factors or trends ten- far, the pattern is quite different from the devel- tative at best. “Social planning” approaches of opments that took place in Europe and in North the past testify to these dangers. Only through America in connection with industrialization further investments into the development of and urbanization. better datasets and methodological tool kits can these limitations be overcome. Trend summary Most Arctic communities have experienced relentless and pervasive changes over the past Gaps in knowledge decades. The disruption of communication Most Arctic states do not keep separate statis- between generations is as much a consequence tics for their Arctic regions regarding key indi- as a cause of difficulties in social reproduction. cators of social and cultural change. For exam- Kinship ties and networks have not died out ple, it is virtually impossible to determine num- with urbanization but remain a focus for mean- bers of speakers of particular languages spoken ing and identity in the growing Arctic towns, in the Arctic or to find reliable data about the and even in urban settings outside the Arctic religious affiliation of Arctic residents. We homeland. therefore encourage the Arctic states and Permanent Participants to actively assist in the Key conclusions of policy compilation and distribution of Arctic social sci- ence data. relevance The study of social and cultural processes in Arctic societies and cultures are highly adapt- the Arctic has been dominated by the discipline able and resilient and thus well-equipped for of anthropology. While this has led to a number integrating change. The fact that they integrate of excellent studies on the local level, regional modernity should be viewed positively rather and national data are much rarer. than with nostalgia for traditions lost. The con- The anthropological heritage of Arctic social cept of traditions should be seen as a dynamic science research has led to a particular empha- one: traditions do not and should not hinder sis on indigenous groups and peoples, at the development. expense of ”mixed” and ”newcomer” groups. If there is a political lesson to be learned, it is Anthropological research in the former that paternalistic attitudes, top down approach- Soviet Union focused more strongly on es, and change imposed from the outside are processes of the past than in other Arctic coun- counter-productive, even if they seem to foster tries. Thus, there is a lack of studies regarding social and cultural perseverance in the short contemporary trends in the Russian North, run. In the long run, the transfer of decision- especially for the period between World War II making powers from central to local authorities and 1990. Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 65 Chapter 3 The former Soviet Union is not alone in put- 3. A. Linkola, M. Linkola, “The Skolt Sámi-a ting more emphasis on certain kinds of research minority within a minority” in Siiddastalan: From than on others. Most Arctic regions have excel- Lapp Communities to Modern Sámi Life, J. lent data on one or another aspect of social and Pennanen, K. Näkkäläjärvi, Eds. (Siida Sámi Museum, Inari. 2002), pp. 129-137. cultural processes at the expense of others. A 4. Lehtola 2002:42-43 (2). circumpolar research agenda would overcome 5. N. Vakhtin, Native Peoples of the Russian Far North the limitations of these “national” research (Minority Rights Group, London, 1992. agendas and result in increased comparability of (Reprinted in Polar Peoples: Self-Determination and the acquired data. Development (Minority Rights Group, London, While there is ample documentation of the 1994), pp. 29-80. effects of individual aspects of social and cultur- 6. D. Jenness, “Eskimo Administration vol. 1-5” al change, there is little understanding of the (Technical Papers of the Arctic Institute of North cumulative effects of rapid change. This gap in America 10, 14, 16, 19, 21. 1962-1968). 7. Grønlands Statistik, Grønland 2003: Statistisk knowledge adds to the weak predictive poten- årbog (Grønlands Statistik /Atuagkat, Nuuk, tial of current knowledge. 2003), table 4.1 p. 448. 8. E.g. Damas 2002 (15), Tester and Kulchisky 1994 (91), and Marcus 1995 (92), for the central Chapter summary Canadian Arctic; Slezkine 1994 (93), Vakhtin Arctic societies and cultures have been under- 1992:19(5), and Krupnik and Chlenov in prep. going changes since time immemorial, but the (12), for the North of the Soviet Union, and 20th century resulted in an unprecedented Lehtola 2002: 68 (2) for Sápmi. amount and speed of social and cultural change. 9. E.g. Damas 1996:377 (15); Robert-Lamblin 1971:64-5 (94) Still, even periods of rapid change have not 10. A. W. Bentzon, T. Agersnap, Urbanization, eradicated traditional Arctic social and cultural Industrialization and Changes in the Family in systems. Rather, the contemporary Arctic is Greenland during the Reform Period since 1950 characterized by various combinations of (København, 1971). “indigenous” and “western” elements. 11. Grønlands Statistik, Grønland 2003: Statistisk Alternatively perceived as “loss” or “innova- årbog (Grønlands Statistik /Atuagkat, Nuuk, tion,” these social and cultural processes 2003), p. 74. inevitably lead to new forms of mixing “old” 12. I. I. Krupnik, M.A. Chlenov, “Survival in and “new.” It will be up to Arctic residents to Contact: Yupik (Asiatic Eskimo) Transitions, 1900-1990” Contributions to Circumpolar determine which kind of mix will best serve Anthropology (Arctic Studies Center, their future needs. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC, forth- The Arctic has “grown” considerably during coming), chapter 12. recent decades. Not only have contacts and lev- 13. E.g. R. Condon, P. Collings, G. Wenzel, “The best els of cooperation increased within the circum- part of life: subsistence hunting, ethnicity, and polar North – especially since the opening of the economic adaptation among young adult Inuit former Soviet North – but the interconnected- males” Arctic 48(1), 31 (1995). ness of Arctic and non-Arctic communities has 14. E.g. T. Ingold, “Work, identity and environment: become more apparent. While the impact of Finns and Saami in Lapland” in Arctic Ecology and Identity, S. Mousalimas, Ed. (Akadémiai southern power centers on Arctic communities Kiadó, Budapest, 1995), pp. 41-68. has long been noticed, Arctic communities are 15. D. Damas, Arctic Migrants, Arctic Villagers: gradually expanding their reach south and The Transformation of Inuit Settlement in the Central thereby carrying Arctic social and cultural tradi- Arctic (McGill-Queen’s University Press, tions into regions far removed from tundras and Montreal, Kingston, 2002), pp. 197-202. northern forests. 16. J. 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Csonka, “La Tchoukotka: une illustration de la Linguistic Revitalization in Northern Scandinavia question autochtone en Russie” Recherches and Finland (Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, amérindiennes au Québec 28, 23 (1998). (in Uppsala, 1999) pp. 149-150. French). 43. D. Patrick, Language, Politics, and Social Interaction 30. I. Krupnik, N. Vakhtin, “Power, politics, and her- in an Inuit Community (Mouton de Gruyter, itage: undercurrent transformations in the post- Berlin, 2003). soviet Arctic: the case of Chukotka” in Changes in 44. L. Kaplan, “Inupiaq Identity and Inupiaq the Circumpolar North. Culture, Ethics, and Self- Language: Does One Entail the Other?” Determination, ICASS III, Keynotes presented at the Études/Inuit/Studies 25(1-2), 249 (2001). Third International Congress of Arctic Social 45. Kaplan 2001:255 (44). Sciences, F. Sejersen, Ed. (IASSA, Copenhagen, 46. E.g. Burch 1994 (48); N. Kishigami, “Why 1999) pp. 27-42. Become Christian? Hypotheses on the 31. I. Krupnik, N. Vakhtin, “In the ‘House of Christianization of the Canadian Inuit” in Dismay’: Knowledge, Culture, and Post-Soviet Circumpolar Religion and Ecology: An Anthropology Politics in Chukotka, 1995-96” in People and the of the North, T. Irimoto, T. Yamada, Eds. (Univ. of Land: Pathways to Reform in Post-Soviet Russia, E. Tokyo Press, Tokyo, 1994), pp. 221-235. Societies and Cultures: Change and Persistence 67 Chapter 3 47. For Lule Saami, see H. Rydving, The End of 63. J. Cruikshank, Life Lived Like a Story: Life Stories Drum-Time: Religious Change among the Lule of Three Yukon Native Elders (Univ. of Nebraska Saami, 1670s-1740s. (Uppsala Univ., Uppsala, ed. Press, Lincoln, London, 1990). 2, 1995). 64. E.g. Nuttall 1992:69 (70). 48. E. S. Burch, Jr. “The Inupiat and the 65. For further context, see box “Growing up with Christianization of Arctic Alaska” change in the Canadian Arctic” also by Alexina Études/Inuit/Studies 18(1-2), 81 (1994). Kublu, earlier in the chapter. 49. C. G. Trott, “The Rapture and the Rupture: 66. J. Oosten, F. Laugrand, Eds., Inuit Religious Change amongst the Inuit of North Qaujimajatuqangit: Shamanism and Reintegrating Baffin Island” Études/Inuit/Studies 21(1-2), 209 Wrongdoers into the Community (NAC/Nortext, (1997). 2002), p. 199 50. For religious syncretism see, e.g. L. T. Black, 67. C. A. Bishop, S. Krech III, “Matriorganization: “Religious syncretism as cultural dynamic” in The basis of aboriginal subarctic social organiza- Circumpolar Religion and Ecology: An Anthropology tion,” Arctic Anthropology 17(2), 34 (1980). of the North, T. Irimoto, T. Yamada, Eds. (Univ. of 68. M. Asch, “Kinship and Dravidianate logic: some Tokyo Press, Tokyo, 1994), pp. 213-220. implications for understanding power, politics, 51. C. Z. Jolles, “Salvation on St. Lawrence Island: and social life in a northern Dene community” in Protestant conversion among the Sivuqaghhmiit” Transformations of Kinship, M. Godelier, T.R. Arctic Anthropology 26(2), 12 (1989). Trautmann, F.E. Tjon Sie Fat, Eds. (Smithsonian 52. Vera Timoshenko was interviewed by Tatiana Inst. Press, Washington, DC, 1998), pp. 140-149. Grigorieva, IA coordinator in Nikolskoye. 69. B. Bodenhorn, “ ‘He used to be my relative’: 53. E.g. T. Yamada, T. Irimoto, Eds. Circumpolar exploring the bases of relatedness among Iñupiat Animism and Shamanism (Hokkaido Univ. Press, of northern Alaska” in Cultures of Relatedness: Sapporo, 1997). New Approaches to the Study of Kinship, J. Carsten, 54. E.g. V. Diószegi, M. Hoppál, Eds., Shamanism in Ed. (Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge, 2000), Siberia (Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1978); J. pp. 128-148. Pentikäinen, Ed., Shamanism and Northern 70. M. Nuttall, Arctic Homeland: Kinship, Community Ecology (Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, 1996); T. A. and Development in Northwest Greenland (Univ. of Vestergaard, Ed. “Shamanism and Traditional Toronto Press, Toronto, 1992). Beliefs,” North Atlantic Studies 4(1-2), 3 (2001). 71. M. Nuttall, “Choosing kin: sharing and subsis- 55. T. Yamada, An Anthropology of Animism and tence in a Greenlandic hunting community” in Shamanism (Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1999). Dividends of Kinship: Meanings and Uses of Social 56. A. I. Hallowell, “Bear Ceremonialism in the Relatedness, P. Schweitzer, Ed. (Routledge, Northern Hemisphere” American Anthropologist London, 2000) (pp. 33-60). (n.s.) 28(1), 1 (1926). 72. J. P. Ziker, Peoples of the Tundra: Northern Siberians 57. See, e.g., Krupnik and Vakhtin’s study of the sub- in the Post-Communist Transition. Prospect Heights tle changes of Siberian Yupik practices and their (Waveland Press, Prospect Heights, IL, 2002). interpretations over several generations: I. 73. N. A. Chance, The Iñupiat and Arctic Alaska: An Krupnik, N. Vakhtin, “Indigenous knowledge in Ethnography of Development (Holt, Rinehart and modern culture: Siberian Yupik ecological legacy Winston, Fort Worth, TX, 1990). in transition,” Arctic Anthropology 34(1), 236 74. J. Honigmann, “Five northern towns” (1997). Anthropological Papers of the University of Alaska 58. E.g. Hensel, Telling Our Selves: Ethnicity and 17(1), 1 (1975). Discourse in Southwestern Alaska (Oxford Univ. 75. F. G. Vallee, Kabloona and Eskimo in the Central Press, Oxford, 1996; A. Wiget, O. Balalaeva, Keewatin (St. Paul Univ., Ottawa, 1967). “Khanty communal reindeer sacrifice: belief, sub- 76. J. G. Jorgensen, Oil Age Eskimos (Univ. of sistence, and cultural persistence in contempo- California Press, Berkeley, 1990). rary Siberia” Arctic Anthropology 38(1), 82 (2001). 77. Lehtola 2002: 86-87 (2). 59. M. Lee, “Arctic Art and Artists (Indigenous). In 78. L. Togeby, Grønlændere i Danmark: en overset Encyclopedia of the Arctic, M. Nuttall, Ed. (Fitzroy minoritet (Aarhus Universitetsforlag, Århus, Dearborn, London, in press). 2002) (in Danish). 60. E.g. J. Hollowell-Zimmer, “Intellectual property 79. J. Bell, “One in 10 Inuit Live in the South, Census protection for Alaska Native arts” Cultural Shows” Nunatsiaq News 50 (Jan. 24, 2003) pp. 1, 4. Survival Quarterly 24(4), 55 (2001). 80. N. Kishigami, “Inuit identities in Montreal, 61. T. G. Svensson, “Ethnic art in the Northern Canada” Etudes/Inuit/Studies 26(1), 183 (2002). Fourth World: the Netsilik” Études/Inuit/Studies 81 A. Fienup-Riordan, W.Tyson, P. John, M. Meade, 19(1), 69 (1995). J. Active , Hunting Tradition in a Changing World: 62. K. van Deusen, Raven and the Rock: Storytelling in Yup’ik Lives in Alaska Today (Rutgers Univ. Press, Chukotka (Univ. of Washington Press/Canadian New Brunswick, NJ, 2000) (chapter 5). Circumpolar Institute Press, Seattle/Edmonton, 82. N. Fogel-Chance, ”Living in both worlds: 1999). ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’ among North Slope 68 Arctic Human Development Report

Iñupiaq women in Anchorage” Arctic Acknowledgments Anthropology 30(1), 94 (1993). 83. M. Lee, “The cooler ring: urban Alaskan Native First of all, we would like to thank Jens Dahl, Craig women and the subsistence debate,” Arctic Fleener, Victoria Gofman, Anna Karlsdóttir, Alexina Anthropology 39(1-2), 3 (2002). Kublu, Molly Lee, Carl-Christian Olsen, Gunn-Britt 84. Alaska Community Database, http://www.dced. Retter, Tamara Semenova, Mikhail Todyshev, and state.ak.us/dca/commdb/CF-CIS.cfm; 2/2/ 2004. Gitte Tróndheim, all of whom contributed important 85. U.S. Census Bureau, “Census of population & texts to our chapter. Winfried Dallmann deserves our housing, summary file 2” (2000). praise for the map and Heather Campbell, Nelson 86. P. 152 in Fienup-Riordan 2000 (81). Graburn, Jorma Lehtola, Vlad Peskov, and Joëlle 87. Fienup-Riordan 2000: 161, 166-7 (81). Robert-Lamblin assisted in selecting images and 88. Sahlins 1999: xx (27). acquiring copyright. Hugh Beach and Ludger Müller- 89. Kishigami 2002:197 (80). Wille served as external reviewers and provided us 90. G. Tróndheim, “Dansk integration og kultur i with extensive and helpful suggestions. Likewise, we Grønland” in Grønlandsk kultur- og samfunds- thank members of the AHDR executive and steering forskning 2000/01, E. Janussen, et al., Ed. committees, and fellow lead authors, for their (Ilisimatusarfik/Atuagkat, Nuuk, 2002), pp. 189- comments and reviews. Finally, we want to 210. acknowledge the input from the AHDR management 91. F. Tester, P. Kulchisky, Tammarniit (Mistakes): Inuit and editing team: Niels Einarsson who provided Relocation in the Eastern Arctic 1939-63 (UBC overall guidance for our chapter, Joan Nymand Press, Vancouver, 1994). Larsen who made sure that we did not fall too far 92. A. Marcus, Relocating Eden: The Image and Politics behind in our schedule, and Annika Nilsson who of Inuit Exile in the Canadian Arctic (University displayed great competence in translating our Press of New England, Hanover, 1995). academic prose into a more readable text. Still, the 93. Y. Slezkine, Arctic Mirrors: Russia and the Small responsibility for errors, omissions, and the opinions Peoples of the North (Cornell University Press, expressed, rests solely with us. Ithaca, 1994). 94. J. Robert-Lamblin, “Les Ammassalimiut émigrés au Scoresbysund: étude démographique et socio-économique de leur adaptation” Bulletins et mémoires de la Société d’anthropologie de Paris, Cahiers du Centre de recherches anthropologiques 11-12 (1971). 95. This chapter follows the AMAP boundaries of the Arctic, because they fit better with cultural and linguistic units than the AHDR boundaries. The table of Arctic languages and the related map of Arctic peoples try to capture a circumpo- lar perspective and, thus, cannot aspire to do jus- tice to local and regional variations in dialects and identities. For example, Meänkieli - which has the status of a minority language in Sweden since 1996 - is linguistically a dialect of Finnish and therefore not listed separately, and the Kvens who speak it are not distinguished on the map. We acknowledge, however, that even minor linguistic differences can be of major importance for local identities. 96. J. Robert-Lamblin, 2003. Impacts on Indigenous Populations. Pp. 425-435 in R. Rasmussen and N. Koroleva (ed.). Social and Environmental Impacts in the North. Kluwer Academic Publishers. 69

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 4

80o

70o Economic60o Systems

Lead author: Gérard Duhaime, Université Laval, Québec City, Canada.

Contributing authors: André Lemelin (Université du Québec á Montréal), Vladimir Didyk (Kola Science Centre), Oliver Goldsmith, (University of Alaska at Anchorage), Gorm Winther (Agio Greenland and University of Aalborg), Andrée Caron (Université Laval, Québec City), Nick Bernard (Université Laval, Québec City), and Anne Godmaire (Université Laval, Québec City).

Economic activities create and distribute wealth that individuals, households, and societies can Area of study use in reaching different social and material The circumpolar area discussed in this chapter includes all political or goals. Therefore, economics is a fundamental administrative entities overlapping the Arctic for which relevant sets of data dimension of human development. In the are publicly available. They are: Arctic, subsistence activities have been impor- • Alaska tant to local economies, but the region is also in Canada: the Yukon, the Northwest Territories, Nunavut, Nunavik, and incorporated in the economies of the Arctic Labrador nations and in the global economy. These con- • Greenland • The Faroe Islands nections are becoming increasingly important. • Iceland Examples include exploitation of oil, gas, and • in Norway: Nordland, Troms, Finnmark, and Svalbard mineral resources but also harvesting of the vast • in Sweden: Västerbotten and Norrbotten biological resources in the region. Government • in Finland: the provinces of Oulu and Lapland or state supported public service illustrates the • in the Russian Federation: the republics of Karelia, Komi, and Sakha; the close connection to national economies. Taken oblasts of Arkhangelsk, Murmansk, Tyumen, Kamtchatka, and Magadan; as a whole, the Arctic economy is large enough the autonomous okrugs of Nenets, Khanty-Mansii, Yamal-Nenets, Krasnoyarsk Krai, Taimyr (Dolgan-Nenets), Evenk, Koryak, and Chukchi. to be geopolitically important. The first part of this chapter looks at the Arctic Few regions of the Russian Federation extend beyond the Arctic, e.g. the as a whole and describes its economy by explor- Tyumen Oblast. These have nevertheless been incorporated in full, since the economic data published by Goskomstat Russia are not available on a ing three major characteristics: the large-scale smaller scale. The area covered in the chapter corresponds to that examined resource exploitation, the lack of manufacturing, in previous studies that are used to identify economic trends and changes and the prominent role of public service and (1, 2, 3). transfer payments. The second part identifies the principal similarities and differences amongst different parts of the Arctic, while the third part Map of Arctic discusses the most striking recent trends that Region will affect the future of the Arctic economy.

The industrial distribution of the Arctic economy Three characteristics set the economic situation of the Arctic apart from that of other regions of the world (4, 5). First, the formal economy is 80o mainly based on large-scale resource exploita- tion. Second, family-based commercial fishing 70o or customary hunting, fishing, breeding, and gathering activities continue to be important. Third, much consumption, in particular public 60o services, is supported by transfer payments to Arctic circle Arctic boundary: AMAP Compiled by W.K. Dallmann, regional governments and individuals from cen- Arctic boundary: AHDR Norwegian Polar Institute 70 Arctic Human Development Report

Gross Product. Circumpolar Arctic, regions and countries, 2001 leading oil producer and exporter. It approaches (Millions of $US-PPP, 2002) the value of Belgium’s entire economy, and it Circumpolar Arctic equals the entire economy of the Russian (230,156) 153,647 Northern Russian Federation Federation. It surpasses that of Sweden, a coun- try whose demographic weight is similar to that of the entire Arctic area and is among the most 28,581 Alaska industrialized countries in the world. 1,106 Faroe Islands What does this result mean? First and fore- 1,003 Greenland most, it means that the Arctic production is of 8,097 Iceland significant scale. It is based in large part on the 4,308 Northern Canada intensive exploitation of the vast natural 12,201 Northern Finland resources in the Arctic, and the formal economy 10,170 Northern Norway 11,045 Northern Sweden of the Arctic revolves around these large-scale, capital-intensive activities.

$US-PPP – a definition tral governments. After placing the Arctic econ- The data used to describe and analyze the for- omy in a global context, this section describes mal economy come in different currencies and the different sectors of the Arctic economy. concern different years. To allow for compara- bility, two conversions must be made: the first A global view one converts the national currencies into a Considered as a whole, the production created common currency and the second one has the in the formal Arctic economy amounts to over data refer to a common year. In other words, $US-PPP 230,000 million. This would be the the data must first undergo a conversion in space, followed by a conversion in time. The gross domestic product of the circumpolar PPP makes it possible to obtain conversion Arctic. The following comparisons make it pos- rates between currencies that eliminate differ- Industrial Distribution sible to assess the Arctic’s significance in the ences in price levels between countries (6). The of Gross Product, by world economy. sectors. Circumpolar method for calculating the PPP basically con- Arctic, regions and This production is equivalent to one-quarter sists of collecting data on the price of a repre- countries, 2001 of the entire Canadian economy and 80% of the sentative basket of goods and services for a (Millions of $US-PPP) entire economy of Saudi Arabia, the world’s specific country and to compare it with a refer- ence basket. If, for example, the reference bas- ket costs 100 US$ in the United States in 2000 primary secondary and 947 Swedish kronor in Sweden, the PPP tertiary conversion rate is then 9.47 Kronors per US non-specified Alaska dollar PPP. By convention, published data are 0% expressed in $ US PPP. After “moving” all of 22% the data to the United States, a common year 8% 70% is obtained by using the GDP Deflator, which measures the price variations for all of the Northern 0% goods and services that are produced and used Canada 19% 13% Northern in the economy of a region or a country. Russian 10% 68% Federation 30% 51% 9% Large-scale resource exploitation is central to the Arctic economy

0%8% Arctic regions have long been considered vast Greenland 80Northerno 29% Norway reservoirs of natural resources by the countries 63% 1% 17% 3% 7% Northern Finland that encompass them. First exploited for fish, 0% 8% 27% whales, and furs, these regions revealed sub- Iceland 14% 7074%o 63% 20% 1% stantial diversity and enormous quantities of 66% 19% 0% 6% other resources, such as minerals and fossil Faroe Islands 28% 74% 60o fuels. Today, the economic activity of Arctic 62% 10% Northern countries is characterized by the large-scale Sweden Source: exploitation of metallic minerals, precious met- Arctic circle Arctic Map by W.K. Dallmann, AHDR Arctic boundary Norwegian Polar Institute als, hydrocarbons, and precious and semi-pre- Economic Systems 71 Chapter 4 cious stones, as well as fish from the coastal autonomous basis and have practically no eco- seas. Primary extraction represents $US-PPP nomic impact on the permanent communities 60,000 million. This is equivalent to the value of in the vicinity. In this situation, the entire eco- almost all of Saudi Arabia’s exports, or the total nomic activity, as well as the extractive and sub- value of Brazilian exports. sidiary activities, brings benefits exclusively to The large-scale exploitation of minerals and the rest of the world. The phenomenon of eco- hydrocarbons is central to the national economy nomic decoupling, also characteristic of of several Arctic countries. This is especially true ‘resource frontier regions,’ represents the for Russia, where the Arctic regions have vast extreme case but is nonetheless not unusual in reserves of gold (Magadan, Chukotka), nickel the Arctic. (Murmansk, Krasnoyarsk), tin (Sakha, Large-scale resource exploitation has consid- Chukotka), and diamonds (Sakha). Also, petro- erable impact on the local natural and human leum and gas exploration is massive, especially environment. Examples are toxic discharges in the Yamalo-Nenets and Khanty-Mansii from gold and nickel mining operations, which Autonomous Okrugs (7,8). have caused problems that have yet to be In Canada, there is major exploitation of min- solved. In those cases where the residents eral resources and hydrocarbons in the inhabit or use land that borders on exploitation Northwest Territories, Nunavut, and Nunavik. areas, which is common in Alaska, the Mineral exploitation is also a central economic Canadian North and northern Russia, the activity in Finnmark in Norway, and Norrbotten effects on the human environment are multiple and Västerbotten in Sweden. Alaska extracts and often poorly documented (11, 12, 13). These considerable quantities of oil from the Beaufort include poor health related to industrial dis- Sea and has one of the world’s biggest zinc charges, as well as the subordination of local mines. governments and authorities of civil society While the industrial-scale natural resource (unions, associations). They can also entail exploitation creates considerable wealth, these forced changes in how people move over land in activities are mainly carried out to supply mar- fishing, hunting or trapping areas and can kets outside the Arctic regions. Moreover, the diminish the productivity of such traditional resources generally belong to sources of capital activities when the land is disturbed (14, 15, 16, outside the Arctic, which control the activities 17). Socially, there are often disparities in stan- and profits. A few large corporations dominate dard of living and social status between employ- the extraction activities, and some of them are ees of the industrial sector and the rest of the present in several Arctic countries. This fits well population, often correlated with ethnicity. with the concept of “Resource frontier regions,” In summary, the way in which large-scale (9,10) where the massive riches are destined for resource exploitation is currently organized in export and only a fraction of the income and the Arctic is characterized by outside control profits remains. and resources moving out of the region. Industrial Complex Nickel, Sometimes, the resource exploitation gener- Generally, there is not much overlap with local Kola Peninsula, Russia. ates economic spin-off effects in local areas and regions (see also Chapter 8. Community Viability). In such cases, these large-scale activi- ties represent the very core of local and regional economies, around which a vast set of sub- sidiary activities gravitate, including the con- struction and operation of infrastructure (roads, ports, and airports) and the organization of services (transportation, retailing, and housing). Thus, even under these conditions when neither the direct income from sales of the extracted resources nor the profits remain in the affected region, there are still significant economic con- sequences. In other cases, these large-scale activities are totally separated from the regional socio-eco-

nomic environment. They are carried out on an PHOTO G. DUHAIME 72 Arctic Human Development Report

and regional economies, and it appears unlike- and all of northern Russia. For example, practi- ly that these activities will create economic cally every coastal Norwegian town or village alternatives that can enable the local communi- has its own fishing port. Furthermore, lake and ties to survive after the extractive activity is fin- river fishing is practiced everywhere in the ished. It is thus difficult to see how they can Arctic, and is significant to local economies. For contribute to sustainable development in the instance, both commercial and customary fresh- region. water fisheries have been and still are important among the Dene nation in the Canadian Fisheries remain a backbone of the Northwest Territories. economy Fisheries may be organized according to In almost all coastal and island areas of the many distinct systems of exploitation. Industrial Arctic, fisheries form one of the backbones of fisheries, based on factory ships, demonstrate the economy. In the Faroe Islands, this is the many similarities with large-scale extraction of most important industry, comprising more than mineral and hydrocarbon resources and can a fifth of the gross national product. The catch is involve importing both the capital and work- diversified and includes a substantial whale har- force from abroad, and taking both resources vest. Fisheries are likewise very important and and revenue out of the region. In such cases, the equally diversified in Greenland, whose shrimp generation of local economic wealth can be ten- catch makes Greenland the second largest uous at best. In several Arctic regions, regional exporter of shrimp in the world. Around authorities or entrepreneurs do own the factory Iceland, warm and cold currents come together ships themselves, and consequently can retain creating particularly rich fishing opportunities, the benefits (or what is called the “rent”) with- and fisheries have long been important to the in the region, and hence favor the regional national economy of Iceland. In Greenland and workforce as well. Iceland, the production of the primary sector is Fisheries can also be organized in a way largely based on fisheries. where the captain-owner of a ship hires a small Coastal fisheries assume considerable eco- crew or takes care of all the work himself, some- nomic significance in Alaska, northern Norway, times with family members. This labor-intensive

Benefit sharing agreements: a trend in Arctic big business Red Dog Mine, the world’s largest producer of zinc concentrate, opment of the deposit. Under the agreement, Cominco financed, is located in the DeLong Mountains of Alaska’s Brooks Range, constructed and now operates the mine and the mill, in addition approximately 144 kilometres north of Kotzebue and 88 kilome- to marketing the concentrates produced. NANA receives an tres from the Chukchi Sea. First discovered in 1953, initial mine annual royalty in the form of a payment, which is equivalent to development began in 1986 and by November 1989 construction 4.5% of the annual production value. This rate will remain in was complete. Operations and production began in December effect until Cominco recovers its capital investment with interest. 1989. With an open pit, truck/shovel operation, Red Dog has a Thereafter, NANA will receive a share of the mine’s net profits; production capacity of over 600,000 tons per annum of zinc con- this share will be 25% and will increase by 5% per five-year peri- tained in concentrate. Facilities were expanded in 1998 and again od, up to 50%. Moreover, the agreement includes provisions for in 2001. In 2003, it produced 579,300 tons of zinc concentrate training and hiring NANA members, and first preference on all and 124,900 tons of lead concentrate. Concentrate from the mill Red Dog jobs goes to qualified Natives in the NANA region. As is trucked to a port facility at tidewater where it is stored prior to a result, more than 50% of the 365 jobs are held by NANA mem- loading onto vessels. Given its Arctic location, Red Dog has a bers. The agreement also includes provisions for contract and summer shipping season of 100 days, during which the concen- purchasing preferences, subsistence resources protection as well trate ore is shipped to markets in North America, Asia, and as various consulting and approval mechanisms. Europe. This is one of the first benefit-sharing agreements known in The interest in Red Dog Mine does not merely lie in its size, in the Arctic and illustrates an increasingly common way to maxi- its integration with large corporations or in the spatial distribu- mize benefits of resource development for Arctic residents rather tion of its operations. Rather, the interest lies in the relationships than continuing with the “decoupling” model of development. It between the mine and the Northwest Alaska Native Association is also used to attenuate negative impacts of resource develop- (NANA) Corporation. Native Alaska land claims against the ment, including making provisions for the bust cycle at the end United States were settled in 1971. The NANA Corporation is of the mine’s life. Among other tools, such as environment and one of the corporations created in connection with the Alaska social impact assessments, this is one way to improve resource Native Claims Settlement Act. Cominco and NANA agreed in development from the perspective of increasing benefits for 1982 to a land lease with wide-ranging terms regarding devel- Arctic residents (18). Economic Systems 73 Chapter 4 G. DUHAIME AND A. MORIN

system, widespread in the circumpolar North, is activity is limited. This sector has atrophied in Fishing trawlers in Nuuk, of the utmost importance not only economical- some areas and was never established in oth- Greenland ly but also from a social and political point of ers. In places where it remains important, it is view. It involves a significant number of jobs usually not very diversified. For example, in (more than 20% in Greenland, around 5% in Iceland and Greenland, it is primarily concen- Iceland and northern Norway). It entails mak- trated in fish processing, most of which is ing arrangements, negotiations and compro- exported. In some areas in northern Russia, mises between actors, such as commercial dis- mining activities have lead to a primary refin- cussions with local suppliers, local buyers and ing of the minerals. processing plants, participation with municipal, One of the few manufacturing activities in regional and national governments, concerning the Arctic area is the electronics industry regulations etc. And in contrast to industrial around Oulu in northern Finland. This sector is fisheries with factory boats, these fisheries con- very dynamic in development and production, tribute to local food supplies. Moreover, as long and includes companies such as Nokia that as fish stocks are not over-harvested, they pro- provides more than 3,000 jobs in the region. vide a guaranteed long-term activity. However, This is more than 5,000 jobs in the electronics the depletion of fish stocks is beyond the control industry, which represents some 10% of jobs in of the local fishermen and this activity, estab- the secondary sector (31, 32, 33). This situation lished for generations, is also subject to external is exceptional. The Oulu region is one of the influences that may even threaten its survival few that has managed to overcome the difficul- (19, 20, 21, 22). For further discussion of fish- ties of creating a manufacturing industry in the eries, see Chapter 7. Resource Governance and Arctic. Due to the geographical isolation of Chapter 11. Gender Issues. most Arctic regions, production costs are high. While specific raw materials can be found with- Manufacturing is very limited in the region, technology, qualified labor, and Aside from customary harvesting and food capital have to be imported most of the time. from commercial fisheries and reindeer herd- Transportation costs not only impact produc- ing, most food and other products consumed tion itself; they also affect costs for getting in the Arctic are imported. Manufacturing products to their markets which tend to be 74 Arctic Human Development Report

located outside the Arctic. As a result, costs are other regions, excluding northern Russia, where often too high to successfully compete with it constitutes slightly more than half of the gross non-Arctic manufacturers who have more domestic product. access to resources (including cheaper trans- Retail and transport activities account for portation systems). It is therefore difficult to about 12 to 25% of the service sector. Within the generate sufficient economic benefits to sustain service sector, transport has an important place commercial activities. in the Arctic economy. It creates from 5 to 12% In general, the role of the circumpolar North of the production value, depending on the in the global economy is asymmetrical: it region. Facilitating long distance mobility, the exports raw materials on a large scale to devel- transport sector is important in exporting local oped regions and imports most finished prod- products and for importing goods on which ucts for its own domestic consumption. Only a northern consumers depend. It also encourages part of the food supply is locally produced. northern tourism. Tourism is well developed in a number of The service sector is dominated by regions and is of growing importance in the public service Arctic economy. It is almost impossible howev- The service sector is strongly developed in many er, at the present stage of economic statistics, to parts of the Arctic. This includes activities in put a number figure on this service industry. A fields such as retail, transport, and tourism as decade ago, and excluding Russia, the number well as education, health care, and administra- tion in the public sector. This so-called tertiary Tourists sector represents almost three-quarters of the Circumpolar Arctic, regions and countries, selected years economy of northern Sweden and Norway and Country or Region Number of Tourists approximately two-thirds of the economy of Alaska 1,074,800 Greenland 6,000 Iceland 129,000 Northern Canada 224,820 Subsistence activities still play a role Northern Scandinavia 529,000 Biological resources are also harvested in small-scale subsistence activities. Source: Margaret E. Johnston. Patterns and Issues in Arctic and Sub-Arctic Tourism. In Hall, C.M. and M.E. Johnston. Polar Tourism. Chichester, Wiley, In particular, rural and indigenous populations reinforce traditional prac- 1995, p. 31 tices outside the formal economy, which include fishing, hunting, and trap- ping, as well as gathering fruit, mushrooms and wild eggs. of visitors was estimated at 1.9 million, of This customary harvesting forms a significant part of the dietary intake of whom half were in Alaska and 500,000 were in households and communities in some parts of the Arctic (23, 24, 25, 26). In Alaska, recent studies indicate that rural villages have an annual production northern Scandinavia (34). There is no indica- that generally varies between 69.5 and 301.8 kg per capita (27, 28).For the tion that this industry has decreased in the last Canadian Arctic, the annual harvest in edible weight varies between 84 and decade. On the contrary, some regions are giv- 284 kg per capita (29).The latter value would be equivalent to the produc- ing high priority to tourism development. This tion before other sources of food were available. In Greenland, a majority of is the case in Iceland and Finland for instance, the households eat food of this type five times or more per week. The daily and in almost all regions where it is less devel- quantity consumed is estimated at 0.33 kg/day/person on average. When oped, efforts are being made to build up the “commodity production” intended for the market is taken into account, the industry. quantities produced in traditional harvesting activities vary from 1.21 to 3.50 kg/per capita/day, depending on paid employment and the level of involve- Nonetheless, public services account for the ment in the harvest (30). majority of the service sector. This includes pub- Customary harvesting practices are not only culturally but also economi- lic administration, health care, and education. cally important locally, though their role varies by region, ethnic group, Altogether, public services comprise the second urban or rural setting, and generation. This harvesting is important for its largest industry in all the Arctic regions, and contribution to food production and consumption. Food from the land is they represent a share of the gross domestic one of few substitutes to imports in the Arctic, and in several regions, its product that ranges from 20 to 25% (in regions contribution to food intake is central. It is also important for its contribution such as Alaska), up to 40% in Canada and to the meaning of life, because customary activities create links both Fennoscandia (35) (see box next page). between past and present and between people living together. They are termed customary, because they reproduce the past practices of the people Theme summary living in the Arctic; but similarly and more generally, they are clearly embedded into the modern world, as they put together heritage with capi- Three characteristics set the economic situation tal, modern technology, present-day know-how, and government regula- of the Arctic apart from other regions of the tions. world. First, the Arctic has been used as a large reservoir of resources to meet the energy needs Economic Systems 75 Chapter 4 of developed countries. Its formal economy is The spatial distribution of mainly based on large-scale exploitation and export of minerals, hydrocarbons, and marine the Arctic economy resources. Much of the remaining part of the Overall economic characteristics differ across formal economy revolves around these activi- the Arctic, with significant variations in both ties. In contrast to the Arctic countries, there is size and structure of the economy from one little manufacturing industry in the northern region to another. This section makes some regions. international and internal comparisons between Secondly, much consumption, in particular regions. It tries to assess the regions’ contribu- public services, is supported by transfer pay- tion to the circumpolar economy as a whole, ments to regional governments and individuals and the difference between each northern from central governments. However, the trans- region and the countries they belong to. It sug- fers are small in comparison to revenues from gests ways for analysis of flows between the regional production, and if the Arctic regions Arctic and the rest of the world. had the political power to collect taxes from the large-scale exploitation of the Arctic’s natural Regional variation in total production resources, the level of dependence on transfers The Russian Federation produces about two- would likely be different. thirds of the total wealth created in the circum- Thirdly, family-based commercial fishing or polar Arctic. This share exceeds by far the con- customary hunting, fishing, breeding, and gath- tribution of all other countries and regions. The ering activities continue to be important, both Russian North is the widest area in the circum- for the economy and for the identity of those polar world, and the most populated one. The involved. These activities are inextricably linked industrial exploitation of large non-renewable to the monetary economy. Therefore, the means resource reserves has been carried out on a very used to carry them out, their efficiency, and their large scale throughout the area for decades, and distribution methods are important for people’s is a backbone of the Russian overall economy. income and their standard of living. Iceland, northern Norway, Sweden, and

Public administration as an industry The tertiary sector accounts for between one-half and three- ical decision-making as it concerned their own affairs. The quarters of the total economic production in the Arctic, and restructuring and growth of the public administration ensued dominating this sector is public administration. In several from subsequent agreements: the Alaska Native Claims regions for which the data is available, public administration Settlement Act (ANCSA-1971), James Bay and Northern Québec services account for more than one fifth of the formal economy. Agreement (JBNQA-1975), Northeastern Québec Agreement In some regions, the majority of all paid jobs belong to this sec- (NEQA-1978), Greenland Home Rule (1979), Inuvialuit Final tor, which can legitimately be called an industry. Agreement (IFA-1984). This “over-development” of public administration compared The story is not altogether different in northwest Russia. to other sectors has a history that goes back at least 50 years. In Geological exploration carried out at the start of the 20th century Alaska, northern Canada, and Greenland, it can be explained by revealed the abundance of the region’s ore deposits (36). The the policies of nation states to move the Inuit population into building of mining towns between 1900 and 1930 within the con- permanent settlements. These policies were especially promi- text of the centralized Soviet system led to major public expendi- nent during two different time periods. The first was with the tures. However, the indigenous peoples did not have the same militarization of the Arctic during World War II and the following influence as in North America. Saami and Komi reindeer breed- Cold War period which brought to the world’s attention the ers gradually saw some of their pasturelands transformed, either material distress afflicting the Inuit, which followed the sharp by the building of mines, cities and roads, or by the pollution decline in the fur trade after 1929. States took responsibility for affecting the natural environment, forcing them to change areas building permanent villages and for assuming the recurrent and, in some cases, economic activity. The Komi were constituted operating costs. The second time period coincides with the fran- in a district in 1921, then in a Soviet socialist republic in 1936. tic growth in consumption in the 1960s, and the oil crisis of 1973. Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, this jurisdiction has These developments fueled North America’s appetite for the taken on the name of the Republic of Komi. As for the Saami, Arctic’s fossil fuel resources. However, at that time, the indige- they are spread out across the northern countries (Norway, nous peoples opposed other’s claims to these resources. They Sweden, Finland), as well as in the Russian Barents region. wanted guaranteed access both to the territory and to the use of In summary, the size of the public administration within the the resources, as well as compensation for the losses resulting Arctic economy is linked to the development of resources and to from the exploitation. They called for a significant place in polit- concerns raised by their exploitation. 76 Arctic Human Development Report

Gross Product. Circumpolar Arctic, regions and countries, 2001 in the polar world and globally, with economic (Millions of $US-PPP and %) diversification being the most advanced in these Circumpolar Arctic areas. On the whole, these regions make an (230,156) important contribution to the entire economy of Alaksa: 28,581 the circumpolar North, amounting to almost (12.4%) one fifth of the total. In North America, the contribution to the Northern total Arctic economy varies considerably across Canada: 4,308 the regions. Alaska has the second most impor- (1.9%) tant contribution on the circumpolar scale. This Northern Russian Federation: 153,647 is due to the massive oil extraction and trans- (66.8%) portation from Prudhoe Bay south through the Alaska pipeline, and to a diversified economy, particularly in the southern and urban part of the state. By contrast, the contribution of the Greenland: 1,003 80o Northern Canadian North to global circumpolar wealth (0.4%) Norway: 10,170 creation is much more modest, with its popula- (4.4%) tion widely dispersed through vast territories, o Northern 70 Iceland: 8,097 Finland: 12,201 and with regional economies much less diversi- (3.5%) Northern (5.3%) fied than those in northernmost Europe. Faroe Islands: 1,106 Sweden: 11,045 o (0.5%) 60 (4.8%) Disparities among and within Arctic circle Arctic boundary: AMAP Arctic map by W.K. Dallmann, countries Arctic boundary: AHDR Norwegian Polar Institute When looking at GDP relative to the per capita Finland are the most densely populated regions GDP in the different regions, some significant in the Arctic. Together, they represent three contrasts do appear. While northern Russia quarters of the Arctic population outside of the makes up more than 66% of the total GDP of Russian Federation. They display a number of the circumpolar Arctic economy, the per capita common characteristics. For example, their GDP in Russia is very low, in fact, uniquely so. communication networks, transportation infra- At the other end of the spectrum, the Alaska per structures (including extensive road systems), capita GDP is the highest among the Arctic commercial and personal services, and public regions, and far above the circumpolar average. services are remarkably advanced. Indeed, their Canada, whose contribution to the global Arctic tertiary sectors are among the most developed economy is modest, has the second highest

Per Capita Gross Product. Circumpolar Arctic, regions and countries, 2001

50,000 45,107 45,000 39,915 40,000

35,000

30,000 28,404

25,000 23,532 21,939 21,577 18,893 20,000 17,877 $US-PPP (per-capita) 15,127 15,000 12,327

10,000

5,000

0 Circumpolar Alaska Faroe Greenland Iceland Northern Northern Northern Northern Northern Arctic Islands Canada Finland Norway Sweden Russian Federation Economic Systems 77 Chapter 4 Gross Product. Circumpolar Arctic, regions and countries, 2001 (% of national GDP, and per capita difference)

Country or region Gross product as percentage Difference between GDP per capita of national GDP, 2001. of the region (or country) and the (% of national GDP in national level, 2001. $US-PPP) ($US-PPP per capita) Circumpolar Arctic 1.87 n.a. Alaska 0.29 10,787 Faroe Islands 0.71 -5,468 Greenland 0.65 -11,123 Iceland 100.00 0 Northern Canada 0.51 12,785 Northern Finland 9.63 -5,537 Northern Norway 7.61 -7,681 Northern Sweden 5.14 -2,603 Northern Russian Federation 14.95 5,227 Notes: n.a.: not applicable

GDP per capita. These differences are the result opment relative to population size. Specifically, of multiple factors, including the scale of the the per capita GDP is higher in northern Russia Alaskan resource exploitation relative to popu- than in the federation as a whole, and the situa- lation. In Russia, the large population and the tion is similar in northern Canada and in Alaska. generally poor economic situation, including Northern territories can be seen as wealthy low prices are largely responsible. places relative to the national situation, and in More interesting are the internal differences fact, some of them with large-scale resource that may be extracted from these statistics. The exploitation are often perceived as such. economy of Northern Russia represents a sub- What the statistics do not reveal are the sig- stantial proportion of the economy of the nificant disparities that exist between regions of Russian Federation. This proportion greatly the same country. Within Russia for instance, exceeds the Arctic part of the economy for other massive economic activities are highly concen- Arctic nation states (except Iceland, which is the trated in certain regions: the Tyumen Oblast cre- only country which falls entirely within the ates as much wealth as the seven other Arctic Arctic region). This supports the conclusion pre- regions of the Russian Federation combined, viously drawn about the importance of the and the Krasnoyarsk Krai creates as much Russian economy in the circumpolar and global wealth as the State of Alaska. Within Canada economies, and importantly, highlights the the economic indicators vary widely between great role of the North in the overall Russian regions with substantial large-scale mineral economy. exploitation, such as the Northwest Territories, The economy of the northern regions of and regions where this sort of development is Fennoscandia also represents a substantial pro- more limited, as in Labrador. This suggests portion of the economies of each of these coun- severe regional disparities that should be prop- tries. This may be seen as evidence of the key erly analyzed with more disaggregated data. role of some specific industries to the respective national economies (e.g. minerals and fisheries Import and export in northern Norway, manufacturing and com- The balance between imports and exports is merce in northern Finland, etc.). It is also a sign poorly documented. However, it is still worth of economic diversification and the fact that the examining from an explorative point of view. service sector is comparatively well developed. As discussed earlier, the Arctic is exporting Moreover, the northern parts of these countries raw materials, such as minerals, gas and oil, fish, are much more integrated in their national and sea food, in order to satisfy the energy economies. In other parts of the Arctic world, needs of industrial development and mass con- the contribution to the country’s national econ- sumption. The presence of extractive industries omy is much more humble, even though it may on a large scale in several Arctic regions gener- be strategically very important, for instance as ates considerable wealth. It also increases geo- part of the nation’s resource supplies. graphical differentiation: regions where it oper- When calculated on a per capita basis, the dif- ates are generally wealthier, and regions with- ferences between countries reveal another aspect out such resources (due to insufficient quantities of the Arctic economic reality, namely the high or exhaustion from previous exploitation) are value of production in large-scale resource devel- generally poorer. Finally, it increases social strat- 78 Arctic Human Development Report

ification between well-paid workers and con- own demands, by virtue of its own food indus- tracting entrepreneurs in these export sectors, try. The Arctic imports petroleum products for and less-paid workers in other sectors. machinery and motors even in regions produc- In this type of industry, not only resources but ing crude oil, and electricity even in regions pro- also benefits are exported. Most of the time, ducing hydroelectricity. It imports capital and these enterprises are subsidiary companies of technology for all purposes, including for some national or transnational corporations, which customary herding, hunting, and fishing prac- provide them with the capital, technology, and tices. Such activities are therefore embedded in know-how that ultimately lead to sales on the the market logic. The extent of this is so signifi- world market. They generally pay royalties and cant that the withdrawal of state support for taxes to central governments in whose jurisdic- reindeer herding generated a dramatic setback tion they operate. Finally, they pay dividends to in northern Russia. In general, the geographical the shareholders. isolation brings higher costs for producers and In sharp contrast, and because of limited consumers, as transportation and work force manufacturing activity, the Arctic imports goods costs are higher in the Arctic. Importers use and services on a large scale to meet internal south-north channels in a way that links the demands. Food is one of the few commodities northern economy of a given country closely where the Arctic is sometimes able to meet its with the metropolises. Consequently, most

The gaps between standards of living are significant throughout the Arctic The standard of living is uneven throughout the circumpolar Arctic regions. According to Syrovatski (37), a reindeer herder’s Arctic. In the following paragraphs, the formal incomes of indi- salary is usually less than 600 US$ a year. In other words, the viduals are compared, whether from paid jobs, transfer pay- gaps between incomes in different economic domains are espe- ments, or investments. cially significant, and the majority of the population have lower incomes than the national or the Arctic average elsewhere. The Personal Income and Personal Disposable Income economy of a few other regions, such as the Yamal-Nenets and Circumpolar Arctic, regions and countries, 2001 Khanty-Mansii Autonomous Okrug, is driven by mega-scale oil Country or Region Personal income Disposable Income and gas exploitation. In these regions, personal incomes are ($US-PPP per capita) ($US-PPP per capia) about four times the average personal incomes in the poorest Circumpolar Arctic n.a.n.a. regions of Russia. Alaska 31,027 27,099 The situation is somewhat different in Fennoscandia, in Faroe Islands n.a.n.a. Iceland and in Greenland. In a circumpolar comparison, the Greenland 14,802 10,547 personal incomes fall in the middle range. The standards of liv- Iceland 18,068 n.a. Northern Canada 26,166 21,253 ing in Iceland and in Greenland are higher than in Russia. Northern Finland n.a.n.a. Generally in these regions, the standard of living is also indi- Northern Norway 22,171 14,608 rectly supplemented by considerable contributions from public Northern Sweden n.a. 11,448 services. This is however less the case in the Russian North Northern Russian Federation 5,843 n.a. nowadays, which may help explain the widening gap between Note: n.a. : Original data not available the different regions of the Arctic. However, regional disparities do exist in Fennoscandia as well. Some central areas provide The Russian standard of living is the weakest in the Arctic. highly paid jobs, while salaries in the northern periphery are Moreover, some regions of northern Russia have much lower generally lower (38). Differences between urban centers and personal incomes than the national average, and dramatically rural areas are also important, both there and in Greenland, lower than the circumpolar average. This is the case for the with large contrasts between the big municipal centers and the Republic of Karelia, and the region of Arkhangelsk, the Taimyr small settlements (39). Autonomous Okrug, as well as the regions of the Far East: The standard of living is the highest in the North American Kamtchatka and Magadan, and the districts of Koryak and Arctic with Alaska ranked top. Here again, significant differences Chukchi Autonomous Okrug. Even in regions that are relatively internally do exist. For instance, in the Canadian Northwest rich in mineral resources, such as the Republic of Sakha, the Territories workers get high salaries from the mining industry, average personal income may fall below the average for the rest and, as a result, the income per capita is quite high. In Nunavut, of the Arctic. Although salaries are generally high in the extrac- the best paid jobs are in the government sector, and the average tive industry, these are only enjoyed by a small segment of the is lower than elsewhere in the Canadian Arctic. In Nunavik, population. In the Republic of Sakha for instance, about 16% of recent work from Chabot (40) shows that more than 55% of the the workforce is employed in the mining industry where the Inuit households, representing 68% of the total population, were salaries are higher. For the vast majority of workers in other living below the low-income threshold. Longitudinal studies industries, salaries are lower when compared to the mining have shown that the Nunavik Inuit earn less than the non-Inuit industries, and most of the time, lower when compared to other workers in this region, but the gap is very slowly narrowing (41). Economic Systems 79 Chapter 4 investments in the Arctic result in spin-offs fur- ther south, since they generally generate new Trends and forecasts imports. With increasing connections between the Arctic This disequilibrium between exports (of raw and the rest of the world, the future of the Arctic materials, as well as economic rents) and economy is highly dependent on global eco- imports, is a new element of the asymmetrical nomic and political trends. These include the relations between the Arctic and the rest of the continued importance of mineral and hydrocar- world. One of the main implications is that it is bon resources, as well as the increasing influ- almost impossible for the regions themselves to ence of private ownership. cover the costs of public services given the limi- tations of their fiscal capacity. Most of the time, Continued role as reservoir of they cannot benefit from large corporate profits, resources because the corporations are outside of their Most of the economic characteristics of today’s jurisdiction. Also, in Arctic regions with limited Arctic were already apparent in 1978 when or no large-scale resource exploitation, costs of Armstrong, Rogers and Rowley (42) published public services must be covered by the capital their work on the geography, politics and eco- regions. nomics of the circumpolar region. For example, Transfer payments are another kind of import, there was resource exploitation and export on a which in many cases are an indispensable large scale, and this had been the case for a long source of funding needed in order to maintain a time in many regions. Sugden’s historic model minimal level of public services. This is the case of development in successive waves based on in the Russian Far East for instance. In certain one key product (43, 44) also continues to be cases, however, this is the price to be paid for pertinent. The two major types of regions he maintaining the capacity for exploitation of described, “Resource Frontier Regions” and resources of a given territory. This is the situa- “Downward Transitional Areas,” are still visible tion in certain areas where large scale resource today (45). These economic phenomena consti- exploitation has generated substantial profits, tute basic trends in the Arctic and are insepara- and where the central powers wish to maintain ble from the role of the region and its resources jurisdiction over the territories. Transfer pay- in the global economy. Therefore one can confi- ments also exist in places where the democratic dently predict that they will persist. setting allows the residents to assert their rights Furs and whales are still used in customary to be part of the deal. Negotiations of so-called economy to a great extend, but they are no “benefit-sharing agreements” would fall under longer the most sought-after resources. For this category. more than a century, the vast quantities of min- eral resources, especially hydrocarbons, have Theme summary taken over that role in the Arctic. This exploita- Overall, economic characteristics differ across tion is likely to continue in years to come, sub- the Arctic with significant variations in both size ject to the conjunction of three principal factors. and structure of the economy from one region Firstly, the exploitation would be contingent on to another. While the Russian contribution to the rising prices of metals that are abundant in the circumpolar economy is the highest, the the Arctic, such as nickel and gold, which would population’s standard of living there is the low- render exploitation of distant deposits prof- est. In Fennoscandia, the economy is generally itable, notwithstanding generally high costs of more diversified than in other parts of the production and transportation (46). This pre- Arctic. Across North America, the contribution supposes that, in the long run, the demand for to the circumpolar economy is highly variable. these metals should remain strong. The greatest concentration of relative wealth is Secondly, despite the weak increase in in Alaska. The gaps between wealthy and poor demand for petroleum over the past few years, regions appear everywhere but are most economic and geopolitical factors have given extreme in Russia and North America. Finally, non-OPEC countries a new role in production. the asymmetrical relations between Arctic In particular, supply is rising in Russia (which regions and the rest of the world should be sta- has become the second largest exporter in the tistically documented, in order to support defi- world), in Canada, and in the United States (47). nite conclusions. A considerable portion of the reserves under development is situated in the northern parts of 80 Arctic Human Development Report

these countries: in Western Siberia, in the nomic turmoil of the 1990s, especially in the Far Northwest Territories and the Mackenzie River East, many villages, abandoned by public Delta, in Alaska, and in the Beaufort Sea. authorities, were deserted and became ghost Thirdly, world gas consumption has been towns (50). growing. In the coming decades, more new gas The implementation of privatization policies pipeline projects transporting this fuel from the has had a profound effect on the economic Arctic to markets, including southern Canada, practices of many communities, in particular in the United States, Western Europe, and the very the northeastern regions, including Yakutia, fast growing market of China, would intensify Chukotka, Magadan, and Kamchatka. These this type of exploitation. Taken together, these communities specialize in breeding reindeer. As trends, if realized, will perpetuate the Arctic’s a result of the central government’s disinvest- global economic role as a vast reservoir of ment, the domestic reindeer population fell by resources. more than one-third between 1991 and 1999, from 2.2 million head to 1.4 million (51). One Privatization will affect the form of result of the reduction of this economic activity economic development has been a more settled way of life, instead of Privatization is a general trend that also following the reindeer. applies to the Arctic. This trend in itself will not When the supply networks that supported alter the Arctic’s economic structure. production and ensured distribution were cut Nonetheless, it will affect the forms of eco- off or became intermittent, people also had to nomic development taking place, including make greater investment in hunting, fishing and those in the metal and energy sectors. This is trapping activities. (52, 53). Among the Dolgan especially true for Russia but it also applies to and the Nganasan, more isolated now than in other parts of the Arctic. the past thirty years, the main source of protein Since the break-up of the Soviet Union in comes from subsistence hunting, fishing and 1991, northern Russia has undergone profound harvesting (54). Prior to the dismantling of the changes. From a political perspective, territorial Soviet Union, reindeer and fish were obtained restructuring and the pushing by republics and through local markets, state businesses, and regions have led to an evolution of the union stores in urban centers. Nowadays the impor- towards a confederate system (48). The tance of the domestic and community informal increased power in the regions and republics sectors has increased, and non-market distribu- has laid the groundwork for dynamically devel- tion of food products has developed. As local oping regional economies. Yet, at the same time residents no longer have money for modern privatization of the economy has led to signifi- technology, the diversity of prey has increased cant economic declines in northern regions. For while the distance covered has declined (55). In example, in less industrialized cities, the sale of short, activities that comprised the major state enterprises to private interests was used as exploitation of biological resources amongst an opportunity to shed social responsibilities indigenous peoples in the past have re- inherited from the former regime. This led to emerged. privatization expanding even further to also Privatization does not only affect northern include services, such as healthcare and daycare. Russia. Greenland has proceeded with a These services were seriously affected, if not restructuring of its state company in the food completely abandoned. These phenomena distribution sector, for instance. The operations imposed new burdens on the citizens and of the Greenland state company formerly called harmed their quality of life. KNI, Kalaallit Niuerfiat or Greenland Trade, Many cities in northern Russia experienced were dismantled, and two distinct enterprises waves of emigration, an exodus of hundreds of were created in which private interests will be thousands of people (49) (see also Chapter 2. heavily involved from now on. One is expected Arctic Demography). Such was the case in to supply key market centers. The other, which Murmansk, for example. Some of the richest is responsible for supplying less populous com- cities were affected. This emigration was partly munities, will receive financial subsidies. The supported by the central government, whose government-supported policy of uniform pric- new political framework favored freedom of ing throughout Greenland, aimed at diminish- movement and was no longer aimed at prevent- ing regional disparities due mainly to distance, ing such emigration. In the midst of the eco- has been modified (56). Economic Systems 81 Chapter 4 Other aspects of neo-liberal policies have Social stratification can increase both within a affected northern regions across the Arctic. For community and between communities and example in the Canadian North, restrictions regions, however, depending on who benefits have been imposed on employment insurance from development and who does not (see and social assistance. There have also been cuts Chapter 8. Community Viability for further dis- in governmental services such as healthcare, cussion). Also, the economic activity encour- education and subsidized housing. As a result, aged by this apparent convergence increases places such as Nunavut and Nunavik have been, competition for resources. In regions lacking and still are, experiencing a severe shortage of independent political power, local vulnerable proper housing. In coastal regions where sea- populations will feel the effects of competition sonal fishing provides the bulk of monetary more keenly. Examples of such situations may income, the tightening of admissibility criteria be the Saami reindeer breeders, faced with for social benefits is having significant conse- severe competition from the forest industry in quences. In other words, forces that promote Finland, and the mining industry in Murmansk. globalization by means of privatization and Another is the Nenets reindeer breeders facing neo-liberal policies are affecting the Arctic today competition from the petroleum and gas indus- and will influence future development. try in Arkhangelsk.

Partnerships and competition The North is experiencing diversification of the Conclusion economy, particularly in Iceland, Fennoscandia, Considered as a whole, the formal economy of and in parts of Alaska, where the economies are the Arctic is of fundamental geo-political not as centered on large-scale exploitation of a importance. Indeed, it permits the production of single resource. Examples include tourist devel- raw materials that contribute to meeting the opment, especially ecotourism or “green needs of the industrialized world. tourism,” where the north of Finland and However, the natural resources are distrib- Iceland serve as models. uted unevenly in the circumpolar area and the A significant diversification is taking place conditions of their exploitation vary greatly. In among agents involved in the northern econo- regions that are rich in mineral resources and my, where privatization has opened up where civil society exerts a real influence in the resources to new investors. International part- public arena, exploitation activities are super- nerships, for example between Russian and vised. For example, big companies must guar- Norwegian enterprises in the energy sector, are antee through tangible measures that the envi- more numerous than ever. ronmental impacts will be minimized or that the In certain regions residents have concerned economic spin-offs for the local populations will themselves in development and are receiving a be maximized. portion of the accrued profits, or at least some of However, this type of supervision is recent the benefits. This is particularly true in regions and does not exist everywhere. On the contrary, that are rich in resources and have enough there are numerous large-scale mineral and political power to enable residents to defend hydrocarbon production operations that have their demands with respect to planned develop- been carried out – and that continue to be car- ment. This phenomenon can be observed in the ried out – with little concern shown for the nat- region of Yamal-Nenets and Khanty-Mansii, ural and human environment. These situations where political reforms and the abundance of are most common in regions where local resi- strategic energy resources have allowed for the dents have little say vis-à-vis central govern- emergence of regional power. Similarly, this has ments or big industry, for example in one- been witnessed in regions where large compa- industry towns where the dominant industry’s nies have reached agreements with local and considerable power allows for the virtual impo- regional authorities, usually in terms of a bene- sition of conditions on employees, their families, fit-sharing agreement. In some cases, the local and other residents. authorities or residents’ associations themselves Another conclusion from reviewing the eco- become investors or entrepreneurs. This active nomic systems of the Arctic is the central role local participation limits the most adverse played by the state. Accounting for the greatest effects of exploitation, because residents’ con- number of jobs in several regions, the state is a cerns are taken into account. very important economic agent. The state also 82 Arctic Human Development Report

plays an important mediation role between pri- results. Such an initiative could be beneficial to vate interests and civil society, for example to Arctic regions that are experiencing economic ensure that the expectations of civil society are and social changes, where few models exist for reflected in the practices of enterprises. State comparison. A major research initiative should intervention has occasionally been decisive in be launched to help shed light on the wide allowing Arctic residents to play a larger role in range of practices available. This could be a spe- the market economy, not only as employees, but cific focus for a follow up AHDR. One complica- also as entrepreneurs. tion in undertaking such an endeavor is the dif- A global trend reflected also in the Arctic is ficulty of acquiring the appropriate data sets. state withdrawal and privatization. In can be Indeed, difficulties in acquiring statistical drastic as in Russia after the fall of the Soviet data sets for the Arctic region that would allow Union or partial as in Greenland. In many cases, for rigorous comparisons have been experi- the withdrawal has divided residents and con- enced in creating this report. The AHDR would tributed to making the Arctic’s economic future have benefited significantly from a proper more uncertain. Social policies may need to be a access to circumpolar statistics. Our capacity to priority in order to counterbalance this uncer- deepen our understanding of the economic and tainty. social situation in the different regions of the Arctic is highly limited by the non-availability Gaps in knowledge of statistics. Resource developments in the Arctic are based on a wide variety of practices. Some are based Chapter summary on a pure market ideology, while others make The formal economy of the Arctic is mainly room for social and environmental concerns. based on large-scale exploitation of natural The scope of this chapter did not allow for an resources (e.g. mineral, oil and gas, and fish), in-depth analysis of different practices of their most of which are exported. The service sector is importance in the Arctic world. This should be well developed in many parts of the Arctic, one of the topics for a follow-up of the AHDR. whereas manufacturing plays a relatively minor In most regions of the Arctic, economic devel- role. Public services are often supported by opment is viewed as the best way to promote transfer payments from central governments social advancement. However, relationships but overall, more money is flowing out of the between economic and social development are Arctic than into the region. not a given, nor automatic or unidirectional. In The large-scale exploitation of Arctic some regions for instance, the domination of a resources is important to the national market ideology has created major social prob- economies of several Arctic countries, as well as lems, be it in decreasing social programs, or be it in the global economy. This is especially true for in harming the social and natural environment the Russian Arctic. of the Arctic residents. There is a clear need to The size and structure of the economy differ deepen the relationships between economic between and within countries. The gaps development and human development in the between wealthy and poor regions appear Arctic, rather than to assume that what is good everywhere but are most extreme in Russia and for companies is good for societies. This model North America. should be challenged empirically within the con- The Arctic is likely to continue to play a role as text of the Arctic, and by jointly analyzing data a reservoir of resources for the rest of the world. sets on both economic and social development. New trends are privatization of resources and In some regions, economic rents from new forms of economic partnerships. resource exploitation are so important that they could cover the costs of public services, if only regional authorities could control the rent. In References and notes other regions, economic rents have been re- 1. T. Armstrong, G. Rogers, G. Rowley, The directed toward regional authorities, but few Circumpolar North (Methuen, London, 1978). assessments have been made of the results of 2. S. Chatuverdi, The Polar Regions (Wiley, New such arrangements. Research initiatives should York, 1996). be launched to analyze this, and to study the 3. O. R. Young, Arctic Politics (Univ. Press of New regional government arrangements and their England, Hanover, 1992). Economic Systems 83 Chapter 4 4. In such a geographic area, where varying political chain. The informal economy data come from a systems and diversified economic practices can be broad range of scientific literature and mono- found, it is necessary to employ a number of graphs, since the transactions of the informal sources and complementary methods. The sys- economy have not given rise to any systematiza- tem of national accounts measures transactions in tion on the circumpolar scale. the formal economy, namely legal currency trans- 6. P. Schereyer, F. Koechlinn, Parités de pouvoir actions subject to taxation. The system is useful d’achat: mesure et utilisations. Cahiers statistiques for it enables us to describe very meticulously the OCDE (Organisation de coopération et de size and structure of transactions and economic développement économiques, no. 3, March flows, as well as compare the standard of living 2002). that may differ considerably amongst countries. 7. T. Armstrong, G. Rogers, G. Rowley, The The application of the system of national Circumpolar North (Methuen, London, 1978). accounts to the Circumpolar Arctic has never 8. J. Newell, The Russian Far East (Daniel & Daniel, been done before and constitutes a major compo- McKinley Ville, 2004). nent of this chapter. The data dealing with the 9. J. Friedman, Regional Development Policy (MIT formal economy have been taken from national Press, Cambridge, MA, 1966). statistical organizations. They were processed to 10. D. E. Sugden, Arctic and Antarctic (Barnes, make them rigorously comparable: they were Totowa, 1982). converted into 2001 US$, and modified to reflect 11. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme, purchasing power differences (which is referred AMAP, Human Health in the Arctic, http//www. to as PPP, Purchasing Power Parity). amap.no/ (2002). 5. The informal economy represents all of the eco- 12. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme, nomic activities that are not encompassed in the AMAP, The Influence of Global Change on national accounts. It includes four activity sec- Contaminant Pathways, http//www.amap.no/ tors. The domestic and community sector produces, (2002). distributes and consumes goods and services, in 13 Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme, the home or in the community, without resorting AMAP, Arctic Pollution 2002, http//www.amap.no/ to monetary transactions. It is characterized by a (2002). limited number of intermediaries and a set of 14. J. L. Jernsletten, K. Klokov, Eds., Sustainable tacit rules based on the underlying motivation Reindeer-Husbandry (Centre for Saami Studies, and ties that unite people involved in a transac- Univ. of Tromsø, 2002). tion. The actual informal sector, is often associated 15. A. Pika, Neotraditionalism in the Russian North with traditional activities, (C. Godfroy, Thesis, (CCI Press, Edmonton, 1999). Université Montesquieu-Bordeaux (1997)), 16. Human Role in Reindeer/Caribou Systems the activity of a single producer, or of micro- Workshop, Proceedings of the Human Role in enterprises involved in the production of goods Reindeer/Caribou Systems Workshop, Rovianemi, or services, commerce, transportation or pro- Finland, 10-14 February 1999 (Norwegian Polar curement. This sector’s transactions are not Institute, Tromsø, 2000). included in the national accounts; nevertheless, 17. T. Tuisku, in Social and Environment Impacts in the they all employ currency, and hence are legal or North, R. O. Rasmussen, N. E. Koroleva, Eds. simply tolerated (C. Michaud, Thesis (MBA), (Dodrecht, Kluwe, 2003), pp. 449-461. Laval University (1994)), or encouraged (A. 18. Shared Values, Common Goals, Exceptional Results. Portes, M. Castells, L. A. Benton, Eds. The The Red Dog Mine Story. (Northwest Alaska Informal Economy (Hopkins Univ. Press, Native Association & Cominco Ltd., n.d), 26p. Baltimore, 1989)). The irregular sector and the Myers, Heather. Changing Environment, criminal sector are characterized by the failure to Changing Times. Environmental Issues and comply with existing state regulations. Because Political Action in the Canadian North. In this study is based on available data and is Environment (43 (6), 2001) pp. 32-44. attempting to achieve a systematic analysis, it 19. G. Duhaime, R. O. Rasmussen, R. Comtois, Eds., does not refer to the irregular and criminal sec- Sustainable Development in the North (Gétic, Laval tors of the informal economy. Moreover, it does Univ., Québec, 1998). not focus on all of the activities of the actual 20 L. C. Hamilton, in Arctic Economic Development and informal sector, or the domestic and community Self-Government, G. Duhaime, N. Bernard, Eds. sector. Indeed, available data concerning the (Gétic, Laval Univ., Québec, 2003), pp. 49-61. informal sector and the domestic and communi- 21. C. Neil, M. Tykkyläinen, Eds., in Local Economic ty sector generally deal with food-producing Development (U. N. Univ. Press, Tokyo, 1998), pp. activities, the production, distribution and con- 309-317. sumption of food associated with hunting, fish- 22. E. Varis, in Local Economic Development, C. Neil, ing, trapping, breeding and gathering; they only M. Tykkyläinen, Eds. (U. N. Univ. Press, Tokyo, exceptionally concern activities such as women’s 1998), pp.154-170. domestic work, including their role in this food 23. I. Krupnick, Polar Research 19, 1 (2000). 84 Arctic Human Development Report

24. J. P. Ziker, in People and the Land, E. Kasten, Ed. 45. D. E. Sugden, Arctic and Antarctic (Barnes, (Verlag, Germany, 2002), pp. 207-224. Totowa, 1982). 25. V. Golovnev, G. Osherenko, Siberian Survival, 46. A. Belkaï, in L’État du Monde, S. Cordellier, Ed. (Cornell, Ithaca, NY, 1999). (Boréal, Montréal, 2003), pp. 78-82. 26. L. Granberg, L. Riabova, in The Snow Belt Studies 47. J.-M. Martin-Amouroux in L’État du Monde, on the European North in Transition, L. Granberg, S. Cordellier, Ed. (Boréal, Montréal, 2003), pp. Ed. (Kikimore publ., Helsinki, 1998), pp. 171- 75-78. 198. 48. C. Urjewicz in L’État du Monde, S. Cordellier, Ed. 27 R. A. Caulfield, in Sustainable Food Security in the (Boréal, Montréal, 2003), pp. 540-544. Arctic, G. Duhaime, Ed. (CCI Press, occ. pap. ser., 49. L. Granberg, in The Snowbelt, L. Granberg, Univ. of Alberta), 52, 75 (2002). Ed. (Kikimora Publications, Helsinki, 1998) pp. 28. R. C. Wolfe, paper presented to the Institute of 231-264. Medicine, National Academy of Sciences 50. G. Smirnov, M. Litovka, D. Naumkin in The Committee on Environmental Justice, 13 August Russian Far East, J. Newell, Ed. (Daniel & Daniel 1996. Publishers, McKinleyville, California, 2004), pp. 29. M. Chabot, thesis, Laval University (2001). 300-307. 30. R. A. Caulfield, Greenlanders, Whales, and Whaling, 51. K. B. Klokov in Proceedings of the Human Role in (Univ. Press of New England, Hanover, 1997). Reindeer/Caribou Systems Workshop: Rovianemi, 31. H. Ylinenpää, http://www.ies.luth.se/org/ Finland, 10-14 February 1999 (Norwegian Polar Rapporter/al2001-48.pdf (12 September 2001). Institute, Tromsø, 2000), pp. 39-47. 32. A. Kasvio, http://www.info.uta.fi/winsoc/engl/ 52. E. Varis, in Local Economic Development, C. Neil, lect/REGION.html (8 December 2000). M. Tykkyläinen, Eds. (U. N. Univ. Press, Tokyo, 33. A. Kasvio, http://www.uta.fi/~ttanka/finland.htm 1998), pp.154-170. (9 May 1997). 53. K. B. Klokov in Proceedings of the Human Role in 34. M. E. Johnston, in Polar Tourism, C. M. Hall, M. E. Reindeer/Caribou Systems Workshop: Rovianemi, Johnston, Eds. (Wiley, Chichester, 1995). Finland, 10-14 February 1999 (Norwegian Polar 35. Except in Iceland, were they are third, after per- Institute, Tromsø, 2000), pp. 39-47. sonal and commercial service 54. J. P. Ziker, Research in Economical Anthropology 19, 36. Regina and Kozlov, 2000: 37. 191 (1998). 37. D.I. Syrovatsky, Organizatsia i ekonomika 55. E. Varis, in Local Economic Development, C. Neil, olenevodcheskogo proizvodstva (Organization and M. Tykkyläinen, Eds. (U. N. Univ. Press, Tokyo, Economy of the Reindeer Husbandry Production) 1998), pp.154-170. (Yakutsk, 2000, quoted in Sustainable Reindeer- 56. G. Winther, Ed., Arctic Research Journal 1, 1 Husbandry, J. L. Jernsletten, K. Klokov, Eds. (2001). (Centre for Saami Studies, Univ. of Tromsø, 2002)). 38. A. Kasvio, http://www.uta.fi/~ttanka/finland.htm Acknowledgements (9 May 1997). 39. Statistics Greenland, Greenland 1998 Statistical Statistics on the formal economy and data on the Yearbook (Greenland Home Rule Government, informal sector have been extracted from ArcticStat, Nuuk, 1999). the core infrastructure of the Canada Research Chair 40. M. Chabot, Kaagnituuruma! As long as I am not on Comparative Aboriginal Conditions, Gérard hungry. Socio-economic status and food security of Duhaime chair holder. Their compilation and pro- low-income households in Kuujjuaq (Nunavik cessing were made possible thanks to the financial Regional Health Board of Social Services & support of the Canada Research Chairs Secretariat, Corporation of the Northern Village of Kuujjuaq, the Louis-Edmond-Hamelin Chair and the Kuujjuaq & Pontiac 2004). M. Chabot in The Department of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 41, The authors are grateful to Pierre Fréchette of Laval 2 (2004). University, Eric Guimond of the Department of 41. G. Duhaime, P. Fréchette, V. Robichaud, The Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, Finn Economic Structure of Nunavik Region (Canada): Christensen of Statistics Greenland, Rein Billström Changes and Stability (GÉTIC, Université Laval, and Eva Lundström of Statistics Sweden, Ulla-Maarit 1999), http://www.chaireconditionautochtone. Saarinen of Statistics Finland, Heidi Ryan of the fss.ulaval.ca/extranet/doc/73.pdf (2004). Newfoundland Statistics Agency, and Heather Tait, 42. T. Armstrong, G. Rogers, G. Rowley, The Marc Pagé and Robert Aubé of Statistics Canada. Circumpolar North (Methuen, London, 1978). 43. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme, AMAP, Human Health in the Arctic, http//www. amap.no/ (2002). 44. D. E. Sugden, Arctic and Antarctic (Barnes, Totowa, 1982). 85

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 5

80o

70o Political60o Systems

Lead authors: Else Grete Broderstad, University of Tromsø, Norway, and Jens Dahl, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Denmark.

Contributing authors: Marcus Buck (University of Tromsø), Gail Fondahl,(University of Northern British Columbia), Ludger Müller-Wille (McGill University), Natalja Novikova (Russian Academy of Sciences), Gordon L. Pullar (University of Alaska, Fairbanks), Kathrin Wessendorf (International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs).

The political systems of the Arctic are the results Arctic was seen as a frontier, and colonialism of an historical development that was initiated and assimilation became the main strategies of by the expansive colonial policies of the the states bordering on the Arctic in their European and Euro-American states. The sub- nation-building processes. This section sequent claims for self-government by indige- describes the concept of nation building, and nous peoples have given rise to a number of provides an historical context for nation build- new self-governing autonomous regions. The ing in the Arctic. timing of this historical trend has not been the same in all parts of the Arctic. One region may The concept of nation building have been colonized several hundred years ago, Nation building denotes a process in which cen- while other regions were only incorporated after tral claims on behalf of the state for economic World War II. One of the main trends identified and cultural standardization within its territory in this chapter is nation building in the Arctic are met with counterclaims for political partici- followed by decolonization and the growth of pation and economic redistribution. The gener- regional autonomy. al development in the Arctic has followed the Today, most of the Arctic falls within states phases of nation building described by Stein where a majority of the inhabitants live outside Rokkan, with state formation and territorial the Arctic region, with a range of political struc- consolidation followed by standardization and tures to govern the relationships between the cultural integration (1). Strengthening of human nation states and their northern regions. This rights and general democratization have forced remarkable variation in the types of govern- the states to change this policy, but the respons- ment arrangements reflects demographic, geo- es have differed depending on history and state graphic, and political variations. But a common system. Arctic nation building was a process by theme is an increasing integration of indige- which dispersed communities were unified nous affairs into mainstream local, national, under new autonomous political entities. Some and regional government arrangements. This of these efforts led to the creation of new states, development is the second major trend dis- while others were based upon the quest of cussed in this chapter. indigenous peoples for self-rule. Despite differences in political systems, a Nation-building processes lead to the closer common feature of Arctic politics is increased integration of a state and its population. It should indigenous participation in political processes. no longer be possible to take decisions affecting The main focus of this chapter is thus on the the lives of the population of a country entirely development of indigenous influence in the without regular channels of communication political systems of the Arctic. between decision makers and those affected by their decisions. One relevant conflict dimension Nation building and in these processes involves the center versus the periphery. Examples from the contemporary decolonization debate about the Arctic include discussions Today’s political structures in the Arctic are the about democratic legitimacy and the strengthen- result in part, of the historical formation of the ing of political citizenship, redistribution of states and the building of new nations. The resources, and the growth of public welfare. 86 Arctic Human Development Report

Nation building is a long-term process and ders where there had been none before or includes much more than the last and ultimate where the borderlines were unsettled. For spurt of the state formation process. Also, example, the Saami people inhabit an area nation building may be followed by integrations divided by borders of what are today four coun- on a higher post-national level, similar to what tries: Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. can be seen, for example, within the European During the colonization of Arctic North Union. America, Inuit became incorporated in different The aim of nation building is to secure politi- political hegemonies: Newfoundland, Quebec, cal stability and affiliation of political institu- the Northwest Territories, and Alaska (United tions across, among other things, ethnic loyal- States). Each of these territories had powerful ties. But this process can also create problems agencies that ruled over the Inuit, including the that relate to the understanding of the concept Hudson Bay Company, the Royal Canadian of a nation as homogenous. In the nation-build- Mounted Police, and the church in the ing process, the state has several alternatives in Northwest Territories. By and large, it was not its relationship with national minorities and until after World War II that the Canadian state indigenous peoples. The common characteristic made its political entrée in the Arctic. of official minority policy in the North has been In some areas, missionaries following in the assimilation. wake of colonization created divisions based on As an answer to assimilation policies, nation- religion or systems of writing. This was the case al minorities and indigenous peoples have among Inuit and Indians in North America. Not taken the concept of nation building for their only did they come to belong to different own use. Nation building then refers to the denominations, but those Inuit living in the efforts of indigenous peoples to increase their western Canadian Arctic used the Roman capacities for self-rule and for self-determined alphabet when the Inuit language was put in sustainable community and economic develop- writing, while the eastern North American Inuit ment. It also involves building institutions of used a specially designed syllabic alphabet. The self-government. significance of this cannot be underestimated. For example, while Greenland began develop- Lingering influence of colonial history ing as a political reality with one vernacular as The Arctic was colonized during different time early as in the middle of the 19th century, in periods. While the indigenous peoples of the Canada, where neither religion nor written lan- European and Asian North came under the con- guage unified the Inuit, the process of creating trol of traders, missionaries, and state represen- Nunavut was not initiated until the 1970s. Also, tatives in the 16th and 17th centuries, some areas while the first newspaper in the Greenlandic of the Canadian North remained as almost language was published in 1861, the first news- independent communities far into the 20th cen- paper using the Inuit language (Nunavut) came tury. This asymmetric development is an impor- out more than 100 years later. tant factor explaining differences in political In the Russian North, dozens of distinct activities in the circumpolar North. indigenous groups were brought under Tsarist Using rivers or traveling along the coast, Rule from the 16th century onward. The Tsarist some parts of the North were easily accessible administrative system encouraged identity for- to miners, missionaries, and traders. As they mation at the clan level. Later under Soviet rule, settled, they appropriated indigenous lands and larger territorial-linguistic groups were identi- territories and subjugated indigenous languages fied as important organizational units and and cultures. Other areas were difficult to reach began to self-identify as cohesive nations. This and were only controlled through trading sta- was encouraged by the creation of a standard- tions or scattered representatives of state ized written language for some northern groups authorities. It was in these latter regions that the under the establishment of ethno-territorial indigenous peoples remained the majority of units in the 1930s. These ethno-territorial units, the population. Such demographic factors later however, only encompassed a portion of the played a key role in the building of Arctic peoples for whom they were established. For nations and the different political structures. example, the Evenki Autonomous District only In addition, nation building and political embraced within its bounds less than one-half structures in the Arctic have been determined by the Evenki, and the Nenets people were divided the fact that colonization imposed national bor- between three different Autonomous Districts, Political Systems 87 Chapter 5 as well as regions outside of these. Such bound- settled in 1751, the so-called Lapp codicil was aries hindered the development of national drawn up as an appendix to the treaty. A basic movements among the indigenous peoples, as emphasis in this law document concerning did state policies strongly repressive of what Saami rights is “the conservation of the Saami was termed “bourgeois nationalism.” However, nation.” the Soviet creation of a special legal classifica- In the second period, which runs roughly tion, “the small peoples of the North,” encour- from 1850 to 1950, a different relationship aged the formation of a pan-aboriginal identity. emerged. Several efforts at colonization were This facilitated the indigenous people’s coordi- carried out. Local rights were removed and a nation of their common concerns, and eventual- new management system was established that ly, toward the end of the Soviet period, active encouraged settlement in the Saami areas (5). resistance to ethnocidal state policies (2-3). Assimilation became official state policy. The geographical position and security concerns in Assimilation and recognition the border areas of the North are one explana- World War II and its aftermaths, particularly the tion for the harsh assimilationist policy (6). This Cold War, were a turning point for all regions of policy also affected a minority group in Norway the circumpolar North. This was also the case in called Kvens, who are descendants of Finnish the Soviet Union, although concerted expansion immigrants. into the Arctic took place prior to World War II. After World War II, the development of the Had the central governments not been interest- Nordic welfare states introduced the principle of ed in these areas before, the military signifi- equality through individual rights. In the cance of the polar seas changed that situation. process of assigning rights to the individual, cul- In the Nordic countries (including Greenland tural or ethnic identity was not considered rele- and the Faroe Islands), the social welfare ideol- vant. The post-war recognition of the Saami as ogy with its objectives of comprehensive social equal members of the state was thus that of welfare, formal equality, and economic restruc- individual members, not that of members of a turing provided further reasons for paying separate ethnic group or nation. However, the attention to the North. post-war period ushered in an attitudinal Another component of the post-World War II change in terms of how the nation state con- development was the continuation of the poli- ceived of the Saami. Finland was the first to cies of assimilation. Indigenous peoples were to inquire into aspects of Saami affairs and devise be integrated into mainstream society. As some institutional channels for managing described in Chapter 3. Societies and Cultures. Saami demands (7). In Norway, the Norwegian Change and Persistence, indigenous languages Parliament agreed that the previous policy of were suppressed and children were forced into assimilation belonged to the past. At that time, boarding schools. Over a longer time-period, such a change was not obvious in Sweden and however, examples exist showing that the pen- not until the beginning of the 1970s did some dulum has swung between assimilation and readjustments in the state’s policy appear (9). recognition of the unique position of indigenous Russia: Shortly after the revolution in 1917, peoples. Details vary across the North, however, Soviet authorities created a legal category, “the and are connected to not only the asymmetric Small Peoples of the North,” who because of colonization but also the internal policies of the their alleged backwardness would need special Arctic states. assistance to reach the stage of socialism. Some Fennoscandia: In Fennoscandia, the historical 26 peoples were identified in this category, relationship between the Saami and the nation though this number shifted over time, as the states has taken several distinct forms during dif- state occasionally demoted groups and merged ferent historical periods. The first period, from the them with others, or reversed such decisions Middle Ages to the middle of the 19th century, and considered them as distinct. The Soviet was marked by state expansionism and attempts government founded ethno-territorial adminis- to establish hegemony in the northern areas. The trative units for some of these peoples in the attitude towards the Saami people was accom- 1930s (though with little real power), supported modating (4), and both the Swedish-Finnish and the development of writing systems in some of the Danish-Norwegian states acknowledged the indigenous languages, and initially estab- Saami rights. When the borders between lished schooling in these languages. Medical Denmark/Norway and Sweden/Finland were services and trading cooperatives were built 88 Arctic Human Development Report

throughout the North. The state also collec- between Indians with a distinct legal status and tivized the reindeer herds and hunting equip- Inuit and Métis, the goal was assimilation (10- ment of the northerners, persecuted richer 11). The government’s proposal in the so-called indigenous persons and religious leaders White Paper of 1969, which suggested that the (shamans), attempted to settle the nomadic Indian Act should be repealed and reserve lands reindeer herding and hunting populations as transferred from federal to provincial control, much as possible, and instituted a boarding was seen as an accelerated policy of assimilation school system. The latter two policies resulted in (10). The seeming contradiction between segre- the rupture of indigenous families. gation on reserves and assimilation was bridged Consolidation of initial, predominantly indige- by the premise that territorial separation was a nous settlements into larger multi-ethnic vil- preparation for assimilation (11). In 1970, the lages increased assimilation pressures. government abandoned these proposals. The Starting in the 1930s, and increasing after constitution was amended in 1982 to recognize World War II, a strong policy of Soviet autarky and affirm existing aboriginal and treaty rights. led to the state encouraging massive in-migra- The constitutional recognition of “Aboriginal tion to its northern regions, both to develop Peoples” includes Indians, Inuit, and Métis. resources and to assert its sovereignty over its Greenland: In Greenland, the first Danish peripheries. By the mid-20th century, indige- colonial settlement was established in 1721. In nous peoples had become minority populations religion, language and administrative proce- in most areas of the Soviet North. National dures, assimilation has always been part of censuses showed poor growth and even Danish colonial policy. Decolonization, which absolute decline among a number of the started earlier than in other parts of the Arctic, indigenous peoples in the 1960s and 1970s, was also used in this respect. It was initiated which was the result of both high mortality and from the top and the political attitude of the russification (3). Danes toward the colonized people can be Alaska: Originally colonized by Russia, characterized as “benign paternalism.” Most Alaska was sold to the United States in 1867. likely inspired by the political developments in The heavy-handed policy of Russia towards the Europe in the middle of the 19th century, decol- indigenous peoples had mainly affected the onization and indirect rule became important southern and south-western part of what in governing Greenland. The first step was became Alaska, but under US rule education taken in the early 1860s with the introduction and religion were used to assimilate all indige- of district councils that were quasi-democratic nous Alaskan peoples. It was not until the structures made up of elected Greenlanders 1930s that Alaska Natives were included in (male only) and members of the colonial general US policy towards indigenous peoples. administration. These councils had a number of Moreover, the Indian Reorganization Act of social and legal functions, but the most impor- 1934, which ended the assimilation policy tant was to distribute part of the profit from the towards indigenous peoples in other parts in colonial trade back to the skilled hunters. They the United States, did not apply here. By then were also important because it was the first most Alaska Native villages had self-govern- time during the colonial period that ment, often combining traditional governmen- Greenlanders were involved in political and tal forms with western influences. In 1936, the legal decisions. In 1911, elected municipal Indian Reorganization Act was amended to councils had replaced these district councils provide Alaska Native villages with the author- and two indirectly elected provincial councils ity to “reorganize themselves for governmental were established. Franchise for women was and business purposes based on a common given in 1948. bond of occupation, association or residence within a well-defined neighborhood, commu- Decolonization and negotiations nity or rural district.” The most important effect The attempts to decentralize but to keep control of post-World War II development was that were a logical concomitant to the assimilationist Alaska became a state in 1959. policies of the Arctic states. Greenland was an Canada: The Royal Commission on Aboriginal early example, and since the end of World War II Peoples, in a report issued in 1996, states that some transfer of political authority has taken Canadian policies for 150 years have promoted place all across the Arctic. However, the early assimilation. Despite differences in treatment attempts at state-controlled decolonization Political Systems 89 Chapter 5 have not checked local and indigenous Decolonization was initiated a few years ear- demands for inherent rights and attempts to lier when a new generation of young politi- build new political units in the Arctic. In North cians entered the scene. One of them was America and Greenland, decolonization has to a Moses Olsen, who was elected to the Danish large extent been characterized by negotiations Parliament in 1971. It soon became obvious between indigenous peoples and central gov- that Greenlandic and Danish members of the ernments. This is not the case in the relationship parliament were not considered equal and this between the Saami and their state counterparts, feeling of discrimination was further enhanced as the principle of negotiations between an in the referendum concerning Danish mem- indigenous party and the state has not been bership in the European Community (later the accepted. Rather, the establishment of the European Union) in October 1972. Although Saami parliaments was formally a result of the there was a substantial majority in Greenland work of public committees in Finland, Norway against joining the European Community, it and Sweden, to clarify political and territorial nevertheless became a member because of the rights. These investigations to review the rights majority in Denmark. Voices were raised in the of the Saami still continue. advisory Provincial Council in Greenland in Greenland and the Faroe Islands: An early favor of setting up a committee to look into the example of negotiating for self-governance is possibilities for self-government for Iceland, which was the first territory within the Greenland. Only a few months later, the min- Arctic to become completely independent. It ister for Greenland, a Greenlander himself, was a de facto self-governing state within the established the Home Rule Committee com- Danish realm from 1918, but became complete- posed of the Greenlandic members of the ly independent in 1944. During World War II, Danish Parliament and members of the the Icelandic parties worked together to create a Provincial Council. new constitution, which was put to a referen- The report produced by the committee rec- dum in 1944. As a result of the referendum, ommended the establishment of a Home Rule Iceland claimed itself to be an independent Commission with an equal number of Danish republic. In the Faroe Islands, a majority voted and Greenlandic members. The commission’s for Faroese independence in a referendum after report was adopted by the Danish Parliament World War II, but the outcome was rejected by and endorsed in a referendum held in the Danish Government. Instead, the election of Greenland in January 1979. The result was that a new provincial council was followed by nego- Home Rule was introduced in Greenland May 1, tiations that resulted in an arrangement for 1979. The Home Rule process diverged from all Home Rule to be established in 1948. earlier decolonization initiatives in Greenland in Although the heavy-handed Danish policy that unlike the reforms in the 19th and early 20th against Faroese claims for Home Rule in 1948 centuries which were instigated and controlled postponed the process, it was not able to stop it. by the Danish authorities, the Home Rule The situation in Greenland was no different. process had its roots in Greenland, and was ini- With the new Danish constitution of 1953, tiated and promoted by Greenlanders who for- Greenland and the Faroe Islands became dis- mulated a position from which they could nego- tinct regions within the Danish realm. The Faroe tiate with the Danish state. Islands had had representation in the Danish Alaska: Two events have been decisive in Parliament since 1849. Greenland was now shaping Alaska’s recent political history. The divided in two electoral districts, each sending a first was Alaskan Statehood in 1959, the initia- representative to the Danish Parliament. tive and push for which came from Alaska. Initially, only West Greenland was included, and Statehood created a new urgency for negotiat- the Provincial Council chaired by the Danish ing a settlement of indigenous land claims, governor. In 1962, East Greenland and North which in turn formed the basis for today’s polit- Greenland were included, and from 1967 the ical organization, in particular the Alaska Native Council elected its own chair. In 1975, modern Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) passed in the municipalities were established with wide exec- US Congress in 1971. utive functions and economies based on income The process leading to ANCSA started in the taxes. This was also when Greenlanders took beginning of the 1960s when a series of Alaska over the political initiative and claimed decolo- Native associations were formed. In 1966, the nization. Alaska Native leaders established the first 90 Arctic Human Development Report

tions between indigenous peoples and the fed- Alaska Native organizations eral and territorial governments. There is a proliferation of formal organizations The indigenous peoples of the Canadian in Alaska that are usually referred to as “Alaska Arctic opted for land claims agreements, Native Organizations.” They are controlled by inspired by ANCSA. But they went further than Alaska Natives, but in most cases they are the Alaska Natives and, from the outset of based on a western model and do not have any negotiations, they demanded that economic, traditional Native structure or way of operat- social, cultural, and political rights be included. ing. A few were established in the early twen- tieth century but most came much later. One of To a large extent, this reflected the fact that the the first Alaska Native Organizations was the indigenous peoples of the Arctic make up the Alaska Native Brotherhood, founded in Sitka majority of the population in these regions (in in 1912 by a group of nine Tlingits and one contrast to Alaska). The first of these agree- Thimshian Indian. The primary goal was to ments was the James Bay and Northern Quebec secure the right to vote for Alaska Natives, Agreement affecting Inuit and Cree. In several which was granted in 1924 when the US cases, initial agreements were rejected because Congress passed the Citizenship Act making they did not allow enough self-government. The all Natives citizens. The majority of Alaska Native organizations Canadian North is home to a large number of that are active today stem from the non-profit indigenous peoples, each with their own priori- regional associations established in the 1960s. ties and, as it looks today, their own agreement, These associations formed regional profit cor- (see box page 91). porations under the Alaska Native Claims Fennoscandia: In contrast to North America and Settlement Act (ANCSA), which in turn helped Greenland, the Fennoscandian central govern- to form over two hundred village corporations ments have not transferred any political authori- within their respective regions. ty to new self-governing units but have only del- egated management authority and defined tasks. statewide Alaska Native organization: the However, there are indications that negotiations Alaska Federation of Natives. There were no as a strategy of dividing management between formal negotiations between government the state and its indigenous people may also be authorities and these indigenous representa- relevant in Fennoscandia, as illustrated by the tives. All influence took place through lobbying discussions following a proposed land manage- activities. The first bill to settle land claims, ment act for Finnmark County in Norway. This introduced in the US Congress in 1967 and act was supposed to close a process that started passed by the Congress in 1971, was therefore in the 1970s and ‘80s following controversies never formally presented to indigenous repre- over Saami land rights in relation to the estab- sentative bodies and neither confirmed nor rat- lishment of a hydroelectric power plan in Alta. ified by the people concerned. A new group of (see also Chapter 6. Legal Systems). Native statewide leaders emerged from this The Finnmark Act has received extensive crit- effort. Superseding the tribal governments icism from the Saami Parliament and from legal which did not actively participate in the move- experts appointed by the Norwegian ment. After 1971, the political power of the Government. The main critique concerns the Alaska Federation of Natives increased even lack of proper identification and recognition of further. In particular, the newly formed Alaska Saami rights to their lands, both on the individ- Native regional corporations that are the mem- ual, and on the community and collective level. bers of Alaska Federation of Natives became The Saami Parliament has stated that the bill is significant participants in the Alaskan economy. neither in conformity with the internal and Canada: The Canadian Arctic remained a colo- international rules by which the state is bound, nial territory long after democracy had entered nor with the state’s moral and political obliga- the scene in other areas of the Arctic. In most tions vis-à-vis its indigenous peoples. The communities, municipal governments were not importance of the international standard, ILO established before the 1950s and 1960s. The Inuit Convention 169, is stressed, especially in rela- were not allowed to vote in federal elections tion to Articles 14 and 15, concerning the need before 1962 and territorial elections until 1966. A to gain consent from the indigenous peoples strong indigenous movement in the Northwest concerned, and the recognition of rights to Territories in the late 1960s and the 1970s ownership and identification of land in ques- became the starting point for a series of negotia- tion. During the second half of 2003, an initial Political Systems 91 Chapter 5

Canada: a complex quilt of negotiations and agreements The Inuit of the Northwest Territories initiated their issues, and a constitutional committee set up by claim for self-government in the early 1970s and the Inuit. On November 5, 1999, the Nunavik the strong quest for self-government led already in Political Accord was signed by the Nunavik Party, 1976 to a claim for the establishment of Nunavut. representing the Inuit, the Government of Although the Inuvialuit (the westernmost Inuit) Québec, and the Government of Canada. This was soon left the process, the basic claims remained a step towards creating public government for all intact until Nunavut was enacted by law in 1994. residents of Nunavik within the political frame- The process that followed from 1976 was long and work of Québec and Canada, but there are still complicated. In 1982 all the inhabitants of the many problems and a final agreement has still not Northwest Territories voted on the division of the been reached as of September 2004. territory. In the Nunavut region, 82% voted in favor In 1969, the Indian Brotherhood was formed to of the division and outnumbered the majority represent about 7,000 treaty and status Indians against in the west part of the territory. In 1991 the who were descendants of leaders who had signed Inuit negotiating team and the government entered two historical treaties between the Dene and the an agreement in principle and in 1992 the exact Crown in 1899 and 1921. The Dene published the border was decided in a referendum among all the “Dene Declaration” in 1975, which stated their indigenous peoples. With an overwhelming major- right to traditional lands, self-determination, and ity, the Inuit of Nunavut ratified the agreement in a special status under the Canadian constitution. separate referendum later the same year. The The Dene peoples of the Northwest Territories Canadian Parliament adopted the Nunavut Laws in presented a land claim to the Canadian 1993 and Nunavut became a reality in 1999. Government in 1976. This initiated negotiations Although the Inuit initially had no elected repre- and in 1988, an “agreement in principle” was sentatives, the Canadian Government accepted to signed by the Dene-Métis Association and the negotiate with the Inuit organizations that had federal government, which was finalized in 1990. taken the lead. The first Inuit became members of However, many Dene disagreed with the agree- the parliament in Ottawa in 1979, the same year as ment as they had to give up their Native title in the indigenous peoples obtained a key position in exchange for land and financial compensation. the newly elected legislative assembly of the Requests for re-negotiation were made at the Northwest Territories. It was only later that the Dene Assembly and as a result negotiations start- Government of the Northwest Territories became ed for individual land claims and self-government. involved in the negotiations, further confirming the The Gwich’in and the Sahtu Dene and Métis soon legitimacy of those negotiating on behalf of the reached agreement with the federal government. Inuit. In the 1980s, the Inuit Tapirissat of Canada Since then, other peoples have followed or are in succeeded in lobbying for a separate federal con- the process of negotiations. Several of the agree- stituency, Nunatsiaq, that ensured Inuit representa- ments that have been reached so far all include tion in the parliament in Ottawa. some provision for negotiating self-government. Referenda and negotiations were also promi- In one case, the agreement includes establishing a nent features in the relationship between the cen- reserve through a process called Treaty Land tral government and indigenous peoples in other Entitlement. parts of Canada, even if the conditions have dif- The Council of Yukon Indians was formed in fered. In Nunavik, the process has been compli- 1973, and two tentative land claims agreements cated by a land claims agreement from 1975. The were reached in 1976 and 1984. However, both governments of Canada and Québec and industri- were rejected at the Council of Yukon Indians’ al corporations wanted to use indigenous land to General Assembly. A major reason was the develop hydroelectric power, and the Inuit and absence of self-government powers and authori- Cree of Northern Québec entered the James Bay ties for the Yukon First Nations. Talks resumed in and Northern Québec agreement after enormous 1985, this time with greater emphasis on commu- pressure. Although the agreement was accepted nity involvement and input from the individual by referendum as a negotiated legal framework for First Nations. The Yukon First Nations and federal dealing with indigenous rights, land claims, and and territorial governments signed an umbrella ownership, as well as education, health and econ- agreement in 1993, and subsequently individual omy, the Inuit of Nunavik have never been at ease Yukon First Nations finalized self-government with it. There was also a wish for political autono- agreements. These agreements went into effect on my under a regional government. This concept has February 14, 1995, with the proclamation of the gradually been accepted as another level of public Yukon First Nation Land Claims Settlement Act government within the confederative framework (Canada) and Yukon First Nation Self- of Canada (cf. Nunavut Territory). There have been Government Act (Canada). Eight of the fourteen several initiatives to that effect, including a refer- Yukon First Nations presently have self-govern- endum, an election focusing on constitutional ment agreements in legal effect (12). 92 Arctic Human Development Report

dialogue was begun between the Norwegian practices into adherence with federal stipula- Parliament, its Judicial Committee, and the tions. Indigenous groups in Russia have fre- Saami Parliament to find a procedure that quently sought protection of the federal govern- would move the issue forward. But with the lack ment against regional governmental practices of proper identification and recognition of that threaten to erode their ability to practice Saami rights, it is still an open question whether their traditional activities, especially land-inten- there is a basis for negotiations. sive industrial development schemes. A quasi- According to the Finnish Saami Act, the political organization, the Russian Association national authorities have an obligation to nego- of Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON), tiate with the Saami Parliament in all extensive established in 1990, and its associated regional and important cases that directly or especially branches, have achieved some level of input into relate to the Saami as an indigenous people. drafting federal and regional legislation that This obligation includes more than just simple establish procedures for increased rights to land consultation, since it also includes the obliga- and self-government (15-16). tion to seek a solution through negotiations An important development since the 1990s is with the Saami Parliament (13). In reality how- the ability of communities of individuals who ever this comes down to little more than the view themselves as distinct ethnic groups within right to be heard and consulted. the category the “indigenous numerically small peoples of the North” to petition the government for recognition as such. During the Soviet period, Boom and bust activities the state identified groups “deserving” of such Boom and bust activities have had long-term recognition and regularly erased groups from its impacts upon political developments in that list of recognized “northern peoples.” Self-defi- they made it necessary for indigenous peoples to come together. This was the case with the nition (with state sanction) has resulted in a sig- plan in the 1970s to build a pipeline from the nificant increase in the number of northern peo- Beaufort Sea down the Mackenzie Valley, ples, from 26 to approximately 40, including sev- which directly gave impetus to the indigenous eral groups who were earlier recognized by the movement in Canada and the claim for land- state, then eliminated from the records. rights. Similarly, the Saami quest for self- determination was provoked by the construc- Trend summary tion of the Alta dam in the early 1980s, though The past decades have witnessed a trend of the history of Saami land claims goes further back in time. major restructuring of the political systems in the Arctic in response to decolonization. This trend can be seen as a part of a nation-building Russia: Devolution in the Russian North is process where the state historically was the less advanced than in other Arctic areas. During dominant part, the homogenous nation state the early 1990s, some of the “ethnic” territorial- was the ideal, and the strategy of assimilation administrative units were able to assert more was the official policy. In North America this power vis à-vis Moscow by establishing and was often followed by devolution, i.e. transfer- implementing legislation that governed control ence of authority from central to regional level. over resources, cultural development, and other As a response, indigenous nation- building facets of life. However, these ”ethnic” units are processes inspired by international human basically public governments, and indigenous rights development managed to build a bridge populations constitute but a small minority in between indigenous political efforts and the them (1-15%), even after the vast out-migration modern Arctic nation-building. In Canada and of Russians and other in-migrants from the Greenland, indigenous peoples pushed for North in the past decade (14). Thus, indigenous decolonization, by negotiating with the central peoples’ ability to influence decisions made by governments. Meanwhile, in Fennoscandia, the such regional governments has remained negli- central governments have only delegated man- gible across the North. In numerous places, agement authority, while in Russia, decentral- regional governments established laws and ization following the fall of the Soviet Union practices that were less favorable to indigenous was soon replaced by recentralization. In many rights than central legislation demanded. parts of the Arctic, quests for indigenous self- In the latter 1990s, President Putin attempted governance have been a major driving force for to stem devolutionary trends and bring regional decentralization. Political Systems 93 Chapter 5 In dealing with indigenous claims, Canada Arctic governance systems has created an asymmetric federal state in A major trend in Arctic political systems is the which some regions enjoy more autonomy than proliferation of governance structures that rec- others, i.e. it entails both territoriality and asym- ognize the unique position of indigenous peo- metry. The Soviet Union also created an asym- ples. Within this trend, there is a diversity of metrical federalism. During the Soviet period, it new agreements and institutions. Public gov- was operationally fictive but it is now manifest ernment and ethnic self-government are two in numerous ways, which depend on the “sta- major categories. tus” of the territory and its human and natural resources. Asymmetry and territoriality are key We also find processes of decentralization axes in an analytical frame that entail no notion of territoriality at all. The Most political systems encompass a plurality of electoral census for Saami parliamentary elec- cultures. These cultures may produce identities tions is a case in point. Anyone who meets cer- that can become politicized (17-19). The likeli- tain criteria of identity (subjective self-identifi- hood that a cultural or ethnic identity becomes cation and objective language criteria) is entitled politicized has increased with the spread of the to vote in the elections, regardless of where in principle of political autonomy through global the respective country they live, whereas those communication. We can therefore expect a who do not meet these criteria do not possess growing number of claims by groups of unique this right. This means that some individuals in a identity. The situation in the Canadian North state, as members of a particular identity group, described in the box on page 91 is a good illus- possess more rights to autonomy than others, tration of this trend. regardless of territorial location. At the same time, state responses in dealing Decentralization of decision making power with such claims are likely to become more and from the modern state apparatus can thus mean more similar for the reason that the historical that individuals obtain political, cultural, and/or state responses, such as genocide, deportation, economic autonomy according to their member- oppression, assimilation, or even agreeing to ship in a territorial entity, in an identity group, or secession, are considered illegitimate in today’s in a combination of the two. This yields a two- democratic systems. States thus increasingly dimensional grid which can be used to analyze resort to some sort of decentralization of deci- both the claims put forward on behalf of identi- sion-making power in order to meet these ty groups and the state responses. claims (20). Decentralization of decision making to Self-determination groups with unique identities is not as straight- In an Arctic context, state responses along the forward as one might assume at first glance. A lines of asymmetry and territoriality cannot be brief assessment of the post-World-War-II peri- discussed without giving attention to the special od reveals two dimensions of this multifaceted status of indigenous peoples and their rights to issue as particularly important: the degree of self-determination. As described in more detail territoriality and the degree of asymmetry. in Chapter 6. Legal Systems, the principle of self- A purely territorial response would typically determination is a fundamental principle in entail some sort of regionalization or federal- international law. In recent discussions, it has ization of the state structure. If this is done in a also come to include indigenous peoples, even if symmetric fashion, decision-making rights will it was traditionally understood as the right of a be decentralized to territorial regions in strict nation state in relation to other nation states. compliance with the principle that all individu- However, the concept is dynamic, and the con- als living in the various territorial entities pos- tent of self-determination and the question of sess the same rights regardless of their mem- what constitutes a people have changed over bership in identity groups (the jus solis princi- time, especially within the United Nations. ple). If the decentralization is instead conduct- There are various models for how the self- ed in an asymmetric fashion, individuals living determination of peoples should be organized in some regions will possess more rights to and institutionalized, and the principle of peo- autonomy than individuals living in other ples’ self-determination does not define either regions because of their unique identities (the who the peoples are or what the subject or unit jus sanguinus principle). of self-determination can be. The tendency 94 Arctic Human Development Report

Indigenous voices in regionalization processes The development of governance arrangements interests of Arctic indigenous peoples are also a recognizing indigenous rights seems in some priority area. The Second Northern Dimension cases to coincide with regionalization processes, Action Plan, 2004-2006, Annex 2 states that: such as in the European Union. It includes new “Strengthened attention is to be paid by all alliances between indigenous and majority inter- Northern Dimension partners to indigenous ests. For instance, the European regionalization interests in relation to economic activities, and in process, which is clearly evident in Sweden and particular extractive industry, with a view to pro- Finland, is also important in the Saami context tecting inherited rights of self-determination, land and affects both national policy towards the rights and cultural rights of indigenous peoples of Saami and the Saami directly. Specifically, the the region.” This statement is a result of the work Finnish and Swedish EU memberships created a of the Saami Council and the Saami Parliamentary need to expand EU policy with a northern dimen- Council for the EU Commission. (For further dis- sion in order to create a platform for cooperation cussion on northern dimensions policies, see concerning stability and security in relation to Chapter 12. Circumpolar International Relations and Russia and the Baltic countries. In the dialogue Geopolitics.) between the European Union and Canada, the

towards developing indigenous self-govern- tive assembly. This is the case for both the ment arrangements seems particularly appro- Greenland Home Rule government with its par- priate where a group of indigenous peoples liament, and the Nunavut Government with its forms a permanent minority. Examples can be legislative assembly. Officially, ethnicity is not a found in the traditional homelands of the Saami relevant factor in any part of the political sys- in northern Scandinavia and the First Nations in tem, including not only the national and munic- the Yukon. In these indigenous areas, settlers ipal systems, but also the political parties. Home have over time become the majority. These can rule arrangements are a territorial response be contrasted with areas where indigenous peo- where decision-making rights are decentralized. ples are in the majority, such as Greenland and Nunavut, which are ruled by public govern- Greenland Home Rule and Nunavut ments. Overall, state responses to calls for indigenous self-determination have become Home Rule in Greenland was introduced May 1, 1979. All persons above the age of 18 who more and more similar. In areas where indige- are Danish citizens and who have resided at nous peoples constitute permanent minorities, least six months in Greenland can vote for and dual systems of governance arrangements are be elected to the Home Rule Parliament. There being established. are specific rules for Greenlanders living tem- In the circumpolar North, we find different porarily outside Greenland. Danes have never types of government. A particular challenge has played any role in the Greenland Home Rule been to find ways that take the particular histo- Parliament. Currently, there is one Danish ry of indigenous peoples and their present legal member out of 31 (Danes make up 12% of the population). In recent years, there have been status into account. Most self-government several moves to get more Greenlanders into structures and institutions in the Arctic are the political and administrative system, and established under western laws and regulations. compared to the situation 20 years ago, the By and large, none of the Arctic models of self- number of Greenlanders in managerial posi- governance are based upon traditional gover- tions has increased significantly. nance, although local cultures are reflected in In Nunavut, all adult Canadian citizens have the performance and proceedings of the politi- the right to vote and can be elected to the leg- cal bodies. Two types of structures can be iden- islative assembly. Inuit who temporarily live outside Nunavut have no specific rights in tified: public governments and self-government Nunavut. Rights and responsibilities vested in arrangements. the Nunavut Government follow the general Canadian federal regulations, although an Public government ongoing devolution will transfer more and The creation of Home Rule arrangements and more authority from Ottawa to Nunavut and new territories involve public governments, the other territories. This will make them more which entail that all persons above a certain age and more equal to the Canadian provinces. are eligible to vote and to be elected to a legisla- Political Systems 95 Chapter 5 In these newly created political units, indige- of matters relating to daily life. At a higher level, nous peoples constitute majorities. there are twelve regional non-profit Native In Russia, special variants of public govern- Associations. Together with the tribal councils, ments are the autonomous districts (okruga) and they are specifically influential in social and cul- the national regions (rayony) and townships tural affairs. In parallel with these indigenous (sel’ksie administratsii). National regions and self-government structures, towns and villages townships, originally established in the 1920s have city councils elected by all inhabitants. and 1930s but liquidated in the late 1930s, have Even in the rural communities where Alaska been revived in the 1990s in several areas of the Natives make up the majority, there will usually North. Although governments in such districts, be a city council operating in parallel with tribal regions and townships are public governments, councils. The public government system also recent legislation provides that indigenous peo- exists on the state level and in the regions that ples can be given preferential treatment, as for have been organized as boroughs, which oper- example a guaranteed number of seats in the ate on the level between the city councils and governing bodies (21). It is mainly only at the the state. In two of the Alaska boroughs, the township level where indigenous populations North Slope Borough and the Northwest Arctic dominate numerically. Borough, the Iñupiat majorities have been able to use the exploitation of oil and mineral Self-governance and dual structures resources for local self-government initiatives, Across the Arctic, a number of legal and politi- see Chapter 7. Resource Governance for further cal arrangements have also been established to details. promote a greater degree of autonomy for Further examples of indigenous self govern- indigenous peoples in areas where they are in ment parallel to public governments are the the minority. This development has created dual Saami Parliaments in Norway, Sweden, and systems of governance where indigenous politi- Finland, established by the Saami Acts of the cal arrangements operate simultaneously with respective states. These are ethnic govern- public governments in the same geographical ments, and only Saami have the right to regis- area. There are several examples. ter, vote, be elected, and present proposals in In Canada, the self-government agreements connection with elections. With regard to the of the Yukon First Nations include law-making electoral roll, the Nordic Saami Acts use both powers as well as the power and authority to objective and subjective criteria. The funda- make decisions in a manner consistent with mental subjective element is the self-identifica- indigenous cultural values and institutions. In tion as Saami, while the objective criteria are addition, they establish a broad and flexible related to the Saami language. The most impor- framework for self-government that will evolve tant warrant for the Saami Parliaments is the at a pace determined by the Yukon First very fact that they are bodies elected by Saami, Nations. So far, the Yukon First Nations have for the Saami. These parliaments have a contin- exclusive authority to enact laws with respect uing dialogue with the Nordic governments to the administration of their affairs and their regarding the question of authority, and some internal operation and management. They also authority in administrative matters has been have the authority to enact certain laws that transferred. Formally, the Saami Parliaments apply to their citizens throughout the Yukon only have advisory status. Actually, however, and other laws that apply to all persons on set- they play a central political role within the tlement land. According to the self-govern- national constitutional systems in relation to ment agreement, Yukon First Nations and the Saami political issues, and they function as gov- federal government are to identify the areas in ernmental bodies and as instruments for realiz- which Yukon First Nation laws will prevail over ing the principal policies of the respective federal laws, should there be any conflict states. The political rights achieved by the between them. Saami as a people, may be understood in the Native tribal governments in Alaska are also context of a stronger Saami relation to the self-government systems set up in parallel with national constitutions (22). the public government system. The tribal gov- The process of strengthening the political ernments are organized in two tiers. In the autonomy of the Saami Parliament has been communities, the Native population can use most significant in Norway. Here, recent agree- tribal councils to exert its influence on a number ments between the Norwegian Saami 96 Arctic Human Development Report HT:SAAMI PARLIAMENT PHOTO:

Saami Parliament, Parliament and the county municipalities could Norway create a base for cooperation also on a regional The Saami Parliaments level. So far, agreements of cooperation The Saami Parliament in Finland was empow- between the Saami Parliament and the two ered in January 1996 and has 21 elected mem- northernmost county municipalities have been bers. The Norwegian Saami Parliament was settled. They involve a coordination and cooper- established in 1989 and consists of 39 repre- ation of efforts concerning matters of political sentatives elected from 13 electoral districts in Norway. The Swedish Saami Parliament, importance to the Saami and preparations for a established in 1993, consists of 31 members division of duties and responsibilities. with the whole of Sweden as one electoral dis- The question of Saami influence is not only a trict. The three Saami Parliaments do not have matter between an individual state and its identical functions and tasks but share the abil- Saami indigenous minority but is also inde- ity to raise questions and issue statements on pendent of national borders. International all questions within their area of activity. In cooperation between the Saami Parliaments is Finland, a constitutionally protected cultural formalized in the Saami Parliamentary Council. autonomy, the obligation of the authorities to Its work has been directed towards the negotiate, and the Saami Parliament’s right and obligation of representation are important European Union. elements in the strengthening of this self-gov- A comparison between the Canadian and ernment. In comparison, the Norwegian Scandinavian systems with regard to self-deter- Saami Parliament has a somewhat weak formal mination arrangements shows the potential of political authority, but has still developed into federal systems compared to unitary state sys- a central political actor. The Saami Parliament tems. The principle of division of executive and in Norway also has a far better economic legislative power in federal systems where the framework than do the Saami Parliaments in authority to make laws within the federation is Finland and Sweden (13). distributed between the national government Political Systems 97 Chapter 5 and the sub-units, creates space for expanding title to specified tracts of lands and for a once- the competence of both the self-government and-for-all monetary compensation. In Alaska, arrangements and the regional public govern- Native peoples received 11% of the lands they ments. In unitary states, delegation or transfer claimed. The lands and the financial compensa- of authority is more common, as in the case of tion were to be administered by 13 regional and the Saami. But such devolution does not remove more than 200 village corporations that work the power of the central government to legislate under corporate law with registered Natives as in relation to devolved matters. Regarding shareholders. The most important criterion for Greenland, however, it is generally recognized being an Alaska Native is biological. When that Home Rule cannot be revoked by the ANCSA was passed in 1971, any person who Danish Parliament. could prove one-quarter blood quantum was eligible to enroll and become a shareholder in a Native corporation. Only those born by Suktul – Yukagir Self-Government December 1971 have shares under ANCSA, but One of the numerically smallest peoples of the shares can be inherited. Russian North is the Yukagir people, whose The Canadian land claims agreements, such homelands stretch across the northeast of as the James Bay and Northern Quebec Russia including areas of the Sakha Republic Agreement (1975), the Inuvialuit Final (Yakutia) and the Magadan Province. The Yukagir of the Sakha Republic successfully Agreement (1984), and the Nunavut Land fought for the adoption of a special law guar- Claims Agreement (1993) basically follow the anteeing Yukagir self-government in the two Alaskan model. A very important difference is townships where much of their population is that these are comprehensive agreements that concentrated, Nelemnoe and Andrushkino. In provide, in addition to the land and money 1998 the Sakha Republic government passed compensation, a number of benefits in relation legislation to this effect, known by the Yukagir to the use of land and resources, employment, term for self-government, suktul. Other environmental management, etc. The Nunavut indigenous peoples of the Sakha Republic have agreement also contains a political accord to discussed whether to pursue similar legislation for self-government rights. establish the Nunavut public government. Management and control of land is more restrictive in Canada than in Alaska but also more democratic and more similar to a public Land claim settlements management institution. In Nunavut, the lands A third type of response of state governments and financial compensation are monitored by to indigenous claims has been to negotiate land an organization elected by Inuit, Nunavut claim agreements. The political structures Tunngavik Inc. This organization exerts a signif- which they have given rise to can operate in icant political power and the issue is sometimes parallel with both public governments and self- raised who is the real power-holder in Nunavut: government structures. In Alaska’s rather com- Tunnavik Inc or the Nunavut Government. plex governance structure, the Native corpora- tions established by the Alaska Native Claims A comparison between Nunavut and the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) of 1971 represent this Settlement Act (ANCSA) third alternative. ANCSA was the first modern Nunavut ANCSA land claims agreement in the circumpolar Land compensation to lands claimed 18% 11% Sub-surface rights to lands claimed 1.80% 11% North and its principles and limitations have Surface priority rights to lands given up 82% 0% played an important role for later models as Benefits agreements +− developed in the Canadian North. These corpo- Royalty of extraction of non-renewable resources on non-owned lands +− +− rations often play a key role for the indigenous Political accord All indigenous have equal rights +− peoples and control many aspects of their lives. Shares and benefits can be transferred to non-indigenous −+ Even if they are in fact for-profit corporations, Lands can be sold −+ they should be treated as a kind of governance structure. So far, land claim agreements have mostly The basic idea behind a land claims agree- played a role in the North American Arctic. ment is that the indigenous peoples give up ter- “Land claims” in Russia have followed a dif- ritorial rights that are based on aboriginal rights. ferent pattern of development (23). Indigenous These rights are exstinguished in exchange for groups who wish to pursue “traditional” activi- 98 Arctic Human Development Report

ties, such as hunting and reindeer herding, can Arctic and a transition from single and exclusive petition for a land allocation. These lands then political identities to multiple and compatible theoretically become inalienable and closed to identities, along the trends identified by industrial development unless the holders of Martínez-Herrera (20). Furthermore, in the this tenure agree to such development. process of accommodating indigenous claims, Hundreds of such native territorialized groups we expect that the democratic states of the (obshchiny) have been established across the Arctic will have to embark upon a transforma- Russian North, although the ease of doing so tion towards some sort of plurinational democ- differs substantially across the region. A federal racy, as described and discussed by Michael law regarding the establishment of obshchiny, Keating (30). adopted in 2000, superseded regional decrees (or the lack thereof) (24). Poor capitalization and the collapse of state subsidies in the post-Soviet Key conclusions era led to the demise of many of these shortly Historically, nation-building processes in the after their formation, while industrial interests Arctic follow the theoretical framework of state have stymied the ability of other groups to formation, standardization, and integration. attain such lands (25-26). The historical relationship towards indigenous A parallel development is the establishment peoples can be characterized as paternalistic, of much larger “territories of traditional nature and the state’s understanding of integration use”, which are areas set aside from industrial was equal to the rhetoric and practices of development (obshchina lands may overlap or assimilation. be completely encompassed within these) (27- The states’ need and desire for utilizing the 28). Federal legislation to establish such “terri- resources of the Arctic are closely linked to their tories of traditional nature use” was passed in colonial histories. At the same time, there is and 2001 (29). Indigenous groups are now working has been acknowledgement of the special status to establish several such “model territories” in of indigenous peoples, illustrated by the histor- order to identify challenges to the operational- ical treaties in North America, the former ization of the law. Soviets’ legal classification of the “small people of the North”, Greenland Home Rule, and the Theme summary historical acknowledgement of Saami rights in Claims for more regional autonomy and indige- Fennoscandia. A particular feature in the Arctic nous self-determination have given rise to both states is the involvement of indigenous peoples new regional public governments and different as independent political actors in modern forms of indigenous self-government in the nation-building processes. Arctic. On the one hand, there is a general The contemporary formal polices and ideal trend of decentralization of decision-making with regard to increased indigenous influence powers. On the other hand, the degree of terri- seems to be widely shared in the Arctic states, toriality and asymmetry vary to a great extent even if political and administrative solutions among self-governing arrangements. Indeed, vary from state to state. One answer, which is in some areas, there are dual structures where closely linked to the growth of regional autono- these government types exist in parallel, and my, is the establishment of public governments. sometimes also include corporations created in This solution has been most prominent in areas the process of land claim settlements. In a larg- where indigenous peoples are in the majority. er perspective, this process can be described as Another solution has been self-government, one where ethnic and cultural identities are also which may operate as a part of dual systems becoming political identities. Thus the individ- where indigenous arrangements operate simul- ual in the Arctic will have to relate to varying taneously with public governments in the same degrees of multiple political identity: One, say, area. Self-government institutions can even related to his or her ethnic group, another to have functions as state government bodies as in the local or regional government, another to the case of the Saami Parliaments. the state, and - in some cases – yet another to The level of participation becomes crucial supra-state bodies like the European Union. As with regard to both the decentralization of people learn to live with asymmetric arrange- decision-making powers and the degree of ter- ments, we expect to see a general increase in ritoriality and asymmetry of self-governing the legitimacy of the political systems of the arrangements. Negotiations show a high level Political Systems 99 Chapter 5 of indigenous participation. This has been the Commission on Aboriginal Peoples: seeking case when land claims have been negotiated in coherence in Canadian aboriginal policy,” in Canada, and it also characterized the introduc- Samiske rettigheter – utfordringer lokalt, regionalt, tion of self-governing arrangements in nasjonalt og internasjonalt, E-G. Broderstad, Ed, (Senter for samiske studier, Universitetet i Greenland. In none of the other Arctic regions Tromsø, 1998). have indigenous peoples been involved as 11. A. Cairns, Citizens Plus. Aboriginal Peoples and the equal negotiating partners in the process of Canadian State (UBC Press, Vancouver Toronto, establishing special arrangements for indige- 2000). nous peoples. 12. Daryn Leas, unofficial paper prepared for IWGIA, 2003. 13. J. B. Henriksen, “Saami parliamentary co-opera- Gaps in knowledge tion. An Analysis” (Nordic Sami Institute, Modern self-governing arrangements in the IWGIA Document No. 93. Guovdageaidnu and Copenhagen,1999). Arctic are still of comparatively recent date, 14. T. Heleniak, “Migration from the Russian North and future comparative studies will obviously during Transition, Social Protection,” Discussion be able to provide us with an increased under- Paper Series, Paper No. 9925, World Bank, standing of the significance of the various September 1999. political arrangements for the human develop- 15. R. S. Moiseev, Nekotorye voprosy upravleniya razvi- ment. tiem severnykh rayonov Rossii v kontse XX veka Information about human participation in (Kamchatskiy pechatnyy dvor, Petropavlovsk- political systems and in activities and institu- Kamchatskiy, 1999). tions such as the media, important for political 16. V. Kryazhkov, “Uchastie korennykh malochislen- nykh narodov v politicheskom voleobrazovanii participation, must be further investigated. (gosudarstvenno-pravovye voprosy),” Gosudarstvo i pravo 1:20-25 (2000). References 17. E. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Blackwell, Oxford, 1983). 1. S. Rokkan, State Formation, Nation-Building and 18. A. D. Smith, “State Making and Nation Mass Politics in Europe: The Theory of Stein Rokkan, Building” in States in History, J. A. Hall, Ed. P. Flora, Ed. with S. Kuhnle, D. Urwin (Oxford (Blackwell, Oxford, 1986). Univ. Press, Oxford, 1999. 19. J. J. Linz, “State Building and Nation Building” 2. Y. Slezkine, Arctic Mirrors. Russia and the Small European Review 1(4): 355 (1993). Peoples of the North (Cornell Univ. Press, Ithaca, 20. E. Martínez-Herrera, “From nation building to 1994). building identification with political communi- 3. N. Vakhtin, Native Peoples of the Russian Far North ties: consequences of political decentralization in (Minority Rights Group, London, 1994). Spain, the Basque Country, Catalonia and 4. E. Niemi, “Kulturmøte, etnisitet og statlig inter- Galicia, 1978-2001” European Journal of Political vensjon på Nordkalotten. Et historisk perspek- Research no. 41: 421 (2002). tiv,” in Den nordiska mosaiken Rapport, human- 21. Russia, “O garantiyakh prav korennykh mal- istdagarna 15-16 mars 1997, Uppsala universitet, ochislennykh narodov Rossiyskoy Federatsii,” Uppsala, 1997), pp. 261-272. Russian Federal Law 82-F3, 30 April 1999. 5. S. Pedersen, “Statens eiendomsrett til grunnen i 22. Cf. Saami Parliament (Norwegian) Plan 1991- Finnmark—en del av den interne ’kolonihisto- 1993:13. rie’,” in Samer og nordmennn, H. Eidheim, Ed 23. G. Fondahl, G. Poelzer, “Aboriginal land rights in (Cappelen Akademisk Forlag, Oslo, 1999). Russia at the beginning of the twenty-first centu- 6. K. E. Eriksen, E. Niemi, Den finske fare. ry” Polar Record 39 (209):111 (2003). Sikkerhetsproblemer og minoritetspolitikk i nord 24. Russia, “Ob obshchikh printsipakh organizatsii 1860—1940 (Universitetsforlaget, Oslo, 1981). obshchin korennykh malochislennykh narodov 7. D. Lewis, Indigenous rights claims in welfare capi- Severa, Sibiri i Dal’nego Vostoka Rossiyskoy talist society: recognition and implementation. The Federatsii,” Russian Federal Law 104-F3, 20 July case of the Saami people in Norway, Sweden and 2000. Finland (University of Lapland, Arctic Centre 25. N. Novikova, “’Rodovye ugodya’: perspektivy Report, Rovaniemi, 1998). pravovogo pluralizma (predstavleniya pred- 8. I. Roung, Samerna (Bonniers, Stockholm, 1982). staviteley korennykh narodov i zokonodateley),” 9. N. J. Nystø, “Najonalstat og minoritet. En kom- Gosudarstvo i pravo 6:102 (2000). parativ studie av norsk og svensk samepolitikk,” 26. J. Ziker, “Assigned territories, family/clan/com- Hovedfagsoppgave, Institutt for samfunnsfag, munal holdings, and common-pool resources in Universitetet i Tromsø (1993). the Taimyr Autonomous Region, Northern 10. D. Sanders, “The report of the Royal Russia” Human Ecology 31(3):331 (2003). 100 Arctic Human Development Report

27. O. Murashko, “Etnoekologicheskie refugium: kontseptiya sokhraneniya traditionnoy kul’tury i sredy obitaniya korennykh narodov Severa,” Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 5:83 (1998). 28. O. Murashko, “Kak mozhno realizovat’ konsti- tutsionnoe pravo na zashchitu is iskonnoy sredy obitaniya i traditsionnogo obraza zhizni,” in Severnye narody Rossii na puti v novoe tysyacheletie (IWGIA, Moscow, 2000), pp.158-174. 29. Russia, “O territoriyakh traditsionnogo prirodopol’zovaniya korennykh malochislen- nykh narodov Severa, Sibiri i Dal’nego Vostoka Rossiyskoy Federatsii,” Russian Federal Law 49- F3, 7 May 2001. 30. M. Keating, Plurinational Democracy - Stateless Nations in a Post-Sovereignty Era (Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford, 2001). 101

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 6

80o

70o Legal60o Systems

Lead author: Nigel Bankes, University of Calgary, Canada.

Contributing authors: Guðmundur Alfreðsson (Raoul Wallenberg Institute, University of Lund), Christina Allard (Luleå University of Technology), Dalee Sambo Dorough (Inuit Circumpolar Conference), Guðrún Gauksdóttir (Reykjavik University), Ekaterina Goudina (University of Calgary), Tore Henriksen and Ingvild Ulrikke Jacobsen (University of Tromsø), Timo Koivurova (University of Lapland), Hanne Petersen (University of Copenhagen), and Michael Moers Wenig (Canadian Institute of Resources Law).

Law provides a necessary framework for the shift towards democracy and human rights, as social, economic, and ecological goals of sus- well as an increased emphasis on the rule of law tainable development. We cannot manage natu- (1). Numerous authors from a range of disci- ral systems, but we can try to manage the plines also emphasize a trend towards global- human element of interactions between social ization (2) and closer integration of legal sys- systems and natural systems. Law is a key tool tems. in managing those interactions. Law helps us The trend to globalization is reflected in the define such fundamental concepts as property development of international trade rules and ownership. It serves to allocate rights and through the World Trade Organization and responsibilities and to define and protect the regional trading and political initiatives (3). It is human rights of individuals and peoples. also reflected in the development of universal Following some brief comments on global human rights norms (4) and in a growing num- trends and basic characteristics of the legal sys- ber of multilateral environmental agreements. tems of the Arctic states, this chapter pursues They include the Framework Convention on three basic themes. The first is an increased Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol, the recognition of indigenous peoples’ rights. The Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic second discusses resource ownership. The third Pollutants, and the Vienna Convention and is the increased transfer of legal authority to Montreal Protocol on Ozone Depleting regional governments. Each addresses how Substances (5-6), all of which are relevant to the Arctic regions can reassert control over land and Arctic. resources. A separate short article offers a cri- Along with these global developments, ana- tique of the submissions of two Arctic states, lysts are paying increasing attention to the rela- Canada and the United States, as part of efforts tionship between international law and domes- to elaborate the United Nations Draft tic law (7-8). As international law demands Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous deeper commitments (9) from national govern- Peoples. ments, questions of the legitimacy of the inter- national legal order and law-making processes become more pressing (10). Legal trends and traditions The trend to integration and convergence of This chapter concentrates on the domestic laws legal systems is most apparent within the of the Arctic states rather than international law. member states of the European Union. This But the legal systems of the Arctic states and can be seen as the voluntary reception of the current development are part of a global con- laws of another system to distinguish it from text. This section therefore provides a brief the coercive imposition of new norms that overview of global trends and legal traditions as characterized the period of European coloniza- they relate to the Arctic. tion (11). While there is increasing integration of legal systems across national borders, there Global trend of closer integration of is also increasing specialization within the legal systems legal system, in areas such as environmental Scholars of comparative law have identified a law, trade law, indigenous peoples’ law, and number of global trends. One such trend is a health law. 102 Arctic Human Development Report

The implications of these trends for Arctic authority lies with the national government, legal systems are three-fold. First, the develop- while regions and municipalities have only del- ment of international human rights law con- egated law-making powers. Denmark, Finland, firms a set of standards against which to meas- Sweden, Norway, and Iceland are all unitary ure the domestic laws of Arctic states. Second, states. Canada, the Russian Federation, and the the convergence of legal systems creates United States of America are federal states, but opportunities to transplant ideas from other this broad category requires some qualification. jurisdictions to help solve common problems. For example, the three territories of the Third, our growing appreciation of an inter- Canadian North lack the status of provinces as connected world requires a legal response at sub-units of the federation. The Russian federal national and international levels and across a system is distinctive because the federal govern- range of subject areas from trade to the envi- ment has broad concurrent powers to make ronment. laws, and because of the large number and diversity of sub-units of the federation. There Diversity of legal systems are 89 “subjects” of the federation including National legal systems reflect differences in his- republics, oblasts, okrugs, and autonomous tory, tradition, and socio-cultural values. Within regions. these traditions, the emergence of an Arctic Unitary states may permit some transfer of consciousness is a very recent development. law-making authority to local or regional gov- Therefore it is not surprising that the legal sys- ernments but generally this does not remove tems of Arctic states are heterogeneous. the power of the central government to legislate The United States has a common law system in these matters. Denmark in its relationships characterized by a strong emphasis on judicial with Greenland and the Faroe Islands suggests decisions as an independent source of law (12). an exception to this general rule. Under the Canada combines this common law system with respective Home Rule arrangements with the civil law Quebec and considers itself bi-jural. two jurisdictions (since 1948 for the Faroe Civil law systems trace their origins to Roman Islands and 1979 for Greenland), the Danish law and traditionally rely on comprehensive Parliament has effectively waived its right to codes for ordering their legal materials. Nordic legislate in local matters. Matters of a more gen- legal systems belong to the civil law tradition eral nature, such as defense, citizenship, and but with some qualifications since Roman law banking, continue to be the responsibility of the has played only a small part in their develop- central administration in Denmark (13). While ment. More important is the shared history of foreign policy and treaty making are vested the Nordic states, which has ensured the close exclusively in the Danish Government, both the interrelationship of their legal systems (12). The Faroese and Greenland Home Rule govern- distinctive Marxist theory of law required a sep- ments have assumed the right to conduct bilat- arate category for the former Soviet Union, but eral negotiations with the European Union and commentators now group Russia within the others, for example with respect to fishery mat- civil law family. While the distinction between ters. civil and common law systems remains funda- Denmark, Sweden, and Finland are members mental, global integration has the potential to of the European Union. The language of feder- break it down. There is also evidence of a com- alism remains controversial in Europe, but the mon approach in more recent areas of legislative European Union requires that members activity such as environmental assessment, renounce some degree of sovereignty to its endangered species, and rules on resource dis- institutions. It is thus not unfair to characterize position. the European Union as a form of functional An equally fundamental distinction between federalism or as a federation of member states legal systems is that between federal states and in all but name. From its early days, it has unitary states. In a federation, the national gov- expanded its membership and dramatically ernment has exclusive competence over inter- deepened the degree of integration between national affairs (and alone has international member states. personality), but the authority to make laws Denmark’s accession to the forerunner of the within the federation is distributed between the European Union, the European Community, national government and the sub-units of the included Greenland, but Greenland negotiated federation. In unitary states, all law-making its withdrawal from the European Community Legal Systems 103 Chapter 6 in 1985. Greenland now has status as one of the also affect the way in which citizens use courts overseas countries and territories attached to and demand justice. They influence ideas of the European Union. A key element of their property and the way in which we think about economic relationship is based upon the contin- the very idea of the rule of law and legal argu- uing fisheries agreements (14) under which mentation. While the collapse of the Soviet Greenland allows EU fishers access to Union has brought about massive institutional Greenlandic waters in return for significant fis- and legal changes at the formal level, traditions cal transfers. The Faroe Islands has never been do not change overnight. The rule of law is a part of the European Union. work in progress rather than a completed proj- As a result of deepening integration within ect (2, 15-17). the European Union, many matters traditional- In sum, and notwithstanding global trends ly falling within the competence of nation states towards convergence, Arctic legal systems con- are now subject to directly binding EU regula- tinue to exhibit considerable diversity. tions or to directives that are binding as to result but allow some national autonomy on how to Rights of indigenous achieve that result. Not only may the European Union engage in rule making on such “domes- peoples tic” issues as agricultural and environmental A main trend in both international and domes- policy, but it also has exclusive or shared com- tic law is the enhanced recognition and protec- petence in relation to many international mat- tion of the rights of indigenous peoples. This ters. This includes global environmental issues section examines the degree of legal recognition that affect Arctic states, such as climate change, and protection afforded to the indigenous peo- ozone depletion, and persistent organic pollu- ples of the Arctic. It begins by looking at the tants. Member states are obliged to formulate protections under international law and then and follow a common position on matters of examines the position of indigenous peoples security and foreign policy. Consequently, EU under the domestic laws of the Arctic states. The rules and policies will be important drivers for focus is on the legal process of decolonization the Arctic EU members across a broad spectrum through the vehicle of human rights law. of areas. In addition to the formal differences International law accords increased between different legal systems, there is recognition to peoples’ rights another distinction that is perhaps of greater Since World War II, there has been a tremen- practical importance: the fault-line between dous expansion in the reach of international those Arctic states with a long commitment to law. Historically, international law had little to participatory democracy, mixed economies, say about the manner in which a state treated its and the rule of law and the one Arctic state, own citizens, but the growing field of interna- Russia, with a long tradition of totalitarian tional human rights law now sets minimum government and a centrally directed economy standards. Much of this body of law is con- only recently interrupted by the collapse of the cerned with the human rights of individuals Soviet Union. These dramatically different tra- (e.g. basic civil and political rights) but the main ditions permeate the ways in which citizens instruments also recognize a collective right: the conceive of rights in relation to the state. They right of self-determination of peoples. This is a

Ratification of universal and regional international human rights instruments Canada Denmark Finland Iceland Norway Russia Sweden US European Convention on Human Rights ✓ (1953) ✓ (1990) ✓ (1953) ✓ (1952) ✓ (1998) ✓ (1952) European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages ✓✓signed ✓ signed ✓ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) ✓✓✓✓✓✓✓✓ Optional Protocol to the ICCPR ✓✓✓✓✓✓✓ Convention on Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) ✓✓✓✓✓✓✓✓ ILO Convention 107 ILO Convention 169 ✓ (1996) ✓ (1990) Int’l Covenant on Economic and Social Rights ✓✓✓✓✓✓✓ Inter-American Convention on Human Rights American Declaration of the Rights & Duties of Man ✓✓ = not a party ✓ = a party to the treaty by accession or ratification signed = the state has signed the treaty thereby indicating support for the object and purpose of the treaty but has yet to become bound by the instrument by ratification or accession. 104 Arctic Human Development Report

human right that is interdependent and interre- deprived of their natural resources and their lated with and indivisible from all other human own means of subsistence, as articulated in the rights. This right of peoples is also a prerequisite opening article of the Covenant on Civil and to the enjoyment and exercise of all other Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic human rights. and Social Rights. See box below for examples. International human rights law has also A failure of mainstream international human shown an increasing concern for other collective rights instruments to deal adequately with the rights, including the language and cultural situation of indigenous peoples has led to a sec- rights of minorities, and for the distinctive rights ond approach: to create international instru- of indigenous peoples. The standards estab- ments that specifically protect indigenous peo- lished by international human rights instru- ples. This approach has led to Convention 169 ments are of universal significance, but the rele- concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in vant international treaties include not only Independent Countries of the International global instruments sponsored by the United Labour Organization (ILO). There are also con- Nations but also regional instruments that tinuing efforts to adopt a Declaration on the apply within Europe or to the Americas. Rights of Indigenous Peoples under the auspices There are two basic approaches to ensuring of the United Nations Commission on Human the rights of indigenous peoples within interna- Rights. Of the eight Arctic states, only Denmark tional human rights law. One approach locates and Norway have ratified ILO 169. Sweden has indigenous peoples’ rights in general principles signed the instrument and both Sweden and of equality and non-discrimination (18). It Finland continue to study ratification. Russia emphasizes that special measures may be has indicated that it has commenced preparato- required to rectify historical discrimination. It ry work related to ratification. Article 14 of also emphasizes that indigenous peoples are Convention 169 deals with land rights and is “peoples” for the purposes of the right of self- particularly important in the context of this determination. This includes the right not to be chapter.

Can general international law on human rights be used to protect indigenous peoples’ rights? Arctic indigenous peoples have tried to use the region.” The Human Rights Committee noted that right of individual petition to the Human Rights in making its assessment it would consider the Committee for alleged violations of the provisions effective participation of minorities in decisions of the International Covenant on Civil and that affect them. In the end, the Human Rights Political Rights (especially its Article 27 protection Committee concluded that the small-scale nature of the rights of minorities) pursuant to the terms of the operation did not constitute a denial of of the Optional Protocol to that Covenant. One Article 27 rights but warned that large scale and such case is Länsman et al. v. Finland in 1992 (19). expanded operations might. The petitioners, Saami reindeer herders, contend- The Human Rights Committee has empha- ed that the state, by authorizing a quarrying oper- sized that a state may need to take positive meas- ation within a traditional and sacred territory, was ures for the benefit of minorities (20). While a breaching their Article 27 rights: petitioner may use the Human Rights Committee “In those States in which ethnic, religious or to vindicate individual rights under the linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to Covenant, the Optional Protocol procedure can- such minorities shall not be denied the right, in not be used to vindicate the rights of peoples, community with the other members of their including the right of self-determination under group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and Article 1 (20). However, the Human Rights practise their own religion, or to use their own Committee does take the view that the country language.” reports of state parties to the International The Human Rights Committee held that rein- Covenant on Civil and Political Rights should deer husbandry, whether pursued using tradition- cover Article 1 rights. al or modern means, was an essential element of Similarly, the Committee on the Elimination of Saami culture falling within the protection of Racial Discrimination (21) requires state party Article 27, but that not all state-sanctioned activi- reports to address the position of indigenous peo- ties will amount to a denial of Article 27 rights. ples and further “calls upon States parties to rec- “The question … is whether the impact is so sub- ognize and protect the rights of indigenous peo- stantial that it does effectively deny the [petition- ples to own, develop, control and use their com- ers] the right to enjoy their cultural rights in that munal lands, territories and resources …”(22). Legal Systems 105 Chapter 6 The approach that specifically highlights of indigenous and local communities. indigenous peoples’ rights is also evident in Institutionally, the approach has led to the cre- multilateral environmental agreements. A case ation of a United Nations Permanent Forum on in point is the ongoing efforts to elaborate Indigenous Issues (22). Arctic indigenous peo- Article 8(j) of the Convention on Biological ples play a key role in that forum. The chair is a Diversity dealing with the ecological knowledge prominent Saami: Ole Henrik Magga. The two approaches are not incompatible. For example, one of the objectives of the Draft Declaration on ILO Convention (No. 169) concerning the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is to make it Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in clear that fundamental norms of international Independent Countries: Article 14 human rights law are equally applicable to 1. The rights of ownership and possession of indigenous peoples. the peoples concerned over the lands which they traditionally occupy shall be recog- In summary, the widespread adoption of inter- nized. In addition, measures shall be taken national human rights instruments in the in appropriate cases to safeguard the right decades following World War II has transformed of the peoples concerned to use lands not the nature and scope of international law and exclusively occupied by them, but to which established standards against which to measure they have traditionally had access for their domestic laws and practice that affect indigenous subsistence and traditional activities. peoples. This work is part of the larger process of Particular attention shall be paid to the situ- decolonization and has yet to be concluded. ation of nomadic peoples and shifting culti- Many fundamental aspects remain contentious. vators in this respect. Some Arctic states appear reluctant to accept the 2. Governments shall take steps as necessary non-discriminatory application of fundamental to identify the lands which the peoples con- cerned traditionally occupy, and to guaran- human rights to indigenous peoples. tee effective protection of their rights of This chapter does not assess the extent to ownership and possession. which the Arctic states conform to international 3. Adequate procedures shall be established standards for the protection of the rights of within the national legal system to resolve indigenous peoples. The remainder of this sec- land claims by the peoples concerned. tion will instead look at the domestic laws of the Arctic states in light of four questions:

Draft United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples The Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous intending to have it adopted by the United Peoples comprises 45 articles. Some deal with fun- Nations General Assembly within the damental human rights, including the right of International Decade of the World’s Indigenous self-determination of indigenous peoples and the Peoples (1993-2004). Since then, this working right of indigenous peoples not to be subject to group has met annually. The representatives of ethnocide and cultural genocide. Other articles indigenous peoples are actively involved in its deal with the ownership and control of lands and work but only member governments of the resources and the right to withhold consent to Commission on Human Rights are entitled to proposed developments within traditional territo- vote. The current process is thus more state-cen- ries. There are also articles that deal with language tered than the early work. rights and other social and cultural rights. Progress is painfully slow and there remain The Draft Declaration was originally adopted in disagreements on foundational articles. For 1993 by the Working Group on Indigenous example, some governments remain opposed to Populations. This working group was established the use of the word “peoples” in the Draft in 1982 by a sub-commission of the Commission Declaration, precisely because it is “peoples” to on Human Rights. It consists of independent whom the right of self-determination applies. experts and members of the sub-commission but Others emphasise the principle of territorial is open to all representatives of indigenous peo- integrity and argue that while indigenous peo- ples and their communities and organizations. ples may have a right of self-determination, such Once the Working Group on Indigenous a right should be limited to internal self-determi- Populations had adopted the Draft Declaration, nation (23). Similarly, there is no consensus on the Commission on Human Rights established a the articles dealing with land and resource own- working group to elaborate the declaration ership by indigenous peoples. 106 Arctic Human Development Report

Constitutional provisions protecting indigenous peoples Canada: section 35. “The existing aboriginal and enabling the Saami people to preserve and devel- treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Canada op its language, culture and way of life.” are hereby recognized and affirmed.” Russia: Article 68(3). “The Russian Federation Finland: section17. “The Sami, as an indigenous shall guarantee all its peoples the right to preserve people, as well as the Roma and other groups, their native language and to create the conditions have the right to maintain and develop their own for its study and development.” language and culture. Provisions on the right of Article 69. “The Russian Federation guarantees the Sami to use the Sami language before the the rights of small indigenous peoples in accor- authorities are laid down by an Act.” dance with the generally accepted principles and section 121. “In their native region, the Sami have standards of international law and international linguistic and cultural self-government, as provid- treaties of the Russian Federation.” ed by an Act.” Sweden: chapter 2, article 20. “The right of the Norway: Article 110a. “It is the responsibility of Saami population to practise reindeer husbandry the authorities of the State to create conditions is regulated in law.”

1. To what extent does each state provide recognition and protection of indigenous lan- explicit constitutional protection to the guages in most parts of the Arctic. rights of indigenous peoples? In Greenland, Greenlandic and Danish are 2. How does each state protect the language official languages and the Home Rule Act pro- rights of indigenous peoples? vides that “Greenlandic shall be the principal 3. How does each state protect the land rights language” (24). The Faroese Home Rule Act has of indigenous peoples? similar language (25). 4. How does each state protect the gover- For the Saami, both the Finnish and nance rights of indigenous peoples? Norwegian constitutions affirm some aspects of indigenous language rights. In Finland, the Saami language may be used in the courts and Four Arctic states accord explicit with a variety of state offices and agencies with- constitutional protection to the rights in the Saami areas. This is confirmed by the of indigenous peoples terms of a new Saami Language Act that came Four of the eight Arctic states – Canada, into force January 1, 2004 (26). Chapter 3 of the Finland, Norway, and Russia – provide explicit Norwegian Saami Act is devoted to Saami lan- constitutional protection for the rights of guage rights and recognizes a right to use Saami indigenous peoples. Specific protection is not an in communications with government bodies issue in Iceland. The Swedish constitution refers and local governments and within the court sys- to the Saami interest in reindeer herding but tem within the Saami language administrative does not provide formal constitutional protec- region. This includes the municipalities of tion to Saami rights and interests. Federal states Karasjok, Kautokaino, Nesseby, Porsanger, (e.g. the United States) may indirectly protect Kåfjord, and Tana. The Swedish Saami language indigenous rights, for example by insulating legislation is similar to the Finnish and indigenous peoples from the application of the Norwegian models. Under the 1999 Saami state laws of sub-units of the federation. Language Act, Saami in the municipalities of Kiruna, Jokkmokk, Gällivare, and Arjeplog have Language rights the right to communicate in Saami orally and in Indigenous languages are an important aspect writing with local and regional governments of practicing, maintaining and revitalizing and the courts. indigenous culture. One measure of the recog- In Russia, article 68 of the constitution estab- nition of language rights is the extent to which lishes Russian as the official language. It does indigenous languages are accorded “official” not provide official status to indigenous lan- status. A language has “official” status if the guages although the same article does guaran- government has a duty to communicate in that tee all peoples (i.e. indigenous and non-indige- language and if it is a permissible language in at nous) the right to preserve their native lan- least some official fora such as the legislature or guage. Republics of the federation may accord the courts. The general trend is an increased official status to other languages but in practice Legal Systems 107 Chapter 6 this authority has not been used to privilege the Finland, and Russia, indigenous ownership languages of indigenous peoples. rights continue to be the subject of debate. In at In Canada, there is no constitutional protec- least Norway, Sweden and Finland, this debate tion of indigenous language rights but in the is very much framed in terms of compliance past 10-15 years all three Arctic territories have with international instruments and especially taken statutory measures to give some official International Labour Organization Convention recognition of indigenous languages. For exam- 169, which is not the case in Canada and the ple, the Northwest Territories Official United States. Languages Act provides that “Chipewyan, Cree, In the Nordic countries, the courts have Dogrib, English, French, Gwich’in, Inuktitut played an important role in raising issues and Slavey are the Official Languages of the around ownership and resource rights. For Territories.” This allows any person to use any of example, the Swedish Supreme Court decision these languages in the debates and other pro- in Skattefjällsmålet (the Tax Mountain case) in ceedings of the legislative assembly. However, 1981 rejected Saami claims of ownership in the many other rights typically associated with offi- County of Jämtland near the Norwegian bor- cial status (e.g. the language of statutes and the der. But that court also suggested that Saami right to use the language in a court) are con- might have a stronger claim in areas further fined to French and English. The government of north where Saami use of land and resources the new territory of Nunavut is attempting to go was more intensive (29). In Norway, the con- beyond language rights to incorporate Inuit troversy surrounding the development of a dam knowledge and values into the very process of on the Alta River in the Saami area led to the government (27). creation of the Saami Rights Commission, “Official” status is merely part of the picture which presented reports in 1984 and 1997 deal- of language rights. A more complete assess- ing with the rights of Saami under both ment would also look at the support offered to Norwegian and international law (28). The indigenous languages in popular media and to Norwegian Supreme Court has recognized the language of education in schools. For exam- Saami ownership rights in its Selbu and ple, while indigenous languages have no offi- Svartskogen decisions (31). Moreover, the cial status in Alaska, in 2000 the state legisla- Norwegian Parliament, Stortinget, is currently ture did enact the Native Language Education (2003) considering a new law, the Finnmark Act, which both documents the impending loss Land Act. This Act recognizes the distinct enti- of Alaskan Native languages and allows for, tlements of both Saami and non-Saami and in some cases requires, the creation of lan- Norwegians (32) within the Finnmark area, see guage curriculum advisory boards for school box on page 108. The Norwegian Government boards. (See Chapter 10. Education). also appointed a Saami Rights Commission in 2001 to look at the Saami land rights question in Land and resource rights the area south of Finnmark. Indigenous ownership rights merit distinctive As part of its decision-making on whether or treatment because of the cultural importance of not to ratify International Labour Organization connection to land and because of the potential Convention 169, Finland has been actively economic benefits associated with land and studying the question of Saami land rights since resource ownership. Two general trends emerge. 1999. To that end, the government commis- The first is a more vocal critique of the assump- sioned a series of expert reports studying ques- tion that states gained title to lands occupied by tions of land ownership within the Saami indigenous peoples upon settlement or the homeland (34). acquisition of sovereignty (28). A second less At present the Finnish Ministry of Justice has developed trend suggests that Arctic states may nominated a four-person research group to be progressing from the minimalist position of examine the situation. This project should be recognizing indigenous rights to use land and finished by the end of 2004. The situation is sim- resources towards a recognition of exclusive ilar in Sweden where the implications of ownership rights or land title (29-30). In fact, International Labour Organization Convention the United States and Canada have taken steps 169 are also under study (35). Sweden takes the to recognize exclusive indigenous title for view that it cannot ratify until it can define the selected and agreed tracts of land. In other outer boundaries of the reindeer husbandry area Arctic states, including Norway, Sweden, and has thus appointed (36) a boundary com- 108 Arctic Human Development Report

The proposed Finnmark Land Act In April 2003 the Norwegian Government pre- culture, reindeer husbandry, economic activity, sented a new law, the Finnmarksloven or and social life. In some cases the final decision will Finnmark Land Act to the Storting for its approval. rest with the King in Council. Other provisions of Its objective is the management of the land and the Finnmark Act protect the harvesting rights of resources of Finnmark “in a balanced and ecolog- other residents of the Finnmark County and in ically sustainable manner in the best interests of some cases the rights of other Norwegians. Saami culture, reindeer husbandry, economic The Sámediggi has voiced serious criticism of activity and social life, the inhabitants of the coun- the proposed act on the grounds that it disregards ty and the public in general.” the work of the Saami Rights Committee estab- The main vehicle to reach this objective is the lished after the Alta River dam controversy (1980). proposed Finnmark Management Commission, In particular, the Sámediggi argues that the act which will have equal numbers of members elect- does not comply with Norway’s obligations under ed by the Finnmark County Council and the International Labour Organization Convention Sámediggi (the Saami Parliament), and a seventh 169 and under the International Covenant on Civil member appointed by the King in Council. The and Political Rights. Two law professors commis- commission’s responsibilities include the right to sioned by the Judiciary Committee of the Storting withhold approval for proposed changes in the have expressed similar doubts and the Committee use of uncultivated lands, and proposals to sell or on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has lease such lands. Some matters can be referred to signaled its concerns that the act “will significant- the Sámediggi. The commission is also supposed ly limit the control and decision-making powers of to take account of guidelines developed by the the Saami population over the right to own and Sámediggi in making its decisions. These guide- use land and natural resources in Finnmark lines may deal with the evaluation of how changes County” (33). Accordingly, the fate of this legisla- in the use of uncultivated land will impact Saami tive initiative is not clear.

mission to formulate proposals for the defini- (40). Since 1990, there have been various efforts tion of the boundaries for Saami reindeer breed- to recognize the land and resource use rights of ing areas. indigenous peoples. In Canada, the Delgamuukw decision (37) of An early federal step, the Presidential Ukase the Supreme Court of Canada represents a clear No. 397 of 1992, urged the subjects of the fed- basis for recognizing the concept of indigenous eration to establish “territories of traditional title in Canadian law. While the full implications use,” which would not be available for indus- of that decision are still being worked through trial activities without the consent of the in lower courts (38-39), Delgamuukw suggests indigenous people (16, 41). Implementation of that an indigenous title may include significant this and other related initiatives has been “spa- resource rights, including oil and gas rights. In tially irregular” and many governments did the Arctic area of Canada, most title claims have nothing (41-42). More recently, the federal been settled through negotiated land claim government has passed a number of special agreements. The US Government took a similar laws to supplement the ukase. These laws approach with the passage of the Alaska Native include the laws “On guarantees of Indigenous Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) in 1971. In Minority Peoples of the Russian Federation addition to conferring ownership rights to land Rights” (1999), “On General Principles of and resources on Native regional and village Organizing Communities of Indigenous corporations, ANSCA contained a clause pur- Minority Peoples [obshchinas] of the North, porting to extinguish any remaining indigenous Siberia and the Far East of the Russian rights and title within Alaska. Clauses with sim- Federation” (2000), and “On Territories of ilar effects are included in most modern Traditional Use of Natural Resources by Canadian land claim agreements. The existence Indigenous Minority Peoples of the North, of indigenous offshore rights and title remains Siberia and the Far East of the Russian contentious. Federation” (2001). Within the Russian North there are more Efforts to territorialize indigenous rights than 30 numerically small peoples and a com- have been based on the (re)construction of plex interaction of federal laws relating to obshchinas (family clans or communes) indigenous peoples and the laws of the sub- (16, 43). An obshchina may petition the okrug units, or subjects, of the Russian Federation or oblast for the allocation of land in order to Legal Systems 109 Chapter 6 continue such traditional activities as hunting and reindeer herding. Title remains with the Governance rights state. The actual practice has varied. While The authority to govern oneself as a people is an both the original ukase and the federal law of important aspect of self-determination. To what 2000 are explicitly directed at indigenous peo- extent and how do the legal systems of the ples, the territorial laws (e.g. Sakha Republic) Arctic states recognize the self-governing in some cases refer more generally to those capacity of indigenous peoples? As described in engaged in traditional activities (43). There is Chapter 5. Political Systems, there are two models also considerable diversity in the form of for self-governance in the Arctic: territorial or tenure. The ukase contemplated lands being regional public governments that may afford a granted in perpetuity, but in many cases the significant degree of self-government to all res- tenure has been much more limited (44). Title idents of a region, and self-government based to these lands has not been transferred and on indigenous membership. It is difficult to there remains considerable opposition in identify a trend towards one approach or the Russia to the privatization of land and other. resources (16). While the recognition of territo- The Greenland Home Rule Government and ries of traditional use and the allocation of land Nunavut provide two well-known examples of to obshchinas offer protection to numerically public governments. The position is more com- small peoples, there are also cases in which plex in Alaska. In the United States, the “most indigenous peoples have lost land and resource basic principle” of federal Indian law is the rights. This includes the decision of the recognition of an inherent right of tribal self- Murmansk administration to lease parts of the government (45) but it has proven difficult to Ponoi River to private fishing interests without work through the implications of this in light of regard to the interests of the Saami and Nenets the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act peoples of the Kola Peninsula. In other cases (ANCSA). The position seems to be that Native (e.g. in the Khanti-Mansiisk region of Siberia), villages continue as self-governing entities but family and clan lands have been acquired by oil that they lack a territorial basis (46). According and gas interests either with no regard for the to the US Supreme Court, the decision to trans- traditional owners or for purely nominal con- fer lands to Native-owned corporations rather sideration (16). than to tribal governments was inconsistent

Home Rule in Greenland and the Faroe Islands In 1999/2000, the Greenland Home Rule will further the process for the exercise of indige- Government established the Commission on nous self-determination. Self-Governance with the mandate to explore Home Rule in the Faroe Islands has developed Greenland’s status and place in the Danish in a different direction, and may come to follow the realm in light of the evolution of international precedent of Iceland. The Icelandic Althing was law. dissolved in 1800 and Iceland came under direct The Commission was comprised of nine mem- Danish control. Following a struggle for independ- bers appointed by the Landsstyre and undertook ence that began in 1830, Iceland had a home rule to gain the perspectives of other indigenous peo- government with legislative and executive powers ples as well as academics and scholars with a by 1904. By 1918 a treaty between Iceland and background in the area of international law and Denmark stipulated that Iceland was a sovereign self-determination. The Commission’s Executive country that continued to recognize the Danish Summary identified and addressed the areas of king. In 1944 Iceland annulled the treaty in accor- self-governance and resources; economic strategy dance with its terms and declared itself a republic. and industrial development; public administration In the general election to the Faroese Lagting in and human resources; self-sufficiency; language; April 1998, the parties favoring autonomy or sever- increasing capacity and political development; the ance from Denmark gained the majority, and in possible formation of a Joint Commission with September 1999 the Faroese Government pub- Denmark through a Partnership Treaty on foreign lished a white paper about Faroese sovereignty. and security policy; and a plebiscite in 2006. Under From amongst several other options, the white the coalition government between the Inuit paper proposed a model of free association Ataqatigiit and Siumut parties (1999), the Ministry between the Faroes and Denmark based upon the of Self-Governance, Mineral Resources and Justice Denmark-Iceland treaty of 1918 (47). 110 Arctic Human Development Report

Equality and Self-Deter- which addresses norms for indigenous peoples’ human rights, a troubling discussion was prompt- ed by nation States introducing a notion of “inter- mination in the Arctic nal” and “external” self-determination. This false dichotomy is used to confine indigenous peoples’ An Advocate Historical and contemporary social, political, and right to self-determination, making it dependent Speaks economic forces have resulted in far-reaching on domestic policies on internal autonomy or self- adverse consequences on virtually every aspect of government. Such positions are incompatible with Dalee Sambo Dorough, the lives and traditional territories of the Inuit, international law. It is also not in line with the role Inuit Circumpolar Saami and other Arctic indigenous peoples. To that indigenous peoples already play as interna- Conference* redress these impacts, new levels of international tional actors by participating at the United cooperation, along with commitments to human Nations, the Arctic Council, and other interna- rights are essential. This is consistent with a new tional fora, and thereby exercising their right to phase of democracy that we are currently witness- self-determination external to the nation states. ing, which fosters the “international hearing” of indigenous voices, languages, and worldviews. Ongoing discrimination Some of the most troubling positions have been Peoples’ right to self determination expressed by the United States. In regard to self- Since 1982, the United Nations has been engaged determination and territorial integrity, the recent in human rights standard setting to address the statements made by the United States rely on the rights of indigenous peoples (1). Specifically, false dichotomy of “internal” and “external” according to the UN Charter, the United Nations dimensions of self-determination and the idea that and its member states have a solemn responsibil- we must “create” a new right or a different right of ity to promote universal respect for, and obser- self-determination for indigenous peoples than vance of human rights for all. Indigenous peoples what currently exists for “all peoples” under inter- in the Arctic must be assured the full enjoyment national law. These positions have been met with and exercise of their human rights without dis- strong opposition by the Inuit, Crees, and numer- crimination. A human rights approach is the opti- ous other indigenous peoples and organizations. mal way to effectively address the debilitating and In regard to land and resource rights, both the ongoing legacy of colonialism and dispossession. government of Canada and the United States have A key aspect of human rights is the principle of taken positions that are inconsistent with their equality. For indigenous peoples in the Arctic and commitments under the international human other regions of the globe, this has yet to be real- rights covenants relating to self-determination ized. The failure of many states to fully respect this and in the context of the Arctic Council. Here principle is especially evident in the ongoing dia- Canada claims to be committed to sustainable logue between indigenous peoples and nation development, improved health conditions and states concerning land and resource rights and cultural well-being, and the protection of the self-determination. Arctic environment in partnership with indigenous Article 1(1) of the International Covenant on peoples. If the U.S. and Canada continue to Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant of undermine our exercise of self-determination, and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights provides especially our rights to lands, territories and that “[a]ll peoples have the right of self-determi- resources, then their idea of “partnership” appears nation.” States have an affirmative obligation to to be one of continuing paternalistic control and fully apply this article equally to indigenous and diminution of our most fundamental rights. non-indigenous peoples. In relation to indigenous A number of other States have also claimed that peoples, States have no authority to impose new the draft UN Declaration on the Rights of qualifications, limitations, or any other discrimi- Indigenous Peoples must be altered in a way that natory double standards. Though the eight States entrenches the principle of territorial integrity of in the Arctic Council have been directly involved States. Most indigenous peoples vehemently at the United Nations and relatively engaged with oppose such proposals since they are unnecessary. indigenous peoples throughout the standard-set- In addition, some States are already invoking ter- ting process, indigenous land and resource rights ritorial integrity in abusive and illegitimate ways. and the right to self-determination are still being This has the potential of stifling the natural evolu- treated as extremely contentious matters. tion of the right to self-determination under inter- The right to self-determination is inherent or national law. pre-existing. It is not subject to the whims or dis- The principle of territorial integrity is already cretion of any government. Consistent with prin- incorporated in a balanced manner as an integral ciples of equality and justice, it is expressed, exer- part of international law. States are well aware cised, and manifested in different ways by differ- that not only this but also other existing princi- ent peoples. ples and rules in international law will still be At the 1997 session of the UN Commission on applied in any given situation, to the extent they Human Rights Intersessional Working Group, may be applicable, in determining the meaning Legal Systems 111 Chapter 6 and scope of the right of peoples to self-determi- States can invoke the principle of territorial nation. Like self-determination, the principle of integrity. territorial integrity is evolving. The principle is no longer tied solely to nation States. Rather, the Rights are necessary for effective action integrity of indigenous peoples’ territories and The essential message from Arctic indigenous other basic interests are also intimately linked to peoples has been consistent and clear: there is a this principle (2). need to deal with the growing and urgent issues that pose a threat to our Arctic homelands. In this Benefit rather than threat wide-ranging context, States must be prepared to The right of peoples to self-determination is not abide by peremptory norms, such as the prohibi- an absolute right without limitations (3). It is a rel- tion against racial discrimination. It is only ative right that does not confer on any one people through the full realization of our basic human the right to deny other peoples the same right on rights that we can take effective action through an equal footing. It does not include any right to the Arctic Council and other fora of the global oppress other peoples. community to respond to these objectives. If The international community is well aware that Arctic indigenous peoples are to ensure our col- few, if any, indigenous peoples seek full independ- lective security in cultural, social, economic, polit- ence as nation-states. Yet certain states, suggest or ical, and environmental terms, States must thus at least imply that the explicit recognition of affirm and respect our basic rights, values, cus- indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination is toms, practices and perspectives. This is especially a threat to territorial integrity. Current develop- crucial, so that we may continue our stewardship ments in Canada, for example, where the self- of the environment and contribute to the security determining actions of indigenous peoples have and integrity of our territories for the benefit of effectively contributed to safeguarding territorial present and future generations. integrity over the past two decades, demonstrate the reverse. Specifically, in the context of Québec References secession, the democratic actions of James Bay 1. United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Cree people have far exceeded what the Populations prepared the draft UN Declaration Government of Canada itself had done to secure on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples presently its borders as an existing State (4). Furthermore, under review at the Commission on Human the political, demographic, and economic realities Rights Open Ended Inter-Sessional Working do not point to indigenous peoples as a major Group, UN Doc E/CN4/Sub2/1994/2/Add1. threat in terms of State dismemberment, impair- 2 U. Umozurike, Self-Determination in International ment or disruption. Law (Archon Books, Hamden, 1972), p. 234: “... Ironically, the most powerful and affluent nation the ultimate purpose of territorial integrity is to in the world, the United States, also starts from the safeguard the interests of the peoples of a terri- false premise that indigenous peoples globally are tory. The concept of territorial integrity is there- a genuine threat in a national security context and fore meaningful so long as it continues to fulfill has attempted to build upon this unfounded fear that purpose to all the sections of the people.” 3. R. McCorquodale, “Human rights and self- (5). The United States is of the view that self-deter- determination” in The New World Order [:] mination must be addressed within the context of Sovereignty, Human Rights, and the Self- “management and control over internal affairs”, Determination of Peoples, M. Sellers, Ed. (Berg, declaring that international law does not “accord Oxford/Washington, D.C.,1996), chap. 9 p. 16: indigenous groups everywhere the right to self- “The right to self-determination is not ... an determination.” In many instances, the United absolute right without any limitations.” States has thus evaded affirming the collective or 4. See generally: Grand Council of the Crees, group rights of indigenous peoples, repeatedly Sovereign Injustice [:] Forcible Inclusion of the James calling for reference to “persons belonging to Bay Crees and Cree Territory into a Sovereign Québec minorities” and the exercise of individual rights “in (Nemaska, Québec, 1995); “Grand Council of the community with other members of their group.” Crees (Eeyou Istchee), Bill 99: A Sovereign Act of In large part, the United States in effect con- Dispossession, Dishonour and Disgrace,” Brief trols whether the principle of territorial integrity submitted to the National Assembly Committee applies or not in any given situation relating to on Institutions, February 2000; Grand Council of the U.S. Under international law States are the Crees (Eeyou Istchee), “Canada’s Clarity Bill required to respect the principles of equal rights and Aboriginal Peoples: A Strategy of Omission, and self-determination of all peoples and to Exclusion and Disempowerment,” Brief submit- refrain from forcible actions that deprive peoples ted to the House of Commons Legislative of the right to self-determination. States must Committee on Bill C-20, February 2000. also have a democratic government that is repre- 5. National Security Council (U.S.) “Position on sentative of the whole people belonging to a ter- Indigenous Peoples”, January 18, 2001. ritory, without distinction as to race, creed, or color. Should these conditions be met, then such * EditorÕs note: This article presents the personal views of the author. 112 Arctic Human Development Report

with the application of tribal taxing laws to those lands. That said, tribal governments still Theme summary have jurisdiction over their members and other Developments in the international law of internal affairs with respect to such matters as human rights since World War II offer signifi- adoption, tribal courts and internal governance cant protections for indigenous peoples. The (45). In addition, indigenous peoples in Alaska domestic laws of Arctic states illustrate a range have also been able to take advantage of their of responses. While there is an increased recog- demographic dominance in some areas and nition of the language rights of indigenous peo- have used public government models to exercise ples, there is greater reluctance to recognize effective law-making powers, including proper- land ownership rights. Where there is increased ty taxation and planning powers, over large ter- recognition of land rights, courts have often ritories. played the catalytic role. There is a debate about The position in Canada is not uniform either. the role of public governments and indigenous Nunavut represents a public government governments in fulfilling the self-government model, as does Nunavik in Northern Quebec. aspirations of indigenous peoples. Where There are counter examples in Yukon and indigenous peoples are in a clear majority (e.g. Northwest Territories, where land claim agree- Nunavut, Greenland), they embrace public ments recognize an ethnically based law-mak- government as a possible vehicle for self-gov- ing capacity. This is the case, for example, with ernment. Where indigenous peoples are in a the self-government agreements in Yukon (48). minority, and the discussion centers on resi- There are on-going negotiations in the dency, subsistence, and traditional practices Northwest Territories to recognize a similar rather than on indigenous heritage and empha- capacity for self-government. sizes the form rather than the substance of In Russia, the settler population vastly out- non-discrimination, public forms of govern- numbers the indigenous population in all of the ment fail to protect indigenous interests from autonomous regions, and public government majoritarianism. models are not able to provide for indigenous self-government (49). Instead, the obshchina has come to serve as a territorial base for self- Property rights and rights government. Another possibility would involve to develop natural using native counties (rayony) and native village administratsii (first established during the resources Soviet era), but relatively few counties have a The Arctic is rich in natural resources, but who majority native population. In some cases, vil- owns these resources? This section covers the lages have combined the powers of an obshchi- forms of ownership within the Arctic states, dis- na and a native village. Overall, the geography tribution of ownership and control within feder- of self-government in Russia is best described as al states, and the schemes for allowing private archipelagic (50). parties to acquire public resources. In addition Three Nordic states have established Saami to this overview, further detail is presented in parliaments: Finland in 1973, Norway in 1989, Chapter 7. Resource Governance. and Sweden in 1993. While these parliaments do not have law-making authority, they have Public or private ownership important consultative and advisory roles. For While subject to increasingly vocal claims of example, in Finland, the state is obliged to indigenous ownership, there is a remarkably negotiate with the Saami Parliament on all far- consistent policy of public ownership of the sur- reaching and important measures that may face estate of land throughout the Arctic. To take affect the status of Saami as an indigenous peo- but one example, the state claims ownership of ple, including decisions with respect to the use approximately 90% of the lands of the Saami of state lands and mineral interests. The Saami homeland area of Finland. Similar figures apply Parliament in Norway may, on its own initiative, in Sweden. Public ownership dominates even in raise any matters and issues of concern to the those states in which private ownership tends to Saami people (51). There is no Saami parliament be more significant in the non-Arctic parts of in Russia. the country, such as the United States. In some cases continued public ownership of resources is legally mandated. For example, the Alaska Legal Systems 113 Chapter 6 Statehood Act requires the state to reserve min- Republic and the Sakhalin Oblast) (52). As a eral rights on any sale of the surface. In other result, there is a considerable transfer of author- cases, public ownership is simply a presump- ity to the regions. tion, or is required by policy (e.g. Finland, Greenland has another version of a two-key Greenland, Canada, Russia, Sweden, and principle. According to the Home Rule Act, the Norway). In Iceland and the other Nordic coun- residents of Greenland have fundamental rights tries, lands may be owned publicly or privately, to the natural resources. At the same time, the and public lands may be subject to limited pri- Mineral Resources Act provides that any per- vate ownership rights especially for summer mission to prospect or exploit natural resources pasture for livestock. Where lands are privately requires the approval of both the Danish owned in the Nordic countries, the title gener- Government and the Home Rule Government. ally includes ownership of natural resources, Joint management of the resources (minerals although the right to develop those resources and oil and gas) is facilitated through a Joint will be highly regulated. The offshore oil and gas Committee consisting of equal numbers of and mineral resources of Arctic states are uni- Home Rule and Danish representatives. versally owned by the state, subject to the Revenues from mineral activities are to be split potential title claims of indigenous peoples. 50:50 between the two governments with a fur- ther revenue sharing arrangement to be worked Public ownership of resources within out in the event that revenues exceed DKK 500 federal systems million a year. At present there is only limited Within the unitary states of the Arctic, title to production. the publicly owned non-renewable natural In the Faroe Islands, Denmark has recognized resources is vested in central governments since 1992 that the Faroese Government has rather than local or regional governments. In executive and legislative responsibility for sub- Canada all publicly owned resources were soil resources including resources in the territo- owned by the federal government until fairly rial sea and continental shelf. recently. This is still the case in the Northwest Territories and Nunavut but not Yukon. Canada Disposition systems transferred administration and control of oil and The way in which a state transfers the right to gas rights to Yukon in 1998 and all other develop natural resources to private interests is resources (with the exception of water) in 2003. referred to as a disposition system. While there Over time, the Northwest Territories and is some variation in resource disposition Nunavut are likely to follow this trend. The schemes for different non-renewable resources, marine areas adjacent to these territories will be it is possible to make one general observation. jointly managed by the territories and the feder- In all cases the interest owners, i.e. the mining al governments. and petroleum companies, must also comply In Alaska, the federal government owns sig- with relevant land use planning, conservation nificant blocks of lands including national and environmental rules. forests, large national parks, and national Hard rock minerals are generally disposed of wildlife refuges. It also owns strategic natural under one of three types of schemes: free-entry, petroleum reserves. The rest largely belongs to some form of competitive leasing (as is typical the state or Native corporations. There is no for oil and gas resources where the rights are immediate or long-term prospect of the further sold to the highest bidder), or negotiated con- transfer of federal resources to the state. cession. Under a free entry scheme, anyone Russia offers a very different federal model. may prospect for mineral resources on publicly The constitution provides that the federal gov- owned lands and “stake” minerals that they ernment and the sub-units of the federation discover (53-54). The three Canadian territories, both have powers over mineral resources, creat- Alaska, and Finland all use a free entry system ing the so-called “two-key principle.” The fed- or a free-entry-like scheme. The other Arctic eral government has enacted a law according to states (e.g. Greenland, Sweden, Russia) use a which all subsoil resources are vested in the fed- negotiated concession or leasing scheme. If eral state. The joint jurisdiction has been imple- there is a trend, it is a movement from ground mented through agreements that transfer the staking to map staking and then to leasing authority to license subsoil use for all or a por- schemes. However, free-entry schemes have tion of the deposits to the regions (e.g. the Komi proven to be remarkably resilient notwith- 114 Arctic Human Development Report

standing the power they accord to mining Islands concluded that international market interests to determine the use to which public conditions would not support a state carried lands will be put. interest (i.e. share) for its first petroleum leasing Arctic oil and gas disposition regimes are pre- round in 2000. Continuing state participation dominantly work or bonus-bid leasing schemes. seems most widespread in the hydro-electricity In a bonus bid scheme, the rights are awarded sector (e.g. northern Canada, the Kemijoki to the highest bidder and in a work bid scheme River development in Finland, and Greenland the rights go to the party committing to the where the state-owned company has a monop- most work (e.g. seismic and drilling activity). oly). In some states (e.g. Denmark/Greenland, This is the case for Alaska, Greenland, and Norway, and Russia), state participation contin- Canada (federal and Yukon). It is also the main ues in the oil and gas sector. scheme in Russia, which has also used produc- tion sharing agreements in a few cases. Leasing Theme summary schemes have much in common, but there can Three points emerge from the discussion on still be great differences in how much govern- property rights and rights to develop natural ments must consult with indigenous peoples resources. First, public ownership of land and and others, including non-governmental organ- resources dominate in the Arctic regions of izations, about the planning and environmental Arctic states. Second, within the federal states, effects before deciding to lease lands. Alaskan there is an important continuing federal role in law imposes very strict and formal require- Arctic non-renewable resource ownership and ments, but the procedure is less demanding in management but also evidence of the transfer of other jurisdictions such as Canada. control of resources to Arctic territories and Local ownership of resources may deliver sig- some experimentation with joint management nificant benefits to local and sub-federal gov- regimes. Third, the non-renewable resource ernment. The benefits flowing from the Prudhoe regimes follow fairly standard models, especial- Bay development to the state of Alaska and ly in the oil and gas sector. more indirectly to the North Slope Borough provide a dramatic illustration of this proposi- More legal authority to tion. See Chapter 7. Resource Governance for fur- ther detail. Arctic regions State participation in developing natural Devolution is the transfer of law-making resources has, for the most part, declined in authority to local or regional governments. recent years. For example, state participation Over the past decades, there is strong evidence rights created in Canada in the early 1980s had of the devolution of legislative power and con- disappeared by the early 1990s. Also, the Faroe trol over resources from the metropolitan cen-

Significant devolution events in the Arctic

Alaska 1958 Alaska Statehood Act: Alaska ceased to be a federal territory and became a state The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANSCA): settlement of indigenous title claims and federal\state 1971 ownership issues 1980 The Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA): settlement of subsistence harvesting entitlements Canada 1984 Settlement of the Inuvialuit claim 1993 Umbrella Final Agreement with Yukon First Nations 1993 Settlement of the Gwich’in, Sahtu and Nunavut Inuit claims 1998 Transfer of ownership and legislative responsibility for oil and gas to Yukon 1999 Creation of Nunavut 2003 Transfer of mineral, forest and land ownership and legislative responsibility to Yukon Nordic countries 1905 Norway’s independence from successively Denmark and Sweden 1917 Finland’s independence from successively Sweden and Russia 1944 Iceland’s independence from Denmark Greenland 1979 Home Rule Act 1985 De-accession from the European Community 1991 Joint authority provisions of the Mineral Resources Act On-going Partnership Treaty Discussions Faroe Islands 1948 Home Rule Act 1992 Assumption of control over onshore and offshore natural resources On-going Discussions over the future international status of the Islands Legal Systems 115 Chapter 6 ters to Arctic regions and Arctic residents. conflict. In Greenland, the Danish Government Major devolution events are presented in the retains a joint interest in resource disposition table on page 114. and development decisions but has abandoned any such claim in relation to the Faroe Islands Devolution across the Arctic Devolution is connected to internal decoloniza- To whom is authority devolved? tion, which is described in Chapter 5. Political As discussed earlier in this chapter, law-making Systems. Devolution has been most obvious for powers are most often transferred to public gov- Greenland and the Faroe Islands in their rela- ernments rather than to authorities based on tionships to Denmark, and in Canada. The ethnicity. This is the case in Greenland, the (now) three Canadian territories, Nunavut, Nordic states, and is the principal model in the Northwest Territories, and Yukon, have yet to Canadian territories. attain provincial status, however. For devolution of resource ownership, the In the United States, there is little prospect of picture is more diverse. Two models dominate. further devolution of authority. In fact, there The first, which we might call the North has been some reversal as federal authorities American Arctic model, has a significant trans- have re-assumed authority for the allocation fer of public resource rights from the federal and regulation of wildlife harvesting on federal government to the state or territorial govern- lands. ments contemporaneously with the recognition In the Nordic countries, there is some possi- of indigenous ownership rights through land bility of continuing devolution of authority but claim agreements. The second model, which more at the level of local or regional gover- dominates in the Nordic countries, favors a nance. For example, in Norway, the proposed more limited recognition of indigenous harvest- Finnmark Land Act would transfer some ele- ing and related rights rather than full-blown ments of ownership and control of resources to ownership. While there is continued discussion the Finnmark Estate (55). In Sweden, a govern- of the further recognition of indigenous proper- ment commission report in 2002 suggested con- ty rights in Finland, Sweden, and Norway, the ferring increased political power and some proposed Norwegian Finnmark Land Act would degree of self-determination on the Saami see presumed state ownership rights transferred Assembly Parliament (36). In Finland, where the to the Finnmark Estate, which is intended to powers of the municipalities are protected to reflect the interests of all Finnmark residents, some degree by the constitution, there has been Saami and non-Saami. In Greenland, further a trend to devolve greater autonomy to munici- devolution of authority appears to assume that palities, including those within Lapland. ownership of resources would lie with the The picture in Russia is very different from the Greenland Home Rule Government rather than rest of the Arctic. The present tendency, which is the indigenous people of Greenland. In Russia, not an Arctic-specific trend, is towards greater transfer of ownership rights to mineral centralization within the federation. resources to indigenous peoples does not seem Even where there are significant transfers of to be permissible, given that a federal law vests legislative responsibility, the metropolitan cen- subsoil resources in the state. The Icelandic ters retain significant control of the Arctic areas model upon independence from Denmark was of their territories. In Nunavut and Northwest simply for Icelanders to assume full responsibil- Territories, the federal government of Canada ity for their own government and resources, and retains ownership and legislative jurisdiction for the same model would presumably obtain for essentially all public lands and resources. This is the Faroe Islands were they to follow a similar in marked contrast to non-Arctic areas of route. Canada where the basic rule is that publicly owned natural resources are vested in the Trend summary province and not the federal government. Even From a medium- to long-term perspective there in Yukon, which now has administration and has been a significant transfer of authority from control of its own resources, the federal govern- the center to Arctic regions. It is particularly evi- ment can disallow territorial laws, resume own- dent in the cases of Alaska, the Canadian Arctic, ership of lands for certain purposes, and make Greenland, and the Faroe Islands. In some cases laws that are inconsistent with Yukon laws. (e.g. Alaska) there is little prospect of further These federal laws would trump in the event of a devolution in the future. There seems to be a 116 Arctic Human Development Report

preference for devolution to public governments how the property rights of indigenous peoples rather than to indigenous governments. In areas should be recognized. This range invites us to where indigenous peoples are in the minority explore different possibilities rather than being and where there is no specific protection for trapped within the limits of a particular jurisdic- indigenous interests, this devolution to a public tion. At the same time, we need a deeper under- government seems consistent with internation- standing of why certain techniques seem to al norms. work in some contexts and not in others, and the potential risks with legal transplants. This Key conclusions and gaps suggests the need for a more rigorous “compar- ative law of the Arctic,” engaging not only legal in knowledge scholars but also people from other disciplines An underlying assumption is this chapter is that as well as local, regional and national govern- sustainable development in the Arctic is con- ments. nected to how well people can assert or re- The final conclusion draws attention to the assert local control of land and resources. Based difference between formal law and actual prac- on a review of how the international and tice. As one moves from the apex of a legal sys- national legal systems support such local con- tem (the constitution) to the base (laws, regula- trol, four conclusions emerge. tions, orders, judicial decisions), norms are Firstly, international human rights instru- articulated with greater and greater precision. ments provide an important standard against This chapter and much of the literature in the which to measure the behavior of different field operate close to the apex of this hierarchy. states. But they have yet to show their full Therefore, many questions about actual prac- potential. While some global instruments are tices remain to be addressed. They include: broadly accepted (e.g. the Covenant on Civil What do constitutional rights actually mean? and Political Rights), others are not accepted by How have they been interpreted and applied? the majority of Arctic states (e.g. International How have they changed peoples’ lives? How do Labour Organization Convention 169). In other the norms of the state interact with folk norms cases, the international standards remain works and the norms of indigenous society? Such in progress (e.g. the Draft Declaration on the inquiries are complex and will require a multi- Rights of Indigenous Peoples). It would still be disciplinary approach as well as a rich array of useful to conduct a rigorous assessment of the case studies. domestic laws and practices of each of the Arctic states in light of generally accepted internation- al norms. A further strategy might be to develop References a standard-setting instrument on the rights of 1. A. Harding, E. Örücü, “Preface,” in Comparative indigenous peoples specific to the Arctic region. Law in the 21st Century, A. Harding, E. Örücü, Arctic states and indigenous peoples might pur- Eds. (Kluwer Law International, The Hague, sue this collectively or through processes that 2002), vii - xii. parallel existing multilateral undertakings like 2. J. E. Stiglitz, Globalization and its Discontents the Draft Declaration. (Penguin Books, London, 2002). 3. M. Trebilcock, R. Howse, The Regulation of Secondly, there are two distinctive approach- International Trade (Routledge, New York, 1999). es to the transfer of legal authority to the Arctic 4. H. Steiner, P. Alston, International Human Rights regions of Arctic states. One approach has been in Context, 2nd ed. (Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford to devolve authority to public governments, 2000). sometimes in conjunction with the settlement 5. P. Birnie, A. Boyle. International Law and the of the land claims of indigenous peoples. The Environment, 2nd ed. (Oxford Univ. Press, other approach has been to recognize the inher- Oxford, 2002). ent self-governing rights of Arctic indigenous 6. D. Downie, T. Fenge, Eds., Northern Lights peoples. Sometimes these two models are com- Against POPs: Combatting Toxic Threats in the Arctic (McGill-Queen’s Univ. Press, Montreal bined. It would be useful to have a clearer and Kingston, 2003). understanding of the respective merits of these 7. H. H. Koh, “Why do nations obey international two approaches and how they fit together, as law?” Yale Law Journal 106: 2599 (1997). well as their compatibility with international 8. H. H. Koh, “Bringing international law home,” human rights instruments. Houston Law Review 35: 623 (1998). Thirdly, there is a broad range of responses to 9. G. W. Downs, D. Rocke, P. Barsoom, “Is the good Legal Systems 117 Chapter 6 news about compliance good news about coop- 26. U. Aikio-Puoskari, M. Pentikainen, The Language eration?” International Organization 50 (3) 379 Rights of the Indigenous Saami in Finland under (1996). Domestic and International Law (Northern 10. D. Bodansky, “The legitimacy of international Institute of Environmental and Minority Law, governance: a coming challenge for internation- Rovaniemi, 2001). al environmental law,” American Journal of 27. IQ Task Force, “The First Annual Report of the International Law 93: 596 (1999). The Inuit Qaujimajatuqanginnut (IQ) Task 11. E. Örücü, “Unde Venit, Quo Tendit Comparative Force,” Government of Nunavut, 2002. Law?” in Comparative Law in the 21st Century, 28. A. Eide, “Legal and Normative Bases for Saami A. Harding, E. Örücü, Eds.(Kluwer Law Claims to Land,” International Journal of Minority International, The Hague, 2002) pp. 1 -18 (vii – xii). and Group Rights 8:127 (2001). 12. K. Zweigert , H. Kötz (tr. T. Weir), Introduction to 29. F. Korsmo, “Swedish Policy and Sami Rights,” Comparative Law, 2nd ed. rev. (Clarendon Press, The Northern Review 11: 32 (1993). Oxford, 1987). 30. H. Minde, “Sami Land Rights in Norway: A Test 13. T. Søvndahl Pedersen, “The Greenlandic Home Case for Indigenous Peoples,” International Rule arrangement in brief,” 2003; www.unhchr. Journal of Minority and Group Rights 8:107 (2001). ch/indigenous/treaties.htm 31. The Norwegian Supreme Court has recognized 14. EU, “Fourth Protocol laying down the conditions Saami ownership rights in its Selbu and relating to fishing provided for in the Agreement Svartskogen decisions (2001): Selbu Case on Fisheries between the European Economic Judgment of 21 June 2001 serial number 4B/2001; Community and Denmark and Greenland,” www.galdu.org/govat/doc/selbudommen.pdf 2001; http://europa.eu.int/eur-lex/pri/en/oj/dat/ (7 September 2004). Svartskogen decision 2001/l_209/l_20920010802en00020009.pdf Judgment of 5 October 2001 Serial No. 5B/2001, 15. G. Osherenko, “Indigenous political and proper- No. 340/1999; www.galdu.org/govat/doc/svart ty rights and economic/environmental reform in skogdommen.pdf (7 September, 2004). Northwest Siberia,” Post-Soviet Geography 36(4) 32. Norway, “Report of Norway for the period end- 225 (1995), p. 226. ing 31 May 2003 re Convention No. 169 concern- 16. G. Osherenko, “Indigenous rights in Russia: is ing Indigenous and Tribal Peoples,” 2003. title to land essential for cultural survival?” 33. www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/ (6 September, Georgetown International Environmental Law 2004). Review 13(3) 695 (2001). 34. Comments of the Government of Finland on the 17. Fondahl et al. 2001:558 (43). opinion of the Advisory Committee on the 18. I. Brownlie, Treaties and Indigenous Peoples Implementation of the Framework Convention (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1992). for the Protection of National Minorities in 19. CCPR/C/52/D/511/1992; http://www.unhchr.ch/ Finland, GVT/COM/INF/OP/I (2001)002; www. tbs/doc.nsf/ (7 September, 2004) coe.int/T/E/human_rights/minorities/2._FRAME 20. Human Rights Committee, “General Comment WORK_CONVENTION_(MONITORING)/2._ on Article 27,” adopted at the 50th Session, 1994; Monitoring_mechanism/5._Comments_by_the_ www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(symbol)/CCPR+Ge States_concerned/1._First_cycle/PDF_1st_Com neral+comment+23.En?OpenDocument ments_Finland-1.pdf 21. Committee on the Elimination of Racial 35. SOU 1999:25, Samerna – ett ursprungsfolk i Discrimination General Recommendation XXIII; Sverige. Frågan om Sveriges anslutning till ILO:s www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/comments. konvention nr 169; http://jordbruk.regeringen.se/ htm (7 September, 2004). propositionermm/sou/pdf/sou99_25.pdf 22. www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/ (6 September, 2004). 36. SOU:2002:77, Sametingets roll i samhället; 23. WGDD 2003, “Report of the working group [on http://www.regeringen.se/content/1/c6/01/21/36/ the Draft Declaration] established in accordance dd9f6c40.pdf (8 September 2004). with Commission on Human Rights resolution 37. [1997] 3 SCR 1010 [SCR = Supreme Court 1995/32, E/CN.4/2003/92,” 6 January 2003; Reports]. http://www.unhchr.ch/huridocda/huridoca.nsf/e 38. R. v. Bernard (2003) 230 D.L.R. (4th) 57 (New 06a5300f90fa0238025668700518ca4/6c59f7db229 Brunswick Court of Appeal) [DLR = Dominion 5186fc1256cdf00548781/$FILE/G0310081.pdf Law Reports]. (6 September, 2004). 39. Marshall 2003. [2004] 1 CNLR 211 (Nova Scotia 24. Greenland Home Rule Act s. 9. An English trans- Court of Appeal) [CNLR = Canadian Native Law lation of the Home Rule Act, Act No. 577 of 29 Reports]. November 1978, is available at http://dk.na 40. G. Fondahl, “The Status of Indigenous Peoples in noq.gl/ (6 September, 2004). the Russian North,” Post Soviet Geography 36(4) 25. Section 11 in Home Rule Act of the Faroe 215 (1995). Islands. No. 137 of March 23, 1948. Unofficial 41. G. Fondahl, “Freezing the frontier? Territories of translation available at http://www.stm.dk/ traditional nature use in the Russian North,” (6 September 6, 2004). Progress in Planning 47(4) 307 (1997). 118 Arctic Human Development Report

42 Fondahl 1995:219 (40). 53. B. Barton, “The future of the free entry system for 43. G. Fondahl, O. Lazebnik, G. Poelzer, V. Robbek, mining in Canada’s North,” in Disposition of “Native ‘land claims’, Russian style,” The Natural Resources: Options and Issues for Northern Canadian Geographer 45(4) 545 (2001). Lands, M.M. Ross, J.O. Saunders, Eds. (Canadian 44. G. Fondahl, “Autonomous Regions and Institute of Resources Law, Calgary, 1997). Indigenous Rights in Transition in Northern 54. J. Leshy, The Mining Law: A Study in Perpetual Russia,” in Dependency, Autonomy, Sustainability Motion (Resources for the Future, Washington in the Arctic, H. Petersen, B. Poppel, Eds. D.C., 1987). (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1999), p. 59. 55. Norway, “Report of Norway for the period end- 45. D. Case, D. Voluck, Alaska Natives and American ing 31 May 2003 re Convention No. 169 concern- Laws, 2nd ed. (Univ. of Alaska Press, Fairbanks, ing Indigenous and Tribal Peoples” (2003). 2002). 46. Alaska v. Native Village of Venetie Tribal Government 522 US 520 (1998). 47. http://www.fullveldi.fo/ (16 September, 2004). Acknowledgements 48. P. Hogg, M.E. Turpel, “Implementing aboriginal The manuscript has benefited from the valuable com- self government,” Canadian Bar Review 74 (2): ments and suggestions of Kirsti Strøm Bull, Janet 187 (1995). Keeping, Jóan Petur Hentze, Stefan Källman, Gail 49. Fondahl 1999:57 (44). Osherenko, Marianne Lykke Thomsen, and the edi- 50. Fondahl 1997: 60, 61 (41) . tors of the volume. 51. L-. N. Lasko, “Sami Political Organization in Sweden,” in Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of the Sami: Institutional and National Aspects, F. Horn, Ed. (Northern Institute of Environmental and Minority Law, Rovaniemi, 1998). 52. A. Kurskii, “Comparative analysis of oil and min- ing legislation in Russia and abroad,” in Analysis of the Legal Basis for Exploitation of Subsurface Resources in Russia and Canada, J. Keeping, A. Khitrov, Eds. (VNIIOENG, Moscow, 2001) pp. 51- 88. 121

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 7

80o

70o Res60o ource Governance

Lead author: Richard A. Caulfield, University of Alaska Fairbanks, U.S.A.

Contributing authors: Sharman Haley (University of Alaska Anchorage), Alf Håkon Hoel (University of Tromsø), Grete Hovelsrud-Broda (North Atlantic Marine Mammal Commission), Amalie Jessen (Greenland Home Rule Government), Charles Johnson (Alaska Nanuuq Commission), and Konstantin Klokov (St. Petersburg State University)

Human uses of the Arctic – whether subsis- tence hunting, commercial fishing, reindeer Setting the stage herding, or exploring for oil – reflect diverse The vastness of lands and resources controlled histories, cultures, and ecological settings of by the state distinguishes the Arctic from many the North. These uses are often rooted in dis- of the more industrialized regions of the world. tinctive traditions and belief systems extending Examples include fishery resources in the back many generations. But resource uses in Barents and Bering Seas and expansive publicly the Arctic are dynamic and are increasingly owned lands in the North American Arctic. In shaped by interactions with the global econo- Greenland, private land ownership as such does my, including distant governments, corpora- not exist. All land is owned in common through tions, and non-governmental organizations. the state. For some Arctic resources, well-devel- Other powerful global factors, such as climate oped and successful management regimes are change, also play a role. in place. For others, rights to resources remain Just as human uses of the Arctic are dynam- contested or uncertain. In Russia, for example, ic and diverse, so too are resource governance the question of land ownership and rights to systems that shape them. These systems resources are continuing sources of debate and encompass the principles, institutions, and controversy. practices a society and its members employ to The fact that so many Arctic resources are use shared resources (1). Like resource uses publicly owned highlights the importance of themselves, governance practices in the Arctic resource governance. The way resources are are often deeply rooted in cultural traditions. shared and managed in the Arctic is often dis- Yet in a time of rapid change, a key question is tinctive, generally rooted in cultural histories if existing governance systems can respond and practices and incorporating innovative, cut- quickly and flexibly in a manner that con- ting-edge approaches to management. Effective tributes to healthy communities and sustain- governance of Arctic resources requires man- able economies (2). agement regimes that have strength in influenc- This chapter focuses on four trends affecting ing human behavior to achieve agreed-upon Arctic resource governance. First is the growing goals, durability over time, and a robust capaci- importance of property rights. The second is ty to survive destabilizing forces (3). Such incorporation of traditional or local ecological regimes must also fit appropriately with ecolog- knowledge with western science in decision- ical and institutional factors; what works in one making. Transfer or devolution of power to local setting may be entirely inappropriate in anoth- decision makers and co-management is a third er. Another issue is the interplay between one trend, while a fourth describes the widening regime and another, both across resource involvement of Arctic peoples in ownership and boundaries and across management jurisdic- development of lands and resources. These tions. Scale is also of concern in understanding trends all represent changes to resource man- resource regimes. For example, what works at agement regimes with implications for long- the local level may or may not be effective at a term sustainability and self-determination in regional or global level. the Arctic. While publicly owned resources predomi- nate in many regions of the Arctic, privatiza- 122 Arctic Human Development Report

tion is expanding significantly in some jurisdic- marine mammals are allowed while in others tions. For example, recent land claims settle- they are strictly prohibited. ments in North America have placed millions Exploration for and development of non- of square kilometers in the hands of for-profit renewable resources such as oil and gas, gold, and non-profit entities controlled by indige- lead, zinc, and diamonds have profoundly nous peoples. Such corporations control vast impacted the histories and livelihoods of Arctic resources, and they interact actively with both peoples. Early development was often associat- public and private resource governance institu- ed with colonization and exploitation, where tions (4). Arctic residents, who lacked recognized rights to resources, benefited little but paid substantial Arctic resources and sustainable costs. With growing attention given to indige- livelihoods nous land claims, resource rights, and self- For generations, living resources have provided determination, some Arctic peoples are now the basis for sustainable livelihoods for both the finding ways to engage productively in non- Arctic’s indigenous peoples and more recent renewable resource extraction. settlers (5). This continues to be the case in As interrelationships between Arctic commu- many areas today. At the household and com- nities and the global economy grow, tensions munity level, fish, wildlife, and plants for subsis- over how to balance benefits and costs of tence purposes remain important (6). High-lat- renewable and non-renewable resource use and itude agriculture and animal husbandry are also development will continue. In some regions, valued sources of income for many Arctic com- residents seek to maintain a dynamic mixed munities and households. For example, reindeer economy where both renewable and non- and caribou are a nearly ubiquitous resource, renewable resources play an important role. providing an important source of food and some They seek jobs and income while not under- significant income (7-8). mining opportunities for using local resources that have enduring nutritional, cultural, and economic benefits. This tension reflects the clas- sic definition of sustainable development articu- lated by the Brundtland Commission two decades ago: development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (9). How this tension is addressed and the future trajectory of Arctic economies is difficult

HT:MROKLAASOCAG RJC,2004 MARKO KULMALA/SNOWCHANGE PROJECT, PHOTO: to predict. But key to these debates are the emerging forms of resource governance that have the potential to either support or under- mine self-determination and self-reliance.

Securing rights to resources In the Arctic today, effective resource gover- nance increasingly depends upon success in Reindeer round-up in Renewable resources in the Arctic are increas- addressing issues of rights to resources. Inari, Finland ingly important in global markets. In particular, Property rights – including rights to ownership commercial fisheries in the Arctic are world- or use – are central to comprehensive claims of class. Aquaculture and mariculture are well indigenous peoples and in innovative developed in many areas and are expanding as approaches to governance such as creation of technologies and markets for farmed salmon, the Nunavut Territory in Canada, Home Rule in halibut, shellfish, and other species increase. Greenland, and the Sakha Republic in Russia. Forest products are also important exports, The Arctic has seen dramatic changes in proper- especially in the Nordic countries. ty rights over the past half-century. Key con- Commercialization of renewable resources is tributing factors include growing recognition of sometimes a contentious issue. For example, in indigenous peoples’ rights (see Chapter 6. Legal some areas commercial use and export of Systems), the end of the Cold War, implementa- Resource Governance 123 Chapter 7 tion of the UN Convention on the Law of the riginal rights in Canada’s new constitution. In Sea, and expanded interest in Arctic resource the North, Quebec’s desire to develop massive development (10). The following briefly sum- hydroelectric resources led to implementation of marizes developments across the Arctic with the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement regard to property rights relating to land and in 1974 (14), whereby Cree and Inuit exchanged sea. Two case studies further illustrate the links aboriginal rights to land and resources for cash, between resource governance and rights. title to hunting areas, and exclusive hunting and fishing rights in some areas. The James Bay Addressing property rights issues: A agreement created significant new political circumpolar perspective institutions and paved the way for expanding Alaska: Longstanding indigenous claims to land co-management elsewhere in Canada and and hunting and fishing rights were addressed beyond. in part through the Alaska Native Claims In 1984, the Inuvialuit of the Mackenzie Delta Settlement Act (ANCSA) of 1971, spurred on by signed an agreement with the federal govern- the discovery of oil on Alaska’s North Slope in ment that exchanged aboriginal claims for a 1968 (4). ANCSA came on the heels of the cash settlement, title to some 91,000 square Alaska Statehood Act of 1958 that made Alaska kilometers of land, and mineral rights. These the 49th US state and set aside over one quarter developments led to the division of the of its land mass for development and use by the Northwest Territories and the creation of the new state. These two acts, plus the Alaska new Nunavut Territory in 1999. The Nunavut National Interest Lands Conservation Act Agreement, which laid the groundwork for the (ANILCA) of 1980, have created an ownership new territory, was signed in 1993. As discussed pattern where the US federal government owns in a case study later in this chapter, it also pro- nearly 60% of the land, the State of Alaska owns vided a settlement of claims and gave Inuit a 28%, and Alaska Native corporations own about role in decision making. 12%. Other private lands make up less than 2% As in Alaska, Canada controls use of its of the total. ANILCA created vast new national marine environment through its 200-mile exclu- parks, wildlife refuges, and other conservation sive economic zone. units in Alaska. Subsistence hunting and fishing Greenland: Greenlanders achieved Home continue in most of these areas. At the same Rule status within the Danish realm in 1979 time, they invite development of world-class (15). The Home Rule Government, a public gov- tourism opportunities. ernment representing both indigenous and In Alaska’s marine environment, the US non-indigenous residents, manages both ter- Government manages resources in its exclusive restrial and marine resources within a frame- economic zone which extends 200 miles off- work common throughout Denmark. Home shore. Federal fisheries management – based Rule in Greenland arose in part at least, because upon the Magnuson-Stevens Fishery of tensions between Greenlanders and the Conservation and Management Act of 1996 – Danish Government over development policies, incorporates the broad-based North Pacific particularly in the 1950s and 1960s (16). Fisheries Management Council, individual fish- Under Home Rule, Greenlanders have gradu- ing quotas, and innovative community develop- ally taken over responsibility for managing and ment quotas (11-12). Alaska’s State developing living and non-living resources. Government manages near-shore fisheries – Interestingly, there is no private land ownership most prominently those for salmon – through in Greenland; all land is owned in common by its Board of Fisheries, Commercial Fisheries the Greenlandic population through the state. Entry Commission, and Alaska Department of Greenlanders have the right to use living Fish and Game (13). resources subject to Home Rule regulations Canada: The Canadian Government has designed to promote a precautionary approach addressed longstanding indigenous claims in to resource use and sustainability over time. the Arctic through constitutional protections, Fisheries management in Denmark’s exclusive legislation, comprehensive claims settlements, economic zone off Greenland’s coast uses a sys- and a new territorial government. In southern tem that includes both individual fishing quotas Canada, treaties signed under the Indian Act (including transferable quotas for shrimp) and formed the basis for settling indigenous claims. Home Rule regulations. Even while Greenland This culminated in 1982 in recognition of abo- remains a part of the Danish realm, its role in 124 Arctic Human Development Report

resource governance in partnership with Danish vides some degree of protection and support. counterparts is expanding. This includes negoti- Still, conflicts remain between Saami herders ations over not only multilateral fisheries agree- and others over rights to resources (see Chapter ments but also in other international settings. 6. Legal Systems) (19). Concern also persists An agreement exists between the Home Rule about herd numbers and carrying capacity of the and Danish governments about sharing royal- land. ties associated with any development of non- Elsewhere in the Nordic countries, national living resources. The Home Rule Government governments create the broad framework for recently established a high-level office for self- use of publicly owned resources by state-owned government that is actively exploring opportu- and private corporations. For example, the nities for expanding Greenland’s autonomy in Norwegian Government remains the dominant relation to the Danish realm. investor in Statoil, the major Norwegian oil pro- Faroe Islands: The Faroe Islands achieved ducer that was only recently opened to private Home Rule within the Danish realm in 1948 investors. Norsk Hydro, a developer of hydro- and continue to press for greater autonomy or electric energy, is 44% owned by the Norwegian even independence. The Faroese economy is state. In Sweden, the Swedish Forestry Act gov- highly dependent upon fisheries and fish pro- erns actions of private wood-products and pulp cessing, although prospects of offshore oil and firms. gas development give hope for a more diversi- In the Barents Sea region, the Barents Euro- fied economy (17). As in Greenland, the govern- Arctic Council exemplifies regional cooperation ment of the Faroe Islands is taking a more active impacting resource management and use. Its role in resource governance, especially as it regional council is made up of representatives relates to fisheries policies, marine mammal from northern Norway in the west to Russia’s management (pilot whaling), and petroleum Nenets Area and Novaya Zemlya in the east. Its development. focus includes international collaboration, with Iceland: Icelanders have traditionally relied on special attention to forest management, sources sheep ranching, small-scale agriculture, and of renewable energy, and development of the fishing for their livelihoods. Early laws, dating to Northern Sea Route (20-21). the 12th century, addressed concerns about Russia: Property rights have changed dramat- overgrazing of common pastures, while marine ically in Russia since the demise of the Soviet resources were generally regarded as a “bound- Union. The independent livelihoods of northern less common resource” (18). Iceland’s involve- peoples in Russia came under Tsarist and later ment in the commercial fishing industry grew Soviet control from the 18th century onwards dramatically following independence from (22). Early efforts to recognize and create Denmark in 1944. Based upon concerns about autonomous territories for minorities in the cod stocks, it embraced a market-oriented early Soviet era gave way to traumatic collec- approach to fisheries allocations by implement- tivization in the early to mid-20th century. ing a system of individual fishing quotas in Industrial development in the latter part of the 1984. This culminated a process of privatizing a century offered indigenous and local people lit- common resource. tle control over land or resources. This resulted Scandinavia and Finland: Peoples of northern in widespread impact on the environment and Scandinavia and Finland include indigenous growing inequality. Saami as well as Norwegians, Swedes, and Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in Finns. This region and the adjacent Russian 1991, property rights systems in Russia have Northwest have the highest human population undergone enormous change (23). A central densities in the Arctic. The Saami traditional ter- focus has been on large-scale privatization of ritory – Sápmi – lies within the nation-states of enterprises previously owned by the state and Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. reallocation of profits and returns from these Traditionally, Saami livelihoods depended on a enterprises. Some new laws seek to guarantee mixture of reindeer herding, hunting, fishing, rights of indigenous minorities, including pro- trapping, and gathering. Today, only a minority tection for traditional territories (24). The degree of Saami are actively engaged in reindeer herd- to which these laws can and will be applied to ing. Others mix agriculture, hunting, and fishing the meaningful benefit of northern peoples, with wage employment. For reindeer herders, however, remains uncertain. Moreover, it national legislation in the Nordic countries pro- remains unclear to what extent indigenous peo- Resource Governance 125 Chapter 7 ples will benefit from industrial development numerically small indigenous peoples of the (oil and gas, timber, minerals, fisheries) derived North,” which was adopted in June 2000. The from resources in the Russian North. second is “On traditional natural resource use of indigenous numerically small peoples of the Case study: Indigenous rights to North,” adopted in June 2001. The third is “On traditional lands in Russia basic principles of organizing communities of The Russian North is home to nearly 9 million indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia, and people of whom only about 10% are indigenous the Far East,” which was adopted in 2002 (23). to the region. The dominant presence of non- These laws, based broadly on principles drawn indigenous people in northern Russia reflects from international law, seek protection for centuries of colonial history and a dramatic indigenous rights to lands and resources in the acceleration of in-migration during the Soviet Russian North. era (25). Since the demise of the Soviet Union, Despite these legislative achievements, some many non-indigenous people have left the argue that the impact at the local and regional North, as state supported enterprises have levels is negligible. Mechanisms in Russia for declined or collapsed. implementing these rights are lacking and pow- As a group, indigenous peoples of the erful political forces resist their implementation. Russian North live in an uncertain transitional Indeed, RAIPON president S.N. Kharyuchi economy in which their traditional livelihoods recently expressed fears that these laws may be and rights to land and resources are unclear. The repealed just at a time when their adoption dramatic transformation from state ownership offers hope for resolving the legal basis for the of collective enterprises to private control in the establishment of conditions for sustainable post-Soviet era provided a glimmer of hope that development of indigenous peoples in the indigenous resource rights would be addressed. Russian North, Siberia, and the Far East (29). In the 1990s, one step in this direction was The outcome of this debate will determine to taken when the Russian Government approved what extent Russian indigenous peoples will some 2,300 obshchinas, or familial production have meaningful opportunities for self-determi- units, involved in reindeer herding or fishing nation as envisioned in the UN Charter and in (26). In theory, these obshchinas could petition international law. These efforts to secure indige- for land and acquire it in perpetuity. But this nous rights to land and resources mirror similar attempt at reform was not fully realized and has struggles in recent decades in Alaska, Canada, had limited effect. Greenland, and the Nordic countries. While the Other initiatives in Russia involve collabora- approaches used vary dramatically, they all tion between indigenous peoples and conserva- reflect a movement toward addressing legitimate tionists in developing “territories of traditional rights to resources based upon traditional use nature use” and “ethno-ecological territories” and occupancy by Arctic indigenous peoples. (27). For example, in 1998 the resource-rich Tkhasanom Reserve was established along the Case study: Privatization of Arctic Sea of Okhotsk. It lies within the territory of the fisheries Itel’men people who use it for subsistence hunt- Management of Arctic fisheries focuses increas- ing and fishing. The decree establishing the ingly on privatizing harvest rights to publicly reserve requires management in cooperation owned resources using individual fishing quotas with the Itel’men people who have priority for and other mechanisms (30). This process is an hunting and fishing quotas. Many similar outgrowth of developments in international law, reserves and protected areas are being devel- particularly the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention oped or discussed across the Russian North and which establishes rules and principles for the Far East. use and management of the natural resources in More recently the Russian State has begun to the ocean (31). The most important element is address indigenous rights through legislation. A the creation of exclusive economic zones major voice for addressing these rights is the extending 200 miles offshore, in which coastal Russian Association of the Indigenous Peoples states control use of resources. Coastal states are of the North (RAIPON) (28). RAIPON has to manage resources to achieve a “maximum advocated successfully for three important but sustainable yield,” effectively requiring that nat- as yet untested pieces of federal legislation. One ural resources be used sustainably. All Arctic is “On the guarantees of the rights of the countries except the United States are party to 126 Arctic Human Development Report HT:NÍELS EINARSSON PHOTO:

Húsavík harbor, Northern the Law of the Sea Convention and are there- ary approach in fisheries management in light of Iceland fore bound by its provisions. The United States continuing scientific uncertainty about what is has adopted most of its provisions in practice, sustainable yield. The thinking behind such an and continues to consider ratification. approach is that, in managing resources, gov- At first, the Law of the Sea Convention pro- ernments should err on the side of caution, in vided hope that overharvesting and depletion of the face of uncertainty, when striving to fulfil fisheries resources would end. However, subse- conservation and management goals. quent increases in fishing both inside and out- The precautionary approach and enhanced side of the exclusive economic zones demon- regional cooperation has proved crucial in strated that this hope was premature. The recent fisheries development in the Arctic (34). growth in number of fishing vessels and fishing For example, a number of regional fisheries effort created a rapidly growing fishing capacity. agreements affecting Arctic waters have been Many fish stocks were increasingly overfished, modified to implement the agreement. This resulting in declining yields and increased pres- includes the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries sure on the remaining resources (32-33). Organization (NAFO), which covers the The 1995 United Nations Fish Stock Northwest Atlantic and the Northeast Atlantic Agreement, negotiated under the auspices of Fisheries Commission (NEAFC), which covers the UN General Assembly, seeks to correct the international waters in the Northeast these deficiencies. The new agreement provides Atlantic, where enforcement of fisheries regula- a legal basis for controlling fisheries on the high tions and coordination of management for seas through more restrictive management shared stocks has improved. In the Bering Sea, a principles. It strengthens regional cooperation moratorium on the harvest of living marine in resource management, provides better resources outside of the exclusive economic enforcement of management measures, and zone came into effect in 1992 (35). requires mandatory dispute settlement proce- In addition to the international fisheries man- dures. Importantly, it emphasizes a precaution- agement framework, Arctic countries are also Resource Governance 127 Chapter 7 involved with substantive and sometimes con- has been responsible for creating some 9,000 troversial changes to fisheries regulatory jobs and income amounting to some US$60 regimes. In Iceland, a desire to conserve fish million (35). stocks and to promote efficiency and safety led Emerging policy debates about oceans gover- the government to implement a system of indi- nance will undoubtedly influence Arctic fish- vidual transferable quotas in the 1980s (30). In eries in coming years. They reflect broad con- 1990, a new law expanded this system to nearly cern about Arctic marine resources, ranging all Icelandic fisheries. Under this quota system, from overfishing to pollution to examples of quota shares can be bought and sold, creating a ineffective management (11). The recently perception among many that what was once a released Pew Oceans Commission report in the public resource has now become privatized. United States calls for a new ethic of steward- Research shows that individual quotas offer ship and responsibility toward the marine envi- benefits in the form of a more rigorous and ronment, centered on ecosystem-based man- closely monitored management system incor- agement (32). It also calls for new institutional porating the best available scientific advice. structures for fisheries management, establish- When well managed, such a system rewards ment of marine reserves, and protection of crit- efficiencies, provides a more stable business ical habitat, as well as further research and edu- environment, and encourages quota-holders to cation. The US Commission on Oceans Policy focus on long-term viability of fish stocks. calls for many of the same actions (33). These Critics note, however, that the system has also reports and others point toward specific innova- concentrated quotas in the hands of fewer ves- tions in oceans management, including ocean sel owners and fostered development of power- zoning and marine reserves. Growing interest in ful, vertically integrated fisheries companies the Northern Sea Route, especially in light of (36). For some, this raises concerns about social global climate change, also brings new attention equity in allocating a publicly owned resource. to special Arctic shipping regulations and emer- In the Bering Sea, the United States has gency response systems (37). implemented several different management approaches (11). For halibut and sablefish, an Trend summary individual fishing quota program was estab- Resource governance in the Arctic shows a lished in 1996. Other mechanisms focused on strong trend toward recognizing and formaliz- limiting entry to salmon and other fisheries. As ing property rights, including the rights of in Iceland, the goal was to sustain fish stocks, indigenous peoples. Resources once part of the improve efficiency and safety, and increase the commons and owned by no one are increasing- value of fisheries products. But the individual ly subject to legislation designed to specify own- fishing quota program also raised questions ership and use. about growing economic dependence on only a few owners and processors. Traditional and local One special innovation in management of Alaska’s Bering Sea fisheries is adoption of the ecological knowledge unique community development quota program For generations, Arctic indigenous peoples have (12). Enacted by the North Pacific Fisheries mediated relationships with each other and Management Council in 1992, this program their environment using ecological knowledge allocates a small portion of the total allowable and associated customary laws and practices. catch for pollock, halibut, sablefish, Atka mack- Settlers arriving more recently to the Arctic have erel, Pacific cod, and crab directly to coalitions of also developed detailed local knowledge and identified indigenous communities in western practices now central to effective resource gov- Alaska. The community development quotas are ernance. A key trend in Arctic resource gover- designed to expand community involvement in nance is to combine these knowledge systems Bering Sea fisheries, create jobs, and attract new with western science. capital. Other goals are to develop infrastructure and to improve social and economic conditions. Traditional ecological knowledge as Some 56 communities, organized into six part of everyday life regional fisheries companies, are now engaged Traditional ecological knowledge is defined as a in Bering Sea commercial fishing. Since 1992, body of knowledge, practice, and beliefs about the community development quota program the dynamic relationship of living beings with 128 Arctic Human Development Report HT:JNSG ALLANSSON JÓNAS G. PHOTO:

Seal hunters from Ittoqqortoormiit (Scoresbysund), East Greenland

one another and with their environment, which both turned on speech – voicing opinion, has evolved by adaptive processes and been administering warnings, listening to advice” handed down from generation to generation (39). Fienup-Riordan notes that these practices (38). In some regions of the Arctic, the phrase continue today through “complex historical local ecological knowledge is more commonly processes of appropriation, compromise, and used. Traditional or local knowledge systems revival that inform the activity of a people no can include several interrelated levels of analy- longer living in isolation but ‘reckoning them- sis. Central are local knowledge of resources selves among the nations’” (39). and knowledge of resource management sys- tems, including practices, tools, and techniques The challenge of integrating knowledge for resource use and management (38). It also systems commonly includes knowledge of social institu- Traditional or local knowledge-belief-practice tions, such as “rules-in-use” and codes of social can be an essential element in building more relationships, as well as a worldview that both effective resource governance regimes, especial- informs and is informed by notions of religion, ly when it can also draw on the best of western ethics, and broader belief systems. science (38). But challenges to achieving this For many indigenous peoples, customary can be huge. Some argue that using traditional practices and a profound sense of the sacred knowledge outside the local context degrades it continue to inform everyday life. Anthropologist to “just another form of data” – it is artificially Ann Fienup-Riordan writes about Yup’ik in dissected from the cultural whole in which it is Alaska: “the most striking feature of traditional embedded (40). In Iceland, Pálsson reveals how Yup’ik law and order . . . was its constant, com- local fishermen’s knowledge is commonly petent, discourse. First and foremost, leaders silenced when confronted with assertions of sci- were attentive listeners and knowledgeable entific precision in biologists’ data (41). Some speakers. The laws that ordered their lives were critics argue that in light of these challenges, the known collectively as qaneryaraat – that which is only remedy is to return control to local people spoken – and instruction in these laws consti- (40). tuted both the form and content of a vast The challenges of drawing meaningfully from amount of social interaction, especially between traditional and local knowledge have not kept older and younger community members. Arctic resource users, their advocates, and even Moreover, social control and decision-making many biologists and managers from promoting Resource Governance 129 Chapter 7 its use. Examples include pioneering studies the Cree also have cultural practices that recog- from Canada, such as the Inuit Land Use and nize certain use rights and validate particular Occupancy Project (42) and the more recent means in fishing (46). Another documented Voices of the Bay (43), both of which illustrate the example is how Inuit hunters on Victoria Island richness of environmental knowledge of Arctic exhibit self-limiting practices in hunting for environments and landscapes. Cultural studies ducks (47). In the Russian Far East, Chukchi such as Richard K. Nelson’s Make Prayers to the hunters continue to appease the spirit of a hunt- Raven reveal detailed knowledge of the ed gray whale by offering it fresh water as it is Koyukon Athabascan people in Alaska, while brought onshore (48). others focus on Cree fishers in Canada, and In Alaska, Yup’ik use of the environment Yamal-Nenets people in the Russian North (38). continues to be informed by the view that ani- More recently, traditional knowledge has been mals are nonhuman persons and that a “collab- instrumental in planning applied projects in the orative reciprocity” must be observed between Arctic, ranging from assessment of the cumula- hunters and animals (39). Maintaining such tive impacts of hydroelectric development in reciprocity may include prohibitions on Quebec to planning for gas pipeline develop- women’s involvement in hunting and prescrip- ment in the Mackenzie Delta of Canada. The tions about their behavior while their husbands North Atlantic Marine Mammal Commission are engaged in hunting; such practices are (NAMMCO) recently organized a conference based upon deeply rooted cultural beliefs. This on integrating local and scientific knowledge in cultural notion of reciprocity may, in fact, management decision making for marine mam- require that animals and fish be taken to ensure mals (44). their continued availability in the years ahead – Researchers caution that use of traditional the more taken, the more likely they will return ecological knowledge can be problematic if not again. Similarly, some Alaska Athabascan done carefully. Examples exist where unthink- hunters believe that the first caribou to appear ing use has contributed to misunderstandings in a migrating herd (the ‘leaders’) should not be (38). Uncritical use can also create pitfalls such taken so that others will follow. They also insist as characterizing indigenous peoples as “natural that the site of a caribou kill should be cleaned conservationists” or “original ecologists” whose thoroughly so that respect is shown to the cari- knowledge and actions are beyond scrutiny (39). bou spirit (49). In spite of these cautions, a growing number of scientists believe that traditional knowledge can Trend summary complement western scientific knowledge. It Field research among Arctic peoples suggests can also serve as a reminder that there are mul- that it is important not to overlook or dismiss tiple ways of knowing about the world and that customary law and practice in resource manage- effective resource management requires under- ment simply because they are based on striking- standing this diversity. Moreover, awareness of ly different worldviews. The “rediscovery” of traditional knowledge leads the way towards traditional knowledge in recent years is certain- the development of participatory, community- ly not a panacea for conflicts, but it does suggest based resource management systems that allow a growing awareness that there is more than diverse knowledge-practice-belief systems to one way to understand the dynamics of human- become visible. Doing so overcomes the limita- environment relationships. tions of conventional science, which risks becoming blind to its (western) cultural founda- Devolution and tion. co-management Customary law and practice still Throughout the Arctic there is growing interest regulate resource use in political devolution and co-management as Despite disruption and change in the post-con- strategies for devising more appropriate and tact era, Arctic peoples continue to use custom- effective resource management (50). Devolution ary laws and practices in resource management. refers to the transfer of power to more local and In Canada, the James Bay Cree use a system of regional jurisdictions and governments. Co- hunting territories allotted to specific individu- management typically involves a sharing of als. This practice serves to limit risks of overex- power between the state and resource-user ploitation of beaver (45). In fishing for whitefish, communities (51). 130 Arctic Human Development Report

Devolution can take at least two forms. One With regard to resources governance, the is a transfer of authority and budgets to north- Nunavut Agreement created a Nunavut Wildlife ern jurisdictions for macro-scale management Management Board, Nunavut Water Board, of renewable and non-renewable resources. A Nunavut Impact Review Board, Nunavut second is the creation of more discrete co-man- Planning Commission, Nunavut Social agement regimes designed to widen participa- Development Council, and a Surface Rights tion and build legitimacy in resources decision Tribunal (52). While part of a public government making. Devolution often occurs within nation- rather than an indigenous or aboriginal self- al boundaries, as with creation of the Nunavut government, these new institutions ensure Territory within Canada. However, it can also equal involvement of Inuit in decision making occur at the international level, as illustrated by and provide mechanisms for full consideration a case study of the North Atlantic Marine of regional and local concerns. They are Mammal Commission (NAMMCO). designed to “bring together the traditional Inuit system of knowledge and management [Inuit Case study: Devolution and the Qaujimajatuqangit] with that of Canada’s . . . Nunavut Territory blending . . . two systems of management in A recent example of political devolution is the such a way that the advantages of both are opti- creation of the Nunavut Territory in Arctic mized and the domination of one on the other Canada (52). Nunavut (“our land” in the is avoided” (53). Strictly speaking, these new Inuktitut language) came into existence on April co-management institutions are advisory bodies 1, 1999 as a result of a decades-long struggle by making recommendations to ministers in Iqaluit the territory’s 27,000 residents, 85% of whom and Ottawa. In practice, however, they are are Inuit (see also Chapter 5. Political Systems). expected to become powerful new institutions, Nunavut’s population is spread across 25 incor- providing a clear voice to the Inuit. porated communities, situated in a vast Arctic Creation of the Nunavut Territory is an landscape encompassing more than 2.1 million expression of political devolution on a macro square kilometers (23% of Canada’s land mass). scale, with creation of new regimes for decision The capital of Nunavut is Iqaluit, a community making and new institutions for giving voice to on southern Baffin Island. Arctic residents. Similar processes of political The creation of Nunavut as a territory came devolution can be found elsewhere in the on the heels of the 1993 Nunavut Agreement Canadian Arctic, in the Nordic countries, and in between Inuit of the region and the Canadian Russia. Government. In that agreement, the Inuit of Nunavut exchanged aboriginal rights to lands Regional management: The North and resources for title to about 350,000 square Atlantic Marine Mammal Commission kilometers of land, of which about 10% include The North Atlantic Marine Mammal subsurface rights. They also received priority Commission (NAMMCO) is an international rights to harvest wildlife, and equal membership body for regional cooperation on conservation, with the government in the new co-manage- management, and study of marine mammals in ment institutions. As part of the exchange, Inuit the North Atlantic (54). The Commission was received payments of nearly US$900 million founded in 1992 by the Faroe Islands, (CAN$1148 million) as well as enduring Greenland, Iceland, and Norway. It is an exam- resource royalties (50). ple of regional co-operation and co-manage- HT:ÓLAVUR SJURÐARBERG PHOTO: ÓLAVUR SJURÐARBERG PHOTO:

Lining up and measuring pilot whale in Klaksvík, Faroe Islands Resource Governance 131 Chapter 7 ment of whale, seal, and walrus that migrate and scientists and balancing power between between national and international waters. users and government officials. It also allows for Using a multi-species, ecosystem-based man- expanding cooperation in research, education, agement approach (55), NAMMCO’s work is and management and recognizes cultural and grounded in science yet seeks to increase linguistic differences as they impact effective understanding of the cultural and socio-eco- understanding. Finally, it focuses on integrated nomic values associated with sustainable use of systems approaches for sustainable resource marine mammals. management. NAMMCO’s activities include coordinating scientific research and providing practical man- agement advice to governments. It is also in a position to examine issues like marine mam- mal-fisheries interactions – a topic of shared interest to member governments. NAMMCO engages governments in managing resources and is an institution with a strong connection to coastal communities and indigenous peoples. As such it strives to find ways of bringing together scientific and traditional knowledge systems; it recently organized a conference on user knowledge and scientific knowledge in management decision making, which was held in Iceland in 2003 (44). NAMMCO’s regional focus highlights the importance of appropriate scale in addressing PHOTO: KOCHNEV ANATOLI resource issues. The Commission’s regional approach contrasts with global entities such as Chukotka – Wrangell Case study: Shared management of Island polar bears the International Whaling Commission (56). There, science-based approaches to managing polar bear in Alaska and Chukotka harvests of large whales are frequently confront- An example of co-management is the initiative ed with objections to all whaling based upon of indigenous peoples in Alaska and Chukotka appeals to “universal” values or ethics. In in managing a shared polar bear population in response, member governments prefer regional the Bering and Chukchi seas. Indigenous approaches that keep authority for management groups on both sides of the Bering Strait have closer to home and more in tune with local cul- long used these bears for food, clothing, and in tures and traditions. artwork. In the late 20th century, the Soviet Union banned all polar bear hunting and the Defining co-management United States considered a similar ban. In co-management, stakeholders share power However, an exemption in the US Marine in managing specific resources. In a North Mammal Protection Act of 1972 allowed Native American context, co-management commonly hunters to take polar bear, and the 1973 refers to a “shared decision-making process, International Polar Bear Treaty opened doors to formal or informal, between a government new forms of co-management involving indige- authority and a user group for managing a nous peoples (58). species of fish and wildlife, or other resource” The Inuvialuit and Iñupiat of Alaska and (57). More specifically, a co-management western Canada initiated this arrangement in regime is an institutional arrangement in which 1984 by signing a polar bear management stakeholders establish 1) a system of rights and agreement in which hunters themselves – out- obligations for those concerned with the side of government structures – agreed to pro- resource, 2) rules indicating actions that stake- tect females and cubs. This and similar agree- holders are expected to take under various cir- ments encouraged hunters in Alaska and cumstances, and 3) procedures for making col- Chukotka to form the Alaska Nanuuq lective decisions affecting diverse interests. Commission and the Chukotka Association of In the Arctic, co-management often provides Traditional Marine Mammal Hunters, respec- avenues for sharing knowledge between users tively. These organizations undertook a com- 132 Arctic Human Development Report

mon study of polar bear habitat in Chukotka, necessitated by its impacts (66). Key to resolving which involved traditional knowledge about this conundrum is the development of resource feeding areas, migration routes, and denning governance regimes that reflect indigenous and areas, and the information is being used to local values and interests while taking advan- develop a polar bear management plan and tage of economic opportunities available in the appropriate regulations and enforcement proce- global marketplace. The following case study dures in Chukotka. from Alaska’s North Slope illustrates some of This collaboration led to the signing of the the opportunities and challenges. United States/Russia Polar Bear Treaty in October 2000 (59). The treaty contains several Case study: Oil development on unique features. First, it creates a joint commis- Alaska’s North Slope sion that establishes policy and sets annual har- vest limits. The commission includes represen- The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act tatives of the Alaska Nanuuq Commission and (ANCSA) was realized largely because of pres- the Chukotka Association of Traditional Marine sure to develop oil resources discovered on Mammal Hunters and is required to make deci- Alaska’s North Slope – homeland of the Iñupiat. sions on a unanimous basis. This essentially The North Slope alone produces about 17% of gives indigenous peoples in Chukotka and all oil consumed in the United States. ANCSA Alaska the ability to veto any decision that created 13 Native regional corporations and would be counter to their interests under the several hundred smaller village corporations, treaty. A second unique aspect of the treaty is designed to be vehicles for indigenous econom- that its implementation is by agreement ic development. On Alaska’s North Slope, the between two indigenous organizations. Arctic Slope Regional Corporation became a National governments will leave to indigenous major owner of surface and subsurface land organizations the responsibility for distributing rights and also a major player in providing oil- allowable quotas and determining appropriate field services in partnership with other compa- regulations. nies (67). Shortly after ANCSA’s passage, Iñupiat resi- Striving for sustainability: dents of the North Slope created the North Slope Borough, a regional public government rights-based development (68). Alaska’s state constitution encourages Arctic residents are focusing increasingly on development of boroughs, and Iñupiat political new forms of resource governance tied to sus- leader Eben Hopson realized that a borough tainable community development and widening would provide opportunities for expanding local involvement in the global economy (60-62). control of development and dramatically Particularly in North America, opposition to improving services. Importantly, the borough industrial development may be giving way to has the ability to tax oil-field infrastructure and cautious acceptance or even the embracing of has been a major player in providing jobs and new economic partnerships (63-64). services to its residents. Economic development can offer a means to Creation of the North Slope Borough, the expand political and economic self-determina- Arctic Slope Regional Corporation, and smaller tion and to create jobs and wealth for younger village corporations provided an essential generations (65). But many questions remain framework for resource governance in northern about how to strike a balance between the ben- Alaska that is fostering greater resource devel- efits of such development and the trade-offs opment. Initial oil development in the Prudhoe Bay and Kuparak areas now extends westward toward the village of Nuiqsut, a predominantly Iñupiat community of about 420 people. Nuiqsut’s experience with nearby oil develop- ment illustrates the promises and the challenges of balancing industrial development and indige-

HT:NATALIE NOVIK PHOTO: nous values through effective governance regimes (69) Oil field infrastructure, Located in a traditional Iñupiat subsistence Prudhoe Bay, Alaska area, Nuiqsut was reestablished as a village fol- Resource Governance 133 Chapter 7 lowing ANCSA’s enactment in 1971 (70). Under see it from our homes, we are reaching a ANCSA, Nuiqsut’s Iñupiat residents became threshold of awareness with potentially serious shareholders in the Arctic Slope Regional effects. . . While the [federal agencies] spend Corporation and in a village for-profit corpora- millions for research on the land and wildlife tion, the Kuukpik Corporation. Kuukpik populations, they dismiss human impacts with received surface ownership of almost 600 square vague references, effectively ignoring the ques- kilometers of land, plus US$3 million. The sub- tions of social and cultural stresses on our peo- surface mineral rights to Kuukpik’s lands are ple” (71). owned by the State of Alaska and the Arctic These comments suggest that traditional cul- Slope Regional Corporation, but a settlement tural values and subsistence resources – while with the regional corporation gives Kuukpik a largely healthy – are under stress. Success in royalty interest in subsurface resources. developing the initial field is contributing to fur- Moreover, in 1974 Kuukpik negotiated coopera- ther development such that Nuiqsut is nearly tive agreements for petroleum exploration and surrounded by industrial activity. Oil develop- development on its lands. ment has reportedly impacted subsistence by In that year, the oil company Arco (now part displacing hunting and fishing activities, divert- of Conoco-Phillips) discovered oil on Kuukpik ing wildlife migrations, and removing a sense of lands only eight miles from the village. The city solitude and cultural privacy on the land. and tribal governments of Nuiqsut signed a Moreover, the social fabric of Nuiqsut is strained cooperative agreement with Kuukpik to ensure by an increase in alcohol and drug abuse, asso- that they would speak with one voice about ciated police problems, and an influx of out- nearby development. Kuukpik negotiated a deal siders. There are also anxieties about further with Arco for benefits including rents and royal- impacts of development on subsistence. ties, jobs and training, subsistence and environ- In addressing these concerns, Nuiqsut has the mental oversight, and a local supply of natural advantage of identified property rights, a strong gas for power generation. home-rule borough government dedicated to The economic benefits of nearby oil field preserving Iñupiat values, and influential com- development have been huge for Nuiqsut. munity leadership. Agreements between Kuukpik’s revenues are on the order of US$5 Nuiqsut and industry have created a foundation million per year (and increasing), personal for on-going negotiations to address environ- income is up 50% over the decade, and import- mental concerns, resolve day-to-day conflicts ed goods and amenities are widely available. with hunters, and overcome barriers to local The North Slope Borough earned significant hire. The North Slope Borough has used its property tax revenues; in 2002 these totaled planning and zoning powers to regulate land US$16 million, helping finance Nuiqsut’s new use and infrastructure design. It remains to be water and sewer system. The Arctic Slope seen, however, if these powers are sufficient to Regional Corporation earned US$10.8 million in protect and balance long-term interests in con- resource revenues and paid dividends that aver- nection with further exploration and develop- aged US$1000 per shareholder. The downside is ment on land or offshore in the Beaufort Sea. increasing dependence on the cash economy Not all of Nuiqsut’s traditional subsistence use and the fact that most jobs are in the construc- area is controlled by the corporation, and local tion field and are not likely to be sustainable. To people have limited ability to influence subsis- offset this, Kuukpik has established a perma- tence protections on adjacent lands and waters. nent fund that promises a sustainable income The industry and the federal and state govern- stream into the future. Other initiatives focus on ments are anxious to move ahead with develop- getting more residents qualified for, and ment, raising questions about how much local employed in, oil field jobs. communities can influence the extent or pace of Cumulative impacts from expanding devel- development. opment, including new roads and infrastruc- These opportunities and challenges on ture, increasingly cause local residents to voice Alaska’s North Slope illustrate opportunities concern about social and cultural stress. George and trade-offs Arctic peoples face in large-scale Ahmaogak, Sr., mayor of the North Slope industrial development (72). Economic benefits Borough, states that “when development was of oil development include jobs, tax revenues, contained in the Prudhoe Bay area, we didn’t access to new resources, and expanded infra- feel the disturbance. Now that some of us can structure. New resource governance regimes 134 Arctic Human Development Report

can, as in Nuiqsut’s case, provide local people developing partnerships with multinational cor- with rights for regulating some aspects of devel- porations for exploration and potential develop- opment and bring significant royalties. As the ment of non-renewable resources such as off- scale of industrial development increases, how- shore oil, gold, and zinc. It must share royalty ever, costs to landscape, wildlife, subsistence, income and some management authority, how- and cultural values can also increase while ben- ever, with Denmark. efits from jobs and immediate income remain Elsewhere in the Arctic, rights of indigenous modest or even decline. peoples to resource wealth remain uncertain, both with regard to traditional uses and com- Uncertain picture for Arctic peoples mercial exploitation. For example, some Saami in Norway fear that new impending legislation and industrial development provides little or no recognition of their resource The growing involvement of Arctic peoples in rights (19) (see Chapter 6. Legal Systems for resource development is not unique to Alaska’s details). Similarly in Russia, indigenous peoples North Slope. Elsewhere in North America and express concern that they benefit little from pri- in Greenland, local decision makers are increas- vatization of collective enterprises and the ingly involved as active partners, while this is resources they control. Yet it is northern peoples not necessarily the case in Scandinavia and who more often than not bear the costs of Russia. This trend highlights the question about resource development through environmental, whether existing resource governance systems social, and cultural impacts. in the Arctic are able to respond quickly and flexibly to emerging opportunities in a way that Climate change creates new challenges contributes to healthy communities and sus- The issue of climate change in the Arctic is only tainable economies. beginning to be understood and analyzed in Alaska’s most profitable regional and village terms of its potential effects and impacts on corporations generated revenues of some resource governance. The Arctic Council’s Arctic US$2400 million in 2002 with assets of US$2700 Climate Impact Assessment (ACIA) has evaluated million. In that year, these for-profit corpora- data about climate change, climate variability, tions paid US$45.6 million to Alaska Native and increased UV exposure in the Arctic (74). In shareholders and employed over 12,000 people developing awareness of potential impacts, in the state (72). In northwest Alaska, Iñupiat ACIA will also inform discussions about how to shareholders in the NANA Regional address them. Corporation are partnering with multinational For resource governance, debates about Teck-Cominco in operating Red Dog, the Arctic climate change will almost certainly focus world’s largest lead-zinc mine. Cook Inlet on whether current institutions are sufficiently Region, Incorporated, whose shareholders live flexible, resilient, and robust. They will have to predominantly near Anchorage, earned over cope with rapid changes in biological systems, US$850 million in 2001. including alteration of marine and terrestrial Similar developments are taking place in ecosystems, loss of polar bear habitat, and Canada in the aftermath of comprehensive emergence of new species. Permafrost melt, claims settlements. In Canada’s Northwest reduced sea ice, and increased Arctic Ocean Territories, Inuvialuit and Dene seek to become shipping will also have impacts on industrial active partners in the ownership of a major development (75-76). These impacts and the gasline extending the length of the Mackenzie potential demise of traditional subsistence sys- River, from its mouth to distant southern mar- tems may well affect community viability. The kets (73). Their Aboriginal Pipeline Group is in impacts from climate change could be profound the midst of negotiating a financial package as and pose significant challenges to established well as impact and benefit agreements to and fledgling governance institutions in the address immediate and long-term cumulative Arctic. impacts. Development of the Canadian diamond Trend summary industry in the Northwest Territories and Arctic peoples are increasingly involved in indus- Nunavut is also creating jobs, generating trial development, especially in North America. resource wealth, and expanding self-determina- This fact may advance political and economic tion. Greenland’s Home Rule Government is self-determination, but it may also raise new Resource Governance 135 Chapter 7 challenges to effective resource governance. conservation, but experience shows that effec- Rights to land and resources, political devolution, tive governance has often been thwarted when and new regimes for co-management are crucial these factors were ignored. in providing a voice in this development and a share of the wealth. Climate change presents new and uncertain challenges in the Arctic; Gaps in knowledge research now under way will help determine The policy conclusions point to several gaps in effective responses to these challenges, including our knowledge about Arctic resource gover- in the area of resource governance. nance. First, we need a better understanding of the dynamics of effective regimes for resource governance – the socio-political contexts from Key conclusions which they emerge and the factors that support This chapter illustrates how continuing efforts or undermine their implementation and long- to define and clarify rights to resources in the term effectiveness (1). Arctic have profound political, economic, social, We also need systematic studies and analysis and cultural implications. How these rights are of the full range of property-rights systems as finally addressed, and who has control over they are applied in the Arctic. We need to look resources, will be the key issue for sustainable critically both at the privatization approaches development of Arctic communities. increasingly common in North America and of Efforts to incorporate traditional and local alternative systems. Such studies should look ecological knowledge in resource management not only at legal or political structures but also at are also almost certain to continue. How the social and political context in which they are meaningful these efforts will be in addressing embedded. The still-evolving nature of proper- the needs and concerns of Arctic peoples ty-rights systems in the Arctic and the openness remains to be seen, but the very existence of to new approaches in different jurisdictions this debate signals growing awareness that offers intriguing case studies that may have sig- effective governance requires broader thinking. nificance far beyond the Arctic. Moreover, devolution of authority for local or The policy conclusions also point to gaps in regional resource governance offers promise our knowledge about how best to understand, for greater legitimacy in management for sus- assess, and address cumulative impacts related tainability. to resource development, as exemplified by A third conclusion is that expanding involve- North Slope development in Alaska. This ment of Arctic peoples in economic develop- includes improving data about the ecological ment may become increasingly important to the and socio-cultural impacts of development and future of effective resource governance in the planning processes (66). Studies of cumulative Arctic. In the 20th century, economic develop- effects are especially relevant in light of the ment forces commonly came from outside of the potential impacts from climate change. Much Arctic region and were often imposed upon more basic and applied research will be needed local residents. As more Arctic residents get to understand and respond to climate change in involved in economic development, the charac- the years ahead, while the science of integrated ter of resource governance institutions and assessments offers a means for understanding political debates will almost certainly change. dynamic and complex factors contributing to The link between economic power and self- effective resource governance (77). determination has not gone unnoticed by Arctic residents. Finally, research shows that sustainable Chapter summary development of Arctic communities is advanced Effective resource management regimes are when institutions and processes for decision important for long-term sustainability and self- making take into account the social and cultur- determination in the Arctic. In describing the al values of Arctic peoples. The most appropriate interrelationships between Arctic peoples, their institutions appear to be those that are flexible, environments, and resource governance, this responsive to change, and scaled appropriately chapter focuses on how human uses of Arctic to maximize effectiveness and legitimacy. environments have changed dramatically over Building on these values and principles is no time. It highlights opportunities for improving guarantee of effective governance and resource systems of resource governance through 1) 136 Arctic Human Development Report

addressing property rights to resources, 2) Sustainability and Self-determination in the Arctic incorporating traditional and local ecological (Univ. Press of New England, Hanover, NH, knowledge along with western science in deci- 1997). sion making, 3) co-management and devolution 16. J. Fleischer, A Short History of Greenland (Aschehoug, Copenhagen, 2003). to local and regional levels, and 4) expanding 17. D. Gaffin, In Place: Spatial and Social Order in a our understanding of resource governance Faroe Islands Community Waveland Press, Long dynamics – particularly as it relates to resource Grove, IL, 1995). development and climate change. 18. G. Pálsson, A. Helgason, “The politics of produc- tion: enclosure, equity, and efficiency,” in Images of Contemporary Iceland: Everyday Lives and Global References Contexts, G. Pálsson, E. P. Durrenberger, Eds. (Univ. of Iowa Press, Iowa City, 1996), pp. 60-84. 1. O. R. Young, Creating Regimes: Arctic Accords and 19. T. G. 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Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 8

80o

70o Community60o Viability

Lead authors: Nils Aarsæther, University of Tromsø, Norway, Larissa Riabova, Kola Science Centre, Russian Federation, and Jørgen Ole Bærenholdt, Roskilde University, Denmark.

In the Arctic, many local communities experience villages, and towns. We use the word communi- population declines as people leave to find jobs ty in this way – a geographically delimited, small elsewhere, while few if any others move in. Some or medium-sized settlement located outside the places, however, are exceptions to this trend. This urban regions of the Arctic. Arctic communities chapter focuses on processes that allow commu- vary in size from less than a hundred to some nities to survive and even to prosper, the factors thousands inhabitants. There are also substan- that underpin community viability. tial differences with respect to their economic Four key themes are presented. In short they foundations and public services. are principal strategies for human development There are many criteria that can be used to by people in the Arctic. The first is to form part- assess community viability and it is hard to find nerships with outside actors in developing nat- universal indices, except for the simple measure ural resources. A second is to combine subsis- of population development. Although it is a tence activities with government employment crude measure, it is easy to understand and and welfare. Policies on regional development makes sense to people discussing this theme, can be used to create jobs, and our third strate- including people living in those communities. A gy is to negotiate with governments for such viable community can thus be understood as initiatives. A fourth strategy, which has been one in which people feel that they can stay as successful for many fishing villages, is to use inhabitants for a period of their lives, where business and political networks to ensure access they find sources of income and meaningful to international markets. Common trends in all lives. In some cases, community viability is these themes are the increasing connections to based on continuous activities of specific peo- global economic processes and the key role that ples, families, and groups, but most often viabil- local governments play in finding modern ways ity will depend on the creativities and links gen- to cope. erated through emigration and immigration. More comprehensive definitions of viability dif- Arctic communities in fer with the varying natural, societal, and cultur- context al contexts for humans in the Arctic. Small communities still play a key role in the Local places with global connections Arctic: in terms of their numbers, in maintaining Most people in the Arctic live in rather large ties to traditions, and in the economy of the urban areas, like Murmansk in northwest Russia, region. Arctic communities, however, face a Reykjavik in Iceland, or Anchorage in Alaska. number of challenges connected to their rapid These urban areas are centers of advanced pub- transition from pre-industrial isolation to being lic services, commerce, and scientific research. part of a global market economy. This section Most inhabited places in the Arctic, however, are defines the concept of community viability and rather small. These small communities are of presents a context for the rest of the chapter. vital importance for the use and protection of natural resources, for market-based production, Defining community viability and for the informal subsistence economy. And The word “community,” or “local community,” not unimportantly, some of these places are is often used to describe smaller settlements, attractive to a growing number of tourists. The 140 Arctic Human Development Report

smaller communities are also places in which household units, frontier settlements, and traditional and indigenous life styles and cultur- nomadic and semi-nomadic settlements. The al traits typical of the Arctic can have a space. indigenous populations of the Arctic were in the Compared to the urban centers, they offer far majority and links to the central political better possibilities of accessing, and living in authorities were weak. Trading links with the close connection with the natural environment. outside world were present in many of the As to social relations, communities vary from Arctic regions, however. socially well-integrated to socially fragmented. Industrialization, with organized manufactur- In any community in the modern world, ing in forestry, mining, and fisheries, reached its social life will reflect ongoing interactions apex in the middle of the 20th century and between market-directed production and com- changed the living conditions in many places. merce, welfare arrangements, and informal but “Company towns” were the typical communi- stable person-to-person relations based on ties ties of that period. Beginning in the 1970s, oil of both kinship and friendship. In smaller com- and gas development has gradually come to munities, market-based production, the public dominate the industrial sector in the Arctic. The sector, and daily-life processes tend to be high- Kola Peninsula in Russia has been an industrial ly interrelated, and these relations are increas- stronghold of the Arctic. th Andenes in Northern ingly going on also at a distance via information Since the middle of the 20 century, much of Norway and communication technologies. the Arctic has been in the process of entering a post-industrial stage. Typical for this period has been a growth of the information and service sectors, including telecommunications, educa- tion, and tourism. State welfare institutions have played a major role in many Arctic com- munities. For some of the regions, this transi- tion has also been marked with de-industrial- ization, when old manufacturing industries closed down or departed.

HT:MROKLAASOCAG RJC,2004 MARKO KULMALA/SNOWCHANGE PROJECT, PHOTO: The post-industrial era differs from earlier eras by its multitude of organizational forms. While the household was the dominant insti- tution of the pre-industrial era, and the factory of the industrial era, the communities of the post-industrial era lack any one dominant organization.

Challenges facing Arctic communities Arctic communities are no longer isolated Communities of the circumpolar North are fac- from the rest of the world. Community viability ing several global trends that find their specific is closely linked to what power the local level expressions in the Arctic regions. They include has when it becomes involved in processes of a urbanization, competition over declining natu- potentially global scope. Therefore any analysis ral resources, welfare state retrenchment, and a of the situation has to include systems that are transfer of authority from central to local gov- larger than the communities themselves. This is ernments. not only true for market and central authority The dominance of city regions over the rural relations. Even kinship and friendship relations settlements has been profound in the Arctic. In connect over long distances, and such informal the Murmansk oblast in northwest Russia, the relations can be important to local business, urban population today makes up 92% of the politics, or cultural life. total population. Urbanization has also been very strong in the northern regions of the A journey in time Nordic countries. Moreover, many inhabitants Since the 19th century, Arctic communities have of small communities commute to jobs in moved rapidly away from a pre-industrial stage, northern cities. Younger people, women in par- in which the emphasis was on harvesting bio- ticular, tend to move south or to centers in the logical resources and people lived in scattered North that can offer advanced education and Community Viability 141 Chapter 8 employment. These processes leave smaller public sectors, to individual mobility, and to places with an aging population, often with a new forms of political self-assertion. On the majority of male inhabitants. However, the other hand, local communities in which the demographic situation is mixed within regions complexities of identity are not acknowledged as well as between regions of the Arctic. may experience social fragmentation as a result Resource depletion in most of the fishing of the tension between modern and ethnic areas and in some of the reindeer herding dis- identities. tricts in the Arctic has had a negative effect on These challenges reflect influences coming local development. In addition, liberalization of into the Arctic from outside. The four ways national economies has led to the commercial- Arctic communities have tried to respond to ization of herding and fishing rights, sometimes them, with a focus on factors that promote com- blocking access for local people. On the other munity viability, will be the topic of the remain- hand, regulations aimed at securing access to der of this chapter. resources for indigenous peoples have led to conflicts with non-indigenous community Partnerships with outside inhabitants. There are also conflicts between full-time and leisure-time users of the same actors resources. Local community institutions for reg- Several Arctic communities utilize oil and gas ulating access to and utilization of natural resources in partnership with large corpora- resources have been suggested as a partial tions. The challenges of this path include how to answer to this problem (1). convert the economic compensation for use of Arctic communities have limited home mar- these resources to productive and innovative kets and have traditionally depended on income local activities. from the export of natural resources, govern- mental transfers for service provisions, and tra- Russia ditional subsistence activities. In addition to Generally, the situation in the Russian Arctic is increasing global competition for work and one of population decline and out-migration market shares, many Arctic communities are due to economic decline since the collapse of expected to lower their level of welfare provi- the Soviet Union (see box below). In the past sions. As an increasing part of local employment three years, however, there has been a trend of has been dependent on public sector jobs, par- economic growth connected with the extrac- ticularly for women, central level policies have tion of mineral resources. Some towns profit thus been less supportive to smaller communi- from these developments. The brightest exam- ties. On the other hand, the central level’s com- mitment to indigenous peoples’ welfare has been growing, which has led to improved serv- Russian Arctic ices in some communities. Russia’s Arctic communities have all experi- Within the countries of the Arctic, transfers enced a loss of population since the collapse of of power to the local level have taken place, the Soviet Union in 1991. Reasons behind the as discussed in Chapter 5. Political Systems. loss include migration to southern regions due However, there are differences both in the to the closure of unprofitable enterprises and a general economic decline coupled with a dra- average size of municipalities and in what matic increase in mortality and a decrease in mandates are placed at the local level. birth rates. Unemployment rates are generally Local cultures, often based on the heritage of higher in the Arctic localities. In the settle- indigenous peoples, have been challenged by ments of the Murmansk region it was 13.4% in both national cultures and by a global entertain- 2002, compared to a Russian average of 7.1% ment culture. Within this context, a reassertion (4). In smaller communities that depend on of indigenous culture has taken place, but also a fisheries and forestry, the unemployment rates redefinition of local identities in the wake of de- are much higher. For example, the coastal vil- lages of the Murmansk region – places in industrialization and with increasing awareness which people for ages have relied on fisheries of ecological and cultural values. The develop- – have all experienced a severe loss of jobs dur- ment of hybrid or complex identities (2), in ing the crisis of the 1990s. The unemployment which individuals see themselves as a mix of rate has reached as high as 40% in some com- traditional and modern elements, is a process munities. that may lead to innovations in the business and 142 Arctic Human Development Report HT:MROKLAASOCAG RJC,2004 MARKO KULMALA/SNOWCHANGE PROJECT, PHOTO:

Pipeline in Montsegorsk, ple is Chanty-Mansiysk in western Siberia, Both cooperatives have their management and Murmansk Region, Russia which builds its wealth on oil and gas rev- herders dwellings in the village of Krasnoe. They enues. Oil and gas development in most Arctic are both cooperatives but their structures are regions is in its initial stage, but it is progress- rather different. Erv is a cooperative of obschinas ing fast and starting to influence northern (family based communities of herders that relate communities in both positive and negative to indigenous tradition) with private property. ways. On the one hand, it creates prospects for Kharp is a cooperative with collective owner- an increase in income and number of jobs. On ship. the other hand, it brings the risk of negative In the late 1990s, both cooperatives had to environmental impacts such as oil spills – the cope with continuous economic difficulties, losses from which corporations often fail to such as lack of funds, and with oil and gas compensate. development in their area causing problems The extent to which local communities can with pastures. In 1996-97, herders in both benefit from industrial development can be Kharp and Erv were lacking cash; they could highly influenced by the level of local entrepre- afford only basic food, and had difficulties in neurship. A case study of Erv and Kharp illus- buying clothes and other things. Several years trates the differences between two communities later in the village of Krasnoe, it was evident that share many other circumstances. that the members of Erv were much better off than their fellows in Kharp. This noticeable Case study: Erv and Kharp improvement of Erv’s well-being was based on Erv and Kharp are reindeer herding coopera- contracts with the oil companies working in its tives located in Nenets Autonomous Okrug in territory. These agreements were initiated by the Arkhangelsk region of the Russian Erv’s management and had two parts: first, Federation. This area is referred to as the Arctic material help from the companies (financial Kuwait because of its rich oil and gas resources. help, use of company helicopters, food supplies, Community Viability 143 Chapter 8 etc.) and, second, the participation of herders in ments in Alaska’s North Slope Borough repre- the planning of land use. sent an interesting and in many ways unique Kharp’s contracts with the oil companies dif- case of coping with the challenges of this fered from Erv’s: they were initiated by the oil approach, and point specifically to the impor- companies, which provided some equipment tance of political entrepreneurship. and occasional technical help. Workers in Oil development is also important in Canada, Kharp questioned why herders of Erv lived so where funding from land claim agreements led much better than they did. On one hand they to the establishment of several for-profit cor- claimed that “everyone helps Erv, local admin- porations that are not under government con- istration, foreigners, oil companies and every- trol. In contrast to the case of the North Slope one.” On the other hand, they blamed their Borough, and also of the Greenland Home Rule own management for not being able to make Government, the Nunavut Government does such contracts (3). not control funds from commercial activities. Obviously, ability to cope with economic Instead, economic power rests to a large extent crises and oil development depended on the in the hands of Nunavut Tunngavik, cooperatives’ ability to negotiate with oil com- Incorporated (7). Canadian Inuit Corporations panies. Erv’s success was based on actions by its actively pursue the development of their own management, and also on the use of outside industries (8). links such as assistance from the ex-president of Yasavei, the political organization of the Nenets Theme summary people, and the help of a juridical bureau from In some cases, oil and gas development can Moscow specializing in issues related to indige- provide cash income and create new opportuni- nous people. ties for reviving communities, as illustrated by Erv is a case of development where local cases in North America and Russia. When suc- business entrepreneurship managed to secure a cessful, these ventures have often involved a share of the resource rent from the oil compa- large degree of political entrepreneurship as the nies as well as the possibility of influencing basis for productive partnerships with outside industrial decision-making in order to mini- actors. For community viability, however, an mize the disadvantages of oil extraction for important factor is to what extent the local com- reindeer herding. Current Russian legislation is munity has ownership rights to, or other forms not very comprehensive in regard to compensa- of control over, the resources. tion for land use to local populations or in tools for securing the needs of indigenous peoples. Combining pre-industrial Combining local and non-local networking with local expressions of identity that include and welfare economies an indigenous component related to obschinas In some communities, there are almost no mar- thus became a coping strategy. However, these ket activities. These include areas where oil and practices are not institutionalized, and many of gas exploration provided only a brief experience the herding enterprises in the area wait for help of an industrial economy. They often rely on a from the regional and local administration, combination of government support and subsis- even though the reduction of governmental tence activities. Two case studies from the support has been a major trend of the past Canadian Arctic illustrate this theme. decade. Holman/Uluqsaqtuuq, Victoria Island North America In the late 1970s and the early 1980s, commu- Taking part in developing oil and gas resources nities in the Northwest Territories faced the has been an important strategy for many com- challenges of oil exploration in the Beaufort munities in Alaska. The Alaska Native Claims Sea and the Mackenzie Delta. Some communi- Settlement Act (ANCSA) allowed for the cre- ties suffered the experience that jobs and ation of 12 regional for-profit corporations, incomes lasted only as long as the exploration which control large funds as compensation for and construction period. In some cases, drilling the loss of land (5-6), as well as 200 village cor- holes were dry. Still, some communities gain porations that distribute and manage land for income from the land claim agreements, such subsistence activities. This is further described in as that provided by the 1984 Inuvialuit Chapter 7. Resource Governance. The develop- Agreement. One of these communities is 144 Arctic Human Development Report

Holman/ Uluqsaqtuuq on the west coast of hydroelectric project was planned for construc- Victoria Island, with 400 Inuit inhabitants tion near Kuujjuarapik. As a result of the James (Innuinaq and Inuvialuit). Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, the peo- Holman became a mission and trading post ple of Kuujjurapik were offered relocation to a as late as 1939, and it was not until the 1960s new village – Umiujaq (constructed in 1986), that community development took place as north of Kuujjurapik – and some moved. people moved into town from the camps Meanwhile, the hydropower project was post- where they used to live. In the wake of the land poned and some have moved back to claims agreement, it became a municipal gov- Kuujjuarapik. ernment unit and received hamlet status in Kuujjuarapik is a case of community develop- 1984. This led to many new amenities and ment typical for the Canadian Arctic. As in facilities, including television and a new school Holman, there is almost no market economy (9-10). The community also has plane connec- and little private business development. This is tions to other places in the Northwest due to late modernization and societal integra- Territories several days a week. tion of Arctic communities in Canada, but also While subsistence activities still play a role in because this integration is shaped by publicly this village, it is wage labor that provides most governed and subsidized processes. The role people with income, and nearly all from public that the Hunter Support Program plays in service jobs. Still, only half the working-age Kuujjaurapik illustrates this well. population have regular full-time or part-time In contrast to Greenland, for example, there is jobs. Some have seasonal paid employment and no legal local market for country food in Arctic live partly on welfare payments. Canada. Hunters can only share with other Holman has no industrial activity. Jobs are community members and maybe sell informal- found in the local authority, in the school, and ly. The Hunter Support Program, however, the health center, in shops, and in the Holman operated by a local committee with money from Community Corporation, which is financed the Quebec Government, supports a municipal by the Inuvialuit Regional Corporation. freezer arrangement. Administrative positions are held by non- Hunters that need support to cover their native people. In many other positions, people hunting expenses can receive a monetary sub- work side-by-side with their kin. Subsistence sidy from the program if they give the munici- hunting has become a leisure activity for many pality some of their catch. Although it looks like inhabitants. Supported by funds generated by a sale it is not, as the money received in industrial resource extraction elsewhere, peo- exchange for the catch is not proportional to the ple in Holman have taken the step directly value (defined by market prices) of the meat, from the pre-industrial to a post-industrial nor to its weight, and even less to the prefer- phase, depending heavily on public service ences of the community members. On the con- transfers. trary, money allocated by the program supports a sustainable hunting practice by encouraging Kuujjuarapik, Nunavik hunters to catch different species all year long. Kuujjuarapik is the southernmost of 14 Inuit vil- By this arrangement, hunting for popular lages along the coast of Nunavik (11-12). It can species is not rewarded. The money that the only be reached by plane or by sea in summer. hunters receive can thus be regarded as an This village consists of two communities: an incentive outside the market economy. This is Inuit population of around 700, and a Cree pop- underlined by the fact that food stored in the ulation of more than 600. In Cree, the name of municipal freezer is made available to every the village is Whapmagoostui. Although there is community member, who can thus pick up evidence of relations between populations at country food for free, an instance of modern sol- the individual level (especially through mar- idarity (13). riage), relations at the institutional level are few. This program and the municipal freezer pro- In fact, each community has been granted its duce a certain social division of labor. Informal own institutions by the James Bay and Northern relations between kin and community mem- Quebec Agreement. bers are still possible and do exist, as many This is a community where people have been hunters keep a portion of their catch to share confronted with several choices in connection with their family networks. But this practice is with the land claims process. The Great Whale now combined with the politically governed Community Viability 145 Chapter 8 and publicly funded distribution program of country food, making market development for Northern Norway this type of food not only illegal but also unre- In northern Norway, there is a population of alistic. about 450,000. Approximately 10,000 people This is again a specific combination of pre- have registered themselves in the Saami census and post-industrial development, where public register, but the number of Saami-speaking people is higher than this. The Saami Parliament funds support the continuity of traditional hunt- is located in Karasjok, and it is elected by regis- ing practices. The redistribution of food via the tered Saami voters from the whole country. freezer differs from informal sharing and The total number of people in northern exchange, as it does not build on direct social Norway has been relatively stable during the ties between people. For those who can choose last decades, but an increasing proportion of where they get their country food, more auton- the population live in urban municipalities, omy has been gained, and traditional person- Tromsø with a population of 62,000 the biggest to-person ties are no longer the sole basis of one. Unemployment rates are low (about 4 %) and not significantly higher than in southern social integration. The basis of social life in a Norway. Very few of the many smaller localities community like Kuujjuarapik has thus become in the region have been abandoned, but almost the choice of autonomous individual house- all of them have suffered population declines holds. since the 1980s. Among the exceptions from this overall trend are the two Saami municipal- Theme summary ities Karasjok (pop. 2,900), and Kautokeino The two communities Kuujjuarapik and (pop. 3,000), the fishery-based municipality of Holman illustrate how industrial social forms Båtsfjord (pop. 2,400) in Finnmark County, and can transcend traditional social forms even the municipality of Storfjord (pop. 1,900) in Troms County (14). when there is no local industrial development. People become integrated on a new basis as cit- izens. People are heavily dependent on public implement it, the regional energy authority transfers, however, and there are few ways open needed approval of the project by the municipal for community development through locally council. embedded business entrepreneurship. Instead of just welcoming this project and the jobs that would come during the construction period, the people of Storfjord, through their Negotiating for jobs elected representatives, went into hard negotia- How can Arctic communities use opportunities tions with the developers and succeeded in get- to negotiate for public initiatives that create new ting compensation in the form of a laundry jobs? When can such opportunities be the start of which would service public institutions in the a cultural revival and of creating local business whole region, providing jobs for almost 30 opportunities? Three cases from Scandinavia women. Moreover, a voluntary-sector-based Saami children in Norway, illustrate the challenges in societies where public rehabilitation center for people with heart and spring 1975 service sector jobs expanded until the 1970s. The provision of welfare services to all inhabitants, regardless of location, has thus played a role for community viability, along with the general political goals of regional development.

Storfjord, Norway Storfjord is a municipality along the major north Norwegian highway about 120 km from the city of Tromsø. The municipality comprises several villages, is inhabited by three ethnic groups (Norwegian, Saami, Kven), and borders on both Sweden and Finland, with easy road connections. Until the 1970s, there were very few business enterprises and a low level of pub- lic services in this community. A large hydro- electric development was then proposed. To PHOTO: HUGH BEACH 146 Arctic Human Development Report

lung diseases was established, and a missionary ipalities is the result of processes involving the school – a branch of the US-operated Youth Norwegian state and the Saami organizations. with a Mission – was opened. In addition, the Once the Norwegian Parliament had decided to developer pays a special tax to provide capital contribute to the construction of a broad range for two funding schemes, one for small-scale of Saami institutions, the two inner Finnmark business development, and one for investments municipalities were the inevitable choices. As a in local fishing and farming equipment. number of institutions were to be created, this Female occupational levels exceed male, facilitated the distribution between the two which results in a vital population structure as Saami “capitals.” Being the core Saami commu- well as a favorable environment for growing up nities, both Karasjok and Kautokeino have also (15-16). A comparative youth study has shown been able to develop a viable tourist industry that young people really appreciate the easy with a focus on activities related to reindeer access to nature and the “good social environ- herding. ment” in the locality Storfjord is a story of developing strategies for Northern Sweden and Finland negotiating with regional and central level pub- The northern peripheries of Finland and lic agencies. The community is admittedly weak Sweden have experienced a population decline on business innovations, but community due to the restructuring of the forestry sector, dynamics work on the basis of households com- agriculture, and the steel industry. When the bining incomes from public and private sector economic crisis was over, only the urban cen- sources. Many one-person or family-based ters of the regions benefited, while unemploy- firms, starting with support from the municipal ment remained high in the rural peripheries. funding arrangements, take advantage of the Today public sector services are by far the most local and the regional markets for construction important provider of jobs. Sweden and Finland joined the European and services. And as in many other Arctic com- Union in 1995, and contemporary regional munities, there is a tendency to organize the policies are implemented in a variety of EU stable public sector jobs on a part-time basis, supported programs, providing infrastructure particularly jobs for women. support for tourism development, but also Culturally, complex identity formation is tak- facilitating the formation of village develop- ing place in the context of common “projects,” ment groups. Some of these programs create a such as a large annual market festival, and project economy, where much activity is asso- Storfjord is asserting itself as an arena of north- ciated with adult education and other types of ern multi-culturalism. Storfjord’s municipal infrastructure development. While substantial results within the business sector are hard to authorities play a key role in providing the achieve, project employees are required to agenda for networking and funding of public work to raise funds for the next generation of welfare investments, but this would not work projects. without the diverse income base at the house- hold level, ranging from agriculture to jobs requiring a long-distance commute. Jokkmokk, Sweden Karasjok and Kautokeino, Norway Jokkmokk municipality has 6,000 inhabitants, Karasjok and Kautokeino are neighboring with more than 3000 in the central town of municipalities, located in the inner part of the Jokkmokk. The municipality stretches from the county of Finnmark, and bordering on Finland. highlands in the west with reindeer herding, Both municipalities are connected by road to the recreation, and tourism, to the intensively uti- nearest regional centers and airports (Alta and lized forestlands and wetlands in the east. Lakselv). In spite of setbacks in reindeer herd- Rivers have been used for hydropower develop- ing, they experienced population growth in the ment. 1990s. This growth has been most evident in the In 1960, Jokkmokk reached its maximum municipal centers, where several central-gov- population of 12,000 inhabitants. Since then, ernment-funded Saami institutions, such as the the local forest industry has been in steady Saami Parliament in Karasjok, and the Saami decline and the last sawmill in Jokkmokk has College and the Saami Theatre in Kautokeino, been closed (17). The vast forest resources are are now located. now transported to sawmills and processing The successful outcome for these two munic- plants outside the municipality and citizens of Community Viability 147 Chapter 8 Jokkmokk feel their resources are being extract- for a number of fishing communities across the ed without proper compensation. Arctic. One key to success has been access to Jokkmokk is home to a Saami reindeer herd- the international fisheries market. Another has ing community. In addition to reindeer herding, been to diversify the economy. A major chal- their economic activities include hunting, fish- lenge has been to transform the gains from ing, and tourism. Saami entrepreneurs have commercial, political or civic networking to last- gained some influence through international ing local development. networking in the formation of the UNESCO cultural heritage landscape Laponia (18). The Båtsfjord, Norway idea behind such cultural landscapes differ from Båtsfjord is a modern fishing village in those of conservation areas and national parks Finnmark County, situated on the coast of the in that they recognize the economic and cultur- Barents Sea. It has all-year road connections, in al activities in an area as an integral part of the addition to an airport with daily connections area. The process of realizing Laponia, however, and transport by sea. As in all peripheral has been full of conflicts between state, region- Norwegian municipalities, public sector al, municipal, Saami, and international actors; employment is important, but in Båtsfjord the few economic benefits can be documented. fishing sector is still the backbone of the com- Jokkmokk’s present economy is dependent munity. For decades, the owners of the land- on transfers from the Swedish state to finance based processing firms have co-operated in much of the public sector activities. Jokkmokk order to make the community an attractive fish- no doubt has some advantages from being the ing harbor. location of the language department of the During the 1990s, the managers developed a Swedish Saami Parliament and of other Saami common strategy to take advantage of the more institutions, but this has not had the same liberalized fishery regime in Norway, and in effects in added employment opportunities as in Russia as well (19). Despite a deep crisis in cod Karasjok and Kautokeino in Norway. The resources around 1990, they succeeded in secur- attempts at economic diversification, for exam- ing stable and even growing deliveries by mak- ple in “cultural tourism,” are by no means suffi- ing contracts with trawlers from the Russian cient to compensate for the vast job losses in the fleet, diverting them from delivering their catch industrial sector. back in Russia by offering Norwegian prices. Meanwhile, reluctance on the part of the local Theme summary population to work in filleting plants had been In the inland of northern Scandinavia, many countered by bringing in refugees, coming to small communities depend on political initia- Norway mainly from Sri Lanka, to work for tives and funding to create local jobs. In some Norwegian fixed wages. More recently, this cases, negotiations between local representa- refugee labor is being partly replaced by Russian tives and governments have led to new institu- workers, women and men, coming in on short- tions and small businesses, which have provid- term contracts (20). To secure diversification at ed a base for maintaining viable communities. the local level, the owners of the fish processing However, the picture is mixed. Communities industry have cooperated with the municipal that used to depend on forestry face problems authorities and with central government agen- with the displacement of this industry. There are cies. Båtsfjord has, for example, set up sports also marked differences in the priority given in facilities, relocated the airport in order to be able official welfare and regional policies for the to serve 40-seat airplanes, and offers secondary periphery areas in Norway, Sweden and and university level education on site and Finland. Furthermore, Norway has the advan- through distance learning. tage of the revenues from oil, redistributed In the highly volatile fisheries industry, set- nationally. backs come on short notice, however. It is also a problem to convert business success into development of culture and identity. Many of Networks the refugee workers have by now left Båtsfjord, Combinations of market-driven processes, a and a study of young people in Båtsfjord politically governed economy, and informal showed that the younger generation expresses relations can provide a way to ensure survival mixed feelings about their home place (21). for small communities. This has been the case Business innovation is the main thing in 148 Arctic Human Development Report

Båtsfjord, but the networking involves only a alive. Nowadays, people of the village can find limited group of actors connected to the inter- work in fish processing, both at the kolkhoz and national fish trade (22). at the new enterprise. In addition, 40-50 work- ers from Teriberka (9% of the workforce) have Teriberka, Russia been employed in fish processing in Båtsfjord, Teriberka is a fishing village on the coast of Kola which is seen as a fortunate way of coping with Peninsula, 120 km northeast of the city of poverty. Murmansk with a population of 1,400. It is one Oil and gas transportation development in of the very few fishing villages left in this highly the region may bring another perspective into urbanized region. It was, for ages, a wealthy Teriberka’s life, as there are some prospects of town, and open to international contacts, espe- constructing transportation facilities in the vil- cially at the time of the Pomor trade before the lage. Realizing these plans depends on corpora- Russian Revolution of 1917. During most of the tions from outside the region, but people in the Soviet period, Teriberka experienced intensive village believe this new project will create new development, with a population maximum of local jobs. 12,000 inhabitants in the 1960s. In the last This case is about attracting external decades before perestroika, the population stabi- resources to a traditional sector of the economy lized at a level of 2,400 inhabitants. The econo- via entrepreneurial and political networks at the my has been based on a fishing kolkhoz, which regional and local levels. During the most diffi- owned the fishing fleet, several fish processing cult period, the decline in living standards led to plants, and a shipyard (23). the rise of a subsistence economy. The local In the beginning of the 1990s, the village informal economy can thus be regarded as a faced a deep socio-economic crisis caused by safety net. the transformation of Russia to a market econo- my together with the introduction of strong reg- Iceland and the Faroe Islands ulation of fish resources. In 1993, the shipyard Community development in Iceland and the was closed and about half of the jobs in the fish Faroe Islands is much about networking and processing plants were lost. The former “pride entrepreneurship in the fishing industries, of the coast” was about to collapse as the local where the very small municipalities used to play economy crashed. Living standards declined an important role in organizing and facilitating and a class of “new poor” appeared, made up of business activities. It is much an “economy of well-educated people. The welfare infrastruc- flows,” where the decisive factors keep chang- ture was cut back, with reduction of state trans- ing all the time: the presence of fish in the sea fers and a diminishing base for local financing. varies, as do regulations concerning access to Since 1994, the dominant strategy in these resources and international markets. An Teriberka has been to attract external (primarily important response, especially in Iceland, has foreign) capital to the traditional sector of its been to diversify the economy, including new economy. These efforts resulted in establishing a information technology and tourism develop- joint Russian-Portuguese-Lithuanian fish pro- ments. The two municipalities, Ísafjörður and cessing enterprise and a project of cooperation Hornafjörður, illustrate this well. with the Norwegian municipality of Båtsfjord. Ísafjörður is the main town within a munici- These business initiatives were mainly a result pality that also includes villages and districts of ties between outside entrepreneurs who had south of the town (24). While the population of either formerly worked in Teriberka or who the villages had declined to around 1,000 in knew about the place from business partners. 2002, the town of Ísafjörður has had a stable The local and regional governments provided population of just over 3,000. The system of strong political support for measures to attract individually transferable quotas in the Icelandic external financial resources and to stimulate fisheries has led to the municipal area losing cross-border cooperation. Informal social ties both some of its quotas and some of its vessels. connected to the fishery economy had been very Instead, Ísafjörður is becoming a town dominat- strong between family members and neighbors, ed by public and private service sectors. The but these ties played no role as a basis for the strategy of the municipal authorities has been to new business initiatives. make Ísafjörður a center for marine research in New initiatives in the fisheries industry have Iceland, and a number of businesses in fishing been important for keeping the local economy technology have located there. Tourism is also Community Viability 149 Chapter 8 business in Höfn; but the choice of location was facilitated by personal networks of a non-busi- ness character. As in Ísafjörður, the municipal authorities of Hornafjörður are actively promot- ing an innovation strategy, which includes bringing together secondary and continuing education facilities, the municipal library, an entrepreneurial center, and a branch of the University of Iceland. On the other hand, inhabitants of Öræfi (a small formerly inde- pendent municipality, now part of Hornarfjöður) more than 100 km away from Höfn feel that municipal authorities do not do much for them. These Icelandic cases indicate a shift on the part of local people away from trying to stabilize and “ground” the volatile fishing sector towards developing strategies that are more in line with post-industrial attempts to become involved in dynamic game plans of potentially global scope. This includes attracting new types of tourists and developing high-tech enterprises related to marine resources and/or advanced services for Whale watching is a growing business in the fishing fleet. By capitalizing on informal net-

PHOTO: NÍELS EINARSSON Iceland works and allowing entrepreneurship and out- growing. The municipal authorities have played side contacts to flourish, at least some fishing an active role in supporting innovative projects. communities are coping with the challenges Ísafjörður is a town that its young people take posed by the process of restructuring traditional much pride in, according to a survey of young industries. people’s perceptions of their communities (25). Many migrant workers from different countries Greenland: Uummannaq and Ilulissat have come to work in the fishing industries and The introduction of Home Rule in Greenland are now enriching cultural life, for example by produced many expectations of policies for the creation of an annual festival displaying the community development, especially in the vil- cultural multitude of the community. lages and rural districts. Today, regional policy is The Hornafjörður municipality covers a 200 integrated into all policy in Greenland, but with km long but narrow strip of land on the south an increasing orientation towards economic east side of the glacier Vatnajökull. It includes independence for Greenland as such. There is the fishing town of Höfn and five small rural thus less emphasis on the leveling of regional municipalities, and has 2,300 inhabitants. The disparities. fishing industry in Höfn has coped more suc- Municipal authorities in Greenland are cessfully with the quota system than Ísafjörður, expected to behave as “midwives”, in facilitat- but the municipality has nevertheless engaged ing business development in their areas. Two in strategies of economic diversification. A municipalities in West Greenland have been rel- major new source of income is tourism, which atively successful in connection with the success was facilitated by the completion of Iceland’s of specific fisheries: Uummannaq, with a stable circle road that made Skaftafell National Park population in the 1990s, and Ilulissat, with a beneath Vatnajökull much easier to reach by car. growing population in the same period (26-28). Major events, such as the 1996 sub-glacial vol- The municipality of Uummannaq (population canic eruption and the following flood, have 2,700) comprises the town of Uummannaq created extra visitors. Other job opportunities (with a population of 1,400) and seven smaller were created when a biotechnology venture was settlements separated from the town by water established in Höfn. Apart from the raw materi- or ice. Travel in the vast municipal area is possi- als useful for producing enzymes and seafood ble by boat, snowmobile, dog sledge, or even by flavorings, there were few reasons to locate the car over the sea-ice, but isolation is part of life, 150 Arctic Human Development Report HT:JNSG ALLANSSON JÓNAS G. PHOTO:

Supply ship in springtime, especially when it comes to contact with the rest question of political activities and personal Ittoqqortoormiit of Greenland. Sea transport is only possible in networks. The intersections and networks (Scoresbysund), East Greenland summer. Since 1999, air connections go through between business, political and trade associa- the new airport for fixed-winged aircrafts near tions, the public sector, and fishermen are the small village of Qaarsut, 20 km across the what nourish innovation. This is also true for sea from Uummannaq, thus involving a further Ilulissat, the third largest town in Greenland transfer by helicopter to Uummannaq or the with 4,500 inhabitants, and growing since other small villages. As a result, tourism devel- 1990. Its municipal district also includes some opment is also limited. After the closure of the smaller settlements with a total of about 500 Maarmorilik lead and zinc mine in 1993, the inhabitants. Ilulissat’s economy is different main economic activity, except for the public from Uummannaq’s. It hosts one of Royal service sector, has been the fishing of Greenland’s cornerstone plants for processing Greenlandic halibut. There are fish plants in the both shrimp and Greenland halibut and the town and in several of the villages producing biggest fleet of private fishing vessels in any halibut fillets. In addition to Royal Greenland, town in Greenland. Ilulissat is also a major the home-ruled company, new private firms tourist destination in Greenland, facilitated by have tried to enter into this business since the its location vis-à-vis the most productive gla- late 1990s, supported by cooperative initiatives cier fjord in the northern hemisphere and its between the municipality, local fishermen and airport for fixed-winged aircrafts (opened in non-local capital. This has caused conflicts, for 1984). example concerning obligations to secure jobs Entrepreneurship in fisheries has played a on-shore instead of relying on more profitable major role in Ilulissat. Building on municipal factory ships. These events show that though initiative and a combination of local and inter- municipal and central governments are still national fisheries’ networks, a business corpora- major actors, the fishermen’s organization also tion began fishing snow crabs in 1995. The plays an important role. director was recruited, local fishermen are Entrepreneurship in Greenland is much a shareholders, and the factory ships only employ Community Viability 151 Chapter 8 people from the municipality. The 90 local citi- Community-based strategies must be under- zens working on the factory ship operating in stood both with respect to how relations to the distant waters earn high incomes, which also globalized economy are being handled and how benefits the municipal authority by income tax- central and regional governments respond to ation. specific bottom-up initiatives. In a number of successful fishing communities, a combination Theme summary of market-driven processes, a politically-gov- In the face of a volatile market and dynamic erned economy, and informal relations were marine resources, many fishing communities in found to intersect, along with local access to the Arctic have had to become more competi- fisheries. This can be described as a way of com- tive. The economic success of one community bining industrial and post-industrial elements. may well be at the cost of others in a zero-sum Their direct involvement in the international competition over fixed resources. Success is fisheries economy has provided these commu- often built on a combination of business, public, nities with income from these markets, in addi- organizational, and personal networks. The tion to the income created by tourism and in the multiplicity of local stakeholders is important in public and informal sectors. making business innovations issues of public Many communities without strong market interest, auditing their legitimacy and testing connections combine subsistence activities and whether they make sense to local people. incomes from the public or corporate Another strategy has been to diversify the economies. Some communities have also been economy, often with tourism. Good communi- able to capitalize on compensations for oil, gas cations are important in order to attract tourists. and hydropower developments, in some cases though not always with relatively high incomes as a result. Finding patterns This diversity among Arctic communities It is hard to point to an overall pattern in Arctic begs for moderation in the ambitions of formu- community development. Even though the lating an overall policy for Arctic community forces of globalization may be based on a com- development. Two observations from the case mon set of principles of economic liberalization, presentations seem to be salient, however: First, there are differences in how specific regions and while subsistence activities are going on in communities are exposed to those forces. many villages, it is in fact wage labor that pro- Moreover, buffering mechanisms and compen- vides most cash income, and a large proportion satory measures vary within each national set- of that income stems from public service ting. This includes differences in welfare and employment. The second observation is that regional policies, but also in policies towards claiming compensation for utilization of local indigenous peoples. Other factors are distances natural resources is becoming increasingly com- and the presence, and condition, of road con- mon, including compensation for loss of fish nections that allow access to regional labor mar- quotas, or industrial restructurings that have led kets on a commuting basis. to fewer local jobs. It is not always easy for com- The economic structure of communities can munities to make central and regional govern- affect their viability. In many fishing communi- ment authorities accept compensation schemes, ties along the North Atlantic rim and in some however, and to convert such compensations communities dependent on oil or minerals into productive and innovative activities at the extraction, the economic basis may sustain a rel- level of the community. ative high standard of living. The situation is quite different in communities that depend in large part on a combination of subsistence activ- Key conclusions ities, public sector jobs, and public transfers. Community development is a complex process Local strategies can set specific local where, unsurprisingly, small events make the resources in motion, both by stimulating indi- difference between who succeeds and who does vidual entrepreneurship and by more collective- not. The complexities are becoming increasingly ly oriented coping strategies and networking. In important as Arctic communities are integrated both forms, the strategies involve ties and rela- in northern modern societies and in global tionships with institutions and actors outside of economies. The potentials for development lie the community. in measures that balance global economic flows, 152 Arctic Human Development Report

political organization, and often far-reaching civic networks. In some instances, Arctic com- Gaps in knowledge munities have succeeded in really influencing Understanding community development and its rather than just adapting to external agendas connections to global processes requires cross- and flows. sectorial analyses that focus on the spill-over Economic actors located closer to consumers and connections between economy, nature, pol- are often profiting most from the industrial itics, and informal daily-life practices, not only extraction of Arctic resources. Welfare state sub- at the local level, but also the links to higher lev- sidies to the Arctic, understood as compensa- els. Such comprehensive community studies tions for this loss of natural resources, are there- should investigate the relations (or lack thereof) fore justified. between private businesses, associations, the A proper infrastructure is necessary in Arctic public sector, and informal networks, including communities in order to enable peripherally those working at a distance. Such studies can be located businesses to be competitive, both in implemented most fruitfully in cooperation with marketing products and in recruiting competent local authorities and communities. specialists and staff. This includes both physical Researchers working on community develop- and digital communication networks. ment across borders need support from interna- Self-government and home-rule government tional bodies to cope with barriers to research, were introduced with promises of local and including those of infrastructure, language and regional development, but paradoxically the permissions. An international research project political and economic priority given to nation- on “Modern Societies in the Arctic” would be al and regional independence may result in less valuable, and should help make Arctic commu- focus on local development issues. However, nities interesting to institutions of knowledge, self-government and independence may also research and development around the world. lead to a stronger political culture of public While such development carries risks of contin- debate and political accountability, thus secur- ued colonialism, this would certainly also be the ing political agendas where issues, initiatives, case if research on Arctic communities and soci- and projects can be formulated and evaluated. eties were to be isolated and associated only Municipal self-government plays a significant with images of the pre-modern. role in community development. An effective and democratic local government structure is able to coordinate different public services, sup- Chapter summary porting both daily life and cultural life, and A viable community is one in which people are stimulating business development. Municipal able to dwell and prosper, for some period, find- authorities are crucial actors when they combine ing sources of income and meaningful lives. For the roles of (1) partner, supporter or even entre- many small communities across the Arctic, pop- preneur in innovation, (2) gate-opener, estab- ulations have declined because of a lack of job lishing contacts and legitimating actions by net- opportunities. There are also examples of com- working, and (3) integrator, securing the direc- munities, however, where a combination of tion and commitment of actions to locate devel- local entrepreneurship, engaged political lead- opment. As the legitimate community represen- ers, and government initiatives have created tative, local government should have the capac- more hopeful situations, where thriving busi- ity to bridge local and non-local relations, and nesses as well as cultural revival give people a the more isolated the locality the more impor- meaningful way of life and thus community via- tant it is. bility. This chapter has described social transfor- It is crucial to stimulate learning across the mations in several such small Arctic communi- Arctic by strengthening international coopera- ties and it points to some key factors for such tion, not least at the level of communities, positive developments, issues ranging from municipalities and first nations. resource management and connections to glob- We suggest that community viability in the al markets, to the role of public services and Arctic depends on people coping locally and at infrastructure. a distance, building on local citizenship, rights of mobility, bridging between social fields, and post-industrial economic development. Community Viability 153 Chapter 8 14 Population figures in this section of the chapter References are from Norwegian official statistics for 1992 1 S. Jentoft, Ed. Commons in a Cold Climate: Coastal and 2003: Kommunehefter, Folke- og boligtelling Fisheries and Reindeer Pastoralism in North 1990, 2001 (Statistics Norway, Oslo). Norway. Man and the Biosphere Series 22 15 M. Aure, “Innovative traditions? Coping process- (UNESCO, Paris; Partenon, New York, 1998). es among households, villages and municipali- 2 V. Stordahl, “Identity and Saminess expressing ties,” in The Reflexive North, N. Aarsæther, J. O. world view and nation,” in Majority-Minority Bærenholdt, Eds. (MOST and Nordic Council of Relations: the Case of the Sami in Scandinavia (The Ministers, 2001), pp. 89-113. World Commission on culture and development, 16 On Storfjord, see also Bærenholdt and Haldrup Guovdageaidnu, Norway, 1994). 2002 (29). 3 T. Tuisku, “Surviving in the oil age, co-existing of 17 S. Lloyd, “Contours of the Swedish forest land- scape,” in Transforming the Local, N. Bærenholdt, the reindeer herding and petroleum develop- J. O. Aarsæther, Eds. ((MOST and Nordic Council ment,” in Social and Environmental Impacts in the of Ministers, Nord 2001:25, Copenhagen,2001), North, R. O. Rasmussen, N. E. Koroleva, Eds. pp. 83-117. (Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, 2003), 18 K. Lindahl, “Coping strategies and regional poli- pp. 449-461. cies, social capital in Nordic peripheries – 4 V. Didyk, L. Riabova, “Murmansk Province in Sweden,” (Nordregio Working Paper no 6, 2002). 2002: Biannual monitoring review” (Institute of 19 G. Hovgaard, Globalisation, Embeddedness and Economic Problems, Kola Science Centre RAS, Local Coping Strategies. Ph.D. dissertation, Apatity, 2003); www.economicmonitoring.com Department of Social Sciences, Roskilde 5 F. L. Korsmo, “The Alaska Natives”, in Polar University (2001). People, Self-determination and Development, 20 M. Aure, “The transnational North: construc- Minority Rights Group, Ed. (Minority Rights tions of labour migrants,” in preparation. Publications, London, 1994), pp. 81-104. 21 Young people in Båtsfjord and Storfjord have 6 H. P. Huntington, Wildlife Management and been included in the UNESCO-MOST study Subsistence Hunting in Alaska (Belhaven Press, Young voices – Northern Futures (30). London, 1992). 22 By February 2004, all the processing factories had 7 J. Hicks, “The Nunavut land claim and the laid off workers, and the population figures show Nunavut Government: political structures of self- a loss of about 100 inhabitants during 2003. government in Canada’s eastern Arctic,” in 23 Teriberka has been studied in a number of MOST Dependency, Autonomy and Sustainability in the CCPP studies, including Riabova 2001: pp. 115- Arctic, H. Petersen, B. Poppel, Eds. (Ashgate, 138 (31) and Skaptadóttir, Mørkøre and Riabova Aldershot, 1999), pp. 21-53. 2001: 43-67 (32). 8 I. Creery, “The Inuit of Canada,” in Polar People, 24 Ísafjörður and Höfn have been studied in a series Self-determination and Development, Minority of studies supported by Nordregio, building on Rights Group, Eds. (Minority Rights the CCPP platform (33-34). Publications, London, 1994), pp. 105-146. 25 This was very apparent when young people in 9 P. Stern, “Modernity at work: wage labor, unem- Ísafjörður, during a visit of the president, wrote ployment, and the moral economy of work in a their school essays for the UNESCO-MOST Canadian Inuit community,” in Northern study Young voices – Northern Futures (32). Communities and the Global Economy, R. A. 26 J. O. Bærenholdt, “Circumpolar coping strategies Caulfield, M. Kojima, Eds. (Circumpolar Arctic – embedding transnational cooperation in local Social Science Ph.D. Network (CASS), practices in Greenland?” Étude/Inuit/Studies 24, Proceedings of the Fifth CASS Field Course, 79 (2000). Alaska 2000, Department of Alaska Native and 27 J. O. Bærenholdt, “Coping strategies and region- Rural Development, College of Rural Alaska, al policies, social capital in Nordic peripheries – University of Alaska Fairbanks, 2001), pp. 167-173. Greenland, “Nordregio Working Paper 2002:4 10 P. Stern, “Subsistence: work and leisure,” (2002). Études/Inuit/Studies, 24, 9 (2000). 28 J. O. Bærenholdt, “Locals versus mobiles – 11 T. Martin, “The reflexive community, quest for explaining different dynamics in North Atlantic autonomy as a coping strategy in an Inuit com- localities,” in Coping Strategies in the North, N. munity,” in The Reflexive North, N. Aarsæther, J. Aarsæther, J. O. Bærenholdt, Eds. (MOST and O. Bærenholdt, Eds. (MOST and Nordic Council Nordic Council of Ministers, Copenhagen, 1998), of Ministers, Nord 2001:10, Copenhagen, 2001), pp. 201-219. pp. 41-69. 29 J. O. Bærenholdt, M. Haldrup, “Economy-culture- 12 T. Martin, De la banquise au congélateur modialisa- relations and the geographies of regional develop- tion et culture au Nunavik (Presses de l’Universite ment” in Voices from the North, New Trends in Laval and UNESCO, Quebec and Paris, 2003). Nordic Human Geography, J. Öhman, K. Simonsen, 13 Martin 2003, chapter 4 (12). Eds. (Ashgate, Aldershot, 2002), pp. 56-58. 154 Arctic Human Development Report

30 C. Bjørndal, N. Aarsæther, “Northern Futures – 34 G. T. Jóhannesson, U. D. Skaptadóttir, K. Young voices. A report from the UNESCO MOST Benediktsson, “Coping with social capital? The Circumpolar Coping Processes Project” cultural economy of tourism in the North,” (University of Tromsø, Tromsø, 2000). Sociologia Ruralis 43, 3 (2003). 31 L. Riabova, ”Coping with extinction: the last 35 U.D. Skaptadóttir, G. T. Jóhannesson, “The Role fishing village on the Murman coast,” in The of Muncipalities in Innovations, Innovations in Reflexive North, N. Aarsæther, J. O. Bærenholdt, the three sectors of society in two municipalities Eds. (MOST and Nordic Council of Ministers, in Iceland” in Innovations in the Nordic Periphery, Nord 2001:10, Copenhagen, 2001), pp. 115-138. N. Aarsæther. Ed. (Nordregio Report, forthcom- 32 U.D. Skaptadóttir, J. Mørkøre, L. Riabova, ing). “Overcoming crisis: coping strategies in fishery based localities in Iceland, North-Western Russia and the Faroe Islands,” in Transforming the Local, N. Aarsæther, J.O. Bærenholdt, Eds. (MOST and Acknowledgements: Nordic Council of Ministers, Nord 2001:25, The authors would like to acknowledge the effort by Copenhagen, 2001), pp. 43-67. Thibault Martin in commenting and contributing to 33 K. Benediktsson, U.D. Skaptadóttir, “Coping our draft manuscript while writing this chapter. strategies and regional policies, social capital in Nordic peripheries – Iceland. Nordregio Working Paper no 5 (2002). 155

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 9

80o

70o Human60o Health and Well-being

Lead authors: Carl M. Hild, Institute for Circumpolar Health Studies, University of Alaska Anchorage, U.S.A., and Vigdis Stordahl, University of Tromsø, Norway.

Contributing authors: Peter Bjerregaard (National Institute of Public Health, Copenhagen), Tine Curtis (National Institute of Public Health, Copenhagen), Ragnhild Vassvik Kalstad (University of Tromsø), Ristin Kemi (Saami Parliament, Norway), Roman Koposov (Northern State Medical University, Arkhangelsk), Brian Saylor (University of Alaska Anchorage), Anna Rita Spein (University of Tromsø), and Rebecca Wells (Alaska Native Health Board, Anchorage).

During the Twelfth International Congress on approaches that engage the local community Circumpolar Health in 2003 in Nuuk, can dramatically reduce suicide rates. The second Greenland, a number of presenters called for a trend is an increase in community-based partic- new approach in discussing the health and ipatory health research, especially regarding tra- well-being of northern people. Rather than ditional foods. The third trend is the increased focusing on diseases and illnesses, there was a use of new technology in addressing health con- desire to look at positive aspects of life. When cerns and service delivery throughout the Arctic. health is defined as the mental, physical and This chapter provides a number of examples to social well-being, and not merely the absence of support these key trends. Together they demon- disease and infirmity, cultural and social prac- strate how the Arctic could become a global tices become critical contributing factors. leader in creating health care systems that inte- This chapter will look at three major trends in grate local control, new technologies, and many health and well-being in the Arctic. The first traditions in ways that become increasingly rele- trend describes the increasing problems with vant in a rapidly changing world. mental health and violence, but also how new Guarding health in the Reports about health in the Arctic Arctic Several Arctic Council projects and reports deal Our point of departure in this chapter is that with human health, and this chapter does not health in the Arctic has to be seen in the context repeat the work that has been done by other of the special conditions in the region, and that teams of experts. Further information is avail- able via the following reports and web sites: guarding health is a key to improving well-being. • Arctic Pollution Issues: A State of the Arctic A special place Environment Report. Chapters “Peoples” and The Arctic has many factors that make it a spe- “Human Health”: www.amap.no cial place in discussing health and well-being. • Arctic Pollution 2002. Chapter “Human These include rapid social changes, where local Health” and AMAP Assessment 2002: Human and global cultures as well as old traditions and Health in the Arctic: www.amap.no new technologies are mixed in a myriad of ways. • The Future of Children and Youth Program Some people move from one end of the spec- Report: www.ookpik.org trum to the other in a matter of minutes, such as • Arctic Climate Impact Assessment. Chapter children walking home from a 21st century “Human Health.” Forthcoming via http:// www.acia.uaf.edu school computer lab stopping by an “uncle’s” yard to enjoy liver from a freshly killed seal. The • Reports from the Sustainable Development Working Group including Telemedicine and blending of diverse values, skills, and resources International Circumpolar Surveillance of makes up the environment in which children Emerging Infectious Diseases: www.sdwg.org are raised and adults live their lives. • Survey of Living Conditions of the Arctic: Other characteristics that make the Arctic spe- www.iser.uaa.alaska.edu/projects/Living_ cial are the great distances and severe conditions Conditions for travel. The provision of health services in remote communities is a challenge. It always has 156 Arctic Human Development Report

been and always will be. However, recent is not the number of volunteer activities, num- advances in technology are enabling those in ber of drinks per week, or smoking habits. It is communities who want to be engaged in research not the number of visits to the clinic for annual to be active members of teams, and those who physicals or even access to regular health care. provide clinical services to gain access to local The best predictor of the individual’s health is insights or expert advice over a radio, telephone, one’s own perception of own health. If you feel computer camera, or video conference line. healthy, then you are healthy. If you believe you Life in the Arctic also includes the survival are healthy for your age, then you are (3). That skills of the indigenous populations and an atti- perception is forged through a personal assess- tude of “optimistic problem solving” that brings ment of many social and cultural factors. These a sense of mastery, confidence, and self-esteem include the availability of and access to health – prime ingredients for survival (1). Guarding services that are culturally based. The role that health is closely connected to such attitudes. one plays in the community appears to be both an important personal factor as well as an exter- Guarding Health nal indicator of social health. How individuals “Here as elsewhere, The parts of today’s multi-national world cul- perceive their level of contribution to their com- the parts of culture ture that guard well-being are quite varied and munities, with solid and reliable relationships, that guarded health, many are not considered primarily as health may thus be a key factor in determining whether by design or delivery programs. They can include practices of resilience (4). The desire to engage and the level inadvertence, were the past, modern technological advances, and of participation in one’s community are not typ- more valuable than those intended to local control of a broad range of community ically assessed in reports of health. restore health after services. In order to assure the best combination accident or disease.” of factors that contribute to healthy longevity, Limits of health statistics Margret Lantis, there must be a broad view that allows for a Basic health parameters show that the Arctic 1959 (2) flexible combination as each community sees fit. nations are doing quite well. Sanitation is avail- It is the parts of culture that promote health able for 60% of the population, water available that have the most significant impact. In the for 82%, and life expectancy at birth is 65.2 years Arctic, it is very well known that the prevention (5). Clearly, the Arctic is made up of some of the of frostbite and hypothermia are far more effec- most developed nations in the world. However, tive than trying to treat either after the fact. national averages do not necessarily reflect the Likewise it is far more effective to keep young state of the people who live in this region. people active in their communities than it is to Moreover, it is not possible to extract consistent attempt to “straighten” out their anti-social and comparable health data for just Arctic people as each nation has its own definitions and means behavior when they become adults. for collecting data and they do not delineate their Recent research has indicated that when a “Arctic” regions as places for which data is col- number of factors are considered for predicting lected separately. Another limitation with health Key Health Indicators for an individual’s true state of well-being, one will statistics is that the factors that relate to wellness Eight Arctic Nations and Three Southern High stand out. It is not percentage of body fat, grip are not regularly tallied by government agencies. Latitude Nations (5) strength, jogging endurance, or visual acuity. It

Canada Denmark Finland Iceland Norway Russia Sweden USA Argentina New South Zealand Africa Child <5 Mortality/1000 5.5 5.5 3.5 3.5 4.5 18.5 3.5 8.0 18 6.5 83.5 Life Expectancy at birth, in years (2002) 79.8 77.2 78.2 80.1 79.1 64.8 80.4 77.3 74.4 78.9 50.7 Healthy Life Expectancy at birth, in years (2002) 72.0 69.8 71.1 72.8 72.0 58.6 73.3 69.3 65.3 70.8 44.3 Total Population, [000] (2002) 31,271 5,351 5,197 287 4,514 144,082 8,867 291,038 37,981 3,846 44,759 % of Population aged 60+ years (2002) 17.1 20.4 20.3 15.3 19.6 18.3 22.9 16.2 13.0 15.3 5.2 Total Fertility Rate (2002) 1.5 1.8 1.7 2.0 1.8 1.2 1.6 2.1 2.5 2.0 2.6 % Total Water Supply Coverage (2000) 100 100 100 N/A 100 99 100 100 N/A N/A 76-90 (100 U, (100 U, 99 R) 96 R) % Total Sanitation Coverage (2000) 100 N/A 100 N/A N/A N/A 100 100 N/A N/A 76-90 (100 U, 99 R) Suicide Rate per 100000 M/F (Year) 19.5/5.1 20.9/8.1 35.6/10.9 19.1/5.2 19.5/6.8 70.6/11.9 19.7/8.0 17.6/4.1 9.9/3.0 23.7/6.9 N/A (1998) (1998) (2000) (1997) (1999) (2000) (1999) (1999) (1996) (1998) U = Urban R = Rural M = Male F = Female

From World Health Organization Country Indicators and Water and Sanitation Data Bases Human Health and Well-being 157 Chapter 9 The factors that relate to wellness may not be ment, in culture, and in community and family regularly tallied by governmental agencies, see values, there is stress on the individual. The box. In particular, statistics do not focus on fac- inordinate level of change in the Arctic may well tors that improve the perception of health such contribute to the increased rates of suicide (6). as participation in culturally important activities Males in northwest Russia commit suicide at and locally based civic involvement (6). They do a higher rate than males in Scandinavia. And not take into consideration that a strong the Arkhangelsk oblast has the highest rate of reliance upon cultural values serves as a protec- suicide among males in the Leutire Barents tive factor against chronic social problems and Region (12). can reduce the probability of a negative out- come and strengthen adaptation, as has been 100 shown for Alaskan men (4). Consequently, this chapter cannot provide baseline statistics on 80 well-being in the Arctic. Instead, it will focus on selected key trends that can give insights into 60 the factors that guard health. 40 Well-being and local Number of suicides per 20 100,000 of male popula- control of services tion in western Russia and neighboring nations Murmansk Karelia Arkhangelsk In the rapidly changing world of the peoples of 0 Norway Sweden Finland 2000-2001(12) the Arctic nations, there is a need to establish and maintain an environment that promotes In Norway there is no difference between health. This environment is made up of physical, Saami and Norwegian youth as to suicidal social/cultural, mental, and spiritual aspects. thoughts. Neither are there any differences The physical includes not only the biosphere between the two ethnic groups as to suicide and atmosphere but also the buildings and util- attempts. There are regional variations however, ity systems of each community. The social/cul- depending for example whether you live in the tural includes the economic, educational, and areas where the Saami constitute a majority of basic behavioral values of the community. The the population or not (13). There is also a gen- mental includes the attitudes of the citizens der difference: more girls than boys have had about their future and the role they and their thoughts of suicide. Among Saami youth, more children will play in building lives with quality. girls than boys attempt suicide. Inuit suicide rates per The spiritual includes that inner sense of Among the Inuit, suicide rates among young 100,000 for Green- belonging to place, in a relationship with the adults are much higher than national or region- land, NWT and world at large and with a greater sense of the al averages. While young women in Alaska Alaska with their whole. Signs that all is not well in the factors attempt suicide more often, it is the young men national averages for Denmark, Canada that maintain health include the high suicide who more frequently complete the act (9). This and US by age group rates in parts of the Arctic and the decline in life pattern has been associated with a view of 1980-89 (8) expectancy in Russia. Experience shows howev- er that new approaches in local control that Suicides in Alaska, Greenland and Canada engage the community can dramatically reduce 250 such health disparities. Greenlanders NWT Inuit Alaska Natives 200 High suicide rates Denmark Canada In the Arctic, a major health disparity is the high USA rate of suicide, especially among young men, 150 when compared with the populations as a whole. Rates of completed suicide among this 100 sub-population in the North are much higher than the national averages, ranging from a slight Suicide rate per 100,000 50 increase to a factor of nearly ten (7-11) (see also Chapter 11. Gender Issues). There are many con- 0 tributing factors to these startling numbers. 0-14 15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65+ When there are dynamic changes in the govern- Age group 158 Arctic Human Development Report

Mortality rates (per 100,000) by race, cause and year Alaska, 1992-2001 Studies of 195 First Nations in Canada showed a decrease in adolescent suicide rates with an 150 Unintentional Injuries increase in self-government (6). Suicide risk Alaska Native 125 also showed a strong linear relationship to the number of factors of cultural continuity that 100 were present in the community. The six factors assessed were self-government, land claims, 75 education, health services, cultural facilities, and Unintentional Injuries Non-Native police/fire service. Self-government was associ- 50 ated with the single largest percentage decrease. Suicide Alaska Native All in all, the suicides dropped from 25 137.5/100,000 with no factors present, to no sui- Suicide Non-Native 0 cides for the five-year study period when all six 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 factors were in place in the target community. In subsequent research, child protection and Rate per 100,000 young males not seeing a future for themselves women in government have been factors added age-adjusted to the US as hunters or contributors to their community to the assessment (16). The reduction of suicide Year 2000 standard population (7) and at the same time not fitting into the cash from these alarming rates to zero is a result that employment structures that are becoming the other communities will want to examine. dominant lifestyle (8). Unfortunately the data from Greenland, Within Alaska there has been research that where there has been local control and Home links greater levels of acculturation with an Rule for a number of years, show no such noted increased risk of youth suicide (9, 11, 14, 15). The decline in youth suicide. The findings among data on cause of death is unfortunately such that the First Nations in Canada need to be further it is difficult to separate unintentional injuries assessed and compared to the circumpolar pop- that result in death, which may have been high ulations that have the highest disparity for risk behavior of depressed individuals, and con- youth suicide. firmed intentional suicide events. This is a con- tinuing problem in collecting and comparing Decline in life expectancy in Russia data from the circumpolar region. The data is also In general, life expectancy has improved in the organized and quantified differently with mixed Arctic. In recent years, however, there has been genders, varying age groups, and there is no a decrease in life expectancy throughout Russia, standard assessment of the definitions applied. where there have been dynamic changes in eco- nomic and cultural conditions. From 1990 to Self government and cultural continuity 1995, four factors have been studied for their may help to prevent suicides impact on life expectancy: alcohol consumption There are indications of ways to address the (- 1.5 years), economic environment (- 1 year), problem of high suicide rates. In some areas medical care system (+ 0.2 years), and stress (- Youth Suicide Rates by Cultural Continuity where there have been efforts to allow local self- 2.5 years). In spite of the improvements in the Factors (6) government, mental health has improved. medical care system over this five year period, the net effect of dynamic change has been a 150 decrease in life expectancy of 4.8 years. The Yes No most important factor was stress, which may 125 also be reflected in other factors, such as poor economy and alcohol use (17). 100 In Russia, there have been recent attempts to

75 quantify the impact of modernization (18). Blood pressure and blood glucose concentrations along with anxiety levels were measured for two groups

Rate per 100,000 50 of indigenous Siberians. Results indicate that the 25 more urban the living conditions, the higher the blood pressure and glucose concentrations. The 0 Self- Land Claims Education Health Cultural Police/Fire conclusion reached is that “modernization” and Goverment Facilities urbanization have serious health consequences Cultural Continuity Factors on the indigenous people in Siberia. As people Human Health and Well-being 159 Chapter 9 move from remote settings into larger communi- deer herd through a yearly migration can be ties, not only do they perceive themselves as hav- considered adult while still a young teenager. ing less control over their health services, they Rites of passage had their value and this is per- also become more stressed overall. haps something worth revisiting. Substance abuse programs in Alaska and Community engagement can foster Canada have begun a process of assessment for resilience “best practices” (24). These programs are Local control has been a recurring theme in steeped in cultural values and provide services Arctic health policy discussions. There have to entire families, and even to extended families. been calls to involve indigenous peoples in all The understanding is that cultural environment levels of setting priorities for health research for any one individual is dependent upon a and health care (19). Other examples include foundation of family and friends that support the need to understand how people, in the face the healthiest behavior. If one person needs of pervasive social and cultural change, can treatment, then it is viewed as the entire sup- retain a sense of control over their lives and an porting structure being in need of assistance. A ability to cope with the changes they confront popular poster states “It takes an entire village (20). Moreover, the United Nations has for to raise a child.” It seems to follow also that it decades maintained that local involvement in takes the same community to keep that person the development of solutions and active com- healthy as an adult. This group approach should munity engagement are critical in making help improve services to everyone in need of health programs successful (21). Numerous support in dealing with behavioral health prob- studies have also documented that local control lems in remote communities. and an ability to predict actions for the future enhance the individual’s physical and emotion- Spiritual values contribute to al well-being (22). The gradual implementation well-being of local health programs in the circumpolar Another component that has been mentioned region provides new support for mechanisms as key in improving health among the indige- that shift authority over health care into local nous peoples of the North is spirit. It was near- hands. The following are some examples that ly a century ago that the mind was formally seen illustrate factors that contribute to success in as topic of study, albeit separate from the phys- indigenous peoples’ communities. ical aspects of the body. The field of psychology A large cohort study focused on indigenous and later social work began to look at the mind children on the Hawaiian island Kauai has and personal relationship environment as areas detailed some key factors for resilience (23). It worthy of study. New techniques were devised shows that children who have supportive fami- to understand behavior. It became clear that lies, are given a second chance, and build strong behaviors could not be determined just by a per- relationships within their community, tend to go son’s ethnic background, upraising, or patterns on and become successful contributing members of bumps on the skull. There is no way current- of their society. The same factors have been iden- ly to quantify love from one’s family or enthusi- tified in other longitudinal studies of children asm for a community organization, but these from the time of the great depression, and from factors do influence resilience (4). other countries such as Great Britain, Denmark, Many northern people continue their firmly and Sweden. The term that is being used to com- embedded tradition of relating to their ancestors “This is the greatest bine many of these factors is “resilience.” as well as to a strong spiritual world. While most error in the treatment Some traditional indigenous groups in Alaska have shifted from the understanding of the Inua of illness, that there talk about their children being asleep. When or life spirit, to the concept that the Holy Spirit are physicians of the mind and physicians of they become adults they “wake up.” It has been passes among living things, there is still a strong the body and yet the observed, however, that many young people, no respect for life and for those who have lived two are indivisible.” matter what their cultural background, are wak- before. Thanks and acknowledgement are an Plato ing up, and growing up, at a later age than important part of gathering local food, as is say- before. For example, students can remain in ing a blessing before many meals purchased in Western-European-culturally-based schools cans or plastic containers. well into their thirties, and not move to inde- New research in the field of complementary pendence for decades. In contrast, a young and alternative medicine indicates that the spir- hunter who brings home a seal or takes a rein- itual aspects of life contribute significantly to a 160 Arctic Human Development Report

person’s well-being (25, 26). In order to com- young people taking positions of leadership and bine both the cultural and spiritual aspects of responsibility in their own communities will communities for addressing the well-being of contribute more than any other single factor in the individual, there needs to be a change in the ensuring a satisfactory future (27). dynamics of the current medical models as In Sweden, Finland and Russia, there has not applied in the eight Arctic nations. been a comparable development in health serv- For some northern peoples, the spirit is main- ices. The Saami psychiatric and mental health tained by consuming locally obtained foods. A services of Norway do, however, provide care in recent review has found potential associations in the northernmost part of Finland. These servic- the changing diet, a shift in key nutrients and es are now in the process of becoming a nation- subsequent brain development and function (10). al competence center in Norway; the The group proposes that an epidemiological Norwegian Saami Parliament’s goal is a nation- study be done to further assess the possible link al competence center that comprises physical between food, mental health, and even suicide. health as well as research. There is currently a Saami research center, which is funded by the Local control improves health services Ministry of Health until 2005. Though its locus is Over the past four decades there has been a in a Saami community, organizationally it is part growing trend toward more local control of of the University of Tromsø. services in the Arctic. This includes home rule Throughout North America, tribal control of and tribal authority over the provision of health health care has been shown to increase client services. Two cases illustrate this trend, one from satisfaction, improve community awareness of Norway and one from North America. health issues, and improve relationships In Norway the Saami Parliament has stated between health care providers and local resi- that they have the responsibility for developing dents (28-31). One study has found improved a comprehensive health policy for the Saami, health outcomes under local control; less rigor- one which ensures respect for Saami patients ous studies have also shown indications of such and takes their special needs into consideration. trends (32). In 1995, after considerable pressure from Saami There are two distinct forms of the local health professionals and political bodies, the empowerment process. One is psycho-political Norwegian Ministry of Health and Social Affairs empowerment where local individuals receive launched a white paper on integration of health the resources and authority from others to and social services to the Saami population. In implement change. The other is psycho-sym- 2002, a four-year plan came into being, whose bolic empowerment, which raises self-esteem goal includes increasing the cultural compe- or the ability to cope, but where the local cir- tence of the health personnel working with cumstances remain basically unchanged (33). Saami patients. Local as well as regional health So while there are indications of improved per- service providers were invited to come forward ception of health and well-being with more with project proposals. In 1999, some of the local control, there are great inconsistencies in money and responsibility of this program was the various nations and regions of the Arctic on transferred to the Saami Parliament. The evalu- how this local control is to be implemented and ation of this program so far is generally positive. what its impacts may be. Even though health care to the Saami is to be integrated into the general provision of services, Trend summary there are specialist programs in both physical The rapidly changing world of the peoples of and mental health that have additional obliga- the Arctic nations has been connected to health tions. These services came into existence because problems, especially to high suicide rates and both individual Saami doctors and their own stress. There is thus a need to establish and professional organization established the servic- maintain an environment that promotes health. es as a private initiative. They also put political This environment is made up of physical, pressure on regional authorities to establish a social/cultural, mental, and spiritual aspects. psychiatric service in the Saami core area. This is There are unique issues in each and every com- an example of young people taking positions of munity and various peoples may have signifi- leadership and responsibility in their own com- cantly different approaches for addressing the munity. This fits well with the experience from problems that they themselves identify. With other parts of the Arctic where well-trained greater local control of community service pro- Human Health and Well-being 161 Chapter 9 grams there is some apparent improvement in has been documented and the following factors both the perception and the outcomes of were found to be particularly important for suc- health-promoting activities. There needs there- cess: collaboration in the sharing of funding and fore to be enough fiscal support to have quality credits for the work, common efforts on ethics programs and enough flexibility to allow for and consent, joint partnership decision making, community ownership of the endeavors. and benefits coming back to the community. Researchers are now learning how to be good Environmental oneness – community partners, while communities are learning how science works on their behalf. you are what you eat Both groups are becoming more sensitive to the A second trend in human health issues is the needs of the other and the resulting research is increasing number of community-based partici- more relevant to the communities. Throughout patory health research programs, especially the world, these types of collaborative investiga- regarding traditional foods. Much of the impe- tive endeavors are beginning to follow the lead tus for these programs has come from the fact of health programs that were established in the that activities beyond local control contaminate circumpolar regions. Through the program traditional food. “Achieving Household Food and Nutrition Security in Societies in Transition,” WHO has On food and self determination stated that community-based participatory In 1961, indigenous peoples in northern Alaska health research is a basic human right. came together in Barrow to create their own Similarly, the Alaska Native Science Commis- “bill of rights” (34). The events that lead to the sion received support for holding meetings to meeting included concerns about local control discuss environmental concerns that have been over education, hunters being arrested for tak- summarized on their websites (36). What was ing birds out of season, and government plans learned is that there are many different observa- to use nuclear explosives to excavate a harbor. tions of change and a growing number of ques- The people called for local control of services tions as to what they mean. Some people have and management as well as a total cessation of offered very clear explanations of what is chang- planning for nuclear excavation. This may have ing in complex systems. Others have offered been the first time in the United States that a cautionary comments. What is clear is that the small group of concerned individuals stopped a world as it has been known throughout the cir- major federal initiative on environmental cumpolar regions is changing rapidly. In 1986, grounds. The rights document called for local an international meeting discussed the use of control of health and education programs along traditional knowledge with science and includ- with wildlife management collaboration. ed several presentations on the advantages of In the 1950s and 60s, concerns were raised empowering communities to assume local con- throughout the Arctic about nuclear fallout from trol of health services (37). atmospheric testing and what this meant to rein- Alaskan communities are following CINE’s deer and caribou, as well as to the people who lead in establishing community-initiated depended upon them for food. This concern also research partnerships. The Aleutian/Pribilof led to community awareness about other con- Islands Association requested support from local, taminants that could impact the quality of sub- Alaska state, and US federal experts along with sistence species. In Canada, at McGill University, representatives from the University of Alaska and staff began to work with northern indigenous private sectors to prepare a proposal on environ- peoples on their food concerns. In 1993, the mental justice. They were successful in securing Centre of Indigenous Peoples’ Nutrition and the research grant and now contract with others Environment (CINE) was established. This pro- to conduct the work they designed. The focus of gram has been a model for other nations in deal- the work is reflected in the title of the project – ing with subsistence food sources. Dietary Benefits & Risks in Alaska Villages. Tired The work of CINE has been recognized by the of the emphasis placed on contaminants World Health Organization (WHO) through the research, they decided to focus on the benefits of production of a new guide on participatory what people are eating. They are developing health research for indigenous peoples (35). The research questions, sampling design, and a com- process of working through community-based munication strategy for dissemination of what is participatory research with indigenous peoples learned to the target communities. 162 Arctic Human Development Report

system, but the approach shifted to looking at Global political impact heavy metals, radiation, acidification, and In the early 1990s, the people of northern organic pollutants as they move through all of Finland took the opportunity to foster interna- the biological systems. It was felt that the chap- tional dialogue with Russia after two events: the ter on human health would bring all of the con- Chernobyl nuclear power plant incident and cerns together. In a similar way the Arctic Mikhail Gorbachev’s 1987 speech in Murmansk, Climate Impact Assessment report of the Arctic where he proposed breaking down the old bar- Council uses health implications as a way to pull riers and working for the good of all people in together a number of themes which provide a the North. The Finnish initiative provided the sense of our exposure to risk. The Arctic Council basis for the eight Arctic nations collaborating work has thus put a very human face to physical on producing an assessment of the state of the and biological research. The programs and work environment with directly comparable data (see of the Arctic Council in environmental monitor- also Chapter 12. Circumpolar International ing now include community and individual Relations and Geopolitics). The work was coordi- health impacts. nated by the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP). Trend summary The AMAP assessment documented that con- Human development in the Arctic is dependent taminants from all over the globe reached the on working within the environment. Health Arctic and became part of the food web, includ- research has been conducted through local ing people. At the 1997 Arctic Council Ministerial engagement and active participation, and the Meeting in Alta, Norway, the Norwegian repre- results have been shared to document the glob- sentative received permission to take the new al influences that affect foods that are important report to the United Nations in order to institute to peoples of the Arctic. The Arctic nations have a larger process for controlling some of the per- also been successful in the international appli- sistent organic pollutants. That action, along with cation of grassroots environmental concerns, for other documents and concerns, moved the example in the work leading to the Stockholm world’s nations into discussions that eventually Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants. resulted in the “Stockholm Convention on This process of national governments working Persistent Organic Pollutants,” which went into with local communities within an international effect May 17, 2004. In addition to phasing out forum is bringing global attention to regional the production of twelve toxic and persistent concerns. Moreover, community-based health organic pollutants, the convention establishes a research as practiced in the Arctic can become a process which will include other persistent and model for how health-related research is con- toxic chemicals in the future. ducted throughout the world. This global agreement was moved forward in some significant steps due to the work that had Merging traditions with been done by circumpolar communities con- cerned about individual health and locally new technologies obtained foods. During the early negotiations, The third trend in Arctic health is the increased the United States had been cautious about the use of the latest technology in addressing com- proposed intent and language. The Alaskan par- munity health concerns and delivering health ticipants in the delegation urged greater partici- services throughout the circumpolar North. pation by indigenous peoples from the US Many of the tried and true health programs Arctic. Alaska Natives actively participated, have now moved into the computer-technology attended key meetings, and put a very human age and are becoming models for others to use. face to the concerns about contaminants that The Arctic is moving from the 19th century to the were moving to the North and ending up in 21st century in one generation. local food. Other northern nations had similar participation from their indigenous peoples. Immunization and prenatal care During the early planning of AMAP’s work, illustrate successes of the past there were lengthy discussions on how the In many areas of the Arctic, the successes of new information in the report was to be organized. technologies in promoting health have been At first the idea was to look at the marine sys- recognized only in the past few decades. tem, the terrestrial system and the freshwater Immunizations have increased life expectancy Human Health and Well-being 163 Chapter 9 through decreasing infant mortality. While the heritage descendents, some Saami genetic con- elimination of tuberculosis, increased and regu- ditions have been found that are not common larly available food resources, improved water among the Yup’ik populations of the western quality, advanced housing, and other public and part of Alaska. clinical services have improved overall well- Genetic projects in Alaska are currently look- being, immunizations have been the key to ing at patterns that are associated with obesity extending life. and weight-related health conditions, such as Women are gaining near universal support for heart disease and diabetes. There have been rec- prenatal health care. It is realized that the health- ommendations to assess some populations due ier the child during the first few years of life, the to the high incidence of the eye condition better the long-term health outcome. Iceland myopia. The ability to use the latest technologies took the position after World War II that they on health surveys with community participation would focus their attention on pre- and post- allows for a fuller assessment to be made of the natal care, as well as establishing a National status of northerners. Registry for coordinating health data (38). That Nowadays genetic research is carried out effort has evolved into computerized health and using the latest technologies in bioinformatics genetics records for the entire population of the and genomics. Bioinformatics is the computer- nation. Icelandic life expectancy is one of the ized analysis of the various bits of genetic code highest in the world. With a nurturing health care that are being inventoried. With a combination system in respect to child bearing, mothers of modern genetics and computer technology, it return to receive their well-baby checks and the is possible to make inventories of the genetic full series of recommended immunizations. heritage of whole populations, and Iceland has These health behavior patterns, once established, taken the lead in this development as well. are long lasting and improve overall outcome. Such programs raise a number of questions. While many national health leaders are calling Genetic mapping as a tool for public for a greater understanding of the contributing health factors to health and well-being such as behav- Iceland has also been a forerunner in looking at ior, environment, and genetics, there are the genetics of large, yet isolated, populations. increasing concerns about the control of infor- Greater understanding of the genetic factors, mation that may come from personal investiga- the health histories, the environment, and the tions (45). For example, genetic tests can assess behaviors of one group of people may offer the likelihood of future conditions arising in opportunities to develop both preventive and apparently healthy individuals decades prior to restorative health programs. their onset. This is quite in contrast with indi- The Icelanders began this research in 1975, vidual health problems connected to one’s based on a “natural laboratory” that was creat- behavior. Moreover, if one person in a family ed a hundred years ago when 18,000 Icelanders agrees to genetic testing, information about all – 20% of the population – moved to Canada to family members may be derived which could be establish a new community there (38). The considered a breach of their right to confiden- physical health of these two populations of tiality, and personal desires for privacy. While Icelanders has been assessed and their genetic the technology of our time has provided us with family heritage has been traced (39-44). The the opportunity to learn more about our past comparison of these two groups has provided and future health, our laws and ethics have not insights into the genetic-environment linkages kept pace with our inventions. that influence general well-being. The genetic assessments have included a review of a wide Local health aides: from tuberculosis variety of conditions, the person’s family line- to telemedicine age, and information in a number of registries The scourge of tuberculosis in the Arctic is leg- that are all linked through increasingly sophisti- endary. In Alaska the problem was so severe cated computer systems. that once it was documented in the early 1950s, A similar bi-national genetic project has been the US Government shifted the health care of its considered in Alaska on another divided north- indigenous people to a newly formed Indian ern population. Saami reindeer herders were Health Service that was created just for them. It brought to Alaska in the early 1900s to train was constructed out of the Public Health Service people to husband caribou. Among the mixed- that had existed for treating other special popu- 164 Arctic Human Development Report

lations in the nation. Within a few years, major more people who live in the Arctic, the more programs targeting tuberculosis had their things they need from the south. In addition, impact and the disease all but disappeared. A the more resource extraction that takes place, system in which individuals selected from the the more waste that is also left behind. Fishing community saw to it that everyone took their nets foul shores. Fuel drums dot remote land- full course of medication played a key role in scapes. Broken vehicle parts can be found controlling the disease. There continues to be throughout most remote districts. concern for tuberculosis in some areas where New techniques of securing fresh water from proper treatment is not followed and new drug the ocean or generating electricity from the resistant strains are appearing. This is especially wind or through oceanic heat pumps provide for the case in Russia, where a local system for con- more comfort in life in the North. However, trol is not in place and where many people only these same successes have required more build- receive partial treatment. Instead of being erad- ing, which creates local heat-island effects, and icated, the disease-causing agent has modified have generated trash from all of the packaging itself and become drug resistant, resulting in a that is shipped north. There are some agree- new epidemic and concern of its further spread. ments about shipping aluminum and cardboard One group of health professionals that has back, such as the “Flying Cans” program sup- received support in Alaska and Canada is that of ported by the Alaskan air carriers at no charge. the Community Health Aides or The overall impact, however, has been an Representatives. This concept, based on the increasing need for local landfills where there is 1830s Russian “feldsher” system, was formal- little or no gravel or other material for capping. ized in Alaska in the 1960s. Every community, Even when waste is segregated so that the glass no matter how small, could have a person and tires can be chipped to provide cover for the trained to provide basic health services. Over organic wastes, these programs need personnel. the years, these people have become the back- Small communities do not have the tax base to bone of primary health care delivery in remote provide such services and governmental funds communities for all people (46). are limited for small communities. In the first years of the 21st century, these Recent work has included looking at using health aides are being trained in the use of new some combustible wastes to burn and reduce computer-based telemedicine systems and ana- the overall volume of waste materials. The use of lytic tools. This system allows for physical health super-filtration units to reduce the amount of parameters to be put into electronic form for waste crankcase oil that needs to be disposed of review, storage, and distant expert consultation has cut the volume. Once oil replacement is without having the client move from the home required, filtering the old oil makes it possible to community (47). Having the basic community use it to burn other materials. A note of caution support structure was critical to the implemen- is that waste incineration without proper tech- tation of the new program for providing even nology can generate dioxins and other persist- greater access to health care providers. In ent and toxic pollutants (48). Scandinavia, the field of telemedicine has been extended with mobile units that are taken with Mind, body, and spirit in new health reindeer herding groups throughout their range. care partnerships The communities of the Arctic desire the latest Waste management illustrates two that our global society can provide. The applica- faces of modern technology tion of new technologies to more traditional A problem with a long history in the Arctic is practices appears to some as a discord, but for sanitation. Potable water is difficult to access for those living in the circumpolar region these are communities built on rock or permafrost. new tools to make life a bit better. Two examples Wastewater is difficult to dispose of in these illustrate how mind, body and spirit are inte- same areas. Solid waste at one time consisted grated in new health initiatives. only of left over organic materials, but now has Russian researchers have developed a device expanded to include plastic bags, aluminum that combines a number of traditional and tech- cans, and styrofoam packing materials that do nical concepts: The Gas Discharge Visualization not degrade, but collect and then blow about. camera. Based on the meridian system known The more materials that are brought into the from acupuncture and the photonic energy Arctic, the more trash become a problem. The emissions from living bodies, the camera cap- Human Health and Well-being 165 Chapter 9 tures light emissions after an individual is sub- thinking, essay writing, and verbal skills (51). Not jected to electrical stimulation. A computer then only did they win, but for the first time ever, the models the individual’s health profile. This same school won in both the Junior High School devise links traditional healing, oriental philos- and the High School team categories in the same ophy, and the latest electronic and computer year; in addition, the High School team set the technologies in a new diagnostic tool that may record for the highest score ever to that date. assist in the quantification of health and well- Different ways of thinking about the applica- being (49). This device is also now being used in tions of new technologies can open amazing research projects in the United States. new ways of perceiving the world. These exam- The second example involves the University ples of fostering local cultural strengths in order Hospital in Tromsø, Norway, which has had a to diversify health care services and alter per- project where a healer was invited to provide ceptions of the quality of health offer a positive services. This is an illustration of a way in which link for moving forward. Students should be northern communities are working on incorpo- encouraged to use their cultural framework for rating traditional practices into the regular creating new solutions and look at new ways of health services. In Alaska there are two official- thriving. These skills are building a foundation ly sanctioned programs where traditional heal- from which new endeavors can be created. ers are co-located with health practitioners, and These cross-culturally-wise students will con- this collaborative health care model is growing struct the successful and sustainable communi- in acceptance. ties of tomorrow’s Arctic. There are efforts currently underway to assess some traditional practices for their effectiveness, Trend summary especially in dealing with chronic pain. At the There have been many successes over the years University of Tromsø, there is a research center in applying technology and new approaches to financed by the Research Council of Norway for addressing health concerns in the Arctic. 5 years (2000-2005) on “complementary and Lessons learned from not-so-distant histories of alternative medicine.” the region indicate that learning from the peo- It is only recently that western health care sys- ple and being flexible in approaches to solutions tems have started to integrate the spiritual health will offer the greatest opportunity for long-term of their individuals with social, physical, and success. Local provision of health services as mental well-being. To many indigenous peoples, well as community-initiated research partner- the concept of separating these four components ships will lead to a better understanding of the is beyond comprehension, while combining quality of life in northern communities. The shift them is seen as equally ludicrous to those whose of responsibility and leadership will be followed educational systems atomize every topic. The by an increase in the perception of one’s own inclusion of local values in the promotion of health as a contributing member of the society. health, well-being, and self-esteem are seen by many indigenous people as the foundation of any healing system. Broadening our ideas about what Key conclusions constitute health services and the best ways in The international collaboration of the Arctic which to provide help in cross-cultural settings Council has been successful in sharing health will help create new approaches to solving old information among a number of its programs. problems in well-being. However, data that delineate indigenous peoples On the topic of linking traditional knowledge groups as well as regional health disparities and and information technology, the book “Inuit in emerging concerns are often lacking. Moreover, Cyberspace: Embedding Offline Identities there is a need to include a greater number of Online” points to innovative uses of the internet directly comparable health parameters. by the Inuit (50). Another example of how Arctic communities have gone from commu- indigenous peoples are creating new innovative nicating by citizen band radio when doctors and uses of technology is illustrated by the fact that health aides needed to consult to the latest in students from a very small school in Gambell, telemedicine diagnostic tools in less than 30 Alaska, won the International Future Problem years. In many cases, medical advances and Solving competition. This is considered possibly innovations, such as immunization and new the most difficult academic competition for forms of local health care, have improved well- young people, as it combines research, creative being. The rapid pace of change, however, and 166 Arctic Human Development Report

the questioning of cultural practices and tradi- this topic in the future, a number of issues need tional community values have also resulted in to be addressed by the Arctic Council and by the mental health problems in many communities. research community. In this case, the chapter has shown that there Of highest priority is the gathering of consis- may be an association between the amount of tent and directly comparable health data for the local control over services and well-being in Arctic, including birth weight, birth outcome, Arctic communities. We need therefore more umbilical cord blood screening, maternal blood information about the programs that are deliv- screening, breast milk, child development ered in remote communities, especially how they measures, emergency visits, immunization are controlled. Such a review should include a records, hospitalization rates, laboratory out- broad range of programs many of which are pro- liers, tumor registry, incidence of illness, health vided specifically as “health” services. educational evaluation measures, and unit costs Traditional healers who were previously dis- for specific health services (56). dained by health care professionals are now More research is needed on how best to give working in hospital settings. This is part of a the children of the North supportive home growing trend of combining traditional values environments. This includes gathering infor- with modern technology. New partnerships and mation about the training they desire in order shifts in responsibility to local communities, can to be contributing members of their own com- lead to a more positive perception of one’s own munities. health, which has been shown to be the most Home rule exists in a number of forms significant predictor of well-being. throughout the Arctic. There are some studies The Arctic Council and a number of its associ- that indicate that this form of local control leads ated programs have shown leadership in devel- to a dramatic decline in suicide, with an overall oping new cooperative efforts in health research improvement in mental health, while other and applying new technologies for health care in studies do not find a similar improvement in remote and isolated communities (52). The best suicide statistics and quality of life. More practices that have been implemented can be research is needed to understand these conflict- shared to reduce health disparities in remote ing results. communities and with minority populations. “Community cohesion” and individual and These efforts have been reflected in the pages of community “resilience” are important for well- the International Journal for Circumpolar Health being, but these factors are seldom reflected in and during the meetings and in the proceedings health statistics. We need to find ways to quan- of the International Congresses for Circumpolar tify these factors and their role in “quality of Health and the meetings of the International life” in a way that makes it possible to compare Arctic Social Sciences Association (53-55). the situation across the Arctic nations. The lessons learned in the circumpolar region Finally, more knowledge is needed about how are of global interest. Here are the developed to best promote the development of the skills nations developing their remote communities. that are necessary for life in remote communities, These are the nations who can best afford to be where resilience and self-reliance are critical. flexible and innovative. These are the technical- ly and economically successful countries attempting to improve the well-being of popu- Chapter summary lations who are identified as having health dis- Arctic communities and cultures are keeping parities, whose communities have long strug- pace with the latest health technologies and gled with problems of cultural identity and the desire the accompanying benefits. Many inno- erosion of local values during the storms of vative approaches build on a combination of political and economic upheaval. It is imperative tradition and new approaches. However, the that these hard-won lessons be shared with the coverage of new technologies is inconsistent. developing nations. Concerns about food and environmental pol- lution were a starting point for community- based research, with new partnerships between Gaps in knowledge indigenous peoples and the scientific communi- On many issues of health and well-being in the ty. This has been important in connecting local Arctic, there is a lack of information. In order to Arctic concerns to global environmental policy be able to make more comprehensive reports on discussion. Human Health and Well-being 167 Chapter 9 Health challenges are unique to each Arctic 19. Northwest Territories Health and Science community and there is thus a need for flexibil- Institute of the Northwest Territories, Health ity in community-based services. This chapter Research North of 60° (Yellowknife NWT, Canada, shows that many factors that are not usually 1989). 20. 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Government and Service Delivery: What 13. Center for Saami Health Research, “Ung i Sápmi Works?” (Native Nations Institute for (Young in Sápmi)” (University of Tromsø, Leadership, Management, and Policy, Udall Tromso, Norway, Oaidnil No 1, 2003) (in Center for Studies in Public Policy, University of Norwegian and Saami). Arizona, Phoenix, AZ, USA, 2003). 14. S. Z. Klausner, E. F. Foulks, Eskimo Capitalists, 33. J. B. Ciulla, in: Ethics: The Heart of Leadership, J. B. Oil, Politics, and Alcohol (Allanheld, Osmun & Ciulla, Ed. (Praeger Publishers, Westport, CT, Co. Publishers, Inc, Totowa, NJ, USA, 1982). USA, 1998) chap 4. 15. P. A. May, American Indian and Alaska Native 34. Point Barrow Conference on Native Rights – Mental Health Research – Journal of the National 1961 - Inupiat Paitot, In: Alaskan Historical Center 1,1, 52 (1987) Documents Since 1867, R. Lautaret Ed. (McFarland 16. M. J. Chandler, C. Lalonde, in Aboriginal Policy & Company, Inc. Jefferson, NC, USA, 1989), Research D. Baum, J. White, Eds.(Althouse Press, chap 35. London, ON, Canada), in press. 35. World Health Organization, “Indigenous peoples 17. G. Kassian, Working Paper #BSP/02/055 E, New & participatory health research” (SDE/Draft/03.1 Economic School, Moscow, Russia (2002). Joint publication of the Centre for Indigenous 18. A. I. Kozlov, G. Vershubsky, M. Kozlova, Interna- Peoples’ Nutrition and Environment, and the tional Journal of Circumpolar Health 62,2,158 World Health Organization, Geneva, Switzerland, (2003). 2003). 168 Arctic Human Development Report

36. Alaska Native Science Commission web sites Suggested readings www.nativeknowledge.org and www.native- N. Y. Davis, paper presented at the First Annual science.org (2004). Alaska School of Alcohol Studies, University of 37. Boreal Institute for Northern Studies, “Knowing Alaska Anchorage, AK, USA 1973. the North: integrating tradition, technology and E. T. Hall, Beyond Culture (Anchor Press/Doubleday, science” (Abstracts from meeting at Edmonton, Garden City, NY, USA, 1976). Canada, 1986). S. Heyerdahl, S. Kvernmo, European J of Child and 38. G. Petursdottir, in Circumpolar Health 84, R. Adolescent Psychiatry, in press. Fortuine, Ed. (University of Washington Press, C. Jávo, S. Heyerdahl, J. Rønning, European Child & Seattle, WA, USA, 1985). Adolescent Psychiatry 9, 202 (2000). 39. J. Axelsson, J. O. P. Palsson, G. Petursdottir, N. D. R. Johnson, D. L. Peterson (Eds), Human Ecology Sigfusson, A. Way, Circumpolar Health 81, Arctic and Climate Change: People and Resources in the Far Medical Research 33, 201 (1982). North (Taylor and Francis, Washington DC, USA 40. A. B. Way et al., Arctic Medical Research 47, 1, 462 1995). (1988). S. Kvernmo, S. Heyerdahl, J of Adolescent Research, in 41. J. Axelsson et al., in: Circumpolar Health 90, B.D. press. Postel et al. Eds. (University of Manitoba Press, S. Kvernmo, S. Heyerdahl, Journal of the American Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada,1991) pp. 509-511. Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 37, 1, 743 42. S. B. Sigurdsson et al., in: Circumpolar Health 90, (1998). B.D. Postel et al. Eds. (University of Manitoba S. Kvernmo, S. Heyerdahl, Journal of the American Press, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada,1991) pp. Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 42, 1, 57 515-516. (2003). 43. G. Skuladottir, S. Gudmundsdottir, G. Olafsson, S. Kvernmo, S. Heyerdahl, Journal of Adolescent 19, S. B. Sigurdsson, J. Alexsson, Arctic Medical 453 (1996). Research 53, 2, 602 (994). M. Nuttall, T. V. Callaghan, Eds. The Arctic – 44. G. Skuladottir et al., in: Circumpolar Health 90, B.D. Environment, People, Policy (Harwood Academic Postel et al. Eds. (University of Manitoba Press, Publishers, Amsterdam, Netherlands, 2000). Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada,1991) pp. 512-514. L. Rey, in Cold Regions Science and Technology, Special 45. G. Pálsson, Medical Anthropology 21, 337 (2002). Issue Vol. 7 (Elsevier Science Publications, B. V. 46. P. Nice, W. Johnson, The Alaska Health Aide Amsterdam, Netherlands, 1983) pp 5-10. Program: A Tradition of Helping Ourselves. (Scribe S. Stephens, in Children and the Politics of Culture, Typography, Port Townsend, WA, USA, 1998). Stephens, S., Ed. (Princeton University Press, 47. Arctic Telemedicince Project, Arctic Telemedicine Princeton, New Jersey, USA 1995). Project Final Report (Institute for Circumpolar O. Young, Arctic Politics: Conflict and Cooperation in the Health Studies, University of Alaska Anchorage, Circumpolar North (University Press of New Alaska, USA, 2000). England, Hanover, NH, USA, 1992). 48. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP), AMAP Assessment 2002: Persistent Organic Pollutants in the Arctic (AMAP, Oslo, Acknowledgements Norway, 2002). 49. C. A. Francomano, W. B. Jonas, “Measuring the Acknowledgements: Tammy Cottle, Shannon Deike- human energy field: state of the science” (The Sims, Mary Kancewick, Ingegard Malmros, and Alan Gerontology Research Center, National Institute Parkinson. on Aging, National Institutes of Health, Samueli Institute Corona del Mar, CA, USA, 2002). 50. N. B. Christensen, Inuit in Cyberspace: Embedding Offline Identities Online (Museum Tusculanum Press, Copenhagen, Denmark, 2003). 51. G. Guthridge, personal communication, unpub- lished book 52. J. E. Berner, A. Gilman, Int. J. Hyg. Environ. Health 206, 351 (2003). 53. International Journal of Circumpolar Health web site http://ijch.oulu.fi 54. International Union for Circumpolar Health web site www.iuch.org 55. International Arctic Social Sciences Association web site www.uaf.edu/anthro/iassa 56. C. M. Hild, The Science of the Total Environment 160 & 161, 559 (1995). 169

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 10

80o

70o Education60o

Lead authors: Gunilla Johansson, Luleå University of Technology, Sweden, Chris Paci, Arctic Athabascan Council, Canada, and Sylvi Stenersen Hovdenak, University of Oslo, Norway.

Contributing authors: Claudia Fedorova (Sakha State University) and Jan Henry Keskitalo (Saami University College).

Access to education can be seen as a key indica- Education policy is driven by values and tor of human development in the Arctic. Equally interests. It is therefore important to know if important is the content of education, including some take precedence in curriculum develop- how well it fulfills local needs. This chapter does ment over others, and why. This chapter reveals not attempt to make a circumpolar assessment a host of influences shaping education, from of education, however. This is partly because development to reform, where the major con- there is very little circumpolar research in the stituencies influencing education policy include field. Also, the varying circumstances across the professional teachers and their associations Arctic make it necessary to proceed with caution (unions), parents and organized parents’ when making comparisons between countries groups, regional and local governments, eco- and regions and between rural and urban areas. nomics and industries, and students. Instead of assessing the field of education, the In the circumpolar North, there is significant chapter explores some of these limitations. interaction between minorities and majorities, Using some selected examples, it also provides located across vast areas with small populations. an initial discussion of three themes that can be Education is at times seen as an arena in which further explored in future work. These include different social groups struggle for influence, the balance between local and national control often in subtle ways. Education should be an of education, the introduction of indigenous important indicator for human development in curricula in formalized schools, and circumpolar the circumpolar region. Those aspects of educa- cooperation in higher education. tion that could be crafted to this purpose are not readily comparable between jurisdictions, how- ever, whether at the state level or between Introduction states. What is education? Educational systems Education contributes to the development of In this chapter, we are interested in knowing human capital. It is most apparent in its institu- how education is organized into systems: from tional form as schools. Education is not a neu- the interaction of individual students to the tral enterprise. It is the promotion of skills, val- school house, from school boards to ministries ues, history, languages, and ways of thinking of education. Comparative analysis is difficult as and behaving. In this chapter, it is discussed as there are no pre-established models to follow. a formalized process whereby nations perpetu- In our initial foray we have looked for develop- ate their values and beliefs from one generation ing trends. In light of several circumpolar edu- to the next, including science, art, sport, and cational initiatives, it is important that we devel- other facets of culture. Local and regional op a shared understanding of similarities in the human capital needs are involved in the broad- changes of the educational systems and of the er context of national needs and globalizing fac- differences that set them apart. tors. Each of the circumpolar states has a vested To start, we acknowledge that northern val- interest in education. They do not all share ues and skills are conveyed to northern students equally, however, the same authority for educa- in a number of ways. We are also aware that the tion policies. forces of globalization, for example satellite tel- 170 Arctic Human Development Report

evision and the internet, are bringing the world although there are private schools that charge to northern students, forever changing what we fees. Accessibility to post-secondary education know as northern values and skills. We are varies greatly in the circumpolar North. In pri- equally aware that traditional cultural values mary and secondary school, students enjoy a and practices continue to persist, with adapta- high degree of accessibility to physical struc- tion inherent to the very nature of indigenous tures, although cultural and linguistic barriers cultures. Furthermore, we have seen and can persist in some areas. In the past, some students envision the changes coming to the North, were separated from their families to attend including development pressures, in-migration, school, and for higher education this is still and diasporas in our Arctic environments. sometimes the case. Distance and institutional Some aspects of what students learn during capacity were barriers to centralized education. their primary and secondary school years, and Now there are schools in most communities, even beyond to post-secondary education, is on students can be “home schooled” in remote and the surface similar in all parts of the circumpolar rural locations, and increased connectivity North. In Narsaq, Greenland, students will allows students to take courses on the internet, acquire some of the same knowledge as those in for example the Bachelor of Circumpolar Norilsk, Russia, even if there will be some obvi- Studies offered by the University of the Arctic. ous language and culture differences. As institutions become more “accessible,” Comparisons show similar systems of organiza- larger numbers of students will attend. This is tion, school administration, and textbook sub- not a documented trend, however, rather it is an ject matter, though the size of classes and eco- assumption. In some parts of the Arctic, there nomics of education vary a great deal. This holds will also be more students because populations true when comparing a number of schools in are growing, see Chapter 2. Arctic Demography each of the larger urban communities. The grad- for details. So far, there has been little discus- uates from these different schools will follow sion of what these changes mean for the North goals and objectives set within the social and in terms of challenges and opportunities. historical context of where they live, as well as Even though this increased accessibility of the economic and cultural specifics of their education is occurring in some places, it is not times. unique to the North. Rather, it is a reflection of A proportion of students will continue past changes that have occurred in urbanized areas primary school through secondary school grad- around the world, where population growth, uation, and, in some cases, even beyond to increased living standards, modernity, and tech- technical colleges and post-secondary institu- nology have been transforming schools for the tions. In parallel to the official education system, past fifty years. in particular for indigenous peoples, traditional learning also progresses through stages of edu- Statistical comparisons: a cautionary cation in both culture and language. In many note jurisdictions where indigenous peoples form the Circumpolar education research would benefit majority, the formal content of education, the from comparative measurements for a range of curriculum and language of instruction, and factors: recruitment and retention, graduation perhaps even the textbooks and other educa- rates, student-teacher ratios, per capita funding, tional supports are based on their language and literacy rates, employment rates, and so on. It is culture. Where indigenous peoples are in the with caution, however, that we seek the devel- minority, they are all too often marginalized. opment of such measurements since within cir- cumpolar nations, there are a number of nation- Increased access al indicators that do not necessarily correspond An emerging trend for circumpolar education is to northern realities. Such research must its increasing accessibility. Accessibility is about include an understanding of the fact that north- students being able to take classes and fulfill ern education includes both formal and tradi- their potential, that is, it concerns their possibil- tional systems, so that one is not given promi- ities for attending school, both physically and nence at the expense of the other. culturally. The economics of education, if we There are certain common characteristics in were to employ a sustainable development par- northern education: it is regionalized, it involves adigm, would show that educational systems mostly small populations in remote communi- are often supported through public funds, ties and few urban centers, cultural diversity and Education 171 Chapter 10 the erosion of small languages are the norm, Local control or national and the level of educational investment varies as do the costs. Comparisons, however, have to directives take some major differences across the North Researchers have demonstrated student moti- into account also. For example, comparison of vation and success increases when teachers systems of post-secondary education would make school subjects relevant (2). A significant have to take into account the fact that Canada issue is the balance between local and central- has no independent universities in the North ized curricula control. The degree of autonomy unlike other Arctic Council member countries. given to each school and the resources that go In order to attain an undergraduate or graduate along with it vary a great deal, and there is no degree, the reality for most northern students is clear circumpolar trend on how different coun- attending southern universities. Nevertheless, tries strike the balance between standardized one of the territories in Canada, the Yukon, curriculum and locally specific content. The fol- claims one of the most educated populations in lowing country examples illustrate the tensions Canada. One would thus need to survey where and harmonies that now exist. those people in the Yukon who reported having degrees came from to get a clear idea of educa- Russia tional capacity in northern Canada. Changes taking place in Russian education mir- Comparisons in educational systems must ror those taking place in Russian society, and also take into account infrastructure. In Alaska, include a modernization of secondary educa- for example, there are communities which are tion. Since the 1990s, Russian education has accessible only by air, and of those connected by become decentralized, and educational institu- road, some are only connected by winter road for tions are under regional authority with exten- four months of the year. Populations in the dif- sive rights (3). Other changes include democra- ferent communities vary, sometimes on the tization and acknowledgement of diversity. order of tens or hundreds. Can small communi- Students have more learning choices with new ties have the same quality of education as large institutions emerging having greater curricular communities or can it even be better? Regional variety which has been tailored to meet region- variations create complexity and urban and rural al and school differences. Tkachenko character- dichotomies exist not only for education but for izes these changes as a break from the old other services as well. The circumpolar challenge authoritarian state view: “the school before was is to have quality research on education from the aiming at teaching all and everything in the primary to the post-secondary level. same way. Compulsory education based on the Another gap in research concerns the differ- single curriculum and system of required marks ences between state-developed and indigenous in 14 subjects listed in school-leaving certificate educational systems, as well as between north- was universal from Kaliningrad to Vladivostok, ern and southern approaches to these systems from Turkmenia to Baltic. Uniformity and disre- of education. gard of the interests, talents, inclinations of an Our survey of the literature indicates more individual suppressed and prevented individual variations than similarities in the good “nation- development. …To liberate school is in the first al” research on education. Regional-scale stud- place to release it from the necessity to lie.” (4). ies are not easily comparable and circumpolar Russian schools now devote 75% of the cur- studies are almost non-existent (1). This chapter riculum to federally defined subject content, has therefore relied heavily on case studies to with the remaining 25% concerned with region illustrate some trends that should be more fully and school specific content. These latter subjects analyzed in future research. In addition to the provide opportunities for indigenous cultural aforementioned increased accessibility, one revival, for example in the development of common theme is the striking of a balance indigenous history courses. The schoolhouse is between local, regional, and national authority an element of social development in Russia. over education. After that, we discuss cultural Therefore all Russian citizens, families, federal and linguistic plurality in circumpolar educa- and regional authorities, local governments, tion, in particular reinvigorated indigenous cur- pedagogic communities, academic, cultural, ricula within formalized schools. Finally, we commercial and public institutions are becom- look at the emergence of a circumpolar network ing actively involved in educational policy (5). of post-secondary institutions. Strategic priorities have been aimed towards 172 Arctic Human Development Report

increasing accessibility, quality, and effective- uniformly well equipped with computers and ness of education. One of the indisputable software. In the Sakha Republic as of 2003, both achievements of the change in policy is the village schools and town schools had one com- increase of accessibility for all children from an puter per 23 students, while in Russia as a early age. Pre-school is compulsory for children whole the average was one computer per 500 starting at age 5. In 2003, 92 % of all 5-year olds students. Most comprehensive schools use local attended these institutions, which can be com- networks, and all secondary schools have inter- pared to 70% of all children in 1997. net access. An emerging trend in the developing Russian education system is the increased accommoda- Sweden tion of the needs and interests of students by An intensive process of change has taken place creating educational plurality. Various programs in the Swedish school system throughout the have been introduced with specialized content. 1990s. Since July 1, 1991 the municipalities have Administrative models are being modernized to been responsible for the schools. The Riksdag support such diversity. A network of pre-school and the government exercise control by setting and general education institutions is develop- achievement objectives. The municipalities must ing. There are efforts to develop new textbooks, send quality reports to the National Agency for manuals and teaching aids, in particular for Education. The Education Act and Curricula indigenous education institutions, to support state that the school has an important role in ethnic and cultural aspects of core subjects. communicating and firmly establishing the fun- The increased recognition of diversity can be damental values of our society. illustrated by developments in the Sakha The national school system regulations regu- Republic (6). Here, educators are investing in late the Saami schools as well, but the munici- multicultural awareness as a means of easing pal school plans do not apply to Saami schools, tensions in society and for training pupils to be who instead develop their own plans. The critical thinkers. Efforts include creating condi- Swedish National Agency for Education is tions for cross-cultural relations between chil- responsible for educational inspection, national dren of different ethnic groups studying at follow-up and evaluation, as well as reviewing schools with different (Russian and indigenous) curricula and grading criteria. “Sameskolför- languages. A network of multicultural schools in ordningen” are the additional regulations for the Republic implements the principle “from the Saami schools. Children one to six years of native threshold to the world of values common age have the possibility to join preschools for to all mankind.” For example, the Khatystyr Saami children. Saami schools, in terms of com- school in southern Yakutia has schoolchildren pulsory schools, are developed for children six studying Russian, Evenki, and Sakha cultures. to twelve years of age. For upper secondary lev- The study of foreign languages is integrated els, the pupils have to take part in different with the study of world culture. The teachers are forms of integrated education. Home language involved in developing and implementing an programs are offered for all levels, however. An interdisciplinary program of “Multilingualism, agreement between the local education author- Comparative Typology of Languages, and ity for Saami schools and the municipality is a Polycultural Education,” and specialized courses requirement when offering integrated education on ethnic psychology, ethnicity and culture such in Saami. as “The Routes of My People.” Sweden thus has an institutionalized inter- In 1997, a network of “Presidential” schools cultural approach to teaching and learning was established in order to encourage pedagog- today (7). In this intercultural perspective, the ical initiatives. These are schools with excellent importance of a holistic educational approach is teaching staff with the school curricula charac- emphasized, including cooperation between terized by new content and advanced teaching home (first) languages and cultural back- technologies. They function as scientific, grounds in order to cross cultural barriers. methodological and resource centers for various Until 1940, the Saami had special schools, districts of the Republic. “nomad schools,” which often moved through Due to the remoteness of schools in northern the seasons, the idea being to not take children Russia, new information technologies and dis- away from their culture and their normal daily tance education are becoming increasingly life. In 1962, the Riksdag decided that the Saami attractive options. Not all northern schools are people should have the possibility to choose Education 173 Chapter 10 what kind of schooling system they wanted to In 1990, the Ministry of Education replaced join. In the national curricula, three different most of the elected educational councils and phases can be distinguished in the development committees with “ad hoc committees” on dif- of intercultural teaching and learning (8): In the ferent educational issues. The Minister himself first phase, the introductory phase during the wrote the general part of the curriculum and a 1960s– 1970s, the perspective was more inter- new strategy was introduced in which power national, and only faint traces of intercultural and control in policy making become more perspectives could be found in the syllabi. In the important than ever before. Norwegian educa- second phase, the evaluative phase in 1980s, tion policy changed from a corporate and dem- multicultural perspectives were visible. The cur- ocratic process, where different voices could be riculum required schools to work with cultural heard, to an authoritarian-oriented process, backgrounds, and municipalities had to offer where the state tried to impose a hegemonic teaching and learning in the students’ home position (10). language, even if all students also had to learn Why was the education system reformed? An Swedish. The curriculum was not changed at analysis of the basic documents on which the this stage, but comments were sent out to the reform was based shows that the curriculum to municipalities and schools. In the third phase, a great extent is based on economics disguised the reformulating phase during the 1990s, a as pedagogy (10). Policymakers stress the needs new form of curriculum for the Swedish com- and interests of society defined at a macro level, pulsory schools was developed with intercultur- especially with reference to economic growth al objectives. For example, the intercultural per- and technological development. Local differ- spective is visible in the texts about ethical val- ences are marginalized. The education system is ues, and in the objectives that all students are now building the stock of human capital and expected to achieve. labor in order to make the state internationally However, the curriculum says nothing about economically competitive. This dimension is how to reach these objectives. Moreover, teach- important, but nevertheless problematic as long ers, pupils, and researchers still claim that the as personal aspects of education are considered curriculum materials are focusing on interna- irrelevant. The tension between macro and tional rather than intercultural issues. A major micro is left unmediated. There is no discussion problem is the lack of relevant knowledge at the about the role of schools in the formation of stu- local level. For example, there is a deficit of dent identity, how their self-esteem should be skilled teachers with knowledge of Saami lan- positively stimulated, or well-rounded personal guage and culture (9). This discrepancy between development. political intentions, curriculum objectives, and The economic orientation in the Norwegian students’ views is an area for research. reform project can be linked to global trends of education being increasingly integrated with Norway other areas of social and economic policy (11). During the 1990s, the Norwegian education This trend is clearly visible in the second half of system, from kindergarten up to the post-sec- the 1980s (12) and has been well documented ondary level, was radically revised at a tempo in OECD countries where education is often never before experienced in the country. From regarded as an instrument of change and 1987, Norway followed the national policy for renewal (13). A study of European Union edu- education described in Mønsterplanen 87, a cational policy indicates a primary considera- flexible curriculum that gave teachers some tion of education as an instrument for increas- degree of latitude. Under this policy, the north- ing competition and economic growth, where- ernmost county of Norway, Finnmark, was as the idea of education as the provider of a declared a special educational region. This spe- well-rounded personal development is almost cial regional designation was meant to motivate absent (14). young people to attain full education so that the One of the most striking differences between region would develop economically, culturally, Reform 97 and Mønsterplanen 87 is that the lat- and socially. The education reforms in the 1990s ter allowed the teachers to plan their teaching (Reform 97) brought the regional project in within three-year time frames and gave them Finnmark to an end. For primary and lower sec- the opportunity to choose on which themes ondary education, the reforms set a more they would concentrate. The current curriculum detailed national curriculum in place. defines year by year what should be taught. 174 Arctic Human Development Report

Moreover, the previous plan allowed the stu- boards/district, school trustees, and education dents in lower secondary schools to choose at ministers are elected. Departments of Education least some subjects in accordance with their are large bureaucracies staffed following a strict personal interests and abilities. Today this possi- hierarchical structure. Canada is unlike other bility has been radically reduced. Arctic Council countries in that there is no To what extent has Reform 97 influenced ped- national education ministry. However, it could agogic practice in the classroom? In a study of be argued that transfer payments using a per teachers’ and students’ experiences (15), 78 stu- capita formula of funding, enable the federal dents from six different lower secondary schools government to exert enormous pressure on in rural and urban districts in both northern and education policies and practices of the provin- southern parts of Norway reported (16) various cial and territorial ministries. degrees of dissatisfaction. School subjects were A newly emerging concept in northern thought of as being too “theoretically oriented” Canada is parent advisory councils. These and students complained about the lack of per- councils are being used in schools where sonal relevance. Students reported being tired circumstances provide an impetus for increas- of school, even some of the cleverest girls stated ing community partnerships with school staff. that they did not know how to keep up with the The involvement of parents, in particular demands. All students expressed the wish to indigenous parents, is a growing movement have influence on what and how they were aimed towards increasing the recruitment and learning. As one girl said: “We need more free- retention of indigenous students and improv- dom in school, it is just before we are hand- ing schools in northern Canada, where the cuffed.” (17). Students reported wanting a clos- majority of students in many communities are er connection between school and local society indigenous (22-23). and between school and working life. The expe- There is a growing trend in northern Canada riences of the teachers correlate to the experi- to appreciate the differences of language, place, ences of their pupils. For example, teachers feel and the tensions experienced due to standard- obliged to teach what is presented for each sub- ized curriculum. One expression of this trend is ject year by year, even though they know that the development of student-centered class- many students do not find the classes relevant. rooms and the revitalization of land-based edu- An evaluation of Reform 97 from the perspec- cation. The latter is discussed further in the next tive of differentiated teaching indicates that the section. reform has failed (18). This is a serious criticism. Each of the northern territorial education sys- If schools cannot develop well-rounded stu- tems is unique. Nunavut, the youngest govern- dents and the top-down strategy provides little ment, is still in the formative stages of develop- opportunity for teachers’ professionalism in the ment of their education system, whereas in the classroom, the gap will widen between what Yukon, the most senior northern government, teachers believe is the right way of teaching and education is well developed and moving toward what they really do in the classrooms. devolution to self-governing indigenous nations. While the realities of education across Canada northern Canada vary considerably due to the In northern Canada, the Western and Northern cultural diversity, there are some commonali- Canadian Protocol is the vehicle for curriculum ties. Teachers are often attracted from southern framework development (19). Agreed upon universities. The three northern colleges have, standards apply to core courses as well as elec- over the past twenty years, invested consider- tives. Educational authority is the responsibility able resources in developing northern teachers. of territorial and provincial governments (20). In many remote and rural communities, the first Territorial education departments are run by language of instruction is not English. However, elected ministers, and the thirteen Canadian in keeping with Canada’s national bilingualism, education ministers oversee and regulate edu- French language instruction is available across cation in their respective jurisdictions. the North, in particular in urban centers. Universality in Canada enables students to Specialized curricula have been developed to move between jurisdictions if necessary (21). reflect the unique cultural, historical, and eco- Principals administratively manage schools nomic differences across the North. The ability and a superintendent supervises groups of of each teacher and school to deliver quality schools geographically linked. School education is sometimes constrained by remote- Education 175 Chapter 10 ness and under-funding. As a counter-balance, past, but we will not elaborate further on the rural and remote teachers and schools have associated issues that taint education for access to a range of “northern” culture, lan- Athabaskans. In order to contextualize, the fol- guage, and experiences on the land, which lowing argument will focus on Athabaskans in urban and southern education lacks. Access to Canada, in particular in Denendeh (NWT). online courses are an option for students in In northern Canada schools can be found in small and remote communities to pursue cours- communities that range in size from 200-16,000 es that would otherwise be impossible to offer people. In smaller communities, school grades because of small class size, multi-age class are often combined to make greater use of lim- rooms, diversity of learner experiences, etc. ited resources. For example, a teacher in Tsiigehtchic (Denendeh - NWT), may teach Theme summary math to a combined class of twenty-five These four country cases focusing on the for- Gwich’in students from grades 5, 6, and 7 (ages malized educational systems of states and terri- 10-13). They may learn the basics of mathemat- tories/provinces demonstrate a range of experi- ics in English just as they do in many other ences. In sum, it seems that some Arctic coun- classrooms around the North. For many stu- tries follow the international trend of increased dents, English is their second language. These central control, whereas in other Arctic coun- students will spend the entire day in classrooms tries there has been an increasing recognition of with family, friends, and all the children of the the need for more local control. We are cog- rural community. They will have a computer nizant that additional specifics from other Arctic class at some point in the day and will have to Council members would add to the discussion. contend with dial-up internet access until A full assessment of education in the Arctic broadband is installed up the Mackenzie Valley. should include an exploration of the tension In smaller isolated centers, students will between local and central control across the receive local schooling in grades one to nine. Arctic and how it has affected the direction and Some students attend high schools in major quality of northern education. urban centers, such as Inuvik. Increasingly stu- dents are graduating from high school (grade 12). The dropout rates are higher, on average, Indigenous education for indigenous students compared to other Traditional indigenous education existed before northern students, and also higher than among contact with outsiders and continues to exist as students in the south. There are a growing num- part of indigenous cultural practices, mixed ber of mature students returning to studies to economies, and traditional systems such as achieve high school diplomas, either as single food systems (24). In a discussion on local con- parents, or after spending time in the labor trol, an important consideration is how indige- market. In communities connected by roads, nous perspectives are permeating northern high schools often combine students from a education, both as a starting point for school number of communities. curricula and as part of more general policy. Education can be thought of in terms of local This section examines some such educational capacity (24). Indigenous communities may developments, illustrating with examples from have very different expectations for schools than the Athabaskan, Saami, and indigenous peo- school administrators and teachers, which can ples of Russia. undermine local capacity. It is essential that educational goals of the schools reflect those of Athabaskan the community. Schools prepare students with Northern Athabaskans attend schools in Alaska, skills to be able to “live a good life.” Besides for- the Yukon, and the Northwest Territories (NWT) malized schooling, traditional education sys- of Canada (25). These schools can be character- tems persist to convey indigenous cultural and ized by their cultural content and language of spiritual values. Traditional education systems, instruction. In the past, the majority of students or the primary values at the heart of many tradi- attended mainstream courses, with Americans tional teachings, are increasingly playing a role and Canadians, taught in English. The history of in classrooms in northern Canada. Inuit stu- residential schools, replete with neglect, mar- dents, for example, can learn biology by prepar- ginalization, and assimilation, are a legacy of ing a seal, and eating it as well as studying it. colonial education. This case acknowledges this Student-centered education paradigms are of 176 Arctic Human Development Report

critical importance. Individual and social identi- interpret the expectations in terms of what is ty varies a great deal, however, and there are specific to his or her community, and use the adjustments needed to ensure that the social language(s), material resources, and people of cohesion typical of many northern indigenous the community to bring the curriculum to life. cultures is strengthened. More importantly, the The extent to which the curriculum is used in a cultures and languages of students are no school depends on the desires and needs of the longer forced to fit into English parameters. community. Where one school may use the cur- The schoolhouse is not the main location for riculum as a Dene-based perspective within indigenous education. Rather indigenous peo- which to organize teaching of all other subjects, ples largely educate their children in their own another school may use it only in second lan- languages, while embedded in families and guage classrooms or as an elective. These curric- communities, by cultural practices at various ula for indigenous students in high school stages and under a host of influences that con- (grades 10-12) are alternatives to the Province of tinue to evolve over time. The common view is Alberta’s curriculum (with the exception being that it takes an entire community to raise chil- the three-credit Northern Studies course). dren, and now that there are schools and other Neither is mandatory for Canadian students influences such as satellite TV, the question outside of Dene schools; however the curricu- becomes what possibilities still exist for the per- lum is intended for all. petuation of culture. What exactly will be the Often the culture-based curriculum is taught next generation’s culture? by a teaching assistant, who is also a communi- Indigenous peoples in Canada have largely ty member. Increasingly often, these are people experienced schools as tools for assimilation and who have received degrees from one of the acculturation. As discussed in Chapter 3. Societies northern-based colleges or from a southern and Cultures: Change and Persistence, there was a teaching university. Teachers who present these time when education was used to destroy courses in their native language are at times indigenous culture. Much of the experiential challenged by combined classes with students at learning of oral traditions, at the heart of indige- varying levels of comprehension with their own nous educational practices, still however persists. language, or students who speak different lan- Northern education capacity seeks to maximize guages. Teachers are also often responsible for the human potential here with education that is administrative duties and other education-relat- from here. How well we balance the need to ed work in their communities. import educational tools (educated people and There is a trend towards the development of a curriculum) with the creation of education that northern studies curricula in centers such as reflects the north will be important to evaluate. Yellowknife and in some southern schools, in An important trend in this respect is the particular universities. More efforts are needed, development of indigenous curricula within the however, to produce a generation of Canadians school system. Primary schools have offered knowledgeable about indigenous cultures and indigenous students curricula that strengthen languages (27). The development of northern their knowledge about their own cultures. For studies oriented programs in southern universi- example, Inuit communities in the Northwest ties may usurp much of the resources and ener- Territories follow Inuuqatigiit, which is a cul- gy needed, if the development of northern post- ture-based school curriculum (26). Similarly, in secondary education is to advance. Small and Dene communities, subjects are being comple- highly diverse populations combined with the mented with Dene Kede, which is a curriculum high costs of education will continue to be fac- produced by Dene Elders and teachers from tors that retard the establishment of northern each of the five Dene regions. While Dene Kede universities in Canada. may have been developed for all students to The availability of teachers has been a major grade nine, we raise it here to illustrate the challenge in northern Canada, especially teach- importance of culturally relevant curriculum, in ers with knowledge about local cultures and particular for indigenous students. Dene Kede languages. Most teachers go north with no will not be discussed for its value in cross-cul- indigenous language training, with very little tural education but we recognize this value. understanding of the history and ecology of the Teachers are expected to use Dene Kede cur- community they fly into. Not that these teachers riculum as a guide in the creation of communi- necessarily do a poor job; many are young and ty-relevant course content. Each teacher has to energetic and others are experienced teachers Education 177 Chapter 10 who remain in these communities for many years, often becoming important members of Indigenous languages in Russia the community. All too often, however, teachers In the mid-1980s, a typical Russian classroom leave when their contracts expire, taking both would be made up of 19% of indigenous stu- the institutional memory and educational dents with the language of instruction in capacity of a seasoned teacher with them. Often Russian. Of the indigenous students, 19% of the total, 10% attended ordinary Russian teachers come into schools with no specialized schools while the other 9% studied at indige- training and with the only possible language of nous schools. Forty-four indigenous languages instruction English. Intuitively we know that if were taught while 120 ethnicities live in Russia. the language of instruction is not that used by Twenty-six languages were studied as academ- the students, small indigenous languages are in ic subjects. Eleven languages were used during jeopardy. This is particularly acute as students the first three years of study. Four ethnic advance through their higher learning (28). groups used their languages for instruction in There is no Canadian official native language both junior and senior levels of schools. policy. Such matters are instead left to local or regional authorities, who often lack adequate In 1991-92, new curricula for indigenous resources. Indigenous languages are often schools were introduced. Subjects were divided taught in schools by local community members into federal core courses (e.g. mathematics, many of whom nowadays have college or uni- computer science, physics, astronomy, chem- versity education, if not teaching certificates. istry), those of regional concern (e.g. regional The Nunavut government has set a hiring quota studies, biology, geography, history, society, the for Inuit, which may reverse the need for in- market economy, languages, fine arts, music, migration of southern Canadian teachers. Russian and world culture), and those of local concern (e.g. indigenous culture, physical and Indigenous schools in Russia labor education). The number of hours for In Russia, indigenous schools for many years regional and local subjects varied depending on worked in the interests of the unitary schools, subject areas and education level being ana- and several generations of people were brought lyzed (30). up isolated from native traditions. Most indige- Indigenous cultures programs and other nous languages were displaced from social and methodological materials were published for everyday life. In 1992, the Ministry of Education both indigenous and Russian schools. had to admit that Russia had no indigenous Moreover, regional and local components for schools, only fragments (29). However, process- programs and textbooks were developed for all es that began with Perestroika favored the school subjects, for example dictionaries with renewal of indigenous languages. The number Sakha terminology in geography and biology. of languages being taught rose from 66 in 1990- Indigenous languages are being used more 91 to 83 in 1992-1993. Educators began to look widely. For example, 36 % of Yakut pre-school for new content that would include indigenous students were educated in Yakut in 1993 but cultural elements. Russian authorities started to 50% in 2002, by which time 86 % of all Yakut move from a common unitary system to a new schoolchildren were learning in their native system of indigenous schools based on indige- tongue. Minority indigenous languages were nous culture taught in native languages. Since taught in only 13 schools from 9 districts in 1990, this process has developed both as a top- 1989, and a decade later there were 31 schools down policy and from bottom-up initiatives led from 15 districts. By 2002, 44% of Even children, by local populations. 25 % of Evenks, 70% of Yukagirs, and 82% of The indigenous schools sought to meet three Chukchi were educated in their native lan- important goals: first, promotion of indigenous guages. Twenty-two communities have opened culture and indigenous identity among new Sunday schools where indigenous languages, generations of ethnic groups, every child having culture and traditions are taught. a right to education in his or her native lan- The organization of state education and train- guage, and on the basis of his or her own cul- ing for children among the numerically small ture; second, openness to other cultures; and peoples of the North presents special chal- third, that these schools should meet the needs lenges. For example, many live a nomadic life and requirements of modern development and while the present system of education is based international educational standards. on large settled communities. Also, the lan- 178 Arctic Human Development Report

guage and ethno-cultural situations of the The responsibility for the Saami schools rests numerically small peoples of the North have with the local municipality. Compulsory use of been characterized by loss of language, culture the guidelines is limited to six municipalities and identity. Alternatives are developing, how- where Saami legal status equals that of ever. For example, in Verkhoyansk, a new model Norwegians. Outside this area, the use of the for schooling was worked out to match the tra- guidelines is voluntary. Education based on ditional nomadic way of life. The classroom year these guidelines is referred to as “the Saami ends on May 1 and traditional cultural educa- school” and the pupils studying under these tion with the family and community begins. guidelines are referred to as “Saami pupils”, Language learning is based on communication regardless of ethnic heritage. The Ministry of with relatives, ecology is learnt in nature. Education is responsible for the overall develop- Cultural transmission is based on interaction ment of the Saami school, while the Saami with different people and participating in tradi- Parliament of Norway has a limited role as co- tional economies (trading, reindeer herding, partner in developing some of the school sub- hunting and gathering, crafts, etc.). Education is ject guidelines. At the municipal level, the inseparable from the life and practices of north- schools have a responsibility to work conscious- ern indigenous communities. Nomadic schools ly to develop a learning environment based on emulate traditional cultural practices, education Saami culture and community. placed in the context of life in the “open air.” The Reform 97 discussed earlier in this chap- The individual curricula take into account the ter covers also the Saami school and SCG97. special, unique aspects of the life patterns and SCG97 is not peripheral to the national cur- traditional economies of the peoples. This edu- riculum but is an independent alternative. It cational model promotes indigenous languages spells out the general guidelines (grades 1 in family, and domestic activities, and connects through 13) and goals for Saami education. parents and children through cultural practice. These include Saami syllabi for a certain num- There are six nomadic schools: four Evenk ber of subjects, a separate time plan for schools in the Anabar, Aldan, and Olenyok dis- instruction hours, indigenous and minority tricts and two Even schools in the Kobyaysky perspectives, and a view of Saami schools from and Srednekolumsky districts. a multicultural perspective. SCG97 claims to be pivotal, with Saami val- Saami ues and traditional knowledge introduced in In recent years there have been major changes in the Saami schools and transmitted to the next the policies governing Saami education, leading generation (31). The policy states that local to creation of Saami schools. However, a closer Saami culture has its place in the schools and look at policy implementation shows some chal- that course content should reflect local culture. lenges to creating indigenous curricula. The teacher is responsible for emphasizing The basic (13 year) education curriculum for and expanding pupils’ knowledge of and par- Saami in the Norwegian public national sys- ticipation in traditional culture, ecology, and tem follows guidelines that adjust the national economy. system and create a foundation for Saami Some of the SCG97 subject syllabi use Saami schools. A core objective was to improve school Traditional Knowledge. This knowledge is char- practices regarding indigenous, minority, and acterized by its connectedness with nature and multicultural perspectives. This represents a is particularly well suited to learning in science change of educational policy in that Saami val- and ecology. Core cultural values are introduced ues are supposed to serve as the foundation for to strengthen and preserve students’ identities. education. This shift has its basis in Norway’s Social sciences do not make explicit use of the ratification of the United Nations International term Saami Traditional Knowledge. However, Labour Organization Convention 169, which history, geography, and social sciences all use it recognizes indigenous peoples’ will to control as a basis, from traditional social organization to their own institutions, way of life, economic solving contemporary challenges. development, as well as their formation of The greatest challenge for schools and com- identity, language, and religion (see Chapter 6. munities is the interface between cultures where Legal Systems). These principles are in the Saami knowledge has been largely marginalized Saami curriculum guidelines (SCG97) as its by the Norwegian school system in the past (32- legal basis. 33). Saami Traditional Knowledge must be Education 179 Chapter 10 understood in a broad social and ecological con- ment. They compare their practice with theory text and directly applied to educational content (46) and find a convergence with traditional (34). Initiatives to date have seldom had a com- child rearing (36). prehensive approach integrating philosophy, nature, and spirituality. Schools tend to focus on Theme summary practical work and skills (34). From having previously been a part of colonial An evaluation of SCG97 (35) indicates that oppression, education in formal schools systems schools and teachers are making changes is being redefined in a couple of areas with a according to the guidelines, but that some recognition of indigenous cultures and lan- aspects take more time to change than others. guages. This includes creating indigenous cur- One challenge is to guide pupils to work inde- ricula, using, in some cases, traditional indige- pendently (if it is culturally relevant to do this is nous knowledge. We close this section of another question) (36). Computer and infor- Russian, Saami and Athabaskan case examples mation-technology use outside the classroom knowing that we are lacking Inuit, Gwich’in and is low. Aleutian examples. Much more research is needed to better understand the advances in indigenous education in all countries, its oppor- Saami language in schools tunities and barriers. Training in Saami was formally introduced to the basic educational curriculum in 1967. School regulations have since expanded, allo- Higher education cating increased hours of instruction, to the point where Saami-speaking students have a Institutional capacity as well as northern stu- right to instruction in Saami regardless of dents’ access to post-secondary education varies geography. SCG97 places the burden of considerably across the Arctic. This section illus- responsibility on schools to work systematical- trates this diversity with a few examples. We ly with the Saami language as a subject. There conclude with discussion of an emerging trend is also a bilingual program (37), whose goal is of increased circumpolar collaboration among for students to be functionally bilingual. In an universities. evaluation of the SCG97 (33), 64% of the total population of the communities involved were North America Saami speakers (38). 66% of the pupils received instruction in Saami language, but In North America, the University of Alaska is only 35% receiving instruction through Saami based in Fairbanks and Anchorage, with urban language (39). 47% of the teachers were Saami campuses in the smaller communities. In speakers. However, the general lack of statisti- northern Canada there are no universities, but cal information about Saami makes evaluation there are colleges and research institutes (in difficult, in particular the degree of instruction Yukon, Northwest Territories, and Nunavut) through Saami language. Saami educational based in northern cities, with regional commu- reform needs significantly more support in all areas to achieve an acceptable level (40-42). nity classrooms in rural and remote communi- ties. At the territorial campuses, there is a limit to the range and types of courses, programs, Education will not change until the Saami and degrees available. Students in northern produce more textbooks and other curriculum Canada cannot attain a Bachelor of Arts or materials (in particular, computer technology) Science degree unless they leave the North or and connect them to the community outside unless they take courses from southern univer- the school (43-44). Teachers must be encour- sities, purchased by their northern colleges and aged to use traditional teaching methods and taught by sessional instructors (mostly without Saami epistemology. In our research we found doctorates) (47). that teachers did not give direct answers to Many northerners, particularly in rural com- some questions. Indirectly, however, it is clear munities, have been served by distance educa- they have started thinking about the signifi- tion. For example, University of Alaska cance of Saami culture and ethnicity and its (Fairbanks) services each of the regions within influence on education (45), as well as how this Alaska through regional campuses and dis- influences their teaching practices. They try to tance delivery: video conferencing, telephone, identify the connections between their practice, and web-based teaching. The University’s their cultural background, and their environ- Board of Governors sets the curriculum. 180 Arctic Human Development Report

Similarly, in northern Canada the curriculum is would be more likely to remain in the region set by the college and delivered at regional after graduation), and a determination to pro- campuses and satellite classrooms in most of mote research and technical and cultural servic- the medium-to-large communities. In the es relevant to the region (48). The University of Northwest Territories, for example, Aurora Tromsø has been described as “a symbol and, it College contracts with Athabasca University in was hoped, an effective instrument of the gov- Alberta and other southern universities for ernment’s policy of promoting the economic, courses taught at all three of their major col- social and cultural development of the north.” lege campuses (Fort Smith, Yellowknife and (49). At the time, the Norwegian government Inuvik). Students can be linked by phone or are linked social, economic, and cultural develop- able to access web-based courses through the ment with education. college. In 1966 the Swedish government decided to The increasing opportunities for college and establish higher academic education in tech- university education via satellite campuses, mail nology in Luleå, and in 1971 Luleå University of correspondence, tele-conferencing, and web- Technology was opened. The impetus came based delivery, in particular where broadband is from a need for qualified competence in the available, are not, however, the main path of mining, steel, and hydropower industries. Poor delivery as most northern students still make educational possibilities in the North were the trip south at the end of August to attend pointed to as one of the most important rea- post-secondary institutions. The southern urban sons for weak development in Norrbotten (50). universities offer students undergraduate In particular, the lack of vocational, technical, degrees in sciences and the arts/humanities and and commercial professional training was a colleges offer diplomas in a wider range of sub- problem. ject areas. Effects of higher education in the region have been visible in many ways. The number of stu- The Nordic countries dents enrolled in undergraduate programs in In some of the Nordic countries, universities are Sweden in general and in the North in particu- seen as motors for regional development. In the lar continued rising during the period northern parts of Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and 2002/2003 (57). The high number of new enroll- Finland, university institutional development ments means that Sweden is now close to has stimulated accessible education and quality attaining the goal of half of each age cohort research since the early 1970s. Universities have including those in northern regions beginning become expressions of regional development studies in institutes of higher education. The policy and require infrastructure ranging from social sciences, including economics and law, increased communication technology, teaching are the educational fields that attract most hospitals, specialized research institutes, applicants. When taken together with the field libraries, to such supports as student housing of health, medical and social care, they account and other services. Many states have invested in for more than half of the total number of appli- increasing the general level of education. The cations. The third largest area comprises pro- establishment of the University of Tromsø is our grams in technology and teacher training. A first illustration of this theme, followed by a look teacher training college was already established at Swedish and Finnish initiatives. in Luleå in 1907. The University of Tromsø was established in The highest participation in higher education 1968 by a parliamentary decree, and officially can be found among women, who make up opened in 1972. Until then, people in northern 60% of the students. The location of this univer- Norway needed to go south for higher educa- sity in Luleå has resulted in broader recruitment tion. Consequently, northern Norway had a in terms of social background. Life-long learn- lower rate of well-educated people compared to ing offered by the higher education institutions other parts of the country. There were three has also been of importance in the region. main reasons behind the decision to establish a Distance education has been of importance for university in northern Norway: concern about people living in the rural areas, and the number regional imbalances in socio-economic devel- of distance students has been rising rapidly, opment, the belief that the best way to over- increasing opportunities for staying in the area come shortages of qualified manpower in the and influencing its development. The number of region was to train local young people (who companies working with high technology has Education 181 Chapter 10 increased, as well as the number of skilled peo- dents were enrolled and today it provides edu- ple. The university studies that are and have cation for approximately 8,000 students, study- been offered are of great importance for the sur- ing in eleven faculties. The University of vival of the region. For rural areas, an important Akureyri in northern Iceland was established in developmental factor has been in teacher-edu- 1987. The University of Greenland offers cours- cation programs to support high quality teach- es taught in both Danish and Greenlandic. As of ing in the compulsory schools. 2003, the university has approximately 100 stu- Post-graduate studies have increased during dents and 13 academic staff members. The uni- 2002/2003, with considerably more women than versity has four departments (Administration, men. The number of PhDs has more than dou- Cultural and Social History, Greenlander bled since 1993. The trends are the same in all of Literature, and Theology). The University of the Sweden. Social background still influences the Faroe Islands was founded in 1965. The univer- transfer to postgraduate studies. In northern sity carries out research and provides post-sec- Sweden, great efforts have been made by ondary education. It has three departments and Sametinget in supporting PhD studies and also about 90 students. in funding research programs. The youngest university in Finland is the Russia University of Lapland in Rovianiemi, which was In post-Soviet Russia, there has been a trend established in 1979. The aim of its educational towards more regional differentiation not least program has been to contribute to the develop- in higher education. All regions want to have ment of occupations and culture in northern their own university or universities and there is Finland and to further international cooperation a strong academic drift by upgrading former col- between universities and research institutes in leges, for example, teacher training colleges, the northern regions. There are more than 4000 technical colleges, etc., to pedagogical universi- full-time students. Faculties cover art and ties, technical universities and so on. As an illus- design, social sciences, education, law, and tration, in Murmansk and in Arkhangelsk there business and tourism. The research strength at were no universities before perestroika. Today the University of Lapland lies in northern there are several in both cities, and in addition issues, in particular in research into welfare, to the state universities there are also private minorities, international relations, international institutions of higher education. The students’ jurisprudence, and applied environmental fields of interest have also changed: business research. administration, economics, management, and In some of the western Nordic countries, uni- law are favorites, while the number of appli- versities have been in place for a much longer cants to faculties of natural science is decreas- period than in the Fennoscandian North. For ing. The possibility of getting higher education example, the University of Iceland was founded close to home in the Russian North varies how- in 1911. During its first year of operation 45 stu- ever. In the northwest there are several univer- sities, whereas educational possibilities are sparser in the less populated northern Siberia Saami University College and in the Far East. The Saami University College was established in Guovdageaidnu in 1989 as a result of Saami Circumpolar initiatives movement’s campaign and is based on the needs of Saami society for higher education A significant development in northern higher and research. The main three elements of the education is the thinking in terms of circumpo- scientific basis are language and language larity, and the increased interest in the use of development, sustainable development and information and communication technology biodiversity, and Saami teaching and under- and open learning networks (52-53). This is standing. The College has national responsibil- reflected in the University of the Arctic and the ity for Saami teacher-training, journalist-train- Northern Research Forum. Their efforts to raise ing, and higher education. It is funded by the awareness of natural and cultural circumstance Norwegian Ministry of Education and serves all Saami students in Saami area of Norway, of the Arctic and promoting dialogue among Sweden, Finland, and Russia. Most of the members of the research community and a wide instructing is given in Saami language. Both range of other stakeholders in the Arctic have students and staff are bi- or multilingual (51). been applauded by the Arctic education minis- ters. (54). 182 Arctic Human Development Report

The University of the Arctic is a cooperative others have worked at various levels to help network of universities, colleges, and other develop the university. Moreover, there is an organizations committed to higher education Indigenous Issues Standing Committee that and research in the North. Its members share was established to promote indigenous input to resources, facilities, and expertise to build post- programs and projects and which has identified secondary education programs that are relevant a need to coordinate northern indigenous views and accessible to northern students. The overall in the development of the University of the goal of the University of the Arctic is to create a Arctic (55). The Indigenous Issues Standing strong, sustainable circumpolar region by Committee, like the University itself, is relative- empowering northerners and northern commu- ly new and is struggling to establish itself as a nities through education and shared knowl- coordination mechanism. The goal of the com- edge. It was officially launched in 2001 and now, mittee is to assist indigenous educational three years later, has 71 member institutions capacity in the university and to increase north- and organizations. erners’ activities on indigenous issues. The Northern Research Forum has as one of Many indigenous organizations see the its main objectives to enlist the participation of potential of the University of the Arctic as an university students in discussions on northern institution in which they may positively influ- issues, problems and opportunities. In particu- ence northern research and education. The lar, they serve as rapporteurs at open meetings, opportunity to shape and develop the curricu- where they also take part in policy relevant dis- lum exists, as well as possibilities for the inclu- cussions among the more senior members of sion of traditional knowledge holders in teach- the research community and a wide range of ing. This possibility would embody a major other northern stakeholders. The majority of shift from professional academic atmosphere students associated with or enrolled at to a more open classroom, which respects dif- University of the Arctic member institutions are ferent styles and norms of knowing and teach- also attracted to the Northern Research Forum. ing. The inclusion of traditional knowledge While it is affiliated with the University of the holders on the roster of “Arctic Professors” and Arctic, the Northern Research Forum has its “experts”, as well as recognizing the expertise own, independent governance structure. (See of traditional knowledge holders with hon- also Chapter 12. Circumpolar International orary PhDs, is the goal of members of the com- Relations and Geopolitics). mittee. The University of the Arctic and the Northern There have been and continue to be a host of Research Forum function as spaces for institu- organizations and institutions that enhance or tional processes to further the political and play a role in higher education in the circum- environmental work of the Arctic Council. In polar North, for example the International the past there were various initiatives that Arctic Science Committee (IASC) and the brought together specific educational/scientific International Arctic Social Sciences Association communities (e.g. the International Polar Year). (IASSA). There are institutions, precursors of None of these initiatives, however, created a the Arctic Council, which share a concern for popular base of support or permanent institu- improved education in the North, such as the tions. The University of the Arctic offers the Conference and Standing Committee of promise of post-secondary education based on Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region and the information communication technology, “a Canadian Polar Commission. Event-oriented university without walls,” as well as mobility initiatives, such as the International Polar Year programs to facilitate northern student and fac- (IPY) and the International Committee on ulty exchanges. Arctic Research Planning (ICARP), have also A particular feature of the University of the devoted attention to education and research Arctic is the inclusion of indigenous peoples in issues. A plethora of funding agencies has spe- its governance structure. For example, the cific mandates to increase research and post- Arctic Athabaskan Council, the Russian secondary education in the circumpolar North. Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North Future research could analyze the linkages, (RAIPON), and Gwich’in Council International and lack thereof, of these initiatives, especially are member institutions of the Council of the how they coordinate and focus post-secondary University of the Arctic, and the Inuit education opportunities in the North. Circumpolar Conference, Saami Council, and Education 183 Chapter 10 teaching/school; teacher-student classroom Theme summary ratios; support to schools; costs to deliver pro- Access to higher education has increased in the grams, etc. Income levels, employment levels, Arctic over the past 30 years, with new universi- types of employment and other such indicators ties being established in northern regions, vari- also need to be developed and used to under- ous initiatives for circumpolar cooperation, and stand education. But these measures must be increased use of distance education. This access tempered, as they tend to ignore and negate tra- is still very uneven, however, and in many parts ditional economies and cultural practices. of the Arctic there are few or no opportunities Control of one’s own destiny, cultural continu- for post-secondary education within the region ity, and contact with nature are elements that (e.g. in parts of Canada, Siberia, and the Russian could be measured by indigenous languages Far East). With the burgeoning of circumpolar spoken in schools. We need to look at school initiatives in higher education and research, instruction using cultural practices, as well as there is a need to look further into how they activities outside formal school settings. There link, or could link, to each other. needs to be more research to determine what these tempering measures might be and if they Conclusions and gaps in can be used on a circumpolar basis. Too often generalization produces results that mean very knowledge little, so there has to be special consideration for In this chapter we have identified and discussed the local when searching for pan-Arctic indica- three themes that resonate in schools around tors. Also, comparisons across jurisdictions will the circumpolar North. We have shown that be meaningless if we do not account for varia- indigenous and minority cultures are a major tions within each country. consideration when discussing education, as Finally, another research area is the question these peoples are adding to the reform of edu- of northerners as producers of knowledge. At cation. Education, as we have shown, can also present, there are no statistics for the publica- continue to contribute to standardization and tion of northern books or books about the cultural loss. One cause for this may be the North. All areas of knowledge production must process of “difference blindness” that has led to be considered. the loss of many rare languages and important elements of indigenous cultures. Education can also be a significant tool for renewal and we Chapter summary have shown that education is performing a sig- The trends for education discussed in this chap- nificant role in northern revival and develop- ter demonstrate that the most critical concerns ment. are for control, relevance, and access to educa- Education statistics are not readily available tion. The three concerns are directly impacted by for the circumpolar North. In some jurisdictions the acknowledgement of distributed knowledge these numbers are collected; however, they are and the need to adapt education services to fit not collected the same way in each of the juris- local needs and conditions. They are set against dictions of the circumpolar North. We believe it a legacy where western values have been given is very important to know the total number of priority in the view of knowledge over indige- possible students by grade category, total num- nous ways of knowing. The shift from viewing bers of students enrolled, and the total numbers knowledge as a standardized commodity to see- of students graduating at different levels in the ing it as a distributed resource has lead to pres- education system. It would be useful if we had a sures for decentralization of control and deci- breakdown of these numbers by indigenous and sion making, local adaptations of curriculum, non-indigenous populations as well as by gen- and increased use of technology to access der. Such statistics could be used to establish a knowledge from any place at any time (i.e. baseline for evaluation of circumpolar educa- University of the Arctic). tional trends. Further statistics that would be instructive to future assessments of education in the Arctic would be: distances students have to travel to school each day by grade; faculty educational levels and place of origin; years of 184 Arctic Human Development Report

References 17. Later on this study was broadened to include 149 students from eight schools; the previous conclu- 1. Little has been published; however a very good sions were supported: Hovdenak 2004 (56). example of comparative circumpolar education 18. P. Haug, Evaluering av Reform 97 (Norges forskn- research is: F. Darnell, A. Hoem, Taken to ingsråd, Oslo, 2003). Extremes: Education in the Far North 19. The Protocol was signed by the Canadian (Scandinavian Univ. Press, Oslo, 1996). provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, 2. S. S. Hovdenak, “Curriculum and the construc- and the territories of Yukon, Northwest tion of identities: the importance of an ethno- Territories, Nunavut (www.wncp.ca). graphic outlook,” Ethnography and Education 20. The British North America Act 1867; reaffirmed in European Review 3 (2003). the Canadian Constitutional Act 1982. 3. V. M. Fillipov, “Russian Education: state, prob- 21. A student in Carcross, Yukon, will receive the lems, perspectives,” in Report at the All-Russian same education in grade 11 chemistry as they meeting on education (Public Education, Moscow, would if they were in Sachs Harbour, Northwest 2000), 2:42-51. Territories, even though the student in Carcross 4. E. V. Tkachenko, “Priorities of Russian system of follows the BC curriculum and the student in education” Indigenous School: Concept and Sachs Harbour follows Alberta’s curriculum. Technology for Development. Proceedings of 22. T. Friedel, “The role of aboriginal parents in pub- International Conference. Yakutsk, March 16-21. lic education: barriers to change in an urban set- (Prosvesheniye, Moscow, 1993), pp. 27-32. ting,” Canadian Journal of Native Education 23(2): 5. “Concept of Modernization of Russian Education 139 (1999). for the Period to 2010,” Collection of Bulletin of 23. L. McDonald, “Two Trails-One Vision”: First Education in Russia 9:16 (2002). Nation of Nacho N’Yak Dun School Drop-out 6. E.I. Mikhailova, “Implementation of the concept Study, final report (2003, unpublished). for modernization of Russian education in the 24. Ray Barnhardt presented comments on the work Sakha Republic (Yakutia),” Public Education of Darnell and Hoem (1) at the AERA Quarterly 1:3-11 (2003). Symposium, New York 1996, entitled “Education 7. Language and Culture (Swedish Government among the Indigenous Peoples of the Official Reports 1983:57); Riksdag Resolution Bill Circumpolar North: Perspective on school and 1985:11. society.” See also: R. Barnhardt, B. Harrison, 8. M. Eklund, Interkulturellt lärande: intentioner och “Strategies of education in indigenous commu- realiteter i svensk grundskola sedan 1960 talets bör- nities,” Discourse 14 (1):89 (1993). jan Doctoral thesis, Luleå University of 25. Alaskan research will not be discussed in detail Technology (2003). in this chapter and readers are advised to read: 9. V. Hirvonen, Guovdageaidnu, Norfo, Slóyden, Kaliakh Nation, G. Patton, G. Fredrick, Minoriteter, det flerkulturelle og et internasjonalt Gottschalk Senior research analyst “Alaska perspektiv (2003). Native Claims Settlement Act ANCSA- Was due 10. S. S. Hovdenak, 90-tallsreformene – et instrumental- process of law followed?” (2003, unpublished). istisk mistak? (Gyldendal Akademisk, Oslo, 2000). See also: R. Barnhardt, “Higher Education in the 11. S. J. Ball, Politics and Policy Making in Education Fourth World: Indigenous People Take Control,” (Routledge, London, 1990). Canadian Journal of Native Education 18:2 (1991). 12. A. H. Halsey, H. Lauder, P. Brown, A. Stuart 26. GNWT, Department of Education, Culture and Wells, Eds. “The Transformation of Education Employment received funding from the federal and Society: An Introduction,” in Education, government through the Aboriginal Language Culture, Economy and Society (Oxford Univ. Press, Enhancement program (1984), and organized an London, 1997). Inuit Subject Advisory Committee to work on 13. M. Skilbeck, Curriculum Reforms. An Overview of Inuit curriculum. By 1992, the Inuit Subject Trends (OECD, Paris, 1990). Advisory Committee was formed. 14. G. E. Karlsen, Utdanning, styring og marked. Norsk 27. C. D. J. Paci, “Education as an aboriginal right: utdanningspolitikk i et internasjonalt perspektiv modern Athabaskan contexts for decoloniza- (Universitetsforlaget, Oslo, 2002). tion,” in Education, Social Development and 15. The following discussion is based on data from Empowerment among Indigenous Peoples and an ongoing study supported by the Research Minorities: An International Perspectiv, I. Beer- Council of Norway (Hovdenak 2001 (16), 2004 Sheva (Conference, Ben Gurion University of the (56) and a national evaluation of “Reform 97” by Negev., 2004). Haug 2003 (18). 28. B. Curry, “Aboriginal languages fall victim to bet- 16. S. S. Hovdenak, ”Den nye ungdomsskolen – ter education,” CanWest News Service July 10, problemer og utfordringer. Vurdert fra lærer- og 2004. elevperspektiv” S.S. Hovdenak (ed.) Perspektiver 29. T. Y. Krasovitskaya, “Indigenous school in på Reform 97 (Gyldendal Akademisk, Oslo, Russian Federation today. On Typology of situa- 2001). tion and variety of solutions,” in Indigenous Education 185 Chapter 10 School: Concept and Technology for Development. vla plánain ja praktihkas – Mu dustet -O97S Proceedings of International Conference. Yakutsk, hástalusaid? V. Hirvonen, Ed. (CállidLágadus,ˇ March 16-21. Moscow: Prosvesheniye, 41 (1993). Kárásˇjohka, 2003), pp. 140-160. 30. The content of regional and local curriculum can 45. Lauhamaa 2003 (39). be found in the collection: Ministry of Education 46. A. Balto, Sámi mánáid bajasgeassin nuppástuvvá of the Sakha Republic 2001 Normative and (Ad Notam Gyldendal, Oslo 1997). Methodical Documents: Teaching and Methodical 47. K. Coates and J. Powell, The Modern North: People, Provision of Basic Curriculum of Comprehensive Politics and the Rejection of Colonialism (James Schools of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia). Yakutsk: Lorimer and Company Coates and Powell, Ministry of Education of the Sakha Republic: Toronto, 1989). j,hfpjdfbbz HC(Z). 48. M. Woodhall, ”Education and Economic 31. SCG 97: 60 “The Saami school contains the Development” Kunnskap og utvikling, M. knowledge, traditions and values that coheres Haavelsrud, Ed. (Norges forskningsråd: the Saami community and upon which the gen- Universitetet i Tromsø, 1995). eral knowledge is based.” 49. Woodhall (53) referring to L. Cerych and P. 32. J. H. Keskitalo, “‘Sámi skuvlá’ ovdáneapmi ja Sabatier, Great Expectations and Mixed perform- dan báikkalasˇ heiveheapmi – suohkaniid ja sku- ances: The Implementation of Higher Education vllaid plánain ja oahpeaheddjiid oaiviliid Reforms in Europe (Trentham Books, Trentham, mielde.” V. Hirvonen, Ed. Sámi skuvla plánain ja 1986), p. 112. praktihkas – Mu dustet -O97S hástalusaid? (Cállid-ˇ 50. S. Hansson, “Norrbotten under ett omvälvande Lágadus, Kárásˇjohka, 2003), pp. 20-35. sekel” in Förlsag till tillväxtprogram för Norrbotten 33. V. Hirvonen, J. H. Keskitalo, “Samisk skole – en 2004-2007 (Länsstyrelsen Norrbottens län, ufullendt symfoni,” in En likeverdig skole for alle?, 2004), pp. 3-7. T.O. Engen, K.J. Solstad, Eds. (Universitets- 51. Saami University College, www.samiskhs.no/ forlaget, Oslo, 2004), pp. 200-219. eng/index_en.htm (18 October 2004). 34. M. N. Sara, ”Arbevirolasˇ sámi died-ut ja máhtut 52. J. H. Ingimundarson, A. Golovnev, Eds., Northern sámi vuod-d-oskuvllas,” in Sámi skuvla plánain ja Veche. Proceedings of the 2nd Northern Research praktihkas – Mu dustet -O97S hástalusaid? V. Forum Open Meeting, Veliky Novgorod, Russia, Hirvonen, Ed. (CállidLágadus,ˇ Kárásˇjohka, 2003), September 19-22, 2002 (Stefansson Arctic pp. 122-139. Institute and University of Akureyri, Akureyri, 35. Keskitalo 2003 (32). 2002). 36. P. Lauhamaa, “Oahpaheamis oahppamii – sámi 53. L. Pekkala, L. Kullerud, O. Snellman, Eds., skuvlla oahppama organiserema guorahallan Bridging the Digital Divide: Sharing Best Practices bargovugiid vuod-ul,” in Sámi skuvla plánain ja for Developing ICT in the Rural Areas of the North praktihkas – Mu dustet -O97S hástalusaid? V. and South. Proceedings of the SCOPE-UArctic Hirvonen, Ed. (CállidLágadus,ˇ Kárásˇjohka, 2003), Workshop, 9-12 May, Mpumalanga, South Africa pp. 35-53. (National Institute for Higher Education 37. C. Baker, Foundation of Bilingual Education and Northern Cape, Kimberley, 2003). Bilingualis (Multilingual Matters, Clevedon, 54. Declaration of Ministers of Education and 2001). Science of the Arctic Council Member States, 38. Total population was 16,828. Reykjavík, 9 June 2004; http://eng.menntamala 39. Total number of students was 2,284. raduneyti.is/media/mrn-enski/Arctic_council_ 40. O. H. Magga, ”Sámegiella vuosttasˇgiellan member_states06_2004.doc vuod-d-oskuvllas,” in Sámi skuvla plánain ja prak- 55. C. Dickson, “The University of the Arctic’s tihkas – Mu dustet -O97S hástalusaid? V. Indigenous Issues Committee as a tool for shap- Hirvonen, Ed. (CállidLágadus,ˇ Kárásˇjohka, 2003), ing Arctic research/ education priorities” paper pp. 54-86. presented to the Circumpolar Universities 41. N. Ø. Helander, “Sámegiela oahppoplána Association, 8th Circumpolar University Cooperation álgooahpahusa árvosˇtallan,” in Sámi skuvla plá- Conference, Whitehorse, 2003. Forthcoming in the nain ja praktihkas – Mu dustet -O97S hástalusaid? Canadian Journal of Native Studies. V. Hirvonen, Ed. (CállidLágadus,ˇ Kárásˇjohka, 56. S. S. Hovdenak, “Elev i ungdomsskolen. Om 2003), pp. 87-106. ungdom, utdanning og identitet” HiO-rapport 42. J. Todal, “‘Det lappiske Tungemaal til at forstaa’ – 11(2004). Nubbingiella gielalasˇ ealáskahttima gaskaoap- 57. Högskoleverket. Swedish Universities and min,” in Sámi skuvla plánain ja praktihkas – Mu Colleges. Annual report, 2004. dustet -O97S hástalusaid?, V. Hirvonen, Ed. (CállidLágadus,ˇ Kárásˇjohka, 2003), pp. 107-120. 43. V. Hirvonen, Mo sámáidáhttit skuvlla? Reforpma 97 evalueren (CálliidLágadus,ˇ Kárásˇjohka, 2003). 44. M.B. Utsi, “Muitalus oahpponeavvuid birra... Oahpponeavvodilli O97S skuvllain,” in Sámi sku-

187

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 11

80o

70o Gender60o Issues

Authors: Karla Jessen Williamson, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, Ottawa, Canada; Gunhild Hoogensen, University of Tromsø, Norway; Ann Therese Lotherington, Norut Social Science Research Ltd., Tromsø, Norway; Lawrence H. Hamilton and Sarah Savage, University of New Hampshire, U.S.A.; Natalia Koukarenko, Pomor State University, Russian Federation; Marina Kalinina, Norwegian Pomor University Center, Norway; Ingunn Limstrand and Marit Stemland, Northern Feminist University in Steigen, Norway; Stephanie Irbacher Fox, Scott Polar Research Institute, U.K.; Joanna Kafarowski, University of Northern British Columbia, Canada and Canadian Circumpolar Institute; Lindis Sloan, Northern Feminist University in Steigen, Norway; Mariekathrine Poppel, University of Greenland, Nuuk, Greenland

Understanding the prevailing power relations is making bodies and a discussion of gendered instrumental in making sense of human devel- violences. opment in the Arctic. This includes power rela- In light of the diverse perspectives on the sig- tions between women and men. However, any nificance of gender and culture in designing discussion of power relations and gender roles power structures in the Arctic, this chapter pro- must also recognize the social and cultural vides a starting place for further dialogue on diversity across the circumpolar North and the gender issues in the Arctic. It is a collection of fact that many different perspectives can be varying views of gender and culture as a basis applied when analyzing these roles. for describing Arctic societies. The themes range Some of the authors in this chapter empha- from a critique of western feminism as contrary size that the traditional relationships between to indigenous views and realities, through the women, men, children and the land have been importance of acknowledging indigenous men’s paramount for life in the harsh conditions of disenfranchisement, to using the concept of the North. The gender roles displayed in many human security as a way of thinking about Arctic regions are therefore seen as comple- female out-migration and gendered violences. mentary rather than opposing. There may They also include discussions about women’s indeed be a commonality of this experience involvement and representation in political life across the Arctic that transcends both culture and natural resource management. and nationality. The objective of the chapter is not to present However, western values, attitudes, struc- a comprehensive assessment of gender issues in tures and regulations were imported from the Arctic. In Arctic research, gender is still an southern societies following the introduction of emerging topic, and there is not a fully devel- the large-scale nation state. The paternalistic oped body of literature available for assessment. male bias inherent in these values and struc- Therefore, the chapter is more of an exploratory tures led policymakers and administrators with scoping exercise. The aim is to operate as a cat- little knowledge of the societies they were alyst for future analysis of how shifting gender working with to defer to males when assigning roles affect human development in the North. decision-making positions. Increased under- standing of situated and traditional knowledge Gender and equity, the can make us aware of what we are losing by adopting gender roles from other cultural land- Arctic way scapes. Introducing western feminist critique Karla Jessen Williamson may even be perceived as yet another vestige of “Kaaleralanngortartoq, Makkanngortatoq” was post-colonialism. It is seen as more relevant to one of the chanting songs I received from one discuss gender equality in terms of tradition, of our close family friends during my childhood justice, values, and democratization. in Greenland. This translates to “that person Other authors emphasize issues that have who alternates Karl and Magrethe.” I have long been reflected in the feminist agenda, many baptismal names, and the first ones were including western, non-western and indigenous Karla and Magrethe, but this friend labelled the feminist perspectives. This includes analyses of male and female in me at the same time. This women’s representation in formal decision- always caused me some puzzlement as a grow- 188 Arctic Human Development Report

ing girl. This contribution examines gender ent means by which different inequities can be equity in the Arctic and argues that it requires addressed. an approach that differs from the western fem- How has this process of social change affect- inist discussion. ed Arctic women? Many feminists whom I have The term “Arctic” evokes for many southern- talked to take it for granted that Arctic women ers thoughts of ordeals and the idea that those experienced the same devaluation as the south- traveling to the area must be seeking a test of erner women did, and many assume that Arctic bravery. That such a perception has arisen women experienced even more devaluation due makes good sense, considering that visitors to to colonization. This perception is compounded the Arctic from the south have been largely by the perception that the Arctic is a male-pref- male. Arctic “exploration” in search of minerals erential world and that Arctic women therefore and the Northwest Passage, fur-trading, whal- must suffer doubly under male dominance as ing, mining, and military activities were mostly compared to women in the south. achieved by men without their women-folk (1). Some of these perceptions may hold some It was only relatively recently that southern truth, depending on how different people look women came to the Arctic, some to stay and at Arctic societies. But there are also other reali- many others as transient workers in the govern- ties. Lekhanova (6) is a Russian northerner who mental structures. writes: “In northern families the women – the The particular perception of the Arctic being mother and particularly the grandmother – had a male world is also compounded by the fact an indisputable authority. It is not by chance that most of the Arctic peoples’ lives depended that in the folklore of all the Arctic peoples, on hunting, trapping, and husbandry of rein- maternity and femininity prevail … women and deers. Most literature on peoples of the Arctic men had equal rights … gender balance pre- was written by males whose writings have yet vailed.” On the other side of the circumpolar to be analyzed through non-patriarchal and range, Hansen in Canada (7) writes: “In my non-colonial frames of perception. The strong early years, my mother was the anchor for our male bias about the Arctic has led into a situa- family. She taught me that strong families build tion where relatively little is known about strong leaders.” In my own field research in Arctic women’s roles. There is little apprecia- Greenland, I found that many of the women tion of women’s capacity to contribute to deci- and men I interviewed never had the perception sion making around hunting, or of their roles that their own women-folk had lost their status in the hunting economy, including group in their own societies, in present times or his- membership and location, and spiritual rela- torically. Individual women carry out their daily tionships (2-4). activities without thought of their activities While one can lament the negligence and the being deemed less or more important than oth- lack of knowledge about Arctic women typical ers. Women are valued as real human beings, of earlier generations, there remains much to be making their contribution as real men do. celebrated in the real achievements of Arctic Socio-culturally speaking, indigenous Arctic women (5). Among indigenous populations, the women seem not to have experienced loss of Arctic is home for at least as many women as importance in the family setting to the same men. Have they had less say than their men in, degree as their southern sisters, or indeed by for example, how life should be ordered and comparison with their men-folk. In fact, in writ- enjoyed, where one should hunt, how food ings about equity issues in the Arctic, the notion should be distributed, or how to thank the that each human being is valued in much the forces of life for the good and rewarding life in same way is rather common. As Lekhanova the Arctic? writes (6): “Every human being in the Arctic Southern women have also asked such ques- community is a worthy individual as such hold- tions over the years, and since the early incep- ing his or her rights.” These points speak to a tion of feminism, many different groups have deep sense of genderlessness, with every person embraced the idea of equality and developed seen primarily as a human being rather than further thoughts on how to achieve a more egal- being identified by characteristics of sex. itarian society. These new ideas may be seen, for Naming traditions provide another example. example, in “eco-feminism.” Such groups as the Among the Inuit, the traditional names are socialist feminists, radical feminists, and liberal given to each person regardless of gender. The feminists speak to different priorities and differ- names are androgynous and carry with them the Gender Issues 189 Chapter 11 spiritually renewed source of life, which has its ing, the expected tensions between men and own autonomous power. Females and males women in the Arctic need to be understood dif- may carry the same name. Many indigenous lan- ferently, and gender issues in light of the afore- guages around the world are structured in a way mentioned obstacles appear absolutely minis- that does not divide human beings between cule. male and female. Instead they are both “it” – this The experience of Arctic indigenous women indicates equal validity, particularly in the case of in relation to feminism may at times be reminis- those cultures that invest spiritual power in the cent of other non-western cultural groups who name and require respect for the soul denoted by live within western societies. Macionis and the name. This non-gendered terminology Plummer (10) assert that “[w]hite feminism is equates all with other creations in the world, often critical of the family, and subordination of both physically and metaphysically (8). women within it.” But, as one can see, indige- Intellectually, women enjoyed sharing their nous Arctic women enjoy a high status when knowledge for the communities’ well-being, and creating lives. The birth of children is seen as a good wisdom was never divisible between gen- fundamental renewal of life and energy and a der. The traditional egalitarian approach among continuity of an old tradition closely related to Arctic societies speaks to a humanistic or indi- the beginnings of all lives. Muslim and Afro- vidualistic approach to holding power instead of Caribbean women, whose lives are often cir- emphasizing one gender over another. It is in cumscribed by the family, according to Macionis this context that “Kaaleralanngortartoq Makk- and Plummer (11), may have experiences in anngortartoq” can best be understood. relation to their womanhood and their social It is perhaps on the basis of the above that no status more similar to that of the Arctic indige- single model of marriage can be found in the nous groups than that of southern feminists. indigenous Arctic communities. Much like According to the two authors, there is a signifi- Koukarenko (9), my own research shows that cant debate between African-American and Arctic couples practice matriarchcal, patriarchcal Euro-American women, as the first group or even other models, depending on their situa- “sometimes feel they have become the [manip- tions. These arrangements are negotiated ulated] objects of white feminism” (10). among couples, and these realities are most Interestingly, Ackerman’s (12) statement on likely much older than the historical accounts. Colville reservation women rings quite true for Today, one might find among younger couples a Arctic indigenous women that “women are not situation where a mother holds a job outside the accorded a lower status because child-bearing, home while the husband is the homemaker child-rearing, and lactating functions, but rather with three or four children at home. These are honored by men for these contributions.” arrangements largely depend on the individual In summary, southern perceptions of the circumstances and the individual personalities North are not always useful or accurate in involved. understanding gender relations in the Arctic. These observations demonstrate that gender Unlike western feminist perspectives, much of equality issues have to be understood from a the oppression and inequality in the Arctic has uniquely Arctic perspective, different from the more to do with the colonial and paternalistic typical idea of power imbalance between males practices of southern powers than inequality and females. Insisting on introducing southern between men and women. Most indigenous styles of equity issues to the Arctic peoples will women in the Arctic have not experienced the only reinforce colonial attitudes. For indigenous same degradation of human worth as in the populations the colonial systems have already western world, and the same question Lillian had a devastating effect on areas such as lan- Ackerman (13) asked about the Colville Indian guage, religion, and management of resources, Reservation in United States could be asked among others. Families have been divided about the Arctic indigenous women: “Why has where children have been removed from their female status been reduced in other parts of the families in the name of education. At this point country and the world by colonialism and capi- Arctic families need to recover from various lev- talism and yet escaped that fate on the Colville els of alienation. Land-claim settlements nego- Reservation and, in fact, in the entire Plateau tiated with the governments create tension Culture Area?” rather than emphasizing the need to live in the Arctic indigenous women have experienced Arctic regions symbiotically. Generally speak- equal status but have also gone beyond that; for 190 Arctic Human Development Report

example, many are emerging as leaders for their Figure 1 shows that in the year 2002 men in peoples. Instead, it may be that men have a dis- Greenland, Alaska, the United States, and advantage in some Arctic societies. This is Iceland had a higher rate of unemployment explored in the next section. than women.

Fig. 1: Unemployment Men Women Total rate (% of labor force) Do Arctic men and women 1 for Greenland, Iceland, Greenland 6.9 5.9 6.8 2 Alaska, and the United Iceland 3.6 2.9 3.3 experience life differently? 3 States in 2002. Alaska 8.7 6.5 7.7 Karla Jessen Williamson United States 4 5.9 5.6 5.7 One of my Cree friends in Saskatchewan once 1 Greenland in Figures, Statistics Greenland; www.statgreen.gl 2 Labour Market Statistics on the web, Hagstofa Íslands; www.hagstofa.is asked me why the Cree and Inuit seem to have 3 U. S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; strongly delineated work along gender lines in http://data.bls.gov/cgi-bin/surveymost 4 Current Population Survey, http://www.bls.gov/cps/home.htm their daily lives. She was asking me knowing that such practices may seem “old-fashioned” Figures 2 and 3 indicate gender specific sui- to some and may appear discriminatory in light cide rates. Suicide in the Arctic is not myth. The of present-day couple arrangements. As good gender differences in suicide rates in the Arctic, friends we had long conversations, comparing especially the number of young males commit- and contrasting the Inuit and the Cree from his- ting suicide, simply cries out for action. torical times to the present and in relation to Although it seems that the suicide rate is espe- spiritual realities and other situations. Little did cially relative to gender and age, suicide is much we realize how steeped our conversations were more prevalent among Inuit men and women in a scholarly discourse on gender construction than among any other cultural groups in the across cultures and time. Indeed, according to Arctic. Young men up until 24 years of age seem the editors of “Many Faces of Gender” (14), much more directly affected by this phenome- gender “is not just about sex roles but about non. The statistics for suicide rates in the Nordic relationships…it is about complex interpersonal countries are not disaggregated by cultural interactions rather than two-dimensional group making it difficult to ascertain if cultural dichotomous stick-figure people.” The authors’ factors play any role there. Even if men are more statement applies very directly to the analysis of likely to commit suicide, statistics from Alaska how men and women experience life in the raise a note of caution on how to interpret the Arctic, which is rarely rigidly dyadic. data. In Alaska, while four times as many males Some of how Arctic men and women experi- as females commit suicide, females attempt sui- ence life differently can be analyzed through cide four times more often than men and report the tasks that men and women do both inside higher rates of depression. Alaskan males are the house and outside. In my own studies in 80% more likely (35.8 vs. 19.99 per 100,000) and Greenland, some of my informants thought Alaskan females are twice as likely (8.7 vs. 4.4 that the fact that so many people today live in per 100,000) as their peers nationwide to com- apartments surely contributed to the loss of mit suicide.” (15) human value – particularly for men. The partic- Fig. 2: Gender specific Men Women suicide rates (per 100,000) ular interviewee compared his own ownership Alaska (2002-2003) 1 35.8 8.7 for Alaska, United States, of the family house where he continues to enjoy United States (2001) 2 18.2 4.0 Canada, Nunavut, the healthy esteem by looking after the outside of Canada (1997) 3 19.6 5.1 western Northwest 4 Territories, and Nunavut. the house to be enviable to men who have no Nunavut (1986-96) 119 32 say or responsibility in apartment living. In his Western Northwest Territories (1986-96) 5 34 17 1 http://www.hss.st ate.ak.us/suicideprevention/AboutUs/2002SSPCAnnualReport.pdf estimate these men lost their role and their 2 http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hus/tables/2003/03hus046.pdf ability to exchange their manhood duties for all 3 http://www.statcan.ca/english/Pgdb/health01.htm 4 http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/pphb-dgspsp/publicat/cdic what their womenfolk offer. Certainly much of 5 http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/pphb-dgspsp/publicat/cdic-mcc/19-4/c_e.html men’s and women’s lives can also be analyzed through the kinds of jobs they hold in society, In the broadest societal context, the strikingly and how the values attributed to those jobs high suicide rate in most northern areas may have changed. However, for the sake of brevity, suggest – along with extreme housing problems this contribution focuses on a few indicators: and substance abuse – some correlation with unemployment, suicide, criminality, and life unemployment figures. The kinds of jobs avail- expectancy as a way to depict differences in able and the predominantly male attitudinal female and male lives. control over work force deployment by gender is Gender Issues 191 Chapter 11 Gender specific suicide rates per 100,000 among 0-24 year old

Males Females 110 100 90 80 70 Fig. 3: Gender specific suicide rates in different 60 regions of the Arctic. 50 The figures for Canada, 40 Norway and Finland 30 pertain to the year 1998, while for Sweden and 20 Greenland they are based 10 on total rates for the 0 years 1992 to 1997. Canada NWT/NU NWT/NU Sweden Norbotten Finland Norway Dene Inuit

Source: Preliminary Findings of the Health Programme Data for Children and Youth in the Arctic, p. 47; http://www.arctic-council.org/files/inari2002sao/C_YAppendices.pdf probably also significant. I also suspect that the These statistical snapshots indicate that the devaluation of men’s traditional role in the welfare of Arctic men is much more jeopardized Arctic plays a tremendous part and this needs to and at risk than that of women. This is in con- be addressed on both the individual and the trast to the assumptions of feminist discourse on societal level. gender issues. Enfranchisement was the very Incarceration rates along gender lines were tool for early feminists and rightfully so. In the only available from the Alaskan Department of Arctic, modern development is, in fact, system- Corrections. Here 93% of the incarcerated are atically disenfranchising Arctic men. Gender men and only 7% women. This picture fits well equality discourse needs to concentrate now with international statistics and is not unique more on Arctic men. In light of the suicide and for the Arctic (16). Nevertheless, it tells a story of incarceration rates, actions need to be real and differences in men’s and women’s lives and I immediate. expect that the Alaskan experience would have great similarities with other nations across the Women’s migration from Arctic. Life expectancy also shows a variation across and in the Arctic gender (see Figure 4). This is not too different Gunhild Hoogensen, Ann Therese Lotherington, from any other developed nations (17) where Lawrence C. Hamilton, Sarah Savage, Natalia men can expect to have shorter lives than Koukarenko and Marina Kalinina women. However, Russian men live on average A sense of place and home is crucial to human much shorter lives than any other group. The security (see box on page 192 for further detail Greenland population can expect to live on on the concept of human security). This average 10 years less than their ex-colonial includes not only the lodgings available, but counterparts in Denmark. Interestingly, the also the surrounding services and community Faroese population has a longer life expectancy that either supports or does not support a per- than the Danes. son’s needs, sense of well-being, and overall security. The movements of people, or migra- Men Women Difference Fig. 4: Life Expectancy tion, as individuals or as groups can provide an in Selected Regions and Russian Federation (1998) 61.4 73.3 11.9 indication of the sense of security people feel in Countries Finland (2001) 74.6 81.5 6.9 Faroe Islands (1996-2000) 75.2 81.4 6.2 given spaces at given times. Whether migration Greenland (2002) 62.8 67.8 5 is voluntary or involuntary, it speaks to the Denmark (1998) 73.9 78.8 4.9 sense of security or insecurity felt in the place Iceland (2000-2002) 78.2 82.2 4 that is left, and the expected security in the Arctic Canada (1999) 67 72 5 Canada (1999) 76.3 81.7 5.4 place of destination. Source: http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hus/tables/2003/03hus026.pdf; A pattern of disproportionate out-migration http://tilastokeskus.fi; http://www.hagstova.fo; www.nanoq.gl/eli; http://www.hagstofa.is; http://www.statcan.ca/Daily/English/020507d020507b. by young adult females has been observed in a htm; Chapter 2, Arctic Demography, this volume. number of northern regions including Alaska, 192 Arctic Human Development Report

Human security and gender In 1994, the UNDP Human Development Report ty (19-20). The concept of human security coin- (18) chose as its focus the concept of “human cides with much of feminist literature on what it security” indicating that security is integral to means to be secure (21). Both the human security human development and, in an expanded defini- literature and gender literature argue that security tion, can be largely associated with human well- is integral to who human beings are, and how they being. Human security was generally defined as are allowed to develop and improve their well- “freedom from fear, and freedom from want”, and being. Gender studies have argued that communi- was further identified with seven broad categories ties, states, men, women, and the environment are of security: economic, food, health, environmen- interconnected, and the security of one depends tal, personal, community, and political. Human upon the securities of the rest. Security is not security thus refers to the dynamic process merely the avoidance of threats in these instances, through which basic material needs are met, while but enabling and positive. To be secure means to concurrently securing and realizing human digni- feel secure, to feel enabled.

Greenland, the Faroe Islands, Iceland, Norway, – than the reverse, local men marrying outsider Newfoundland, and Russia (22-27). Where it women due to gender based patterns of mobil- occurs, such out-migration results in an excess ity. Men from non-Arctic areas have, to a much of young adult males among the locally born larger degree than women, visited the Arctic population, particularly in smaller and more regions, whether for military reasons or for nat- remote places. One statistical footprint of ural resource exploitation. On the other hand, “female flight” is a positive correlation between women from the Arctic tend to leave their birth- the percent female and the total community place more often than men for educational pur- population. Figure 5 illustrates with data from poses. These gendered mobility processes Alaska. Here, sex ratios range from 113 men per expand the marriage market for women. 100 women in smaller villages (1–999 people), Marriage to an outsider makes it both easier and to only 73 men per 100 women in cities (10,000 more likely that someone will eventually move or more people). High mortality rates afflict away, or not move back after graduation. Most males, but adult female out-migration appar- women move to more urban areas in their home ently more than offsets this, leaving young adult country but an increasing number of women, through middle-aged males predominant in especially from Russia, find a life partner from many villages (28). another country, and move to his domicile. Mobility in the Arctic is thus both within and Fig. 5: Alaska Native Total population of place Native Native Males per 100 out of the area. population ages 20–39, males females females by total population of 1–999 6,071 5,389 113 Why? place (2000 Census 999–9,999 3,587 3,456 104 data). 10,000 or more 3,364 4,364 73 The motivation for female flight appears to be a All 13,022 13,479 97 complex of individual and structural push and pull factors, which disproportionately influence Such patterns are by no means inevitable, or young women to choose town or city life over universal, but they seem to occur widely across small villages (26, 29-34). These factors include different cultural, economic, historical and gov- the differential attractiveness of traditional, ernmental regimes in the contemporary North. rural gender roles for men and women, as com- In Arctic Norway, in Saami as well as non- pared with their alternatives in the city, and Saami communities, this is the trend, and this major structural changes in primary traditional “woman-deficit” in the rural areas has been a industries such as fisheries, herding or farming. driving force in policy development over a peri- Substantial downscaling of these industries od of 20 years (29). makes women’s traditional roles redundant Marriage to outsiders plays a significant and (35). What remains of the traditional lifestyle under-studied role in northern out-migration. appears as a better choice, in some respects, for Locally-born women in many places are more rural men than for rural women, and men likely to marry outsider men – often men who remain in what’s left of the traditional indus- moved North, at least temporarily, for jobs in tries. As these industries do not provide enough construction, resource and service-sector fields income for the survival of a household, women Gender Issues 193 Chapter 11 have to work in paying jobs (36). Some get and political development in order to improve these kinds of jobs locally, e.g. in the health the situation in the local community. However, care sector, at schools, in municipal administra- increased poverty is also a possible consequence tion. Others do not, and they tend to move out of remaining. Out-migration has clear linkages and seek higher education. Disproportionate to economic (in)securities experienced by many numbers of women consequently go on for women, especially in areas where resource advanced education, which is more available in extraction industries, such as oil, gas, and min- larger communities (36). Education tends to ing, are prominent. These jobs offer some of the prepare them for more urban types of jobs, highest average earnings, but the vast majority increasing both the attraction of cities, and the of employees are male. Higher rates of female likelihood that an individual can successfully employment occur within the care-giving, edu- adapt to life there. Hub towns and cities also cation, and/or social services sectors. In many have relatively diverse secondary and tertiary Arctic regions, economic cutbacks by national economies, which open economic opportuni- governments have often had a negative impact ties for women that cannot be found in small on rural and remote locations, reducing the villages. standard of living and the quality of life in these For Russian women, the situation is some- areas through limited employment opportuni- what different, and more critical. Major political ties, low wage levels, and underdeveloped social changes over the last 15 years have caused a services (37). Not only is access to services deterioration in living conditions for the popu- therefore limited for these women, but also lation in general but for women, and single sources of employment. Self-employment is mothers, in particular. The economic problems often the only recourse for women living in in the 1990s caused a reduction of employment remote areas, creating great insecurity if this opportunities, and women with family respon- employment is fundamental to a family or sibilities were affected most. The paternalistic, group of people dependent upon her income. “protective” ideology of the Soviet State result- For men, the out-migration of women ed in women being regarded as unprofitable means that they are left with the opportunity employees who became “a burden” for enter- to continue doing what they have always prises due to various entitlements and privi- appreciated doing, maintaining their cultural leges. In the media, the image of women was and masculine identity. On the other hand, the more and more exploited within the domestic experience of many is that they are not able to domain. The only positive representation of a find women to share their lives with, or at least woman was that of a good caring wife or moth- that they do not find women with the same er. Thus the transformation period for women in cultural background as them and an under- Russia turned out to be a patriarchal renais- standing of the importance of their lifestyle. If sance. The opportunities for moving away from that happens, they may also have identity the deteriorating regions are limited but quite a problems to work on. We also see that men few women do move, inter alia as a result of who are not in, or for some reason are exclud- cross border marriages. More than 40% of ed from the traditional industries of herding, women queried, in a study in the Arkhangelsk hunting and fishing, become unemployed and region, however, said they would leave the stay unemployed due to the lack of new region if they had the means and opportunity. employment opportunities. At the structural level, one may see the tradi- Consequences tional industries become more economically There are positive as well as negative aspects and ecologically sustainable because fewer peo- regarding women’s out-migration and desire for ple are taking part in them. This could develop moving. For the individual woman, a move may in a sound way whilst the cultures and knowl- open up new windows of opportunity, and edge are maintained, as long as men do the tra- increase freedom of choice. On the other hand, ditional work and women bring in the necessary she may lose her close relations to place and cash (36). culture, and may experience change of identity. In areas of depopulation and significant out- The women who remain may also experience migration of women, there is justified worry new windows of opportunity, because their about community stagnation due to lack of presence becomes more highly valued. They reproduction. We have also seen the develop- may become more actively engaged in societal ment of “bachelor cultures” as a result of men’s 194 Arctic Human Development Report

need for sustaining certain aspects of masculine based on a gender perspective, and to a certain identity. extent take into account a need for more formal The cross-cultural and even cross-border capacity building, for decentralized education marriages may thus cause new societal dynam- systems, and flexible models. However, in rural ics and developments in the rural areas. This areas this strategy has been difficult to imple- may, however, also be considered negative from ment as the mainstreaming models maintain a cultural heritage point of view, as women are the imbalance in development between center often important for the transfer of cultural and periphery. Rural development policy knowledge between generations. remains therefore an “in-spite-of” strategy to A closer look at a rural community in north- reduce the consequences of the mainstreaming ern Norway can illustrate some of the chal- strategy. As an alternative, we would like to sug- lenges that contribute to the out-migration of gest a focus on education. women, but also some opportunities that could Traditionally, settlement in the rural areas has help change the trend. been located where natural resources were available. In coastal areas like Steigen, fisheries Focus on Nordland, Norway (38) and small-scale farming formed the basis for Ingunn Limstrand and Marit Stemland (39) settlement. Exploitation of natural resources An analysis of the situation in the small com- and to a certain extent subsistence economy did munity of Steigen, Nordland, shows a society not require high academic or formal compe- with problems. Traditionally a fisherman-farmer tence. In more recent generations, an increasing community, Steigen with its 3,000 inhabitants number of young people – many from rural faces the same challenges as many other small areas – have sought higher education. These rural societies. Population and birth rates areas have not had a need for skilled labor, decline, and changes in the work force, produc- something that has led to a situation where tion modes, and education patterns highlight a rural areas find they are exporting youth out of need for economic and political transformation. the region. The young people who choose not to Specifically, men and women in the demo- seek higher education remain in the local com- graphically very important 20-39 age group munity, while those leaving to get more educa- move to the towns and educational centers, and tion never come back. This has created a view of not all move back to where they came from or “educating oneself away from the rural areas.” indeed seek the life offered there. From this perspective, knowledge and educa- Strategies for rural development in Norway tion become a threat to the periphery. have traditionally focused on (low-level) blue- As for the gender situation, jobs in resource- collar work and work that does not demand based industries have to a large extent become higher levels of education. Modernity, however, male professions, with women’s work being has introduced better telecommunications and made “invisible” or given lower status. A typical infrastructure as well as a wider geographical example is that of fisheries. Today, the jobs that distribution of social relations and of media, the local community can offer young women are making it possible for people to stay in touch mainly in health care services, schools, and pub- and connected independent of distance and lic administration. But many young women location. Also, the dependency on primary have other educational plans and wishes for resources in rural areas is lessened. their lives. One illustration of this is the fact that Some political strategies for rural develop- municipalities in Nordland that have schools ment have focused on women. In the 1980s and and university colleges also have more young early ‘90s, the strategy was to use affirmative women than men. In sum, the concept of edu- action to give women the same opportunities as cating oneself away from the rural areas is even men. Focus was mainly on entrepreneurial more true for young women. training and job-creation, not on increasing for- If the rural areas are to be sustainable soci- mal competence. This strategy has been criti- eties, the economic, social and political situation cized because women were used to fulfill a pre- in the rural areas needs readjustment and devel- defined strategy, and were not given real influ- opment. Readjustment is competence-inten- ence in defining the content of the policy and sive. With a higher level of education, both the the development (29). From the late 1990s, the society and the individuals will be more flexible. ideals of gender mainstreaming and integration Flexibility means people will be more able to have dominated the picture. Strategies today are adjust to changes, for example in the market. Gender Issues 195 Chapter 11 Also, as individuals they will be more able to Statistics on gender violences must therefore be influence the direction of these readjustments. accompanied by a discussion of what these Quite a few young and highly educated peo- mean in the gendered context, both to under- ple look to the periphery for a place to settle and stand what is happening and in moving towards develop what they see as “a good life.” The cur- solutions. This is exemplified by the approach rent generation seeks a diversity of job opportu- taken in the “Taking Wing Conference Report” nities, a varied cultural life and a tolerance of based on the Conference on Gender Equality different attitudes. Should they choose to settle and Women in the Arctic (3-6 August 2002). The in a small community, they still demand the section on violence against women addresses a right and possibility to be citizens of the world. wide range of violences, including spouse-beat- This is a great challenge to a small-scale com- ing, structural impediments, and access to prop- munity, which traditionally has had the image er health and economic services (37). Winberg of conformity, in the sense that most of the citi- notes that the patriarchal structure impacts zens have had the same background, and have other societal structures, such as racial, social worked in similar trades. From our point of view and economic ones, thereby creating economic it is crucial to find a strategy to develop modern and personal insecurities by increasing the vul- and inclusive societies in the periphery. nerability of women, in particular through reduced power, access to resources, wages, and personal safety, as well as increasing discrimina- Gendered violences tion on the basis of gender and race (48). Gunhild Hoogensen Masculinist and patriarchal structural impacts Gendered violences are part of the broader issue on women and men of the Arctic take the form of human security and gender (see box on page of prostitution and human trafficking (48-49) 192). In many gender analyses of security, it is and also domestic violences, ranging from beat- made clear that articulations of what it means to ings to murder, and sexual and emotional abuse be secure or insecure must also include person- such as deprivation, shaming and stalking (50). al, non-state levels of security (40-45). Biases It includes limited access to resources and towards state-based and militaristic notions are health care services addressing gendered vio- thereby reduced if not eliminated, and there is a lences (50), as well as community and social recognition that security is not complete if not censorship of discussions about such topics as addressed at a variety of levels. This approach spouse-beating, murder and incest. (51-52). illuminates the interconnectedness of structure Kailo provides an analysis of violences created and agency, that one insecurity (such as vio- by the globalizing and “othering” forces that lence) cannot be divorced in a categorical and dominate the Arctic through economic inequal- masculinist fashion from other securities/inse- ities and imposed economic and social struc- curities, or from structural influences. This is tures, which are not reflective of the needs and well demonstrated when examining violences identities of the peoples of the Arctic. She notes and the ways in which they arise and are subse- the “near-legitimation” of male violence against quently handled. women, and the conditioning of men towards The notion of violences has been recognized violent, gendered behavior (53). This theme is in gender analyses as a number of various, sub- also mirrored in other works, such as those by tle, and nuanced manifestations, from “institu- Sørensen, who notes that in Nuuk, Greenland, tions that ‘beat your essence’ to a war that would men’s violence towards women is often met blow your world apart” (46). These are often with indifference or dismissal (54). This kind of located in identity, such as gender and race (20, indifference, particularly towards indigenous 46) and are often conditioned and created by women, occurs both within and outside of social arrangements “that obstruct human indigenous communities as demonstrated by a development” and are therefore structural (47). recent Amnesty International report on the high Gendered violences research in the Arctic rates of violence against indigenous women in context is still emerging as a field, but what has Canada, claiming that both racial and patriar- been accomplished to date demonstrates clearly chal structures ensure that the deaths of hun- that the collection and compilation of data dreds of women remain unheard of and (including structural and security data) cannot unsolved (55). be divorced from gender analysis. They function Gendered violences are not restricted to simultaneously and thus go hand in hand. men’s violence against women, however. 196 Arctic Human Development Report

Domestic violence in Greenland, by Mariekathrine Poppel, University of Greenland The occurrence of violence has been analyzed in There is an ongoing registration of unemploy- the Greenland Health Profile (61). The analyses ment whereas the number of persons employed is show that 47% of the women and 48% of men not systematically registered. Despite this lack of have been subject to violence at least once in their actual registration it seems obvious that the lifetime (62). unemployment rate among the offenders is con- Gender and violence is often analyzed from the siderably higher than that among the workforce in women’s perspective. In this project, the focus is general. on men, masculinity, and men’s power practices There is also a significant difference between (63-64). It will gather information on men’s vio- groups in educational profile especially concern- lence from several different sources, including ing school attendance. Even though the Living drum songs, narratives, and police reports. This Conditions data gives a picture of the 1994 situa- contribution discusses some preliminary results tion, the proportion of the general male popula- from the analysis of police reports of domestic vio- tion having attended school more than 7 years is lence from 2001. considerably larger than that of the persons con- Comparing the age distribution for the convict- victed for violence in 2001. ed and the whole adult male population, it is Though the Living Conditions data from 1994 especially striking that there is an over-representa- concerns the male labor force and the 2001 tion in the age groups: 30-34 and 40-44 among the offenders are characterized by a higher degree of convicted, while there are no convicted at all in the unemployment, it seems reasonable to suggest a age groups: 45-49, 50-54 and 60 and above. Apart lower level of vocational training among the group from striving to get further data on not convicted of offenders. offenders and eventually include police reports for In addition to these factors, the offenders have a more years, the last observation might lead to number of other social problems. Most prominent questions on the reasons why men born in the late is that alcohol is involved in most cases of vio- 1950s and the late 1960s are over-represented. lence. (65-70).

Security and insecurity concerning identity, par- the women providing them, Sweden has ticularly within indigenous communities, have responded to the unequal power dynamics been shown to play in role in the development inherent within patriarchal structures and the of violences (54, 56-60). Economic, identity, and insecurities caused by them. personal insecurities intertwine to create a cli- mate whereby a person’s own coping strategies no longer suffice to combat these insecurities. Political representation For example, rates of suicide among indigenous This section examines women’s political voice peoples have been recorded at levels three to by highlighting their representation in formal five times higher than within the non-indige- decision-making bodies. By focusing on the nous populations, and although women Archangelsk region in Russia and the Canadian attempt suicide more often, men are more effec- North and with some reference to the Saami tive in actually committing suicide (59). Parliaments and Greenland, it illustrates that Both quantitative and qualitative work still there are still few women at the higher levels of need to be done to examine more effectively politics, sometimes in spite of well-document- and deeply the problems of gendered violences ed active involvement at the local level. Two in the Arctic context. Resources are still limited, other contributions bring attention to the need making such research logistically problematic as to look at women’s participation in decisions on demonstrated by Amnesty International’s own particular issues that are important in the admission that they lack the resources to exam- Arctic, such as resource management and con- ine the structural and direct violences waged taminant politics. against women in the Arctic. The Taking Wing conference report provides a very good intro- Focus on the Arkhangelsk Region, duction to this research, however. And with Russia analysis and data, action can be taken, such as Natalia Koukarenko and Marina Kalinina that taken by the Swedish Government to curb Women in the Arkhangelsk Region of Russia the rapid expansion of the prostitution industry. were traditionally strong, independent, and By focusing efforts on criminalizing the men free. While men were out on sea to fish or to who are purchasing sexual services rather than hunt, or to trade for long periods, women were Gender Issues 197 Chapter 11 the heads (starostas) responsible for all deci- cils were revived again. They became independ- sion making in the localities. When the men ent associations active in the social, cultural and came back home, they had to accept all the everyday spheres, including health issues, envi- decisions. In the 19th century, there was a high- ronmental issues, children’s and teenagers’ er rate of female literacy in Arkhangelsk than leisure, etc. In 1979, there were 250 women’s in Russia as a whole. In 1860, 3,619 northern councils and women’s trade-union committees women had their own enterprises and almost in the Arkhangelsk region. 17% of all sea industries were under the con- With perestroika and new market relations, trol of women. the situation became complicated for both men During the Soviet period, women’s roles and women. Problems in the economy caused changed drastically. The young Soviet govern- unemployment. Both sexes were unprepared for ment granted Soviet women all political and this new reality but women having family civil rights, and the progressive legislation responsibilities were most affected. In this mar- improved the position of many lower-class ket competition, women had more difficulties women (71-72). A 30% quota on women’s rep- finding jobs as well as keeping them. The “pro- resentation on all levels of politics was intro- tective” ideology of the Soviet state resulted in duced (except for the Government’s Presidium), women being regarded as unprofitable employ- although they were admitted only to decision- ees who were “burdens” for enterprises because making on “soft” issues (like social affairs) and of their various entitlements and privileges. At were appointed only to “soft” ministries (cul- the same time in the mass media, images of ture, education, medicine, etc.). Work, however, women’s lives were limited to the domestic became compulsory for every Soviet citizen. This domain. The only positive image of a woman new “right” to work for women made them less presented was that of a good, caring wife and free, especially as they were not relieved of the mother. heavy burden of housekeeping. In the political sphere, this resulted in male Neither the women’s movement nor women domination in top-level politics. In addition to themselves were the motivating force behind the abolishment of “paternalistic” quotas, these changes, and the result was often apathy women often lacked experience in competing. for political and social activities, and an inability They were often indifferent to “conventional” to engage in political struggle or to organize politics, which did not appeal to their interests themselves politically. Also, many problems and experiences. Gender stereotypes and (e.g. wife-beating, child-abuse, etc.) were dis- widespread mistrust toward politics, power missed as they were considered private or per- institutions, and authorities also played a role. sonal. Still, the 1980s-90s turned out to be the period In the Russian North during the 1920s, when women started to establish new kinds of women’s councils were created everywhere and associations and organizations for protecting women became actively involved in political life. the political, economic, and social rights of These first appeared as non-formal and non- women and for representing their interests. By governmental volunteer unions, where women now there are more than 40 different women’s gathered to solve everyday problems. Women institutions, NGOs, networks, and associa- also initiated “illiteracy liquidation” activities, tions. “Saturday collective” activities, and created chil- At the same time there is an obvious contra- dren’s care-centers and canteens in schools. diction between the general ideology that These active women were called women-dele- women do not need to go into politics and the gates. There were 350 of these “women-dele- real situation, as has become obvious in a series gates” in the Arkhangelsk Gubernia (Province) of studies of political representation in the in 1920 and by 1929 the number had grown to Archangelsk region. In fact, one study from 19,000. But their activities were under the con- 2000/2001 showed that women were politically trol of the Communist Party and other state active at the local level and comprised the bodies. majority in the processes of preparing and run- In June 1930, there was an official decision ning the elections (73). They are actively that women’s issues were solved in the USSR, involved in forming the state, regional, and local and women’s councils were abolished. Women’s authorities, as well as NGOs. Nevertheless, it is activities instead became a part of the party basically at the levels of region and municipality activities. Still, in the 1960-70s, women’s coun- where women are better represented. One rea- 198 Arctic Human Development Report

son might be the municipal and regional This was especially clear in a study focusing on administrations are less desirable for men, and the gender dimension in local rural develop- that there is thus less competition. The local ment, where women are very active in creating level is also very time consuming and is not well local networks and have played very important paid. The higher the level of power, the fewer roles in local development processes. There is the number of women in authority. We do not thus an obvious contradiction: women consid- imply that the local levels of decision making er the political sphere to be important and are less important than the national and the think that there should be more women in pol- international ones but rather that the situation itics but they do not try to enter “convention- of women in Russia can hardly be changed al” institutions. unless women become equal partners, capable of decision making in all spheres of society, life and on all levels. The Nordic countries Other reasons explaining the lack of women Since World War II, women in the Nordic in politics are conservatism of public opinion, countries have become more involved in poli- lack of unity in the Russian women’s move- tics. This can be seen from their representation in the regional parliaments and the indigenous ment, and the unwillingness of political parties institutions in the Nordic countries. But the and movements to work with female voters and development is not the same from country to involve female leaders in their work. Poor access country. Also, the numbers of women in the to information, lack of experience, and attempts Saami parliaments in Finland, Sweden and to speak on behalf of all women without taking Norway are all low, and there is no indication into account the differences among women are that this will rise to the level of the national some factors that prevent women who go into parliaments in each country. The Saami politics from reaching top-level political posi- Parliament in Finland has six women of a total of 21 representatives (2000-2004), the Saami tions. Parliament in Sweden has eight women of a Another 2001 study examined social politics total of 31 representatives (2001 to 2005), and in the Arkhangelsk Region. Based on question- the Saami Parliament in Norway has seven naires and an analysis of official documents, women of a total of 39 representatives (2001 to laws, and mass media sources, the study 2005) (74). In Norway, this is a decline from showed that women were not considered as a previous elections (75). target group when social politics were being for- mulated. Their situation was not taken into account, and data on the situation of women Greenland was often lacking. Moreover, existing statistics In Greenland, the franchise for women was not show that women are discriminated against. To given until 1948. The first Home Rule change this situation, they have to be perceived Parliament, in 1979, had only 5 women, but as active subjects of social policy and decision- since then there has been a clear improvement, making processes. A questionnaire showed that with 35% women at the latest parliamentary women were eager to participate in social, polit- election in 2002 (10 seats out of 31). This ical, and economic life to a greater extent. They improvement is also reflected in the municipal therefore represent a great potential for the councils where women comprised 19% after the 2001 election. The number of women is region’s development but at the same time they very limited in municipal councils in the hunt- have the lowest status in society and no mecha- ing districts, however, and some of these nisms or opportunities to raise them. municipalities have no women council mem- In summary, neither regional nor state poli- bers (76). tics really welcome women. Moreover, women lack confidence in themselves and their ability to change anything in the political sphere in Russia, and they distrust authorities. Also, Focus on Canada stereotypes about “natural” roles and missions Stephanie Irlbacher Fox of women are still very strong among women This section provides a snapshot of the partici- and these affect their life strategies. That is why pation of women in key aspects of political deci- women become more active in the political sion making in the three northern territories of sphere only when they have “fulfilled” their Canada (77). In the territories, indigenous peo- “natural” mission and raised their children. ples are either the majority or large minority Gender Issues 199 Chapter 11 populations. Generally, the participation of the place of women in community and territori- women in institutions of public government is al political life. much lower than that of men. Since the 1970s, In conclusion, in the legislative assemblies, women’s participation in territorial legislative women are vastly under-represented. However, assemblies has hovered at about 10%. As of an analysis must also take into account the fact December 2003, there are three women serving that a significant share of each territory’s popu- in the Yukon legislature and two each in the leg- lation is constituted by indigenous peoples, who islatures of the Northwest Territories and do not necessarily accord elected leaders the Nunavut. Only in Nunavut do women enjoy same power or regard as non-indigenous polit- cabinet responsibilities within the legislature. In ical culture assigns. As a result, women in these both the Northwest Territories and the Yukon, communities may be part of an “unelected” women have held the post of premier. leadership, operating within indigenous peo- Information about local participation is incom- ples’ own forms of governance, which exist out- plete, yet reflects a slightly higher participation side of government-sanctioned and -imposed of women in leadership roles, including as may- elected government institutions. The numbers ors, band councillors, and First Nation council of elected women often are not indicative of the chiefs. role and quality of women’s contributions at the The Northwest Territories: As of 2003, community or territorial levels. women’s participation in community politics in the Northwest Territories is marked by the dis- Focus on contaminants parity between the high numbers of women Joanna Kafarowski participating on community councils as council- Some contaminants are potentially harmful to lors and the much lower numbers of women women and children across the circumpolar being elected to the top posts of mayor or chief. North. Many studies have been conducted on For example, in the 2003 municipal elections, the impact of persistent organic pollutants 40% of the councillors elected were women. (POPs), toxic metals and radionuclides on However, only 16% of the mayors elected were Arctic environmental and human health. More women. Indigenous women were even less like- recently, scientific interest has broadened to ly to be elected to the top jobs in First Nation, include socio-cultural effects on Arctic commu- Inuvialuit Community Corporation, and Métis nities (79-80). Research suggests that women Locals; of a total of 48 of these organizations, develop original solutions to complex environ- only 4 were headed by women. mental problems such as Arctic contaminants The Yukon: The Yukon Legislative Assembly and that natural resource conflicts may be has 18 members, of which three are women. resolved more effectively with the active partic- Information available regarding 13 of 14 Yukon ipation of women and men (81-82). Although communities indicates that three of 13 mayors not fully acknowledged in the relevant litera- in the territory are women, and that women ture, the question of women’s access to and hold 23 of 49 available councillor seats. Of the involvement in decision-making processes in 11 First Nations in the territory, only one has a the contaminant arena is critical, encompassing woman serving as chief. both reproductive health and environmental Nunavut: There are 19 members of the justice (83). Nunavut Legislative Assembly; two are women Some authors assert that, because indigenous (78). Among the community leadership, women women are not well-represented in high-profile are less well represented: as of 2002, only two of leadership roles, they are denied access to deci- the 25 mayors of Nunavut communities were sion-making roles and positions of influence women. Nunavut experienced extensive nation- (84). According to McIvor (85), this conclusion is al media attention prior to the formation of the reached by non-indigenous researchers who new territory when a proposal was put before may inappropriately apply western concepts of the public to decide on whether the Nunavut gender equality. In fact, literature by indigenous Legislature should be designed to ensure a bal- researchers supports the claim that women do ance between male and female representatives. assume decision-making roles and hold posi- In a public referendum, the gender parity pro- tions of power at various levels within the com- posal was defeated, however. The referendum munity (86-88). In many communities, indige- evoked extensive debate among Nunavummiut nous women act as respected advisors and their on the role of Nunavut women in politics, and influence underpins vital decision and policy- 200 Arctic Human Development Report

making processes (89-90). However, the degree by the media as an environmental issue, Watt- to which women are able to assume these roles Cloutier and others identified the significant and positions varies both geographically and negative ramifications for indigenous cultures, culturally and according to the specific resource- health, and traditional ways of life. based sector. Further research is required partic- In conclusion, gender is rarely highlighted in ularly regarding the representation and partici- the contemporary discourse on environmental pation of women in the management of natural contaminants, but should be identified as a crit- resources as well as in emerging issues includ- ical variable in decision and policy-making ing climate change and contaminants. processes. At the grassroots level, women are prominent within social and environmental activism (91- Focus on fisheries 92). The commitment of women to activism Lindis Sloan and Joanna Kafarowski within the environmental justice movement is Sustainable development in the Arctic depends perhaps due in part to their roles of homemak- on democracy in decision-making processes er and nurturing mother (93-94). Environmental that affects diverse sectors including the man- activism may be perceived as an extension of agement of natural resources. Fisheries are an community life in which women have been tra- increasingly significant economic activity in the ditionally involved. Within Canada, indigenous circumpolar North. An Arctic Council women have been active in this area. For exam- Sustainable Development Working Group proj- ple, Elizabeth Penashue and other members of ect has recently investigated gender and deci- the Innu Nation opposed low-level military sion-making in Arctic fisheries (96). The aim has flight training over Goose Bay, Labrador, been to document and analyze women’s roles in Canada during the 1980s and 1990s (95). Arctic fisheries in order to promote and support Beyond the grassroots level, women are less their participation in decision-making processes visible in environmental politics. Men usually in this sector. assume positions of responsibility and power in A general observation is that women partic- the public sphere and thus it is likely that envi- ipate in the fisheries, but that their contribu- ronmental decision making itself is profoundly tions and efforts are to a large degree rendered gendered. The contributions of women are val- invisible. Because participation is often organ- ued less than the contributions of men in west- ized within the family, women’s contributions ern, non-indigenous societies and women are to the economy of small-scale fisheries are less likely to attain decision-making positions often not officially recorded. Recent fieldwork (81, 91). indicates that “ground-crew efforts” constitute However, the international role of indigenous a major subsidy of the coastal small-scale fish- organizations in Canada including the Inuit eries. This work is kept out of the economic Circumpolar Conference, Inuit Tapiriit sphere by lack of formal recognition. In addi- Kanatami, the Arctic Athabaskan Council, and tion, many women do wage work outside the Pauktuutit Inuit Women’s Association is increas- fisheries sector in order to provide the cash ing. Current President of the Inuit Circumpolar flow security that is lacking in the increasingly Conference, Sheila Watt-Cloutier champions uncertain fisheries. many contemporary issues including Arctic con- When women work directly with fisheries, taminants. Watt-Cloutier presented an Inuit they are seldom active fishers, and only as rare carving of a mother and child to Klaus Töpfer, exceptions are they the bona fide owners or man- Executive Director of UNEP in 1999 and this agers of plants or fishing boats. Instead, women powerful carving came to represent the con- often work in fisheries processing plants. Their science and heart of the negotiations that lead levels of employment vary greatly from country to the Stockholm Convention on Persistent to country. In the Nordic countries, increasing Organic Pollutants. During the various interna- opportunities for education have given women a tional meetings of this global convention, Sheila chance to seek professional careers in manage- Watt-Cloutier and other female indigenous ment or fisheries research, but only occasionally leaders, including Cindy Dickson of the Arctic do they rise above mid-level positions. This also Athabaskan Council, successfully brought Arctic occurs in aquaculture, despite the more “mod- persistent organic pollutants to the forefront of ern” image of this sector of fisheries. the world stage. While the impact of persistent In the decision-making bodies that regulate organic pollutants has largely been constructed quotas and their distribution, the fisheries Gender Issues 201 Chapter 11 industry is generally well represented. Women as a potential strategy for reversing the trend of are hard to find in these bodies, in many cases out-migration. In addition, women are poorly because they are not considered stakeholders, in represented in many formal decision-making direct contradiction of the recommendations of bodies, especially in natural resource manage- Agenda 21 and similar conventions on sustain- ment, which provides the socio-economic base able development. Women are more visible in for many Arctic communities. governmental organizations at the community, regional and national levels although gender balance is rarely in evidence particularly in deci- Gaps in knowledge sion-making positions. Joanna Kafarowski At the international and national levels, there is a paucity of data available that is disaggre- Key conclusions gated by gender and cultural group. Using dis- This chapter does not provide an overall assess- aggregated data means carefully examining ment of gender issues in the Arctic, therefore, it data to ensure that analysts and policymakers is difficult to draw any general conclusions. understand the impact of any measure on var- Nevertheless, several critical issues have been ious groups. This is particularly critical in the highlighted here. Arctic where the experiences of individuals and There are many different starting points for the impacts of policies and programs may vary an investigation of gender issues in the Arctic. dramatically according to whether one is These include defining power relationships female or male, old or young, claims kinship to based on the principles arising from various one group or another and lives/works in the feminisms (western, non-western and indige- northern or southern regions of a circumpolar nous alike), but also new analyses that take site- nation. specific Arctic cultural contexts into account, Collecting data that is sensitive to gender and including how colonial history and current cultural group goes beyond the simple disaggre- trends of increased self-governance affect con- gation of data. Rather, it attempts to reflect the temporary gender roles. It must additionally be diverse and differentiated situation of women acknowledged that the different feminist per- and men, their specific contributions and the spectives reflected in the Arctic experience are consequences of their traditional roles in differ- not reified products of one type of community ent socio-economic situations. versus another. Notions of western feminism According to the Platform for Action in the are not shared amongst all those of western (or Beijing Declaration (1995), insufficient mecha- southern) origin, nor are notions of indigenous nisms exist at all levels to promote the advance- feminism shared amongst all indigenous com- ment of women. Modifications of the Platform munities. The examination of gender illustrates for Action are worthy of further exploration. the complexity of communities in the differ- Statistics should be collected, presented, and ences of perspectives that abound within and analyzed by sex, age, and cultural group and among them. should reflect problems and questions related to There is a need to analyze men’s changing women and men. roles in society and how this affects social prob- Women’s studies and research organizations lems such as suicide and violence towards oth- should be involved in developing and testing ers. Violence against women has been identified appropriate indicators and research methodolo- as a significant problem in the Arctic and has gies to strengthen gender analysis. been attributed in part to male loss of identity Data collection methods should be improved and self-worth, societal tension as well as issues to reflect the full contribution of women and of power and control. This has also resulted in men to traditional and market economies by increased human trafficking and prostitution. making visible their participation in the infor- Female out-migration is significant in many mal sector. rural areas of the Arctic. It primarily occurs as a Statistical systems should incorporate gender result of diminishing job opportunities in small analysis into publications and research. communities. This creates a gender imbalance There is a need to work with statisticians to that may affect community viability in the identify the areas in which the social and eco- future. Education plays a pivotal role both as a nomic realities of women and men, and of indi- factor pulling women away from the North and viduals from different cultural groups are differ- 202 Arctic Human Development Report

ent and need to be addressed. Developing insti- Relations with the Indigenous Peoples of the tutional capacity to recognize and address gen- North,“ in Taking Wing: Conference Report der issues is an important element in creating (Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, Helsinki, and sustaining enabling conditions to advance 2002), p. 135. 7. G. F. Hansen, ”Diplomatic Leadership: A policy goals for women’s participation. Building Block to Strengthen the Role of Women In the Arctic, further research must be con- in Public Office,” in Taking Wing: Conference ducted into gender and natural resource man- Report (Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, agement with special emphasis being placed on Helsinki, 2002), p. 139. women’s representation, participation and 8. H. Brody, The Other Side of Eden – Hunter- involvement in decision-making processes. Gatherers, Farmers and the Shaping of the World Additionally, future research into emerging (Douglas & McIntyre Publishing Group, environmental management issues such as the Vancouver, 2000). impact of climate change and contaminants 9. N. Koukarenko, ”Rural women and men in the Arkhangelsk Region: coping strategies“ in Taking should incorporate gender-based analysis. Wing: Conference Report (Ministry of Social Affairs The relationships between gender and secu- and Health, Helsinki, 2002), p. 89. rity have been under investigation for over a 10. J. Macionis and K. Plummer, Sociology: A Global decade now (21). Recognizing the non-state Introduction (Prentice Hall, London, 1997), p.341. centered features of what it means to be secure, 11. Macionis and Plummer, 1997 (10) such as through human security, and examin- 12. Ackerman 2002:33 (2) ing these securities through a gendered lens, 13. Ackerman 2002:33 (2) opens up new avenues for exploration and 14. Frink, Sheppard and Reinhart, 2002:3 (5) research (20, 97). This is particularly true for the 15. http://www.hss.state.ak.us/suicideprevention/ AboutUs/2003SSPCAnnualReport.pdf, p.5 Arctic context, where there exists a dearth of 16. Seventh United Nations Survey on Crime Trends data and analysis on both gender and securi- and the Operations of Criminal Justice Systems ties, as well as the relationships between the (1998 – 2000); http://www.unodc.org/unodc/crime two. Through a gendered securities approach it _cicp_survey_seventh.html is possible to make visible the interconnectivity 17. WHO, World Health Report; www3.who.int/who- and interdependence between societies, gen- sis/hale/hale.cfm?path=whosis,mort,search,hale ders and environments, both natural and con- &language=English structed (98). 18. United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 1994, (Oxford Univ. Press, New York, 1994). References 19. C. 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Bjerregaard: Omfanget af vold og seksuel vold samt 77. Please note that this paper does not cover voldens sundhedsmæssige konsekvenser (Afdeling Nunavik (Northern Quebec) or Labrador. for Grønlandsforskning, Statens Institut for 78. www.gov.nu.ca (20 December 2003). Folkesundhed, 1994, 2000). 79. T. Fenge, “POP’s in the Arctic: Turning science 62. M. Poppel, Ed., “Gender and violence in into policy,” Northern Perspectives 25(2): 15-21 Greenland” (in progress) (1998). 63. R. W. Connel, Masculinities (Polity Press, 80. D. Downie, T. Fenge, Northern Lights Against Cambridge, UK, 1995). POPs: Combatting Toxic Threats in the Arctic 64. C. Haywood and M. M. Ghaill, Men and (McGill-Queen’s Univ. Press, Montreal and Masculinities (Open Univ. Press, Berkshire, 2003). Kingston (2003). 65. More information about this project can be 81. J. Seager, Earth Follies. Coming to Feminist Terms obtained at http://www.norfa.no/projektkatalog. with the Global Environmental Crisis (Routledge, See also references (76-80). New York, 1993). 66. M. Poppel, “Domestic violence – violence 82. D. Rocheleau, B. Thomas-Slayter, E. Wangari, against women. Preliminary results from the “Gender and environment,” in Feminist Political analyses of police reports from Greenland 2001,” Ecology, D. Rocheleau, B. Thomas-Slayter, E. Presentation at Scandinavian Research Council Wangari, Eds (Routledge, New York and London, for Criminology seminar Crime and Crime 1996), pp. 3-26. Control in an Integrating Europe (Helsinki, 83. J. Kafarowski, “Contaminants in the Circumpolar 2003). North: The nexus between Indigenous reproduc- 67. M. Poppel, “Vold i historisk perspektiv – verbal tive health, gender and environmental justice,” vold og traditionel konfliktløsning i Grønland” in Pimatisiwin 2 (2): pagination undetermined Rapport från NSfK´s 44:e forskerseminarium (2004). Perspektiv på vold, Stockholm, 2002. (Nordiska 84. M. Stout, G. Kipling, Aboriginal Women in Samarbejdsrådet for Kriminologi, 2002). Canada: Strategic Research Directions for Policy 68. M. Poppel, 2002: “Kønsroller i forandring – vold Development (Status of Women Canada, Ottawa, i familien” in Rapport fra Ligestillingsrådets 1998). seminar Er der ligestilling mellem kvinder og mænd 85. S. McIvor, “Self-government and Aboriginal i Grønland? Kangerlussuaq, 2001. women,” in Scratching the Surface. Canadian Anti- 69. M. Poppel, “Køn og vold under kulturelle foran- racist Feminist Thought, E. Dua and A. Robertson, dringer i det koloniale Grønland” (in preparation Eds. (Women’s Press, Toronto, 1999). for presentation at the seminar Køn og Vold i 86. K. Anderson, A Recognition of Being. Reconstructing Grønland. Atuagkat, Nuuk 2005). Native Womanhood (Second Story Press, Toronto, 70. M. Poppel, “Barrierer for grønlandske mænd på 2000). arbejdsmarkedet,” in Arbejdsmarked i Grønland, 87. N. Byrne, C. Fouillard, Eds.) It’s like the legend- A.C. Carlsen, Ed. (in preparation). Innu women’s voices (Gynergy Books, Toronto, 71. B. Einhorn, Cinderella Goes to Market. Citizenship, 2000). Gender and Women’s Movements in East Central 88. L. Tohe, “There is no word for feminism in my Europe (Verso, New York, 1995). language,” Wicazo Sa Review 15 (2): 103 (2000). Gender Issues 205 Chapter 11 89. S. Fox, “Women’s participation in self govern- 96. E. Angell, A. Heilmann, J. Kafarowski, A. ment negotiations in the Northwest Territories, Karlsdóttir, L. Sloan (ed), M. Udén. Women’s Canada,” in Taking Wing Conference Report Participation in Decision-making Processes in Arctic (Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, Helsinki, Fisheries Resource Management (Arctic Council 2002), pp. 144-151. Sustainable Development Working Group. 90. T. Minor, “She’s a politician: Inuit women’s par- Forlaget Nora, Nordfold, Norway, 2004). ticipation in elite politics,” in Taking Wing 97. B. McSweeney, Security, Identity and Interests: A Conference Report (Ministry of Social Affairs and Sociology of International Relations (Cambridge Health, Helsinki, 2002), pp. 152-155. Univ. Press, Cambridge, 1999). 91. B. Garland, Women Activists – Challenging the 98. This paragraph contributed by Gunhild Abuse of Power (The Feminist Press, New York, Hoogensen. 1988). 92. J. Weaver, Ed., Defending Mother Earth. Native American Perspectives on Environmental Justice Acknowledgements (Orbis Books, Maryknoll, 1996). 93. M. Bouvard, Women Reshaping Human Rights The introduction to this chapter is based on a draft (Scholarly Resources Inc., Wilmington, 1996). provided by Lindis Sloan, Northern Feminist 94. D. Taylor, “Women of color, environmental jus- University, Norway tice and ecofeminism,” in Ecofeminism, K. Warren, Ed. (Indiana Univ. Press, Bloomington, 1997), pp. 38-82. 95. M. Wyman, Ed., Sweeping the Earth. Women Taking Action for a Healthy Planet (Gynergy Books, Charlottetown, 1999).

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Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 12

80o

70o Circumpolar60o International Relations and Geopolitics

Lead author: Lassi Heininen, University of Lapland, Finland.

A key component of social welfare is a sense of and mutual visits (4). For example, a thousand economic, environmental, and political security. years ago Scandinavian peoples created net- In today’s globalized world, cooperation across works of communication between the North national borders is becoming increasingly Atlantic, northern Europe, and Russia, with important to foster this security. It may help to east-west as well as north-south trade connec- decrease political tension and military con- tions. frontation and thus increase stability in a region. The European North has an especially rich It can also promote human development and tradition of regional social, cultural, and trade democracy, strengthen the role of civil society, relations between indigenous societies and and it is a necessary part of environmental pro- other settlements. People not only traveled tection (1-2). between different parts of the region but also Starting in the late 1980s, international coop- came from the North Atlantic and Western eration in the Arctic has increased to the extent Siberia via the Northern Sea Route (5). Regional that a new regional identity is emerging, with interaction continued after national borders numerous political initiatives and new fora. This were established, mostly independent of south- chapter describes this new “Age of the Arctic” ern economic and political centers. One exam- (3) by focusing on three main themes. The first ple is the local border peace treaties between is the increasing circumpolar cooperation by Kainuu, Sweden, and Vienas Karelia, Russia, in indigenous peoples organizations and sub- the 17th and 18th centuries. Another is the Pomor national governments: North meets North. The trade between northern Norway and the White second theme is region-building with nations as Sea area in the 18th to 20th centuries. major actors, focusing on the Arctic Council. The The Bering Strait area has also served as a third theme is the relationship between the crossroad of cultures and peoples for centuries. Arctic and the outside world. Two questions cut Interrupted only between 1948 and 1988 by the across these themes: How important are Arctic Cold War, frequent travels and mutual visits cooperation and the new international political between the two continents, trade, marriages, structures for northern peoples and societies? and occasionally warfare created an interacting And how can the new regional identity be used network between indigenous societies, which in facing globalization and in forming new both the US and Soviet governments acknowl- kinds of north-south relationships? edged.

The Cold War period Historical background World War II brought more international activi- Relations between peoples across the Arctic ties to the Arctic, mostly based on the military. started long before any state with national inter- The Cold War period that followed effectively ests came to the North. National borders are a decreased circumpolar connections again as the rather new phenomenon associated with the region became divided between two rivals: the colonization and militarization of the region. North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO, Early networks and crossroads of cultures which includes five of the Arctic states: the included frequent traveling, exchanges of goods United States of America, Canada, Denmark, and experiences, trade, marriages, migration, Iceland, and Norway) and the Warsaw Treaty 208 Arctic Human Development Report

Organization led by the Soviet Union. Finland Pacific, transborder cooperation between coun- and Sweden were non-aligned. ties and provinces started in the 1970s in the During this period, state control also reached context of international conferences between the northern seas, when the United Nations Hokkaido in Japan, Alberta in Canada, and Convention on the Law of the Sea gave coastal Alaska in the United States. One example of states the right to establish exclusive economic multilateral international treaties relevant to the zones up to 200 nautical miles out to sea and to Arctic is the Agreement on the Conservation of protect ice-covered waters within them (6). Polar Bears reached in 1973. The general state of Canada and the Soviet Union declared claims of the northern cooperation in the late 1970s is sovereignty in the two northern passages, well summarized in the first comprehensive Canada over the waters of the Northwest political and economic overview of the Arctic, Passage and the Soviet Union over the Northern “The Circumpolar North: A Political and Sea Route. Economic Geography of the Arctic and Sub- International cooperation in the North was Arctic” (9) from 1978, which indicated that there not totally frozen, however. As is discussed later, was a “paucity of international relations in the indigenous cooperation continued and became Arctic” (10). more institutionalized. There was some interna- tional scientific cooperation, including the Emerging cooperation International Geophysical Year in 1957/8 and Times were changing, however. Northerners both the International Congress on Circumpolar began to consider the potential of the circumpo- Health and the Northern Sciences Network lar North as a means of re-establishing horizon- under UNESCO’s Man in the Biosphere tal connections across the Cold War political Programme, which started in the early 1980s (7). divide. The Arctic states also developed an inter- There was also some institutionalized inter- est in northern issues and Arctic cooperation. governmental and regional cooperation in the For example, in the 1980s, a number of bilateral Arctic during the Cold War. For example, the agreements on scientific and environmental North Calotte Committee within the Nordic cooperation between the Soviet Union and cooperation brought together the northernmost other Arctic states were signed. In October counties of Norway, Sweden, and Finland to 1987, a speech by the then Soviet president cooperate in trade and tourism. An example of Mikhail Gorbachev in Murmansk gave the ini- civic activity was the triennial North Calotte’s tial impetus for the current inter-governmental Peace Days, which became a forum for cooper- cooperation in the Arctic (11), leading to the so- ation between people in Norway, Sweden, called Rovaniemi process and the creation of the Finland, and the Soviet Union aiming to pro- Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy mote peace and disarmament (8). In the North (AEPS) in 1991.

The Murmansk speech The so-called Murmansk Speech by President one-sided and therefore were suspicious (12). The Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union is often speech, however, was an early indicator of change regarded as the initiating event for current region- in the closed nature of the Soviet North and thus al cooperation in the Arctic. It had still the Soviet made possible a real turning point for the Arctic. rhetoric on peace but reflected more the processes For example, traveling across the Bering Strait of glasnost and perestroika in the Soviet Union recommenced with a friendship flight in June 1988 through its six proposals. The first two were about (13) and governments and civil actors were establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in north- encouraged to consider a broader and more insti- ern Europe and reducing military activities. The tutionalized pattern of international cooperation others discussed confidence-building measures in in the circumpolar North. northern seas, civilian cooperation in developing Partly due to the positive impact of the natural resources, coordination of scientific Murmansk speech, most of the proposals have research, cooperation in environmental protec- been successful. As a result of this, the end of the tion, and opening the Northern Sea Route to for- Cold War was accompanied by the rebirth of con- eign ships. nections between northern peoples and societies, Many western leaders welcomed the spirit of and the dawning of a new era of Arctic interna- the “Murmansk Initiative” but saw some of the tional cooperation. proposals, especially those on arms control, as Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 209 Chapter 12 While the Murmansk speech opened a door for new connections, the collapse of the Soviet Indigenous peoples as transnational Union permitted a dramatic change in the cir- actors cumpolar North, as Cold War tensions gave way Most Arctic indigenous peoples are minorities to an atmosphere of eagerness, even excite- in their countries. Therefore the trend of inter- ment, to cooperate internationally and regional- nationalization is logical when they want to ly. A new kind of regional dynamics was there- make their legal position as an indigenous peo- by created in which the state-centric and mili- ple clear and assert their right to self-determi- tary issues that had dominated Arctic geopoli- nation against unified states (see also Chapter 6. tics ceded ground to more human-oriented Legal Systems). concerns (14). When we include cooperation in For example, the Sápmi homeland of the environmental protection, indigenous peoples’ Saami people is divided by the national borders affairs, and science, this trend can be described of four different unified states. In 1980-81, the as region-building. The transition since the Cold Alta movement against the harnessing of the War has also involved large-scale utilization of Alta River in northern Norway mobilized Saami natural resources and the globalization of the across the national borders to reassert their Arctic, with its relevant impacts, which have identity as an indigenous people and to attracted the interest of major international strengthen their demands for self-determination environmental organizations towards the in order to achieve the “collective right to decide region. New conflicts over the environmental their own future” (16). Although this radical impact of resource use and trans-boundary pol- transnational movement lost its fight over the lution illustrate the complexity of current inter- dam, it spawned a national awakening, especial- ests in the region (15). Meanwhile, the still ly among young Saami and Saami artists. One heavy military presence indicates the North’s visible result can be seen in the national symbols continuing strategic importance. shared by all Saami, including the Saami flag

Categories of International Actors in the Circumpolar North (96)

1. Unifi ed states (i.e. governments, parliaments and state organisations such as the army): Canada, Denmark including the Faroe Islands and Greenland as Home Rule entities, Finland, Iceland, Norway, the Russian Federation, Sweden and the U.S.A. 2. Int ergovernmental organisations (IGOs): e.g. Arctic Council, Barents Euro-Arctic Council (BEAC) and its Regional Council, Conference of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region (SCPAR), Nordic Council and Nordic Council of Ministers, North Atlantic Marine Mammals Commission (NAMMCO) 3. Int ernational non-governmental organizations (INGOs): e.g. Arctic Athabaskan Council, Arctic Leaders’ Summit, Greenpeace International, International Arctic Science Committee (IASC), International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent, Inuit Circumpolar Conference (ICC), Northern Forum (NF), Northern Research Forum (NRF), Saami Council, Winter Cities Association 4. Sub-n ational governments (i.e. provinces, counties and municipalities, indigenous peoples’ organisations and civil organizations in one country) e.g. RAIPON 5. Trans-national corporations (TNCs): e.g. mining, and oil and gas companies

and the national day, symbolizing the determi- North meets North nation that the national borders should not There is currently an intensive growth in coop- undermine self-interpretation (17). The Saami as eration involving indigenous peoples and sub- one nation is thus a natural pan-national actor national governments across the Arctic. This is (18). This fits with the global trend towards treat- partly based on traditions of social and trade ing indigenous peoples as international actors networks among northern peoples and can be and subjects, with a population and a territory, interpreted as a renaissance of pan-Arctic and a right to self-determination. cooperation. In the background is also the idea There are more connections and deeper that northern regions share special features cooperation between the different indigenous that set them apart from other areas of the peoples of the Arctic, for example between the world, making it important to have a dialogue Saami and the Inuit Circumpolar Concerence. among local and regional decision makers and Another example can be found in the assistance with politicians at the national and interna- across the Bering Strait initiated by the Inuit tional levels. Circumpolar Conference (19). One institution 210 Arctic Human Development Report

Indigenous peoples and the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants negotiations that address Arctic concerns, such as Stephanie Meakin and Terry Fenge, climate change and ozone depletion, and perhaps Inuit Circumpolar Conference even biodiversity conservation. On May 17, 2004 the Stockholm Convention on In 1988, there was little appreciation beyond the Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs) entered into Arctic countries of the extent and significance of force and with this the obligations that a coalition transboundary pollution relating to persistent of indigenous peoples from the circumpolar Arctic organic pollutants. Together with the the United helped to craft will be implemented. The Nations Economic Commission for Europe’s Stockholm Convention is a global treaty to protect (UNECE) Convention on Long-range human health and the environment from POPs – Transboundary Air Pollution (CLRTAP) POPs chemicals, such as PCBs and DDT – that persist in Protocol, the Stockholm Convention reflects Arctic the environment for long periods, become widely science and Arctic political concerns voiced nation- distributed geographically, accumulate in the fatty ally and internationally by Arctic residents, partic- tissue of living organisms, and are toxic to humans ularly indigenous peoples, and the collective and and wildlife. In implementing the convention, individual efforts of the eight Arctic states. The very governments will take measures to eliminate or existence of these instruments illustrates that reduce the release of POPs into the environment. Arctic indigenous peoples are capable of defending Through research, public education, and coordi- their ways of life through international environ- nated advocacy and lobbying, Inuit influenced mental and public health negotiations between these international negotiations out of all propor- states. Their involvement in the Stockholm process tion to their numbers. This fact is important inter- is likely a harbinger of things to come as economic nationally, for what Inuit and other indigenous globalization and climate change bring the circum- peoples have done in the global POPs process can polar Arctic to the attention of decision makers in be repeated in additional global environmental states far to the south (28).

responsible for this is the Indigenous Peoples’ a platform for discussing human development Secretariat which supports their activities in the and sustainability with the governments of the Arctic Council. Another is the Arctic Leaders’ Arctic countries. The indigenous peoples’ repre- Summit, which gathers indigenous leaders in sentatives, however, are not equal to the gov- common efforts on health, environment, and ernments as they are also citizens of the states of cultural diversity, as well as in pushing govern- those governments (21). Moreover, they have ments to take needed legislative and economic only very limited financial resources to support steps. their participation in the meetings of the Although the Saami Council and the Inuit Council and its Working Groups. Circumpolar Conference contributed to the Generally seen as peacefully inclined, north- Rovaniemi Process since almost its very begin- ern indigenous peoples can thus be important ning, the involvement of indigenous organiza- actors in reducing tension in the Arctic, but their tions was neither automatic nor clear for some homelands are often of strategic importance, time. For example, the indigenous peoples both in military terms and as a result of their organizations that had participated in the AEPS natural resource endowments. These therefore were not made founding members in the attract actors with varying interests from outside September 1996 declaration establishing the the region. Environmental damage from past Arctic Council as the AEPS’ successor (20). and present military and industrial activities, Rather, the ICC and the Saami Council, togeth- coupled with the fact that national interests er with the Russian Association of Indigenous often differ greatly from those of the indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON), were designat- peoples, have also made environmental protec- ed Permanent Participants. The same position tion a sensitive international issue in the Arctic was later accorded to the Aleut International and put it on the foreign policy agendas of the Association, the Arctic Athabaskan Council, and unified states (22). the Gwich’in Council International. The northern indigenous peoples have also The status in international cooperation actively pushed international work on environ- enjoyed by the Arctic Council’s Permanent mental protection, in close collaboration with Participants is rare, if not unique, for indigenous working groups under the AEPS and the Arctic peoples. It has opened many doors and created Council. For example, they acknowledged the Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 211 Chapter 12 work of the Arctic Monitoring Assessment non-governmental organization, and it is Programme in identifying the impacts of pollu- among the permanent observers of the Arctic tion in the Arctic (23) and used it to push gov- Council. The Northern Forum and the Arctic ernments to sign the global Stockholm Council can be seen as contrasting entities. The Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants Arctic Council does not have a regional level or (see box on page 210 and Chapter 9. Human include representation of sub-national units of Health and Well-being). This can be seen as a the circumpolar countries, unlike northern success story of fruitful cooperation between indigenous peoples organizations which have northern indigenous peoples and the Arctic the status of Permanent Participants. In the scientific community (24-25). Recently the Northern Forum, indigenous peoples constitute Arctic Climate Impact Assessment and the a small minority of both the constituency and effects of climate change on northern tradi- their representatives. This discrepancy may limit tional livelihoods have featured prominently in the role that the Forum can play in deepening this collaboration. inter-regional cooperation. Not all efforts to highlight Arctic concerns in Projects within the Northern Forum are international fora have been particularly effec- aimed at sustainable development and cooper- tive, however. This was the case, for example, ative socio-economic initiatives among north- with the negotiation of the recent Johannesburg ern regions. For example, the project on Declaration of the World Summit on Reindeer Herding Management provides train- Sustainable Development, which does not ing to workers in order to improve the quality include the Arctic (26-27). Moreover, competi- of reindeer meat and to develop related prod- tion, even conflicts, between indigenous peo- ucts. The project on a Sustainable Model for ples and particular member states may continue Arctic Regional Tourism, which collects and in the context of the Arctic Council, especially analyzes best practices relevant to sustainable when trying to define “sustainable develop- Arctic tourism, is run jointly with the Arctic ment” in the Arctic. Council (29). Governance, which deals with relations Inter-regional cooperation between regional authorities and central gov- Sub-regional governments have become ernments, is not discussed in the Northern increasingly active in developing contacts across Forum’s latest action plan, perhaps indicating national borders. One example is the that this is a sensitive question and also that the International Association of Mayors of Northern work of the Northern Forum is directed more at Cities, connecting cities and towns from ten dif- practical and concrete matters than at broader ferent countries. Another is the Northern foreign policy concerns. This lack of experience Forum. of international relations may limit deeper inter- The Northern Forum was established in national cooperation relevant to sustainable November 1991 and represents sub-national or development. Some of the member-regions, regional governments. In 2004, this circumpo- such as Alaska and the Sakha Republic, howev- lar organization had 19 member regions drawn er, have been very active on the international from eleven countries including Mongolia, stage, acting in part independently of their China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. This countries, while the Finnish Province of wide geographical coverage can generate con- Lapland has even manifested its own regional troversy, as the Northern Forum is not an “foreign” policy (30). exclusively Arctic organization and it is some- A visible example of local bottom-up cooper- times difficult to identify interests shared by all ation across the national borders is the close member regions. Representation of northern connections between the Finnish town Tornio indigenous peoples is weak within the organi- and the Swedish municipality Haparanda creat- zation, except from some of the Russian mem- ing the twin town, or Euro-City of Haparanda- ber regions. For example, Nunavut and Tornio. This can be seen as a laboratory on how Greenland, both of which have a majority of a border, or a borderland, influences the identi- indigenous peoples, are not members of the ty and culture of a society and region. This coop- Forum. eration has in fact promoted integration across The Northern Forum represents its member the national borders in the Nordic countries and regions in international fora. For example, the been used as a model for inter-municipality United Nations has officially recognized it as a cooperation in Europe. 212 Arctic Human Development Report

Rovaniemi, Finland, of the eight Arctic states, Trend summary which also included three northern indigenous Arctic cooperation, including new international peoples organizations, the Arctic Environmental and regional organizations and fora, has offered Protection Strategy (AEPS) was signed in June northern peoples and societies useful channels 1991 (32). The initial focus on environmental for sharing information and platforms for dis- protection gradually expanded to related fields, cussing and planning activities together. notably sustainable development. In 1996, the Further, being active in international coopera- Arctic states replaced the AEPS with the Arctic tion on many levels, the North is becoming bet- Council as a high-level intergovernmental ter known and its voice more clearly heard in forum for Arctic international cooperation that capitals and in other regions. The need to have a would include as Permanent Participants a cer- northern voice in international relations and tain number of transnational northern indige- southern capitals has been important in estab- nous peoples organisations. lishing cooperation among northern regions The idea of some kind of circumpolar political and for indigenous peoples working across body had been suggested some twenty years national borders. These new forms of interna- earlier and was taken up again at the end of the tional cooperation outside national govern- 1980s in a study by Canadian non-governmen- ments, however, highlight different interests tal organisations. It proposed an umbrella-type and can sometimes cause tensions. Deeper pan- political forum for governments, indigenous Arctic and inter-governmental cooperation is organizations, and different interest groups, and relevant for promoting sustainability and was paralleled by an official Canadian initiative human development in the region, and can also to create an Arctic Council (33). However, the create better capabilities for coping with the establishment of a functioning Arctic Council challenges of globalization. took longer than its supporters anticipated, due to divergent opinions over its structure, proce- dures and financing, and concerning the relative Region-building status to be accorded to different types of partic- Since the late 1980s, there have been many ipant organizations. Debate also proved to be attempts to define the Arctic as a distinct inter- protracted over the Terms of Reference for the national region (31). This has involved estab- Sustainable Development Program, centered lishing organizations and institutions that around how, if at all, to articulate a framework specifically deal with northern issues, often with vision for the Council’s work on sustainability in the dual aims of building trust after the Cold the Arctic (34). War and promoting environmental protection Almost concurrently, parliamentarians from and sustainable development in the Arctic. The the Arctic countries with an interest in Northern initiatives fall into three categories: intergovern- affairs began to collaborate and the first mental circumpolar-wide cooperation, sub- Parliamentary Conference concerning the Arctic regional cooperation, and academic coopera- regions and cooperation was held in 1993. One tion. The endeavor provides new platforms and output was the Standing Committee of channels for dialogue between the unified states Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region (SCPAR). and has the potential to secure a stronger voice A primary aim of both the Conferences of for Arctic interests in a global context. Arctic Parliamentarians of the Region and the region building is part of an important trend in Standing Committee was to support the estab- international relations and represents a new lishment of the Arctic Council, and later, to geopolitical approach; rather than seeking to stimulate as well as promote its work in areas control through the exercise of power, it focuses such as human development in the Arctic. on achieving a socially stable and environmen- As the environment-related working groups tally sustainable order. of the AEPS were subsumed by the Arctic Council, one of its two main areas of attention The Arctic Council and its basis in the would naturally be the health of Arctic ecosys- Rovaniemi process tems, including human populations, and thus Intergovernmental Arctic cooperation officially the identification, reduction and elimination of started in 1989 with the Rovaniemi process in pollution, as well as nature conservation. The the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev’s Murmansk previously uncertain future of the AEPS’s Task speech. At the first ministerial meeting in Force on Sustainable Development was eventu- Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 213 Chapter 12 Arctic Council Structure and Activities Ministerial meeting Senior Arctic Officials (SAOs) Arctic Council Secretariat (provided by the Chair state) Indigenous Peoples Secretariat (Copenhagen) ACTIVITIES Cross-Cutting Themes Sustainable development Capacity-building Traditional knowledge PROGRAMS SELECTED PROJECTS AND OUTPUTS Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program (AMAP) Arctic Pollution Issues: A State of the Arctic Environment Report (1997) AMAP Assessment Report: Arctic Pollution Issues (1998) Secretariat – Oslo AMAP Assessment Reports (2002) Arctic Pollution 2002 Report (2002) Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna Working Strategy for Conservation of Biodiversity in the Arctic Region Group (CAFF) Circumpolar Protected Area Network (CPAN) UNEP/GEF-funded project ECORA in the Russian Arctic Secretariat – Akureyri Arctic Flora and Fauna: Status and Conservation (2001) Emergency Prevention, Preparedness and Response Circumpolar Map of Resources at Risk from Oil Spills in the Arctic (2002) Working Group (EPPR) Emergency prevention/source control management project, Apatity Vodokanal

Secretariat – Ottawa Protection of the Arctic Marine Environment Working Review of existing international instruments relevant to pollution of the Arctic marine Group (PAME) environment (1996) Regional Program of Action for protection of the Arctic marine environment from land-based activities Secretariat – Akureyri GEF-funded project to support the Russian Federation’s National Program of Action-Arctic Arctic Waters Oil Transfer Guidelines Strategic Plan for the protection of the Arctic marine environment Sustainable Development Working Group (SDWG) Future of Children and Youth in the Arctic Co-management of marine resources in Arctic areas Cultural and ecotourism Secretariat – Ottawa Survey of living conditions in the Arctic (SLICA) International circumpolar surveillance system for infectious diseases Sustainable reindeer husbandry Product development and processing in the sustainable reindeer husbandry Sustainable development in northern timberline forests Telemedicine Arctic transportation and infrastructure experts network Arctic Human Development Report (2004) Arctic Council Action Plan to Eliminate Pollution of Multilateral cooperative project for phasing out of PCB use and management of the Arctic (ACAP) PCB-contaminated wastes in the Russian Federation (RF) Reduction/Elimination of emissions of dioxins and furans in the RF Environmentally sound management of stocks of obsolete pesticides in the RF Reduction of atmospheric mercury releases from Arctic states Implementation of cleaner production, eco-efficiency and environmental management systems in the Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Company Fact sheets on POPs, heavy metals and radioactivity Arctic Climate Impact Assessment Scientific report, synthesis document, and policy recommendations (Autumn 2004) (ACIA) (AMAP-CAFF-IASC)

Secretariat – Anchorage Source: David Scrivener ally resolved with its transformation into the development, and promoting interest in Arctic- Council’s Sustainable Development Working related issues (36). This wider mandate also Group (SDWG) (35), with the effect that pro- included discussion on transportation and com- moting sustainable and human development munication, i.e. how to create a connected became a new priority, expressed through activ- Arctic, and initiatives in telemedicine and infra- ities such as disseminating information, encour- structure. In this way, the agenda has broadened aging education and research on sustainable considerably in a fairly short period of time, 214 Arctic Human Development Report

Arctic Council - Participants

Observers Permanent Member-States International Non-governmental Participants States Organisations Organisations Canada Aleut International France Conference of Parliamentarians Advisory Committee on Association of the Arctic Region (SCPAR) Protection of the Seas (ACOPS) Denmark (+Greenland/Faroe Islands) Arctic Athabaskan Germany International Federation of Association of World Council Red Cross and Red Crescent Reindeer Herders Societies (IFRC) Gwich’in Council International Union for the Circumpolar Conservation InternationalNetherlands Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Union (CCU) Finland Iceland Inuit Circumpolar Poland Nordic Council of Ministers International Arctic Science Conference (NCM) Committee (IASC)

Norway RAIPON* United Kingdom Northern Forum International Arctic Social Sciences Association (IASSA) Russian Federation Saami Council North Atlantic Marine Mammal International Union for Commission (NAMMCO) Circumpolar Health (IUCH) Sweden UN Economic Commission for International Work Group for Europe (UN-ECE) Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) USA UN Environment Programme University of the Arctic (UNEP) UN Development Programme Worldwide Fund for Nature (UNDP) Arctic Programme (WWFAP)

* Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North

Source: David Scrivener

with the Arctic Council and its working groups those of indigenous peoples against mining and conducting a large number of projects covering forestry in the North, had already created con- many, diverse fields (37). This has, of course, flicts between indigenous peoples’ organiza- created new challenges, as financial and staff tions, national and regional authorities, local resources for the projects and their coordination entrepreneurs, and industry in general. In this remain severely limited. context, the Rovaniemi Process and the AEPS Although the Arctic Council is a high-level can be interpreted as a sophisticated mecha- forum for international co-operation between nism whereby central governments could regain governments and indigenous peoples organiza- control over international cooperation and tions, little effort has been made, so far, to give reassert the primacy of their interests as sover- the Council any regulative functions. Based on a eign states (39). From the perspective of north- soft-law agreement, it is essentially an interna- ern indigenous peoples, the Arctic Council can tional advisory body providing support to the be seen as an international mechanism through governments that are seeking consensus-based which to connect circumpolar environments solutions to common or shared problems in the and thus understand them better (40). Arctic. Sensitive issues, such as security policy, There are some critical questions for the are excluded from the agenda of the Council, Arctic Council that could act as a barrier to whose founding Declaration states that it deeper international cooperation. There has “should not deal with matters related to military been concern about the balance between pro- security” (38) (see box on page 215). Issues deal- moting environmental protection – in which ing with the utilization of natural resources, the cooperation has its roots – and other goals, especially marine mammals, have also been as witnessed by the protracted debate over avoided. The domination of the unified states in adopting the Council’s Sustainable the Arctic Council and their continuing differ- Development Programme. Another critical ences over these delicate issues largely explains question concerns how the participation of their exclusion from the official agenda. both non-indigenous inhabitants and indige- Protests and activities of environmentalist nous peoples of northern regions can be organizations directed against nuclear dumping strengthened. Another important issue con- and consumptive uses of marine mammals, and cerns the extent to which the Arctic Council Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 215 Chapter 12

Bi- and trilateral initiatives on nuclear safety Military security is not included in the mandate of logue and joint activities among US, Russian, and Arctic Council, which has limited ability to deal Norwegian military and environmental officials. with environmental issues connected to military This cooperation was established in September activities. Instead, bi- and tri-lateral initiatives 1996, almost at the same time as the Arctic have been much more significant, especially Council, with the main aim to create technologi- between the United States and Russia, and cal methods and equipment for military-related Norway and Russia, dealing with nuclear safety in environmental problems especially dealing with the Russian North. The Joint Norwegian-Russian the Arctic. That the Arctic Council does not deal Expert Group and the priority research project of with matters related to military security and that the North Atlantic Cooperation Council on the Arctic Military Environmental Cooperation radioactive pollution related to the military were was created at almost the same time suggest that forerunners (41). They were supported by the joint the United States, Russia, and Norway, having United States-Russian announcement on envi- common interests and overlapping expertise in ronmental protection cooperation in the Arctic military-related environmental threats in signed by Presidents Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin Northwest Russia, had a shared interest in pre- in 1994, the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission, serving their own rather tight control over the and, financially, by the US Congress. handling of these issues and keeping them off These were followed by the Arctic Military the agenda of the Arctic-wide multilateral coop- Environmental Cooperation as a forum for dia- eration (42). can, or indeed should, become the “voice of Norway and the Faroe Islands remain outside the Arctic” in global political fora – a matter of the union; Greenland was a member but has both capacity and political will. left. The Nordic states are also split in relation to Moreover, there has been neither real collab- NATO membership. oration nor a division of labour between the In relation to the Arctic, Nordic cooperation Arctic Council and the interregional coopera- resulted in an initiative for inter-regional coop- tions of the Northern Forum, merely a few joint eration between the northern-most counties of projects. Though sharing similar aims, the inter- Norway, Sweden, and Finland to promote the action of the two bodies is affected by tensions North Calotte as a political concept (44): estab- in center-periphery relations in the Arctic states lished in 1967, the North Calotte Committee and differing attitudes towards the role of gained official status under the Nordic Council northern indigenous peoples’ organizations of Ministers in 1971, and is now called the (43). Meanwhile, the activities of the Arctic par- North Calotte Council. liamentarians and their gatherings have helped More recent is the cooperation between to draw some of the highest decision makers nations of the North Atlantic, with the Faroe and lawmakers of the Arctic states into intensive Islands, Greenland, and Iceland affirming international cooperation in, for example, con- “Western Norden” as a region. It was institu- sidering human development in the region. tionalized through the establishment of the West Nordic Parliamentarian Council in 1985, Nordic cooperation: old tradition with now called the West-Nordic Council. new Arctic initiatives According to the new common Nordic strate- Region building is not a new activity in the gy, one of the main aims is to promote pan- North. Neither is it focussed only on circumpo- Nordic interests, develop Nordic integrity and lar cooperation. For example, the five Nordic create higher Nordic utility, objectives which states started institutionalized cooperation in apply also to neighboring regions, including the the 1950s based on a shared history and similar- Arctic (45). ities in culture, as well as shared values on social and health security, equality, openness, envi- The Barents Region: an alternative to ronmental protection, and peace. The Nordic a military conflict zone countries often work together in international The Barents Euro-Arctic Region was established fora and they created a passport union in the in 1993 as a new kind of international forum for 1950s. In relation to the European Union, how- multilateral and bilateral cooperation. The ever, it has been split. Denmark, Finland and Kirkenes Declaration (46), the founding docu- Sweden are EU member states, while Iceland, ment, is not a legally binding international 216 Arctic Human Development Report

agreement and cooperation has focussed on what artificial as a region. This reflects the practical issues along the national borders strong national interests of Norway and Russia between the Nordic countries and Russia (47). in competition over the rich natural resources of The fields of cooperation are environmental the Barents Sea continental shelf. Bilateral protection, economy, science and technology, negotiations in search of an agreed boundary regional infrastructure, indigenous peoples, line have continued for many years, and a bilat- human contacts, culture, and tourism. eral agreement of the delimitation is possible in The main idea behind creating the Barent the near future. Security policy is also excluded Euro-Arctic Region was to develop a new kind from the cooperation, attesting to the legacy of of cooperation in the former “military theater” the Cold War and the highly sensitive strategic of the European North that would cut cross the role of the ice-free reaches of the Barents and former Iron Curtain and create opportunities for Norwegian Seas. At the same time, many cooperating with Russia (48-49). The ultimate aspects of the practical cooperation do include aim was to increase stability in the aftermath of the Barents Sea and address security-related the Soviet Union’s disintegration, when Russia issues such as nuclear safety. was still mostly seen as the “Other” (50). If the main aim of the initiative was to This cooperation has a two-level governing decrease tension through transboundary coop- structure: the Barents Euro-Arctic Council, and eration, then the first ten years of cooperation the Barents (Euro-Arctic) Regional Council. This can be taken as a success as the Barents Sea has was a new, even innovative, design in the Arctic emerged from a period of high tension into a when dealing with relations between states and phase of international, mostly inter-regional regions, especially in light of the fact that the cooperation (52). Other more concrete achieve- region was established by six state governments ments include the opening of a new internation- and the Commission of the European Union. al border crossing between Finland and Russia, The regional cooperation included a working and the framework agreement reached in May group of indigenous peoples with the Saami, 2003 on a Multilateral Nuclear Environment the Nenets and the Veps; this later became the Programme in the Russian Federation (53). common Working Group of Indigenous Peoples Environmental cooperation has been rather suc- for both councils. However, the Saami were nei- cessful in terms of agreeing on environmental ther enthusiastic about the Barents Euro-Arctic action programs and allocating funding, while Regional cooperation nor have they been active progress in business and economic cooperation in it. The major reasons have been fears of neo- has been slow. colonialism and their minor position in the The Barents Euro-Arctic regional cooperation cooperation (51). has attracted many civil organizations and volun- tary groups as an avenue for bottom-up activities across national borders in various areas including The Barents Euro-Arctic Region (BEAR) culture and the media, and women’s issues such includes 5,941 million inhabitants (in 2001), as, a network of crisis centres for women. and 4,314 million of them live in the Russian Recently, official cooperation has also focused side. The surface are of the Barents Region cov- more on trans-boundary issues relevant in every- ers 1,755 million sq.km. (for more information see http://www.barentsinfo/org). The member day life, such as organized crime and the traffick- states of the Barents Euro-Arctic Council are ing in drugs and humans (54). That some region- Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden al and indigenous actors feel they have no real and the Russian Federation. The member sub- means to influence the process, however, com- national regions of the Barents Euro-Arctic plicates its consolidation at the popular level. Regional Council are Finnmark, Nordland and Moreover, many of the regional actors involved Troms from Norway; Norrbotten and have been frustrated by the many dreams and the Västerbotten from Sweden; Kainuu, Lapland barriers to achieving concrete results. and Northern Otsrobothnia from Finland; and Arkhangelsk, Karelia, Komi, Murmansk and The Bering Strait: indigenous Nenets from the Russian Federation. initiatives paved the way Cooperation in the Bering Strait provides quite a A major limitation of this initiative is that the contrast with the Barents Region. The coopera- official cooperation does not cover the Barents tion between Alaska and Chukotka and other Sea, which makes the Barents Region some- parts of the Russian Far East started in the late Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 217 Chapter 12 1980s as non-governmental and local commu- and cooperation that is flexible and based on nity initiatives, which was supported by the bottom-up local and regional activities. These governments of both sides, on not only com- contemporary contacts represent both a revival mon political, economic, and cultural issues, but of pre-Cold-War indigenous contacts of the first also facilitating people-to-people and family half of the 20th century, as the awareness of connections across the Bering Strait. The indige- those travels plays an important role, and also as nous peoples and their organizations played a an innovation (62). key role (55) with events on traditional knowl- edge and on stewardship of the Bering Sea envi- The Arctic as a knowledge-based region ronment. One of the basic ideas is to promote In addition to political cooperation, the end of resource management in indigenous communi- the Cold War made possible increased scientific ties in Chukotka, especially of whale, polar bear cooperation across borders. Earlier activities, and fisheries, and to help scientists to collect such as the Second International Polar Year in data, for example on the harvesting of whales 1932-33, did not leave any permanent institu- (56). One concrete result of the cooperation is tionalized arrangement, and the current inter- the 1992 Alaska-Chukotka accord for visa-free national scientific work in the circumpolar travels for Inuit of the region (57). North began in the 1980s. At first it was mostly Environmental protection was another driv- based on bilateral cooperation and internation- ing factor, and includes an agreement on the al research projects on the Arctic. There was also conservation of polar bears and an idea to create some university cooperation in the context of an international park in the Bering Strait area. the North Calotte Universities and the The National Park Service’s Shared Beringian Circumpolar Universities Conferences. Heritage Program was initiated but an agree- Closely connected to the Murmansk Speech ment to establish a Beringia Park has not yet and its call for scientific co-operation, the been signed. There are also several structures for International Arctic Science Committee (IASC) scientific cooperation in the region, including was founded in 1990. As the first circumpolar the Barrow Arctic Science Consortium to sup- scientific organization, its aim was to encourage port research infrastructure on both sides. The and facilitate international cooperation on University of Alaska has been active in promot- Arctic research in all disciplines. The IASC was ing the transition to democracy and a free mar- ket of the Russian Far East economy through The International Arctic Science Committee the training of entrepreneurs, business man- agers, and government leaders (58). Boris Segerståhl The initial euphoria over the Bering Sea col- The International Arctic Science Committee laboration, especially at the political level, (IASC) is a non-governmental organization decreased in the mid-1990s when Chukotka with members from 18 countries. The members experienced political changes and severe eco- are national science organizations covering all nomic problems. The process now involves fields of Arctic research. Each national member mainly economic cooperation, and that provides ongoing contact with its Arctic science community and draws on this structure to between peoples. Infrastructure improvements, identify scientific priorities. IASC does not pro- particularly in communication and transporta- vide direct funding for research projects, but tion, are important for trying to improve rela- supports networks to implement international tions across the Bering Strait, especially from projects. An important feature of many projects the point of view of Alaska, which for 40 years is that they are multidisciplinary. Once a year, has been boundary rather than a crossroads the International Arctic Science Summit Week (59-60). Although the tradition of contacts has is organized in one of the member countries. been important, the main driving force, at least IASC’s influence on research planning and priorities is not based on economic power but from the US side, has been commercial inter- on scientific credibility, and recommendations ests in tourism and trade between the two con- are evaluated nationally before funding deci- tinents (61). sions are made in member countries. However, Unlike the Barents Euro-Arctic Region, there a growing need for international collaboration is no international body for an institutionalized has led to a situation where priorities set by inter-governmental or regional cooperation in IASC have a fairly strong influence on research the Bering Strait region. On the other hand, policies in many countries. there is an intercontinental network for contacts 218 Arctic Human Development Report

The Arctic and the outside The Northern Research Forum world Boris Segerståhl Traditional security policy, especially military The Northern Research Forum (NRF) started in security, and issues surrounding natural 1999 as a forum for dialogue on northern issues resource exploitation dominated the relation- between politicians, civil servants, business ship between the Arctic and the outside world people, NGO-activists, and academics. It is during the Cold War. With its end, global based on ad-hoc work rather than an organiza- tional structure. Discussions on relevant con- geopolitics entered into a new phase, with temporary issues take place at biennial open implications for the Arctic. This changed situa- meetings. These have discussed themes such as tion has contrasting features. While a single “Northern Economies in the Global Economy”, superpower now enjoys a hegemonic position “Innovation in Northern Governance” and amongst states, we also see the rise of new “Applying the Lessons of History.” The aim is to international non-state actors, including non- avoid dividing issues along traditional sectors governmental organizations, and ethnic and or disciplines and also to deal with delicate religious groups, which act globally and chal- issues. Other aims are to promote policy-rele- vant discussion and to emphasize the social lenge the unified state system. role of research (63). The Arctic is also affected by intensifying globalization. Earlier influences in areas such as the utilization of marine mammals, trade and followed by other international scientific and control of that, militarization, and long-range academic fora, such as the International Arctic pollution combine with several newer factors. Social Sciences Association, the University of For example, large-scale hydrocarbon exploita- the Arctic and the Northern Research Forum. tion has increased and brought the transnation- Scientific assessments conducted by the al corporate presence to the Arctic. Advances in working groups of the AEPS/Arctic Council information flow and communication technolo- activities have also brought together scientists gy make the region less “remote,” while climate from different countries using the Arctic as a change illustrates the Arctic’s vulnerability to common ground for cooperation. Another global environmental change. Northern indige- International Polar Year is planned for 2007-08, nous peoples are being integrated into the glob- with a focus on the importance of the Arctic and al indigenous world. Antarctic in the Earth system and their connec- The Arctic retains its high strategic signifi- tions, for example to global climate. cance in security matters for key military powers like the United States, the Russian Federation, Trend summary and the United Kingdom. Its rich natural Region-building in the circumpolar North is resources and potential transportation routes taking place both regionwide and in several also make it strategically relevant economically sub-regions. At the pan-Arctic level, the Arctic for many other countries. However, by the turn Council serves as a governmental platform for of the millennium, intergovernmental and discussing environmental cooperation and sus- regional cooperation had largely replaced mili- tainable development. Correspondingly, the tary competition as the defining feature of cir- Northern Forum gathers regional and local gov- cumpolar geopolitics. ernments across the Arctic but has limited indigenous participation. Promoting civility and From military confrontation to sustainability, region-building is relevant both international cooperation Arctic-wide and at the sub-regional level in the The 20th century brought the first wars into the North. It might even be one of the most relevant circumpolar North and with them a general mil- new trends in international relations, and thus itarization of the Arctic. The Cold War trans- the most important observation of this chapter. formed the region first into a military flank, then It includes a range of actors and can be taken as a military front or even a “military theater,” a step towards regionalization, based on bot- denominated by the nuclear weapons systems tom-up activities. A common theme in all these of the United States and the Soviet Union. For efforts is the desire to create a new approach to example, the maritime strategies of the two the geopolitics of the North. superpowers made the northern seas, especially the ice-free reaches of the Barents, Norwegian, Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 219 Chapter 12 and Greenland Seas, not only a military front but also a target of both the Soviet and the US The military and the environment militaries (64-66). The intensive military presence in the Arctic has had a direct impact on The Arctic situation illustrates the use of the environment. Examples include the pollution by the radar stations of geography for military purposes, which is often the Distant Early Warning Line (DEW Line) in the Canadian North (74- 76). There have also been accidents, such as the crash of the American B- called the technology model of geopolitics (67). 52 bomber in 1968 in Thule, Greenland, and the loss of of the Kursk The Arctic was a critical area as it offered the nuclear submarine in 2000 in the Barents Sea (77). There is also indirect shortest flight routes for US and Soviet long- influence, i.e. environmental risks and impacts on socioeconomic devel- range bombers and missiles between Eurasia opment. This is very much the situation in the Barents Sea area, which has and North America. Sparsely populated, it was, the largest concentration of nuclear weapons and reactors, and other mil- and still is, also attractive as an area in which to itary facilities in the circumpolar North (78-79). This presents a new kind test new weapons systems and conduct military of challenge for international cooperation in the Arctic. training exercises – for example, low-level flights - thereby serving as an arena for the high technology arms competition of the Cold War period (68-69). Against this background, numerous ideas and proposals for arms control and confidence- building in the Arctic and northern seas were put forward, but formal East-West agreements rarely embraced this region in any direct way, as illustrated by the lack of any concrete negotia- tions in response even to the military security aspects of Gorbachev’s 1987 “Murmansk Initiatives”(70). The end of the Cold war period and the col- lapse of the Soviet Union, with the consequent dissipation of East-West tension, were fol- lowed by cooperation and partnership, even some sort of euphoria of peace and friendship. This enthusiasm was strengthened by concrete actions for arms control, such as the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. In the 1990s, global and regional security arrangements were in transition. Though there were quanti- tative reductions in the armouries, especially nuclear, of the major powers, economic and technical developments led to an emphasis of quality over quantity. By the turn of the century, the military pres- ence in the Arctic had contracted, and there was less tension; meanwhile, increasing internation- al cooperation on civilian and some military- related issues generated a greater sense of sta- bility and cooperative security (71). The very meaning of security was also being extended beyond traditional concerns with “military” threats to focus on environmental and societal Despite the end of the Cold War, and the problems such as health, cultural survival, free- increase in regional cooperation being crafted in dom of expression and security of communica- the region, the Arctic has retained its high mili- tion (72). Security is complex, however, and still tary-strategic significance, especially as an includes nationalistic and militaristic aspects under-ice deployment and hiding area for sub- (73), as can be seen in dealing with actual or marines carrying ballistic missiles and for those potential environmental problems stemming that “shadow” them. These guarantee the pos- from military activities (see box). sibility of revenge strikes by nuclear weapons, 220 Arctic Human Development Report

and could transfer tensions or armed conflict in tion and has already created some useful mod- other parts of the world to the Arctic. els for future action, as mentioned earlier in this Additionally, climate change in the future will report. The global relevance of this knowledge increase the ice-free areas of the Arctic and cre- and “know-how” in region-wide decision mak- ate new possibilities for military patrolling, for ing is sufficient to merit sustained efforts to example in the Canadian Arctic archipelago. communicate it to the outside world. The phenomenon of “less quantity and more quality” is a relevant factor in the large and Northern dimensions sparsely-populated northern regions. It has led During the late 1990s, the “Northern to fewer military bases, troops and radar sta- Dimension” became a political term and policy tions. In parts of some regions such as the focus in both the European Union and Canada. Barents Sea, the Kola Peninsula, and northern There has also been a corresponding political Norway, however, the military presence has discussion in Russia about the need for a long- intensified, and includes nuclear-weapon term northern policy (83) as well as a more aca- deployments and military activities such as demic one about the need to redefine the role of intelligence work, training, and testing (80-81). the Russian North as a geostrategically impor- Also, Alaska has come to play a strategically key tant resource reserve (84-85). The Northern role as a deployment area for the underground dimension is thus becoming a metaphor for silos of missile intercepters and associated com- new kinds of relations between the capitals and munication systems of the United States’ the northern peripheries of the Arctic states. National Missile Defense system (82). There are Initially adopted in 2000, the EU’s Northern also plans for more intensive use of the US air Dimension Action Plan is a framework and a base and radar installation in Thule, Greenland. process for continuing dialogue on cooperation These developments can be interpreted as a re- between the EU and its neighbors, especially militarization of the Arctic. the Russian Federation, and for co-ordination, even management, of cross-border cooperation The Arctic in global environmental across the EU borders (86-87). The main aim is issues to increase stability and civic security, to The Arctic has been described as an environ- enhance democratic reforms, and to create pos- mental linchpin (see Chapter 1. Introduction). itive interdependence and sustainable develop- This vision seems relevant at a time when glob- ment. Special focus is on the threats posed by al problems, such as long-range air and sea pol- pollution to Arctic nature and the health prob- lution, radioactivity, and climate change create lems affecting people living in the North (88). challenges for northern peoples and communi- The EU framework covers a geographically ties, for example concerning food security. The broad and diverse area, ranging from Greenland vision is even more relevant because potentially in the west to Northwest Russia in the east, and effective responses to such global challenges from the Arctic to the southern extremity of the can only be realized through international Baltic Sea. The Second Action Plan – for 2004-06 cooperation between governments and sub- focuses more on human resources and social regional and civil actors. This is not an easy task, issues, such as education and public health, and however. Both global and Arctic-based environ- on the environment than was the case with the mental problems are closely connected to first action plan. industrialization, the utilization of natural Canada launched the Northern Dimension of resources, and the military, and thus with fun- its foreign policy in 2000. The main objectives damental interests of the unified states such as are to enhance the security of Canadians and welfare, economic growth and security. northern peoples, to ensure Canada’s sover- The Arctic could play a critical role in global eignty in the North, to establish the circumpolar environmental issues for two reasons: First, the North as an integrated entity, and to promote Arctic has been a “laboratory” for science, human security and sustainable development including research on the environment, for sev- (89). These objectives are well in line with other eral decades. The emerging intercourse between discussions on northern issues in Canada, such science and traditional knowledge may further as the role of indigenous governance and the strengthen the knowledge base this provides. geopolitical, legal and economic implications of Second, the current inter-governmental Arctic climate change (90-91). cooperation started with environmental protec- The processes of the two Northern Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 221 Chapter 12 Dimensions are different. In Canada, its proce- post-Cold-War political changes. International dure is based on three simultaneous consulta- relations in the Arctic are based on both inter- tion processes: in the federal government, governmental and inter-regional cooperation. between that and territorial and provincial gov- Consequently, the region deals closely with ernments, and with non-governmental organi- internationalization and globalization at the zations and stakeholders (92). The EU’s same time as it shows strong signs of region- Northern Dimension has been mostly devel- building and regionalization. Its many interna- oped by the EU institutions in a process tional institutions create possibilities for the between the EU member-states and partner North to become an active player in world poli- countries, each with their particular emphases. tics with constructive ways to implement its In this process, the partner countries and experiences and fresh ideas. Greenland have had an almost equal voice and Three main themes define the current stage have been able to take initiatives (93). of international relations and geopolitics in the The northern dimension has also been adopt- Arctic. The first is the intensive inter-regional ed as a new item in the political dialogue and often circumpolar collaboration amongst between the EU and Canada, which signifies at indigenous peoples, sub-national governments, least a potential for using these initiatives as a and civil organizations. This can be seen as a way to cooperate on global and regional chal- renaissance of pan-Arctic cooperation as it lenges (94). Both Northern Dimensions, howev- builds on traditions of social contacts and trade er, are basically constrained by limited funding. networks between northern peoples and soci- In the EU, the enlargement of 2004 may mean eties. The new international actors have created less interest toward the North (95). Another special regional dynamics in which transborder challenge for the EU’s Northern Dimension is cooperation is a realistic possibility and consti- its lack of strategic priorities. tutes a new resource for development. This is partly connected to political and institutional Trend summary changes in northern governance, bringing more The Arctic is still of high strategic importance self-determination and autonomy. As both a but there has been a shift from quantity to qual- precondition and a result of these develop- ity in military strategy and presence and greater ments, Arctic geopolitics have moved from state emphasis on the region’s rich natural resources domination and militarization towards a more in the global scale. Climate change and related human orientation. sea ice thinning will probably bring intensified The second theme is region-building, which civilian transportation and military activities in includes defining the Arctic as a distinct, com- the Arctic Ocean, complicating the security situ- prehensive region. This has mostly been a top- ation. The new international Arctic cooperation down, state-dominated activity aimed at reliev- has had little direct bearing upon traditional ing tension and fostering stability, but it also security policy. It has, however, much greater includes bottom-up initiatives, illustrated by importance in relation to the challenges and activities in the Bering Strait area. Pre-condi- opportunities presented by economic develop- tions for region-building have been the declin- ment and climate change. ing relative importance of military-based securi- “Northern Dimension” policies carry the ty and the more acute awareness of the often potential for a new kind of relationship between common objectives of environmental protection the Arctic and political centers in the south, and human development. even if the concept is still in a formative stage. To The third theme concerns the changing have the Arctic as a “cross-cutting issue, main- nature of relations between the Arctic and the streamed within each key-priority” would outside world as the military significance of the emphasize the role of northern societies and region is being supplemented by its strategic thus form new and more fruitful kinds of north- role in the global economy, based on its rich south relations. natural resources. Northern economies are increasingly integrated into the globalized world economy and the importance of northern Key conclusions regions may grow with the increased demand The circumpolar North cannot be insulated for strategic minerals and oil and gas, with larg- from developments at the global level but it also er companies with more capital taking an inter- has its own special regional dynamics based on est in the region, and with technology creating 222 Arctic Human Development Report

easier access to raw material sources. This inte- social stability and environmental sustainability gration is driven more by major states and can be seen as a wish to create a new geopoliti- transnational corporations than by regional cal approach. It also helps to secure for Arctic actors. Within a broader concept of security that concerns a visibility and arguably even a voice includes the environment and economy, securi- on the international scene, especially in envi- ty policy retains a critical role. It includes issues ronmental matters. The Arctic is still a theatre of related to the sovereignty of unified states and military preoccupations, but these now have to the maintenance of their jurisdiction over natu- share center stage with the often common ral resources and transportation, as well as the predicaments of its inhabitants, embedded as Arctic’s continuing military-strategic signifi- they are in the region’s rich yet vulnerable envi- cance. ronment. In summary, globalization is increasingly bringing new actors to the Arctic at the same References time as international cooperation is becoming more intensive in northern regions. Together 1. L. Heininen, O-P. Jalonen, J. Käkönen, Expanding with new Northern Dimension initiatives, these the Northern Dimension (Tampere Peace Research Institute, Research Report No. 61, University of raise the possibility of changes in circumpolar Tampere, Jäljennepalvelu, Tampere, 1995), pp. geopolitics by the 2010s. Defining the new rela- 95-107. tionships between the Arctic and the outside 2. W. Östreng, Ed., National Security and world and finding new approaches are political- International Environmental Cooperation in the ly important as well as scientifically interesting. Arctic – the Case of the Northern Sea Route (Kluwer Academic Publishers, Environmental & Policy, Volume 16, Dordrecht, 1999), pp. 16-17. Gaps in knowledge 3. O. R. Young, “The Age of the Arctic,” Foreign Policy 61:160 (Winter 1985-1986). The two most important gaps in knowledge of 4. P. P. Schweitzer, “Traveling Between Continents”, the subject of this chapter are the following: Arctic Research of the United States 11, 68 First, despite slowly increasing attention to (Spring/Summer 1997). regional cooperation in the literature on Arctic 5. A. Golovnev, “Two Northern Stories Meet Two development, there is a need for more research Northern Projects”, in North Meets North. adopting a comprehensive circumpolar Proceedings of the First Northern Research Forum, T. approach that would complement the still dom- S. Björnsson, J. H. Ingimundarson, L. Olafsdottir, inant national perspectives. Eds. (Stefansson Arctic Institute & University of Akureyri, Akureyri, 2001), pp. 45-48. Second, there has been similarly little debate 6. It is relevant to mention that the Treaty of amongst scholars or other stakeholders over Spitzbergen, the first international agreement how human and environmentally sustainable dealing with the Arctic, was signed in 1920 regional development are facilitated or con- already. strained by security policies and military activi- 7. D. Scrivener, “International Cooperation”, in The ties in the region. Even though it might usefully Arctic: Environment, People, Policy, M. Nuttall, T. V. inform our understanding of sustainable devel- Callaghan, Eds. (Harwood Academic Publishers, opment in the Arctic, defining and addressing Amsterdam, 2000), pp. 601-20. security from a regional perspective has been a 8. L. Heininen, Euroopan pohjoinen 1990-luvulla. Moniulotteisten ja ristiriitaisten intressien alue. difficult, or even taboo, issue. Acta Universitatis Lapponiensis 21- Arktisen keskuksen tiedotteita/Arctic Centre Reports 30 Chapter summary (Lapin yliopisto, Rovaniemi, 1999), pp. 242-243. 9. For more information see, T. Armstrong, G. International cooperation in the post-Cold-War Rogers, G. Rowley, The Circumpolar North: A Arctic has increased at many different levels. Political and Economic Geography of the Arctic and This includes governmental cooperation in the Sub-Arctic (Methuen, London,1978). Arctic Council but also new fora for cooperation 10. C. Archer, “Arctic Co-operation”, in Vulnerable Arctic: Need for an Alternative Orientation, Jyrki among indigenous peoples, sub-national gov- Käkönen, Ed. (Tampere Peace Research ernments, parliamentarians, civil organizations Instititute, Tampere, Research Report No. 47, and in research and education. Since the late 1992), pp. 87-106. 1980s, the Arctic has increasingly been recog- 11. M. Gorbachev, The Speech of President Mihail nized as a distinct region. This region-building Gorbachev on October 2, 1987 in Murmansk. In is one of the most important trends. Its focus on Pravda, October 2. Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 223 Chapter 12 12. e.g. D. Scrivener, Gorbachev’s Murmansk Speech: 28. For the full story of the role of the Arctic Council The Soviet Initiative and Western Response (The and Arctic Indigenous peoples in pressing for Norwegian Atlantic Committee, Oslo, 1989). and negotiating the Stockholm Convention see, 13. e.g. J. F. Sheldon, “Across the Ice Curtain: Alaska- D. Downie, T. Fenge, Eds. Northern Lights Against Siberia Visits”, Polar Record 25, 154, 219 (1989). POPs: Combatting Toxic Threats in the Arctic 14. S. Chaturvedi, “Arctic Geopolitics Then and (McGill/Queen’s University Press, Montreal, Now”, in The Arctic: Environment, People, Policy, 2003). M. Nuttall, T. V. Callaghan, Eds. (Harwood 29. e.g. Northern Forum, Activity Report (June-July Academic Publishers, Amsterdam, 2000), pp. 2002). 441-458. 30. H. Pokka, A Speech of Governor Hannele Pokka 15. e.g. G. Osherenko, O. R. Young, The Age of the at Kansainvälistyvä Lappi Seminar in February Arctic: Hot Conflicts and Cold Realities (Cambridge 28, 1996 in Rovaniemi, Finland. University Press, Cambridge, 1989). 31. e.g. Working Group on Arctic International 16. The UN International Decade of Indigenous Relations run by Dartmouth College, the USA Peoples -Common Objectives and Joint and University of Toronto, Canada, and Measures of the Saami Parliaments, a declaration International Research Project on Sustainable of the meeting of the Saami Parliaments during Development and Security in the Arctic by the the spring and fall of 1997. Tampere Peace Research Institute, Finland. 17. Declaration of Murmansk, at the 16th Annual 32. The Rovaniemi Declaration, signed by the Eight Sami Conference in Murmansk, Russia, October Arctic Nations, June 14, 1991 in Rovaniemi, 15-18, 1996. Finland. 18. L. Heininen, “The Saami as a Pan-national 33. Arctic Council Panel, To Establish an International Actor” in Conflict and Co-operation in the North, K. Arctic Council. A Framework Report, Prepared by F. Karppi, J. Eriksson, Eds. (Kulturens frontlinjer. Griffiths, R. Kuptana (Canadian Arctic Resources Skrifter från forskningsprogrammet Kulturgräns Committee, 14 May 1991). Norr 38, Umeå, 2002), pp. 223-238. 34. D. Scrivener 2000. 19. T. Fenge, “Humanitarian Assistance to People in 35. D. Scrivener, “Arctic Environmental Cooperation”, Arctic Russia: A Special Role for Canada”, Polar Record, 35 (192), 51 (1999). Silarjualiriniq 1, 1, January to March (1999); 36. Inari Declaration on the occasion of the Third INRIPP-2 Newsletter, (October 2003). Ministerial Meeting of The Arctic Council. In 20. Declaration on the Establishment of the Arctic October 2002, Inari, Finland. Council. Ottawa, at the Ministerial meeting of 37. See for example, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Arctic Council, Ottawa, Canada, 19th day of Iceland, Program for the Icelandic Chair of the September 1996; www.arctic-council.org/establ. Arctic Council 2002-2004. asp 38. Declaration on the Establishment of the Arctic 21. A. Lynge, “Rebuilding trust through science. Council. Ottawa, at the Ministerial meeting Address to the Arctic Council’s Ministers of of the Arctic Council, Ottawa, Canada, 19th day Education and Science, 9 June 2004, Reykjavik. of September 1996; www.arcticcouncil.org/ 22. e.g. J. Brösted, M. Fægteborg, Expulsion of the Great People When U.S. Air Force Came to Thule. establ.asp An Analysis of Colonial Myth and Actual Incidents 39. J. Käkönen, ”Kestävä kehitys ja demokratia (Native Power, Universitetsforlaget, Bergen, Arktiksessa”, in Kestävä kehitys arktisilla alueilla, 1985), pp. 213-238. J. Käkönen, Ed. (Rauhan- ja konfliktintutkimus- 23. J. C. D. Paci, “Connecting Circumpolar laitos, Tutkimustiedotteita No. 49, 1992), pp. 16- Environments: Arctic Athabaskan Council and 34, 75. Arctic Council Programmes” in Circumpolar 40. J. C. D. Paci 2003. Connections. Supplementary Proceedings of the 8th 41. A decade under the sign of the environment. Circumpolar Cooperation Conference (Circumpolar Norway and Russia co-operating on environ- Universities Association and Yokon College, mental protection (Miljöverndepartementet, 2003), pp. 18-26. Norge). 24. AMAP, Arctic Pollution 2002 (Arctic Monitoring 42. L. Heininen, B. Segerståhl, “International and Assessment Programme, Oslo, 2002), p. 36. negotiations aiming at a reduction of nuclear 25. M. Flöjt, ”Arktinen episteeminen yhteisö kan- risks in the Barents Sea region,” in Containing the sainvälisissä POPs-neuvotteluissa”, in Politiikan Atom: International Negotiations on Nuclear tutkimus Lapin yliopistossa, M. Luoma-aho, S. Security and Safety, R. Avenhaus, V. Kremenyuk, Moisio, M. Tennberg, Eds. (P.S.C. Inter julkaisuja, G. Sjöstedt, Eds. (International Institute for Rovaniemi, 2003), pp. 359-379. Applied Systems Analysis, New York, 2002), pp. 26. e.g. ICC 2002. A letter to The Right Honourable 243-270. Jean Chretien, Prime Minister of Canada, 43. O. R. Young, “Can the Arctic Council and the October 18, 2002. Northern Forum Find Common Ground?” Polar 27. IPS Update, 2, issue 4 (October 2003). Record 38 (207), 289 (2002). 224 Arctic Human Development Report

44. C. Archer, “Arctic Co-operation: A Nordic 57. N. Krauss, “Crossroads? A Twentieth-Century Model”, Bulletin of Peace Proposals 21(2), 165 History of Contacts across the Bering Strait”, in (1990). Anthropology of the North Pacific Rim, W. W. 45. Nordic Council of Ministers’ Co-operation Fitzhugh, V. Chaussonet, Eds. (Smithsonian Programme with the Arctic, Action Plan 2003. Institution Press, Washington D.C., 1994), pp. ANP 2003:7; http://www.norden.org/narom- 365-379. raaden/arktisk/uk/Arctic_action_plan2003.pdf 58. Since 1993, the American Russian Centre at 46. Declaration on cooperation in the Barents Euro- University of Alaska Anchorage has run over 500 Arctic Region at the Conference of Foreign courses and seminars training more than 18,000 Ministers in Kirkenes, Norway, 11 January 1993. entrepreneurs, teachers and government offi- 47. U. Wiberg, From Vision to Functional Relationship cials. in the Barents Region. (Umeå University, Centre 59. W. B. Palmer, A meeting of the experts on the for Regional Science, Northern Studies Bering Strait area cooperation (V. S. Gofman, L. Programme, Umeå, Reprint 8, 1995). Huskey, W. B. Palmer, G. Protasel, J. Tichotsky) in 48. T. Stoltenberg, The Barents Region: Reorganizing May 19, 2004 at the University of Alaska, Northern Europe. International Challenges Anchorage, Alaska. (Special issue on the Barents Region) Vol. 12. No 60. W. Hickel, “Alaska needs to think about east- 4 –1992, pp. 5-12. west” in Anchorage Daily News, (May 16, 2004); 49. See also G. Hönneland, “Worlds Further Apart? http://www.and.com/opinion/v-printer/story/ Identity Formation in the Barents Euro-Arctic 5077868p-5005502c.html. Region”, in The Barents Region Revisited, 61. N. Krauss 1994. Conference Proceedings, G. Flikke, Ed. (Norwegian 62. P. P. Schweitzer 1997. 63. For more information see: J. H. Ingimundarson Institute of International Affairs, 1998), pp. 79-93. and A. Golovnev, Eds. Northern Veche: Proceedings 50. O. Tunander, “Post-Cold War Europe: Synthesis of the Second NRF Open Meeting (Stefansson of a Bipolar Friend-Foe Structure and a Arctic Institute & University of Akureyri, Hierarchic Cosmos-Chaos Structure?” in Akureyri, 2004) both in English and Russian; Geopolitics in Post-Wall Europe. Security, Territory www.nrf.is. and Identity, O. Tunander, P. Baev, V. I. Einagel, 64. W. Östreng, “The Soviet Union in the Arctic Eds. (PRIO, SAGE Publications, London, 1997), Waters. Security Implications for the Northern pp. 17-44. Flank of NATO”, occasional paper, no. 36 51. E. Helander, “The Status of the Sami People in (1987). the Inter-state Cooperation” in Dreaming the 65. S. E. Miller, “The Arctic as a Maritime Theater”, a Barents Region. Interpreting Cooperation in the background paper for the international project Euro-Arctic Rim, Research Report, No. 73, J. on Arctic development and security of the Käkönen, Ed. (Tampere Peace Research Institute, Tampere Peace Research Instititute (December Tampere, 1996), pp. 296-306. 19, 1989). 52. L. Heininen, “Assessments of the Barents 66. M. Fægteborg, “Debate on Security Matters in Cooperation Ten Years After it Was Established - Greenland,” in Soviet Seapower. Facts, Background and Analysis of the Development of Motivations, Impact and Responses, J .K. the Barents Euro-Arctic Region” in The Vision Skogan, A. O. Bruntland, Eds. (NUPI rapport, That Became Reality. The Regional Barents (128) June 1989), pp. 109-119. Cooperation 1993-2003, O. Pettersen, (Kirkenes, 67. G. Till, Modern Sea Power (Brassey’s Inc., Great October 2002), pp. 71-74. Britain, 1987), vol. 1. 53. Declaration of Principles Regarding a 68. L. Heininen, “The Military and the Environment: Multilateral Nuclear Environmental Programme An Arctic Case,” in Green Security or Militarized in the Russian Federation at the Sixth Session of Environment, J. Käkönen, Ed. (Dartmouth the Barents Euro-Arctic Council, Bodö, 4-5 Publishing Company, Aldershot, 1994), pp. 153- March 1999. 165; 54. For example, the Anti-Crime Conferences in 69. B. Lloyd, “Low-Level Training Flights”, Peace 2003 and 2004 in Rovaniemi, Finland. Magazine, 12 (June/July 1989). 55. V. S. Gofman, A meeting with experts on the 70. This is the case especially in the 1980s, when Bering Strait area cooperation (V. S. Gofman, L. there were more than 230 of these kinds of pro- Huskey, W. B. Palmer, G. Protasel, J. Tichotsky) in posals (R. G. Purver. Arctic Arms Control: May 19, 2004 at the University of Alaska, Constrains and Opportunities (Canadian Anchorage, Alaska, personal notes. Institute for International Peace and Security. 56. J. Tichotsky, A meeting with experts on the Occasional Papers 3, February 1988). Bering Strait area cooperation (V. S. Gofman, L. 71. Östreng 1999: 48-51. Huskey, W. B. Palmer, G. Protasel, J. Tichotsky) in 72. F. Griffiths, “Defence, Security and Civility in the May 19, 2004 at the University of Alaska, Arctic Region” (The Nordic Council’s Arctic Anchorage, Alaska, personal notes. Conference, Reykjavik 16-17/18, 1993). Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics 225 Chapter 12 73. D. H. Deudney, “Environmental Security: A 87. See also, A. Myrjord, “Governance beyond the Critique”, in Contested Grounds. Security and union: EU boundaries in the Barents Euro-Arctic Conflict in the New Environmental Politics, D. H. Region,” European Foreign Affairs Review 8: 239 Deudney, R. A. Matthew, Eds. (State University (2003). of New York Press, Albany, 1999), pp. 187-219. 88. N. Tennberg, ”Ympäristökysymysten hallinnat 74. M. Finger, “The Global Environmental Crisis and pohjoisilla alueilla”, in Avaamaton mahdollisuus - the Social Implications of Delaying Action” pohjoisen ulottuvuuden näköaloja, L. Heininen, J. (Vancouver 1991) mimeo. Käkönen, A. Nokkala, M. Tennberg, (LIKE, 75. R. B. Huebert, “Security and the Environment in Helsinki, 2000), pp. 103-117. the Post Cold War Period”, in Environment and 89. The Northern Dimension of Canada’s Foreign Security, 101 (May 2000). Policy. Department of Foreign Affairs and 76. J. S. Poland, “The Remediation of Former International Trade, Canada, May 2000. Military Stations in the Canadian Arctic – Its 90. R. Huebert, “Climate Change and Canadian Relevance to Antarctica”, in Canadian Antarctic Sovereignty in the Northwest Passage”, Isuma 2 Research Network, Newsletter Vol-13. (November No 4 (Winter 2001); http://www.isuma.net/ 2001), pp. 4-5. v02n04/huebert/huebert_e.shtml). 77. N. Häyrynen, “Environmental Security: The Case 91. See also Presentation Abstracts “On Thinning of the Kursk”, Environmental Politics, 12, No.3, 65 Ice: Climate Change and New Ideas about (Autumn 2003). Sovereignty and Security in the Canadian Arctic” 78. e.g. R. Bergman, A. Baklanov, B. Segerståhl, in January 25-26, 2002, Ottawa, Canada “Overview of nuclear risks on the Kola Peninsula. (Canadian Arctic Research Committee, Centre Summary report“(IIASA Radiation Safety of the for Military and Strategic Studies, Canadian Polar Biosphere. International Institute for Applied Commission). Systems Analysis, Laxenburg, May 1996). 92. M. Simon, “Canada’s renewed commitment to 79. AMAP 2002:59-76. northern Issues through policy development and 80. e.g. P. Salminen (Director of Department of partnership-building.” Luncheon address at the Strategic and Defence Studies at National International Colloquium on the North Defence College of Finland). Interview in May Humanities and Social Sciences, Edmonton, 12, 2004, personal notes. Alberta, May 27, 2000. 81. e.g. C. Nelleman, “New Bombing Ranges and 93. L. Heininen, “Ideas and Outcomes: Finding a their Impact on Saami Traditions”, POLAR Concrete Form for the Northern Dimension Environmental Times 3, 1 (October 2003). Initiative,” in The Northern Dimension: Fuel for the 82. M. Burns (AP Military Writer), “Missile defense EU?, H. Ojanen, Ed. (Programme on the chief: Work on missile intercepter silos in Alaska Northern Dimension of the CFSP. will begin on day U.S. withdraws from treaty”, Ulkopoliittinen instituutti & Institut fur ICIS – institute for cooperation in space (Tues Europäische Politik, Kauhava, 2001), pp. 20-53. May 14, 2002, 5:09 PM ET). from alw@peacein- 94. “Declaration 2004”, Declaration on Canada-EU space.com Fri, 17 May 2002 08:13:53 -0700 Relations. 18 March 2004. 83. President Vladimir Putin proposed this kind of 95. E.g. C. S. Browning, P. Joenniemi, “The European northern policy in the meeting of Russian Union’s two dimensions: the eastern and the Security Council in April 2004 in Salechard northern,” Security Dialogue 34: 463 (2003). (“Putin Says Northern Regions Need ‘Intelligent 96. There is no official or commonly accepted list of Long-term Policy’” ITAR-TASS News Agency, International Actors in International Relations, April 28, 2004). but there are different ways to categorize them, 84. Y. V. Neyolov, “Innovations in Governing the and a common way to divide them into inter- Northern Territories: Experience of the Yamal- governmental and non-governmental actors. The Nenets Autonomous Region”, in Northern Veche: enclosed list is based on the categories of J. E. Proceedings of the Second NRF Open Meeting, J. H. Dougherty and R. L. Jr. Pfaltzgraff, Contending Ingimundarson and A. Golovnev, Eds. Theories of International Rela-tions. A (Stefansson Arctic Institute & University of Comprehensive Survey. Third Edition. Harper Akureyri, Akureyri, 2004), pp. 128-134. Collins Publishers, U.S.A, 1990, pp. 22-28), 85. V. Alekseyev, “The Russian North at the which also includes individuals and the interna- Crossroads of Two Epochs”, in North Meets North. tional system per se, and has been applied by the Proceedings of the First Northern Research Forum, T. author (see L. Heininen, Euroopan pohjoinen S. Björnsson, J. H. Ingimundarson, L. Olafsdottir, 1990-luvulla. Moniulotteisten ja ristiriitaisten Eds. (Stefansson Arctic Institute & University of intressien alue (Acta Universitatis Lapponiensis Akureyri, Akureyri, 2001), pp. 87-89. 21 – Arktisen keskuksen tiedotteita/Arctic Centre 86. The European Union, “The Second Northern Reports 30. Lapin yliopisto, Rovaniemi, 1999), Dimension Action Plan (2004-2006)”; pp. 98-103. http://europa.eu.int/external_relations/north_di m/ndap/ap2.htm (12 November 2003).

229

Arctic Human Development Report Chapter 13

80o

70o A Hum60o an Development Agenda for the Arctic: Major Findings and Emerging Issues

Lead authors: Oran R. Young, University of California at Santa Barbara,U.S.A., and Niels Einarsson, Stefansson Arctic Institute, Iceland.

In this final chapter, we single out major con- Demography clusions drawn from the substantive chapters • The human population of the Arctic is sparse, of the AHDR that merit attention on the part of unevenly distributed, and skewed in terms of the Arctic Council and its Sustainable both age structure and gender balance. Development Working Group as a matter of priority. The chapter directs attention to some In demographic terms, the Arctic is a land of success stories regarding human development contrasts. Approximately 4 million people live in in the Arctic and also identifies areas in which the Arctic. Almost half of them are residents of there is a need for more and better knowledge. the Russian Arctic, despite the exodus of non- In addition, it presents some reflections indigenous residents from this region in recent regarding the nature of human development as years. There are a number of sizable cities (e.g. seen from a regional perspective. The chapter Murmansk, Norilsk, Reykjavik, Anchorage) reemphasizes the character of the Arctic coupled with vast sparsely inhabited areas. The Human Development Report (AHDR) as a sci- density of population in the Arctic varies from entific assessment and makes some sugges- 0.025 per square kilometer in Greenland to 4.3 tions regarding appropriate follow-up activi- per square kilometer in the northern counties of ties. Norway and 34 per square kilometer in the The chapter is designed to serve as a self- Faroe Islands. contained summary of the AHDR’s main find- Relative to the population of the non-Arctic ings accessible to policymakers and members sectors of the Arctic countries, human popula- of the attentive public interested in contempo- tion in the Arctic is miniscule. But there is con- rary Arctic issues. It rests firmly on materials siderable variation in these terms as well. Only presented in the previous chapters of the 0.2% of Americans live in Alaska, 0.4% of report. We urge readers who want to learn Canadians in the Canadian Arctic, and 1.4% of more about the nature of the evidence and the Russians in their country’s northern areas. By analysis underlying specific conclusions to turn contrast, 10.2% of Norwegians live in the coun- to the relevant chapters for more detailed try’s three northern counties, a situation that accounts. may account for the fact that Norway devotes more attention to northern issues than many of the other Arctic countries. Even so, population Policy-relevant conclusions has tended to decline in the northern hinter- This section presents the most striking findings lands of Finland, Norway, and Sweden, a matter of each of the AHDR’s substantive chapters as of serious concern to policymakers throughout seen from a policy perspective. This procedure Fennoscandia where the maintenance of a sig- runs the risk of ignoring or glossing over some nificant human presence in the North is regard- important points and failing to present a well- ed as a high priority. rounded account of the full array of concerns Perhaps the most important inference we can pertaining to human development in the Arctic. draw from these observations of contrasts and Yet it does have the virtue of drawing attention diversity in demographic patterns is that it is to a limited set of issues we believe deserve spe- risky to generalize when it comes to assessing cial attention (1). the relative merits of policy options relating to 230 Arctic Human Development Report

matters such as health, education, and welfare. seas, on the one hand, and the peoples of the A second inference concerns the ease with subarctic or taiga, on the other. To this mix we which it is possible to overlook Arctic issues in must now add several later waves of immi- the national capitals of the Arctic states. There grants, ranging from the agriculturalists who are exceptions. The American constitution settled Iceland and the Faroe Islands more than accords Alaska the same representation in the 1,000 years ago to the Filipino fishermen who US Senate as it grants to California. have immigrated to Alaska in recent decades. Nevertheless, it is a struggle to project the voice The growing cultural diversity of the Arctic is of the Arctic into policymaking processes in the apparent to anyone who has travelled in the Arctic states, even in cases like climate change region over the past few decades. This diversity, where the impact on the region is expected to be to take a single striking illustration, is reflected particularly severe. Because northern issues dif- in the international cuisine now available in fer markedly from those of southern regions Arctic communities, ranging from Thai restau- and often call for Arctic-specific solutions, this rants in Ísafjörður, Iceland, to pizza parlors in tendency to ignore the Arctic at the national Iqaluit, Nunavut. For the most part, residents of level is a matter of genuine concern. It suggests, the Arctic celebrate this diversity; the idea of among other things, that proposals calling for preserving cultures frozen in time as they the creation of bodies dedicated to the articula- appear in the dioramas of southern museums tion of Arctic concerns in the national capitals belongs to the past. may have merit. Arctic societies and cultures – especially those of indigenous peoples – have a long history of Societies and cultures resilience based on their ability to adapt quickly to changes in the ecosystems on which they • Human societies in the circumpolar North depend and even to profit from changing bio- are highly resilient; they have faced severe physical and social conditions to improve their challenges before and adapted successfully circumstances. The ability of these peoples to to changing conditions. take advantage of the introduction of modern The Arctic is a melting pot of cultures. The practices and technologies (e.g. snowmobiles, region’s indigenous peoples are highly diverse. helicopters, the internet) should be viewed as a Perhaps the most fundamental division among sign of cultural vitality rather than as an indica- these peoples separates those adapted to the tor of cultural decline. Traditions are dynamic. tundra and the coastal margins of the Arctic We must not allow nostalgia for social practices of the past to cloud our assessment of the integrity of Arctic cultures today. At the same time, it would be a mistake to assume that Arctic societies and cultures can remain resilient in the face of all biophysical and social changes. Today, Arctic societies face an unusual combination of biophysical and socioe- conomic stresses. The onset of climate change is not only generating concrete problems (e.g. the impact on infrastructure of increases in the active layer of permafrost). It is also eroding the confidence of local leaders in their judgments about climate-related matters, such as when and where to hunt and when it is safe to travel on sea ice. Nor is climate change the only threat to Arctic societies and cultures. On the contrary, there is also a growing need to respond effectively to fast changes in economic, legal, and political HT:NORTHERN FORUM PHOTO: systems as well as to changes in other biophys- ical systems. To meet this challenge, Arctic soci- Child with soda, Northern eties will have to balance the retention of long- Russia standing social practices with the introduction A Human Development Agenda for the Arctic: Major Findings and Emerging Issues 231 Chapter 13 PHOTO: NÍELS EINARSSON

of new forms of knowledge and innovative observations. Large quantities of profits and Whale watching boats in technologies or, in other words, find the right rents, arising mostly from the extraction of nat- Iceland mix of continuity and change. ural resources on a large scale, flow out of the Arctic, depriving public authorities in the region Economic systems of potential sources of revenue. A comparison of outflows in the form of profits and rents and • Arctic economies are narrowly based and inflows in the form of transfer payments shows highly sensitive to outside forces, including that the Arctic as a whole is a net exporter of market fluctuations and political interven- wealth. Of course, there is a great deal of varia- tions. tion across the circumpolar North. Deposits of Some observers regard Arctic economic systems oil, gas, and minerals are sprinkled here and as backward, marginal, and unable to cope with there across the region. Still, it is time to aban- the competitiveness of today’s world. However, don the fallacious idea that the Arctic is unable if the Arctic is treated as an integrated region, to pay its own way in today’s world. the “Gross Arctic Product” surpasses the gross What is true is that Arctic economic systems domestic product of Sweden, rivals that of are often narrowly based and therefore highly Belgium, and amounts to about one-fourth of vulnerable to both market fluctuations and Canada’s gross domestic product. political interventions. In the wake of the emer- Transfer payments from national govern- gence of cash economies, many Arctic systems ments are of great importance in many parts of have taken on the character of monocultures, the Arctic. For example, Denmark underwrites depending on one or a few products, such as about half of the annual budget of the lead, zinc, natural gas, oil, shrimp, or marine Greenland Home Rule and Canada covers some mammal products. When these resources are 85% of the cost of running Nunavut. Yet it is exhausted (e.g. hydrocarbons), experience sharp easy to misinterpret the significance of these declines (e.g. fish stocks), or are affected by bans 232 Arctic Human Development Report

or boycotts (e.g. seal skins), individual commu- to change the rules of the game to ensure that nities in the Arctic suffer severely. The affected more of the profits remain in the Arctic. communities are miniscule in terms of their Similar concerns have arisen in many other economic and political power. Outside actors, parts of the world endowed with an abundance including NGOs, multinational corporations, of natural resources. In general, the results have and governments, can and often do act with lit- not been encouraging. Many analysts actually tle awareness of or even concern for the impacts talk about the “curse of resource abundance.” Yet of their actions on Arctic communities. Under some effective responses to this conundrum are these circumstances, a major challenge is to surely possible. The taxing authority of the North devise ways for Arctic economic systems to Slope Borough offers an interesting precedent. diversify and to protect themselves from the So does the creation of Community effects of actions taken in ignorance of their Development Quotas in some fisheries under consequences for human development in the federal control in Alaska and the income security Arctic. program under which the government of Canada supports active trappers. Finding ways to address Political systems the imbalance of authority and resources is a matter of the utmost importance throughout the • The devolution of political authority to Arctic today. In Russia, efforts to address these regional and local governments in the Arctic concerns are complicated by the continuing has not been accompanied by significant struggle over the allocation of authority between reallocations of material resources. the central government in Moscow and regional There are exceptions to every generalization. authorities in many parts of the North. The victory of Alaska’s North Slope Borough in its legal battle to win the authority to levy prop- Legal systems erty taxes on the oil development infrastructure • There is a growing dualism between the legal at Prudhoe Bay constitutes an exceptional situa- rights of indigenous peoples and the author- tion in the Arctic. Far more common is the ity of public governments in the Arctic. transfer of authority over a wide range of func- tional concerns (e.g. health, education, and wel- Although those working on behalf of indigenous fare) to newly created Arctic local or regional peoples are justifiably frustrated by the time and governments without providing them with energy it takes to advance their issues on nation- independent sources of revenue needed to dis- al policy agendas, the past three decades have charge their responsibilities effectively. The witnessed significant gains in the recognition of result is a heavy reliance on bloc grants, as in the indigenous rights throughout the Arctic. These case of Danish funding of the Greenland Home gains take a variety of forms, including the Rule, or transfer payments, as in the case of entrenchment of aboriginal rights in national funding for a variety of welfare organizations constitutions (e.g. Article 35 of the 1982 serving the population of rural Alaska. These Canadian constitution and Article 69 of the forms of support are of critical importance. But Constitution of the Russian Federation), the cre- they are controlled by central governments that ation of new political bodies (e.g. the Saami can alter or even discontinue them at will. Parliaments in Finland, Norway, and Sweden), Are there realistic alternatives to this state of the transfer of property rights to Native entities affairs in the Arctic? Two solutions are possible: (e.g. the corporations set up in Alaska under the a return to a more traditional, self-sufficient terms of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement subsistence life style or changes in the rules of Act (ANCSA) of 1971), and the strengthening of the game to allow Arctic communities to cap- usufructuary rights (e.g. harvesting rights built ture a share of the profits derived from the into a number of comprehensive land claims set- exploitation of the region’s natural resources. A tlements in the Canadian Arctic). However, new strengthening of traditional subsistence prac- public governments (e.g. the Greenland Home tices appeals to some and may prove necessary Rule, Nunavut, the North Slope Borough) have in parts of Russia hit hard by the impacts of the also emerged in the Arctic. They exhibit the nat- economic collapse of the post-Soviet era. Still, ural tendency of such governments to assert few are prepared to turn the clock back to an authority over all the activities occurring in areas earlier era. The only real alternative to continued under their jurisdiction, without regard to how dependence on transfer payments, therefore, is these activities relate to indigenous rights. A Human Development Agenda for the Arctic: Major Findings and Emerging Issues 233 Chapter 13 Are these concomitant trends on a collision course? Dealing with the tensions arising from legal dualism surely presents a challenge, but there are signs of innovative responses arising in the Arctic. In Alaska, there are cases in which public governments, Indian Reorganization Act Councils, and village ANCSA corporations cooperate in the interests of devising mutually supportive divisions of labor. Efforts have also begun to devise an arrangement that will allow PHOTO: SVEN HAAKANSON, JR. Nenets fishing the Norwegian Saami Parliament and the coun- ty government of Finnmark to exercise con- ments already in place or emerging in various comitant jurisdiction regarding matters of con- segments of the Arctic. This would make it pos- servation and sustainable development in North sible to pose and begin to address the following Norway, even if the current proposal is a focus sorts of questions. What can we say about the of intense controversy. These innovations are far relative performance regarding land use and the from ideal; there is a need to entertain more far- exploitation of natural resources of the Alaska reaching changes before we can feel satisfied Native corporations established under the pro- about the interplay between indigenous peo- visions of ANCSA and the various organizations ples’ desire for self-determination and the natu- set up under the terms of comprehensive claims ral propensity of public governments to exercise settlements in Canada? How effective is the sys- authority within their jurisdictions. But the tem in place in Greenland in which there is no Arctic could well emerge as a leader in the well-defined concept of private property and worldwide effort to accommodate both sides of decisions about the development of many natu- this growing political dualism. ral resources are made by a joint Greenlandic and Danish council? Are there lessons to be Resource governance drawn from North American experiences that are relevant to current efforts in the Russian • Many new and promising systems of Arctic to restructure existing practices dealing resource governance have arisen in the with land ownership, use, and occupancy? How Arctic, but little has been done so far to have various limited entry programs fared when assess their performance using common cri- applied to Arctic fisheries? Here, there are teria of evaluation. opportunities to address issues that are not only A striking development in the Arctic over the critical in the Arctic but also matters of growing past decades is the establishment and imple- concern in other parts of the world. mentation of a diverse collection of new resource regimes. What has emerged from this dynamic Human health process is a tendency to pigeonhole arrange- • Telemedicine has been highly successful in ments into a few overarching categories (e.g. co- the Arctic, but effective responses to prob- management) and to concentrate on the lems involving mental health, violence, and processes involved in creating these arrange- accidental death require the development or ments rather than assessing their performance. strengthening of community-based health Partly, this is a function of the relative newness of services. Also, dietary concerns arising from most of these arrangements; many of those changing lifestyles and responses to contam- involved are still investing their energy in getting ination have to be addressed. new environmental and resource regimes up and running in contrast to taking a step back to There have been undeniable gains in human contemplate how well they are performing. In health in the Arctic over the past several part, it is attributable to the fact that we do not decades. Although life expectancy in the Arctic – have well-developed methods for assessing the especially in Russia – is lower than life performance of management regimes. expectancy in other parts of the Arctic countries, One highly useful initiative in this context it is substantially greater today than it was in the would be to develop a well-defined and unbi- years following World War II. In most Arctic ased set of criteria of evaluation and then to areas, tuberculosis is a thing of the past. The conduct comparative assessments of arrange- introduction of innovative technologies in such 234 Arctic Human Development Report

forms as telemedicine has been a striking suc- North led to profound changes in the educa- cess. Although diabetes, tooth decay, and other tional systems. Missionaries seized opportuni- conditions associated with shifting dietary ties to spread the gospel of Christianity. Trading habits and lifestyles are on the rise in some parts companies found it expedient to teach local of the region, the overall picture of human people to hunt and trap for commercial purpos- health in the Arctic is markedly brighter now es rather than to fulfill subsistence needs. than it was even two or three decades ago. Eventually, the state assumed responsibility for Even so, this picture does not justify the infer- educating the residents of most areas in the ence that everything is fine regarding human Arctic. But given the great distances and sparse health in the circumpolar North. Two sets of populations characteristic of the Arctic, this problems present particularly serious chal- often led to the use of curricular materials devel- lenges: One is mental health, alcohol and sub- oped for communities located far to the south stance abuse, violence, and accidental death. and to the gathering of students in boarding The other is dietary issues arising from concerns schools far from their home communities. about the contamination of country foods Frequently, this process included active efforts together with increased consumption of fast to suppress distinctive cultural practices (e.g. foods. What is needed to address the two chal- use of native languages, the passing on of oral lenges differs dramatically. Suicide, homicide, traditions) in the interests of equipping students and other forms of violence are closely tied to with the skills and overall perspectives needed rapid social changes that erode a sense of being to live successfully in mainstream societies. in control of one’s own destiny and of being Today, the mindset underlying these practices embedded in an intact culture. Solutions lie in has changed. But there is much to do to create strengthening the viability of Arctic communi- education systems that are sensitive to Arctic ties and, above all, finding ways to allow the conditions and that are designed to provide stu- Arctic’s residents to play active and effective dents with the knowledge and skills required to roles as players in programs designed to thrive in the Arctic. Partly, this is a matter of pro- improve their own health. viding instruction in native languages, develop- The problem of contaminated food is entirely ing curricular materials designed for use in the different. It arises from industrial activities occur- Arctic, and training Arctic residents themselves ring far beyond the confines of the Arctic and can to become teachers in local schools. In part, it is only be alleviated through effective initiatives on a matter of taking advantage of new technolo- the part of distant policy makers. Over time, it gies that make it possible to deliver distance may be possible to educate southern policy mak- education of a quality good enough to make it ers about the seriousness of this issue. In the unnecessary for students to leave their home immediate future, however, Arctic residents need communities for long periods of time. Above all, advice about the risks of consuming contaminat- it is a matter of sorting out cross-pressures ed food firmly grounded in the best available sci- affecting school attendance on the part of young ence and traditional knowledge. The work of the people and finding appropriate mechanisms to Arctic Council’s Arctic Monitoring and enhance local control of schools, without com- Assessment Programme (AMAP) has been par- promising the quality of the instruction and the ticularly helpful in this respect. discipline needed to ensure that graduates will be able to perform well in the kinds of jobs like- Education ly to be available in northern communities dur- ing the foreseeable future. • Although education in the hands of mission- aries, economic entrepreneurs, and colonial administrators has been a vehicle for assimi- Community viability lation, there are opportunities today to devel- • Maintaining the viability of Arctic communi- op education systems well-suited to the ties requires an enhanced ability to take needs of Arctic residents. advantage of interactions among govern- mental, corporate, organizational, and per- Traditionally, education in the Arctic featured sonal networks from the local level to the the transmission of useful skills and values global level. through experiential learning and the passing on of oral traditions from one generation to the Viable communities are places where people next. The onset of western colonization in the find it attractive to spend their lives and build a A Human Development Agenda for the Arctic: Major Findings and Emerging Issues 235 Chapter 13 future for themselves and their families. Such loss of efficacy on the part of men. On average, communities provide not only economic oppor- Arctic women acquire more education than tunities but also a meaningful cultural and social men, experience frustration at the lack of oppor- existence for their residents. Although some tunities at the local level, and often migrate out Arctic communities have suffered from a drain of their communities of origin and even out the of talented people who have moved to the cities Arctic altogether. Faced with the changing in search of better employment opportunities, nature and lowered status of subsistence hunt- others have found a variety of ways to provide ing, Arctic men often experience a declining sustainable livelihoods to their inhabitants. sense of self-worth, a condition that is implicat- Part of the variance in these terms is a func- ed in some of the health issues discussed in tion of ensured access to natural resources, sus- Chapter 9. tainable markets for these resources, and the The result for many men and women is an development of effective local governments. But erosion of important elements of human devel- it also depends critically on the emergence of opment, especially when it comes to matters of entrepreneurship at the local level, the presence fate control, cultural identify, and a sense of of political leadership, and the ability of individ- place. There is no comprehensive solution to ual residents to form appropriate partnerships this set of problems. Rather, a piecemeal with outsiders. Proper infrastructure and effec- approach emphasizing the maintenance of cul- tive public services, including the development tural integrity and community viability and of information and communications technolo- requiring a common effort on the part of both gies, are important in this regard. A recurrent men and women will be needed to make head- theme among viable communities is the cou- way in addressing these issues. pling of local, regional, and even global systems. There is a need for local businesses and govern- International relations ments not only to adapt to the conditions aris- • The impacts of both global environmental ing from these linkages but also to find ways to change and global social change threaten to use them to their advantage. overwhelm efforts to carry out regional ini- tiatives and to forge a strong sense of region- Gender issues al identity in the Arctic. • Recent developments in the Arctic have gen- There is a sense in which the ongoing emer- erated new concerns about gender roles, gence of the Arctic as a distinct region is coun- without alleviating pre-existing problems. terintuitive. Not only is the region composed in Traditional Arctic social systems exhibited sharp large part of sparsely inhabited sectors of states differences in the roles assigned to men and whose centers of economic and political gravity women but relatively few conflicts framed in lie far to the south, but also the various compo- terms of gender issues. Survival in the Arctic nents of the region differ substantially in terms required a partnership between men and of factors ranging from their biophysical envi- women; severe friction in this realm could lower ronments to their historical experiences. Still, the prospects of surviving in this environment. there is no denying that region building in the Yet the Arctic today features most of the con- form of efforts to forge a sense of regional iden- cerns about gender that have arisen in more tity in the circumpolar North and to devise a mainstream societies. These range from prob- common policy agenda for this region has lems involving the physical security of women proven remarkably effective during the past two to questions about opportunities for women to decades. Notwithstanding their obvious limita- hold public office and to rise to positions of tions, both the Arctic Council and the Northern leadership in the private sector. Some of these Forum have struck responsive chords. And the concerns, such as spouse abuse, child abuse, rise of solidarity among indigenous peoples and parent abuse, have become particularly organizations in the region is surely a develop- prominent in certain parts of the Arctic. ment to be reckoned with by all those interest- At the same time, the Arctic has given rise to ed in policy issues in the Arctic. a number of issues relating to gender roles that Nevertheless, the forces of global change – are specific to the region. These include the lack social as well as biophysical – are powerful of satisfying employment opportunities for determinants of the course of Arctic affairs. As women in small Arctic communities as well as a the report of the Arctic Climate Impact 236 Arctic Human Development Report

Assessment (ACIA) documents, climate change and variability are already producing huge chal- Arctic success stories lenges for Arctic communities, including grow- There is a tendency to adopt a tone of gloom ing pressure to relocate entire communities in and doom in discussions of human develop- extreme cases. Market fluctuations affecting the ment in the Arctic. Rates of suicide, homicide, price of natural resources – from oil to salmon – and accidental death are abnormally high produce a kind of roller-coaster effect in commu- throughout region. Family structures are crum- nities that have narrow economic bases. The bling in some communities. Language loss is a efforts of environmental and animal welfare severe problem in certain parts of the Arctic. groups seeking to preserve wildlife can seriously Out-migration, especially among settlers and harm communities dependent on outside mar- better-educated indigenous women, is a com- kets for living resources. And there is always the mon occurrence. prospect that public policies adopted in national Our analysis confirms that these problems are capitals for reasons having little to do with the real and not to be dismissed lightly. But they do Arctic (e.g. decisions about the procurement and not tell the whole story regarding human devel- deployment of military weapons systems) can opment in the Arctic. Many individual Arctic sideswipe Arctic communities in dramatic ways. residents are highly successful. There are sharp There are no simple ways to avoid these dan- differences among the communities of the gers. But part of the solution, in almost every region with respect to any number of measures case, is to find and exploit opportunities to coor- of viability. The Arctic’s residents have a long dinate and amplify the voice of the Arctic in history of successful adaptations, even in the broader policy arenas. The role of the Arctic in face of rapid and far-reaching changes of the the process of negotiating the 2001 Stockholm sort that are impacting them today. Iceland, the Convention on persistent organic pollutants only country located wholly in the region, has exemplifies this strategy. More generally, bodies literally transformed itself since achieving inde- like the Arctic Council and the Northern Forum pendence in 1944. Although it shares many have achieved significant results in this realm, Arctic characteristics, Iceland today ranks near especially considering the fact that the region’s the top with regard to indicators like the UN population is small, highly dispersed, and poor- Human Development Index and has been ly endowed with most conventional sources of remarkably successful in the area of language influence. protection. HT:JH ADNL,NNVTRSAC NTTT/NWHNEPOET 2004 NUNAVUT RESEARCH INSTITUTE/SNOWCHANGE PROJECT, JOHN MACDONALD, PHOTO:

Inuksuk in Igloolik, Nunavut, Canada A Human Development Agenda for the Arctic: Major Findings and Emerging Issues 237 Chapter 13 To provide a proper balance between the iden- organizations) that are taken for granted in other tification of problems and the recognition of parts of the industrialized world are not available more positive developments, this section com- within close geographical proximity. As a conse- ments on three distinct areas in which remark- quence, Arctic residents have developed a notice- able success stories have emerged in the Arctic: able ability to solve problems and to get along on the maintenance of cultural integrity in the face their own. But the lack of such services in the past of a variety of external pressures, the adoption of also has often led to sending Arctic residents far technologies in such forms as telemedicine and away - even outside the region - to address issues distance education, and the development of of health, education, and welfare at high costs innovative systems of governance. both in material terms and in human terms. Under these circumstances, success in the devel- Cultural integrity opment of telemedicine as described in Chapter 9 and distance education of the sort referred to in • The experience of the Arctic demonstrates Chapter 10 looms large in the Arctic. With respect that cultures can remain viable even in the to the application and adaptation of these emerg- face of rapid and multi-dimensional changes. ing technologies to local circumstances, the In the years since the close of World War II, the Arctic is today a global leader. The result is not residents of Arctic communities have experi- only a significant contribution to human devel- enced cascades of social changes affecting most opment in the Arctic but also a source of impor- aspects of their daily lives. Cash economies have tant insights about the use of these technologies emerged throughout the region. New forms of that are relevant throughout the world. land ownership have arisen. Popular culture emanating from the southern metropoles has Political and legal innovations made itself felt everywhere in the North. • The Arctic has become a leader in the devel- Indigenous languages have come under opment of innovative political and legal increasing pressure in many sectors of the arrangements that meet the needs of the res- Arctic. But as Chapter 3 makes clear, “tradition- idents of the circumpolar North without rup- al” cultures in the Arctic have survived, adapting turing the larger political systems in which continuously but retaining the features that the region is embedded. make them distinctive. They continue to consti- tute a significant force in the lives of those who Some new political and legal arrangements belong to them. Of course, the picture is not address desires for local control and self-deter- uniform across the Arctic. Some groups, such as mination. Examples include home rule systems, the Nenets of Russia’s Yamal Peninsula, have such as in the Faroe Islands and Greenland, and proven remarkably successful in protecting their other decentralized political arrangements, such cultures, while others are encountering more or as the North Slope Borough and the Northwest less severe cultural erosion. But generally, Arctic Borough in Alaska, Nunavut in Canada, indigenous cultures are not on the way out. and even the self-governing townships in Many are resilient and well-equipped to inte- Russia. Success in political and legal arrange- grate change and to embrace beneficial aspects ments has also taken the form of governance of modernity without losing their essential core systems addressing human uses of living or behavioral compass. Those located in other resources in ways that are well-adapted to the regions may be able to learn from the experi- biophysical and socioeconomic settings in ence of Arctic cultures, as the need to come to which they operate. The Arctic has been in the terms with rapid social change intensifies. forefront in the development of various forms of co-management that allow for meaningful Technological advances participation of a variety of stakeholders in for- mulating the rules and implementing them • Evidence from the Arctic demonstrates both effectively. There are many specific types of co- the feasibility and the desirability of apply- management, and not all of them have proven ing advanced technologies to address social successful. Nonetheless, it is undeniable that problems. the Arctic has provided an arena for institution- Because the Arctic is so sparsely populated, many al experimentation and emerged as a leading support systems (e.g. hospitals, colleges and uni- source of innovative approaches to governing versities, various types of nongovernmental human-environment interactions. 238 Arctic Human Development Report

Group may wish to identify this task as a matter Gaps in knowledge of some priority. But no one should be under This scientific assessment has made us aware of any illusions about the time, energy, and mate- numerous gaps in our understanding of human rial resources needed to carry out this task. development at the regional level. As Chapters 10 and 11 point out, our efforts to come to grips Cultures and Societies with issues of education and gender were con- • We need a better understanding of the strained by the lack of well-developed bodies of effects of cumulative changes on cultural and research that take a circumpolar perspective. social well-being in the Arctic. There is clearly more to be done in addressing these subjects. The cultures and social systems of the Arctic It would be easy to point to a long list of spe- have experienced rapid and profound changes cific matters that should be examined systemat- throughout the period since the close of World ically in an ideal world. Some of them are dis- War II. Residence in fixed, year-around settle- cussed in the individual chapters. In this sec- ments has become the norm rather than the tion, we direct attention to a five specific gaps exception. Individuals must cope with mixed that cut across many subjects and that need to economies that affect traditional subsistence be addressed with high priority: Arctic demog- practices in a variety of ways. Many Arctic res- raphy; the determinants of cultural and social idents are now shareholders in corporations integrity in the Arctic; the experiences of settler and voting citizens of new political systems populations; modern industrial development, (e.g. the North Slope Borough, the Greenland and the performance of new institutions in the Home Rule, Nunavut). The erosion – in some Arctic. cases amounting to a severe loss – of Arctic languages has proceeded throughout this peri- Demography od. Yet, as Chapter 3 argues forcefully, there is a sense in which many of the cultures of the • We need to collect more and better informa- Arctic remain vigorous and continue to exer- tion on the Arctic’s residents using common cise a strong influence in people’s lives. The data protocols. argument here is that cultures are deeply root- The AHDR’s demographers have struggled long ed and capable of persisting, even in the face of and hard to produce a relatively straightforward changes that outside observers are apt to see as demographic profile of the Arctic as a distinct destructive of local or regional cultures. How is region. As a reading of Chapter 2 makes clear, this possible? they have had considerable success. But the The challenge is to find ways to assess the results are still rather limited, and they have impact of cumulative changes and to identify become available late in the process of assem- conditions that are conducive to the survival of bling this report. The simple fact is that the the Arctic’s cultures and societies under these Arctic is not a distinctive region in terms of the conditions. Can we identify conditions that are collection and integration of demographic data; either necessary or sufficient to ensure that cul- individual Arctic states collect data regarding tures remain viable? If the answer to this ques- their northern regions on the basis of data pro- tion is negative, can we nonetheless find condi- tocols they have developed and refined for use tions or combinations of conditions that can in areas outside the Arctic. account for a considerable portion of the vari- One immediate consequence of this fact is ance in the ability of cultures and societies to that it would have been impossible for the tolerate change? Equally important, can we authors of the AHDR to compute the UN deepen our understanding of the processes that Human Development Index for the Arctic as an allow cultures to adjust to both biophysical and integrated region, even if the Report Steering social changes while remaining whole? Because Committee had called for such an effort as a language retention is both a major component high priority. We are convinced that it would be and a key indicator of cultural diversity, we rec- desirable to make the effort to compute an ommend that the Sustainable Development Arctic or circumpolar version of the Human Working Group focus attention and resources Development Index and to compare the results on the status of the languages of the Arctic and to the scores of each of the eight Arctic countries the prospects for their survival and, in some by itself. The Sustainable Development Working cases, revival. A Human Development Agenda for the Arctic: Major Findings and Emerging Issues 239 Chapter 13 Settlers The Arctic today is the site of world-class indus- trial activities. Typically, these activities involve • We need to learn more about the experiences the extraction of non-renewable resources or of recent settlers in the Arctic and their inter- industrial harvesting of living resources. The actions with the region’s indigenous peoples. Prudhoe Bay oil field is the largest ever discov- There is merit to comments offered by some ered in North America. The super giant gas reviewers of drafts of the AHDR concerning the fields of northwestern Siberia are critical to need for a better understanding of the experi- Russia’s efforts to reconstruct the country’s ences of settlers in the Arctic. Chapter 3 on economy. Nickel and lead/zinc mines located in Arctic cultures and societies directs attention the Arctic are among the largest in the world. primarily to indigenous peoples. Chapter 9 on The industrial fisheries of the Bering, human health emphasizes the growing impor- Norwegian, and Barents Seas figure prominent- tance of telemedicine in remote areas, because ly in the world harvest of marine living the delivery of health services to people living in resources. Diamonds from Siberia and Canada’s Anchorage or Reykjavík poses no special prob- Northwest Territories now account for a sizable lems. Chapter 8 on community viability in the share of the world market. Arctic focuses on relatively small communities in which indigenous peoples make up a sizable fraction of the population in contrast to larger settlements or cities, a fact that skews the emphasis of the report somewhat. We agree that there is a need in the future to devote more attention to human development among the non-indigenous residents of the Arctic, as well as to the complex interactions that occur between indigenous and non-indige- nous inhabitants throughout the circumpolar Smelter in the town of Nikel, Murmansk Region, North. There is a significant, though scattered,

PHOTO: TERO MUSTONEN/SNOWCHANGE PROJECT 2004 Russia literature on this subject. Although it would require a considerable effort, this literature Taken together, these enterprises have could be tracked down and synthesized as a fol- become prominent symbols of the new North. low-up to this report. They provide employment opportunities for At the same time, it would be a mistake to Arctic residents, tax revenues for local govern- carry this critique too far. The distinction between ments like the North Slope Borough, and indigenous residents and settlers is not as sharp sources of income for regional governments like in reality as it may seem on paper. Many Arctic the State of Alaska and the Sakha Republic. At residents are of mixed ancestry. Under the Alaska the same time, these industrial activities intro- Native Claims Settlement Act, for instance, indi- duce more or less severe instabilities in many viduals are eligible to enroll as Natives if they are parts of the region. Non-renewable resources one-quarter indigenous. Other arrangements do like oil and gas are not only exhaustible, but the not make use of any quantitative measures to income they produce is also subject to the determine who can qualify as indigenous. What volatility of world markets. Extractive industries is more, some of the most interesting chapters of are generally controlled by multinational corpo- the AHDR (e.g. the chapters on political and rations that are more responsive to global forces legal systems and on resource regimes) focus than to local concerns. The activities of industri- explicitly on issues involving the interface al fishers can conflict with the needs of subsis- between indigenous and non-indigenous resi- tence harvesters. We need to learn more about dents of the circumpolar North. feasible responses to these sources of instability. Innovative arrangements like Alaska’s Permanent Fund created by diverting a percent- Industry age of oil revenues as well as various programs • We need to improve our understanding of to protect the interests of local fishers (e.g. com- the roles that modern industrial activities munity development quotas) are worthy of play in the pursuit of sustainable develop- more systematic evaluation in this context. ment at the regional level. 240 Arctic Human Development Report

Governance major advance over gross domestic product per capita alone as a measure of human develop- • We need to do more to compare and contrast ment. However, as the United Nations’s annual new institutions in the Arctic and to distil les- Human Development Report itself suggests, there sons relevant not only to the Arctic itself but is much more to human development than the also to other areas of the world characterized factors included in the HDI. For instance, the by an abundance of natural resources and 2004 volume in this series draws attention to sparse and culturally diverse populations. cultural diversity and calls for “… multicultural As we have stressed throughout this report, the policies that recognize differences, champion Arctic has emerged in recent years as an arena diversity and promote cultural freedoms.”(2) In for experiments with institutional innovations this spirit, we offer the following observations ranging from the development of new forms of about the meaning of human development public government to more specialized regimes drawn from our study of the Arctic. dealing with specific issues (e.g. the Porcupine Residents of the Arctic – settlers as well as caribou herd that migrates annually across the indigenous peoples – regularly emphasize the Alaska/Yukon border). Efforts are underway in importance of at least three dimensions of certain areas (e.g. the Commission on Self- human development over and above those Governance in Greenland) to evaluate the per- included in the HDI: formance of these arrangements and to arrive at • Controlling one’s own destiny carefully crafted recommendations calling for • Maintaining cultural identity adjustments and, in some cases, more substan- • Living close to nature. tial changes in existing institutions. Still, these efforts merely scratch the surface The evidence regarding the importance of of a much larger issue domain focused on the fate control is both negative and positive. Those performance of governance systems. Analysis of who feel unable to control their own destiny are these arrangements requires a willingness to set commonly afflicted by feelings of helplessness aside conventional wisdom, such as the idea and dependence. In some, this leads to passivi- that what is needed in the Arctic is a region- ty and a sense of lassitude that result in an wide and legally binding regime of the sort inability to participate actively in social activi- operating in the south polar region under the ties. In others, it generates anger and leads to terms of the Antarctic Treaty System. Unlike the various forms of violence, including self- challenge of computing an Arctic Human destruction as well as the abuse of others. Those Development Index, efforts to evaluate the per- who feel empowered to control their own des- formance of institutions can be approached on a tinies, by contrast, are energized to take the ini- piecemeal or more incremental basis. This may tiative and acquire the skills needed for a suc- make this topic appealing as a theme for future cessful life. Both conditions are present in the work under the auspices of the Sustainable Arctic. But the erosion of a sense of fate control Development Working Group. is widespread and severe, especially among young adult males living in remote communi- Human development in ties. Related to this is the importance of cultural perspective identity. Those who suffer from a loss of cultur- The preparation of this report has brought to al identity regularly experience feelings of our attention some broader observations per- anomie or, in more familiar terms, a lack of taining to the nature of human development. social norms that serve to channel behavior into This section presents some reflections on the socially acceptable outlets and give meaning to idea of human development as seen from a life. The challenges facing Arctic residents – and regional perspective and draws some inferences especially indigenous peoples – in this realm from our study of the Arctic that may prove use- today involve rapid transformations in subsis- ful to those concerned with human develop- tence practices (e.g. the introduction of snow- ment in other regions of the world. mobiles and helicopters in reindeer herding) Nothing in this report should detract from the and the survival and preservation of distinct lan- proposition that the UN’s Human Development guages. Our findings indicate that a significant Index (HDI), with its emphasis on longevity, measure of cultural integrity can survive these education, and material success, constitutes a changes. But there can be no doubt about the A Human Development Agenda for the Arctic: Major Findings and Emerging Issues 241 Chapter 13 PHOTO: HUGH BEACH

stress and strain such rapid changes engender asks how individuals are faring in terms of any Saami girl with dog, spring 1975 for residents of the Arctic. number of criteria like life expectancy, educa- Arctic societies are place-based systems; they tion, material well-being, and so forth. An alter- feature human adaptations that are closely tied native approach – reflected in many indigenous to local environments. It is no accident that cultures – starts with the community or the Arctic residents – including settlers as well as social group and views human development indigenous peoples – regularly say that “our through the lens of community viability. land is our life” and that “we belong to the Successful individuals are those who make land” rather than claiming the land as belong- major contributions to the well-being of their ing to them. A failure to stay close to nature communities. This is not to say that standard results in a loss of roots and various forms of indices, such as the HDI or even gross domestic alienation from the natural world. Separation product per capita, are of no value as measures from productive contact with nature also gives of human development. But it would be a mis- rise to a detached view of the natural world in take to ignore other perspectives on human which humans are perceived as alien and development, especially in areas of the world unwanted intruders in a pristine wilderness. like the Arctic where distinctive cultures remain Such attitudes pose severe problems for those influential. whose livelihood is based on harvesting living resources in a manner that is important both Conclusion: culturally and economically. In the resource- based cultures of the Arctic, we find beliefs and The AHDR and the future values essential to sustainability, including As we have emphasized throughout this report, respect for the natural world and the animals the AHDR is a scientific assessment. Unlike that inhabit it as well as an approach to life projects featuring original research (e.g. the based on spirituality and limited material needs. Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic More generally, our study has directed atten- (SLiCA)), our project has had neither the man- tion to a distinction between two fundamental- date nor the resources to generate new data con- ly different perspectives on human develop- cerning the wide range of topics addressed in the ment. One approach – we may call it the west- individual chapters. Rather, we have sought to ern approach – starts with the individual and synthesize existing knowledge, draw inferences 242 Arctic Human Development Report HT:NÍELS EINARSSON PHOTO:

Eyjafjörður, Iceland

from this knowledge regarding many aspects of ize an off-the-record brainstorming seminar human development in the Arctic, and identify or workshop to set priorities and to identify areas where we need to know more. practical procedures for addressing the gaps An important function of an assessment is to in knowledge described in the AHDR, document the state of play regarding matters of • International Polar Year input – The findings interest at a particular point in time. This is one of the AHDR should be used in developing of the central objectives of the AHDR. research plans and setting priorities for the Particularly with regard to crosscutting themes 2007-2008 polar year, that are seldom looked at from a regional per- • Arctic Human Development posters and pam- spective (resource governance, community via- phlets – The Sustainable Development bility, human health, education, gender, and Working Group should arrange for the pro- international relations), the report breaks new duction of one or more posters and pam- ground. The results are not only interesting in phlets that would encapsulate the major find- their own right; they also provide a starting ings of the AHDR and be available for display point for future comparisons. and distribution in a variety of forums. What concrete recommendations regarding follow-up activities can we offer in closing? Based Many of the concerns addressed in the AHDR on the efforts of all those who have contributed to resonate with the thinking of those who are the report as well as initial responses to its major dealing with other resource rich but socially and findings, we can offer a number of suggestions: politically peripheral regions of the world. As a result, the insights of this report regarding both • Dissemination – The AHDR should be basic systems and crosscutting themes will not translated into other languages – Russian only help to shape the policy agenda of the first and foremost – and made available Arctic itself; they will also be of intense interest electronically to members of the attentive to many whose areas of interest extend far public and to students, beyond the confines of the circumpolar North. • Monitoring – The Sustainable Development Working Group should organize a work- Notes shop to begin the process of devising a small number of tractable indicators to be used in 1. Because Iceland lies wholly within the Arctic region, some issues discussed in this section do tracking changes in key elements of human not apply to that country. Iceland is also the only development in the Arctic over time, Arctic nation that has no indigenous population. • Gaps in knowledge – The Sustainable 2. United Nations Human Development Report 2004 Development Working Group should organ- (UNDP, New York, 2004), cover quote.