Hemisphere

Volume 15 | Issue 1 Article 1

2005 Volume 15, Summer 2005

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Lul a's I IN, Brazil

j r t l Florida International University 2005 Summer Study Abroad Programs in Brazil

LANGUAGE AND CULTURE IN RIO DE JANEIRO M1;$ " June 25-August 6, 2005

Administered jointly with the University of Florida

Study Portuguese at Rio's top private language school, the Instituto Brasil-Estados Unidos (IBEU), in Copacabana. The program features lectures and cultural activities, as well as excur- sions to historical and cultural sites in the city and state of Rio de Janeiro.

For more information, visit the program website, www.clas.ufl.edu/users/cap/IBEU2005 or contact Dr. Timothy Power at (305) 348-3295, [email protected]

PORTUGUESE LANGUAGE AND BRAZILIAN CULTURE IN BELO HORIZONTE

June 1-30, 2005

Held at the Pontifical Catholic University of Minas Gerais (PUC Minas), one of the most important and traditional universities in Brazil. Courses are taught by FIU and PUC Minas faculty and include weekend excursions to historic towns such as Ouro Preto, Mariana and Sabara to view the region's famous baroque art.

For more information, see the program website, www.fiu.edu/-modlang/pages/sap_brazil.htm or contact Augusta Vono, Program Director, at (305) 349-2049, [email protected] emis ere

VOUE1

*SM E 2005 * TP/LC.I.DII I

FROM THE EDITOR Eduardo A. Gamarra 2

FROM THE GUEST EDITOR Timothy J. Power 3

REPORTS

Fragile Threads Rosana Resende 4

Bananas, Beats, Bossas Charles A. Perrone 7

FEATURES

Brazilian Democracy at Twenty Timothy J. Power 10

A New Era for Brazil's Economy? Edmund Amann 14

Rethinking Foreign Investment Roy C. Nelson 18

Facing the Past James N. Green 23

Learning with Brazil and Lula Tanya Dawkins 26

PHOTO ESSAY

Drought and Hope in the Sertdo Ricardo Funari 30

REVIEW FORUM

US-Brazilian Relations Donna J. Hrinak 38

PUBLICATIONS UPDATE

Lula and the Workers' Party Marian Goslinga 42 Hemisphere

VOUE1 SUME* 0 HTP/LC. IU.D

S even years ago, Alisa Newman became EDITORIAL STAFF managing editor of Hemisphere and of Founding Editor Anthony P. Maingot all publications at the Latin American Editor Eduardo A. Gamarra Associate Editors Mark B. Rosenberg and Caribbean Center. Alisa came to Richard Tardanico us from LatinFinanceand promptly set out to Patricia Price ManagingEditor Alisa Newman significantly improve the quality and style of the Art Editor Pedro D. Botta Book Review Editor Ivelaw Griffith magazine. I was especially impressed with the Bibliographer Marian Goslinga breadth of knowledge she possessed of Latin American and Caribbean affairs. As a result, she CONTRIBUTING EDITORS became more than a copy editor, she proposed Uva de Arag6n Sarah Mahler topics, recruited articles, and edited each and David Bray Walt Peacock Janet M. Chernela Lisandro Pdrez every one of them to meet the quality standards Michael W. Collier Ana Roca that she established for the magazine. Carol Damian Andrea Mantell Seidel Damian J. Fernindez Victor Uribe This is the last issue of Hemisphere that bears Alisa Newman's magical touch. She worked very EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD closely with Timothy Power, the guest editor of Don Bohning Guido Pennano this issue to produce this outstanding collection Ettore Botta Alejandro Portes Wolf Grabendorff Sally Price of articles on Brazil. Alisa announced shortly Alistair Hennessy David Ronfeldt before this issue was completed that she was leav- Harry Hoetnik Selwyn Ryan Franklin W. Knight Steven E. Sanderson ing LACC and Hemisphere to concentrate on her Vaughan Lewis Saskia Sassen family. Larissa A. Lomnitz Andrds Serbin She and her husband Juan Carlos will be Abraham E Lowenthal Carol A. Smith parents to a second child this coming fall. Terry L. McCoy Lourdes Sola Andres Oppenheimer Yolande Van Eeuwen We were privileged to have worked with Alisa Robert A. Pastor Arturo Villar and will miss her greatly. LACC wishes her well Anthony J. Payne Juan Yanes and thanks her for the many years of dedicated

Hemisphere (ISSN 08983038) is published twice a year by the Latin effort she gave to Hemisphere. Her duties will be American and Caribbean Center at Florida International University. Copyright © 2005 by the Latin American and Caribbean Center, assumed by Pedro Botta, who will also continue Florida International University. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. to produce the magazine. I am delighted to wel-

Hemisphere is dedicated to provoking debate on the problems, initia- come him as managing editor. tives and achievements of the Americas. Responsibility for the views expressed lies solely with the authors. EDUARDO A. GAMARRA Editorial, Circulation and Advertising Offices: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University, University Park, DM 353, Miami, Florida, 33199, Tel.: (305) 348-2894, Fax: (305) 348-3593, E-mail: [email protected].

2 Hemisphere Volume 15 bservers of Latin America are well aware that one country is responsible for nearly half of the region's population and economy. With its continental dimensions, Brazil is large enough to war- rant a Hemisphere of its own-and that, in fact, is what you have in your hands. In this special issue, Hemisphere looks at developments in Brazil under its new, history-making president, Luiz Inicio "Lula" da Silva. Since his inauguration in January 2003, President Lula has seemed to be everywhere at once. Domestically, Lula has continued the economic reforms of his predecessor, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and has attempted to deliver the magic formula that has proven elusive in Brazil's recent past-sustainable growth without inflation. Regionally, Lula has become the linchpin in a new cooperative axis among the four Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay), all of which now have socialist or progressive presidents for the first time in history. Globally, Lula has worked tirelessly to maximize Brazil's visibility and influence in international affairs. Whether pressing the flesh in a Rio favela, pushing paper in his third-floor office in Brasilia, or skirting the globe in his gleaming new Airbus A-319, Lula is setting a new standard for activist leadership in Latin America. This issue of Hemisphere explores Brazilian politics, economics, culture and society. My essay looks at the state of Brazilian democracy on its twentieth anniversary in 2005. While the regime seems secure in terms of its basic sur- vival, massive inequality and continual institutional stalemates erode the quality of the democracy that is being deliv- ered to citizens. Ed Amann's essay on economic performance reviews the many obstacles that inhibit sustainable development. Many economic challenges are related to the questdo social in Brazil, particularly the country's noted inability to catch up with Asian competitors in terms of human capital. Roy Nelson explains why, despite its protec- tionist history, the Workers' Party (Partidodos Trabalhadores or PT) has adopted a more favorable attitude toward for- eign direct investment since coming to power in 2003. Tanya Dawkins and Jim Green examine the PT's relationship to organized social movements. Dawkins shows that Lula's decision to maintain the tight-money, low-inflation policies of his predecessor has led to disappointment with- in the progressive coalition that backed the PT during its two decades in opposition. The most vocal opposition to Lulas policies has, in fact, come from the left, leading to important defections from the PT. Green's essay revisits Brazil's authoritarian legacy and shows that even under the Lula government-which contains many important fig- ures exiled and tortured by the military regime of 1964-1985-human rights activists are still waiting for a full accounting of the past. Two articles examine society and culture. In discussing the diffusion of Brazilian musical forms, Charles Perrone shows why Brazil is "hot" in terms of its large-and growing-cultural influence. In fact, Lula's minister of culture, Gilberto Gil, has been a dominant figure in world music over the past four decades. Rosana Resende's essay begins by illustrating how these cultural influences are washing over South Florida, brought by many thousands of Brazilian immigrants, and goes on to show the many difficult challenges faced by these new arrivals. The lives of these immi- grants are dramatized in the Globo network's new telenovela, entitled simply America, which began running in March 2005 and features numerous scenes shot in Miami. Lula is a political figure here as well. On the day of his historic election in October 2002, the lines snaking out of the polling station set up by the Brazilian Consulate at Coral Gables High School showed that, politically speaking, Miami has become a Brazilian municipio like any other. This issue showcases a photo essay by Ricardo Funari documenting life in the arid, impoverished sertdo of the Brazilian Northeast, whence the future President Lula migrated to Sdo Paulo as a small boy. We also feature a book review contributed by Hon. Donna Hrinak, the distinguished US Ambassador to Brazil from 2002 to 2004 and a frequent visitor to FIU. Marian Goslinga closes the issue with a bibliography of new sources on Lula, the PT and contemporary Brazilian affairs. I am grateful to Dr. Eduardo Gamarra for the kind invitation to serve as guest editor of this special issue; to the contributors for their fine essays; and to Pedro Botta and Alisa Newman for their advice and support along the way. This will be Alisa's final edition of Hemisphere, and my regret at her departure is tempered only by the pleasure of having worked with her on this special issue on Brazil.

TIMOTHYJ. POWER

Hemisphere Volume 15 3 RE P O R T S Fragile Threads

by Rosana Resende

It'sa balmy summer night and numbers peak, crowding out from But just who, and where, are these hundreds of Brazilians gather the dance floor those eager to show Brazilians of South Florida? The in front of an oversize movie off fancy footwork and leaving only three southeastern counties of screen on a beach. Yet another sweaty bodies bumping up against Miami-Dade, Broward and Palm film festival is opening with a each other while trying to avoid Beach are home to a sizable Brazilian free screening of the previous year's stepping on any feet. A typical population, with estimates running Audience Award recipient. Later in Saturday night in Brazil, you might from 20,000 on the conservative end the festival, reporters from the think, and in fact none of this to upwards of 200,000. The real Brazilian network Rede Globo inter- would be remarkable were it taking number, likely in the middle of this view filmgoers as they wait. And place in Rio, Salvador or Recife. range, is difficult to divine, as is the wait they must, in long, messy lines, But I am describing a night in South case with any immigrant population as promoters for events and products Florida. that includes an undetermined num- such as alai ice cream and cachafa ber of undocumented persons. roam the crowd plying their trade. Fragile Threads What is certain, however, is that Surrounding establishments vie for These examples are only a few varying concentrations of Brazilians customers as the screening ends. manifestations of the expanding from all regions of Brazil live in this Perhaps some will go listen to live Brazilian presence in South Florida, area, from southern Miami-Dade Bossa Nova at a local jazz bar and but they encapsulate some striking (Kendall) to northern Palm Beach cafe, or savor pizza and caipirinhasat aspects of the Brazilian population (Delray Beach). Pompano Beach the palm tree-lined outdoor mall living in the area; namely, its diversi- and Deerfield Beach in Broward nearby. This particular film festival ty and geographical spread. Much have whole strip malls of Brazilian- draws thousands of people, includ- as in Brazil itself, Brazilians in South owned and targeted businesses. The ing distribution executives from all Florida have little more in common tri-county area now boasts a public over the Americas, to see the best of than language and nationality, and school that offers a fully bilingual new Brazilian cinema. It is a power- in fact often seem to function in dis- curriculum with 40% of instruction ful vehicle for disseminating tinct and disjointed worlds divided in Portuguese, two Brazilian cultural Brazilian art and culture. by social class, region of origin, faith centers, more than 30 churches and Some miles away, perhaps less and, here in the United States, docu- temples, and countless restaurants, trendy but no less exciting to its ments. To speak of a Brazilian stores, nightclubs and markets. This patrons, a restaurant begins its week- "community" in South Florida is immigrant stream includes the exec- end evening routine, turning down somewhat of a misnomer. The eth- utives who organize events like the the lights and opening the dance nic press echoes the sentiments of Brazilian Film Festival, those who floor for forrd night. The live band, many local Brazilians when it calls attend it, and those who park the complete with accordion and trian- for more community and complains cars of the moviegoers and clean up gle, essential forrd instruments, belts of a lack of solidarity. Large out- the theater after hours. Three years out songs as the dancers glide by in pourings of national pride, evident of researching this population in the familiar two-step of the Brazilian after World Cup soccer victories, Miami-Dade and Broward counties northeast. There are men in cowboy dissipate into fragmented preferences have led me to conclude that boots, women in tight, low-riding and possibilities for just about every- Brazilian immigration shows no sign jeans, and lots of beer. Some men thing else, from the trite (which of stopping and only promises to complain that the women prefer the beach to hang out on) to the telling increase in size and diversity. foreign men to the Brazilians, and as (how often to visit Brazil). National- there are many more men than ity and language, as it turns out, are Tropical Brazucas women here, the women can afford rather fragile threads by which to Renewed waves of disappointment to be choosy. Before midnight the knit a community. in Brazil as the purported "land of

4 Hemisphere Volume 15 Reports

Brazilians in South Florida

ture and broaden the geographical reach. My research thus far indicates three distinct points of origin, inher- ently diverse in their makeup. In addition to the corporate settlers, other "pioneers" include tourism industry workers and "snowbirds," Brazilians who previously settled in points north and migrated south- ward in search of warmer weather. These three trunks, if you will, in turn led to different patterns of set- tlement and expansion, and different Since the 1980s, Miami has attracteda diverse lot of Brazilian immigrants. chains of subsequent migrants. The snowbirds, for example, pulled Brazilians from other parts of the US the future" have ensured a steady plants, most notably New York, to follow them to sunny Florida. stream of people leaving the country Boston and Miami, with lesser con- And where they settled in South in search of opportunity and stabili- centrations in other cities. Florida involved questions of space, ty. Beginning in the early 1980s, on Metropolitan Miami has received affordability and work opportunity. the heels of democratization, intensi- large numbers of immigrants only in One former hospitality worker I fying with the disillusionment of the the last 40 years or so, when a large met arrived in the 1970s and used to post-Collor 1990s and beyond-as influx of Cubans fleeing Castro's rev- spend six months a year working both Cardoso and now Lula failed to olution established the first signifi- legally in the resorts of Boca Raton deliver a sustainable economic mira- cant enclave. Since the 1980s, how- (catering to "traditional" snowbirds) cle-emigration has steadily become ever, the area has grown tremendous- and the other six months in Brazil. a viable option for Brazilians, whose ly and attracted diverse populations Eventually, he found stable, year- image of their own country is that of of Latin American and Caribbean round work in downtown Miami, a land of immigrants. nationals, including Brazilians. Like but without proper work authoriza- According to Itamaraty, Brazil's many immigrant groups in the area, tion, at a Brazilian restaurant that Ministry of Foreign Relations, some of the first South Florida catered to Brazilian tourists on vaca- approximately two million Brazilians brazucas, as Brazilians in the US are tion. He was able to bring his family live outside of Brazil. Brazilians are sometimes called, were at the upper and settled in Broward County scattered across the globe, with large end of the socioeconomic spectrum, because rent there was less expensive. populations in Japan and Europe, relocated by their companies or Over the years, he normalized his including many who gained entry by drawn here by the large concentra- family's legal status and eventually heritage claim. But most Brazilians tion of corporate Latin American came to provide food for Brazilians living abroad headed north to headquarters in Miami. in a different way, as the owner of a Canada and the United States, so Even in its origins, the Brazilian Brazilian ethnic market for immi- much so that Globo's new primetime population in South Florida shows grants in Pompano Beach. soap opera, entitled simply America, diversity. This trend goes beyond the specifically deals with the plight of eventual diversity of established com- Misfits and Backstabbers Brazilian immigrants. In the US, munities, whereby ever-expanding The diversity in points of origin several metropolitan areas boast sig- networks of employees and relatives only partly explains the lack of social nificant populations of these trans- serve to verticalize the social struc- cohesion among South Florida

Hemisphere Volume 15 5 Reports

Brazilians. Another, more serious Other "misfits" like Vera, individ- paragement and mistrust that char- challenge to community exists: uals clearly uneasy with their situa- acterize Brazilians in South Florida internal mistrust and disparagement. tion in the United States, believe in are compounded by differences Time after time, informants com- a Brazilian social hierarchy that brought from Brazil, faith and plain of a lack of community feeling places them in a different category regional traits, as well as gender, gen- among Brazilians here, that they than the people they find themselves eration and family structure. These would do well to emulate the lumped with here. They distinguish factors generate a multitude of com- "Latins" and unite for the common themselves by prioritizing self- peting agendas and disjointed proj- good. These same informants insist improvement at an intellectual and ects, complicating the genesis of that they specifically avoid doing cultural level, versus purely material community by encouraging multiple business with Brazilians, or that gain, and employ a discourse of dif- factions that operate in isolation Brazilians can't be trusted. As evi- ferentiation that further fragments from one another. dence, I have been told horror sto- the community: Despite these differences, Brazilian ries of backstabbing, exploitation immigrants display a remarkable and threats-of roommates who "Istopped going to church because all similarity and simplicity when the steal each other's jobs, family mem- people talked about was how to get a topic turns to the pros and cons of bers charging $50 for a car ride, green card and how many houses they living in the United States. Whether exorbitant rents, and employers who cleaned a week. " the respondents are happy to be here refuse to pay their workers and or not, they invariably cite stability threaten to report them to immigra- "You shouldn't interview me. I have and opportunity, safety and account- tion authorities should they com- nothing in common with other ability as positive aspects of life in plain. The climate of mistrust is Brazilians here. " the US. Here, they say, the laws are furthered as these cautionary tales respected and applied equally, and are told to newcomers. As extreme "We moved further north because everyone is treated with fairness and as these experiences may be, howev- there were too many Brazilians in the respect. In the US they find the er, a more pervasive threat is the area." ordem eprogresso ("order and resistance on the part of many progress") emblazoned on the Brazilians here to be part of a larger "Ourpeople arejust no good." Brazilian flag. All that order, howev- community. er, comes at the cost of flexibility Consider the story of Vera, once a These are people whose current and familiarity. Brazilians in the US successful physician in Brazil. After economic capital is less than their complain of robot-like efficiency a messy divorce, she came to the US cultural capital, blocking their access and of feeling like a number. The to visit a sister and decided to stay. to wealthier Brazilian immigrants, truth is that despite all the negativity She intended (and still hopes) to but they will not befriend other toward other Brazilians, saudade obtain a license to practice medicine countrymen in their situation. They looms large: At heart everyone longs here, but as a single mother she also find something lacking in their for family and home, and the gener- needed a job compatible with her social relations with Americans, al warmth and friendship Brazilians son's school schedule, leaving her lit- whom they consider somewhat dis- are famous for. Perhaps when they tle time to learn English or study for tant. They complain of loneliness begin to recognize that basic need in her boards. Today Vera works as a and long for more friends, even their fellow brazucas, the Brazilians babysitter. She spent most of our while avoiding friendships with of South Florida can begin to form a interview complaining about life in Brazilians. The social codes they community that bridges the gap the United States and comparing it learned in Brazil are no longer appli- between forrd and bossa nova. to the good old days of living in cable here, but they insist on main- Brazil. Like many other immigrants taining them, focusing less on eco- Rosana Resende is a PhD candidatein who had careers in Brazil they can- nomic achievement or occupation culturalanthropology at the University not practice here, Vera insisted that and more on their former status in of Florida. She has presented and she had nothing in common with Brazil. publishedon the topic of Brazilian the Brazilians who live here, describ- immigration to South Floridaand co- ing them as mainly uneducated peo- Order and Progress organized the seminar "Braziliansout- ple whose only ambition is to make The distinct points of origin, geo- side Brazil" at the University of money. graphical spread, and internal dis- Miami in 2002.

6 Hemisphere Volume 15 Reports

Bananas, Beats, Bossas by Charles A. Perrone

n the opening scene of Primal Fear (1996, dir. Gregory Brazilian popular music charms Hoblit), a haunting song plays. The voice is that of the globe, still Portuguese diva Dulce Pontes. She had the good fortune to catch the ear of lead actor Richard Gere in client for sound recordings of Ant6nio Carlos Jobim and his new- Europe and he lobbied the directors song/dance tunes produced in knack colleagues created a stateside to use one of her recordings in the Europe and the United States. The sensation in the early 1960s. Since film. The selection was "Cando do tropical nation's celebrated music- the mid 1980s, in turn, the US Mar" (Song of the Sea), an appropri- makers have always absorbed stylistic media have speculated every couple ate title for a composition destined influences and adapted non-native of years about the coming of a new to cross the ocean. This cinematic elements to local forms. Responses "Brazilian wave" or portrayed the chance opened the way for the to the impact of foreign fashions, world's fascination with Brazilian vocalist to enter specialty music notably Anglo-American, have been music as old favorites are remem- markets in North America more evident in Brazilian songwriting bered or new developments catch attuned to the sonorous exports of since the 1920s; related commentary the eyes and ears of consumers on the Portuguese-speaking titan of has often been sarcastic or humor- different continents. South America, Brazil. The movie ous. Since the 1930s, vocalists and In the first years of the twenty- production aided Ponte's exposure in musicians have traveled from Rio de first century, the New York Times the land of samba and Ipanema as Janeiro and other cities in Brazil to weighed in frequently on issues of well. For his part, renowned singer- leave their marks abroad-New Brazilian popular music and its per- songwriter Gilberto Gil gave a brief York, Los Angeles, Paris, Japan, formance in cosmopolitan venues, solo musical performance at the Latin American capitals-as enter- the music business and publishing University of California Berkeley in tainers, composers, studio hands, circles. Of particular notice were February 2005. His mini-show was sometimes as actors, producers; in three translations of books on so short because he had come not as sum, as players in different senses of Brazilian music. One was the nicely a recognized icon of the popular- the word. The flamboyant Carmen illustrated Bossa Nova, the US ren- music industry but to deliver an Miranda, actually Portuguese by dering of the bestselling Chega de address on contemporary Brazilian birth, was the ambassadress of Saudade by journalist extraordinaire culture in his capacity as minister of samba in the 1940s and 1950s on Ruy Castro, an admirable account of culture in the Lula administration. stage and screen. The Lady in the the epoch-making movement in That appointment in itself speaks Tutti-Frutti Hat was associated with Brazil. (The Portuguese title is that volumes about the ascension of Uncle Sam's Good Neighbor Policy of the landmark 1958 song by Joao expressive arts in the current govern- during World War II, as were, more Gilberto that was cast as "No More ment. These two episodes nicely directly, the Latin American animat- Blues" in the US jazz repertory.) illustrate diversification and transat- ed features of Walt Disney, Saludos The second book to merit attention lantic motion in the realm of con- Amigos and The Three Caballeros, was Os Mutantes: The True Story ofa temporary popular culture. Where which showcased Brazilian sounds. Psychedelic Brazilian Rock Band, music, Brazilian varieties and for- The grand cinematic success Black which examines a 1960s trio that tunes abroad are concerned, such Orpheus (1959), a French film, was became an object of keen interest in activity has at least a century of his- tremendously influential in spread- the post-rock world in North tory behind it. ing images of Rio de Janeiro, carni- America. The third and most Ever since the birth of the indus- val samba and incipient Bossa Nova. prominent book, Tropical Truth, was try, Brazil has been a major overseas The sophisticated samba-jazz of the Alfred Knopf-commissioned title

Hemisphere Volume 15 7 Reports

of Verdade Tropical, a memoir by Caetano Veloso, the most renowned of all active Brazilian singer-song- writers. Along with Gilberto Gil, Veloso led the eclectic sixties move- ment known as Tropicalism that became the subject of numerous specials in the North American press, multilingual websites and aca- demic treatises, such as Christopher Dunn's Brutality Garden: Tropicilia and the Emergence ofa Brazilian Counter Culture (2001). Pondering the international importance of his field, Veloso writes: "Brazilian music ... is the most efficient means of the worldwide affirmation of the Portuguese language, so many are the admirers who were conquered by the sonorous magic of the word sung in the Brazilian way." In addi- tion to such proud statements, Veloso writes of relations with the big powers. Like so many artists and intellectuals before him, he is intrigued by parallels between his land and the United States: "Brazil is the other giant of America, the other melting pot of races and cul- tures, the other promised paradise for European and Asian immi- grants, the Other." Gil's diplomatic missions around the Americas and his current service in the Lula cabi- net naturally draw attention, national and international, to his origins as a public figure in the entertainment sphere, as well as to the mature relationship between official government channels and popular musicians, many of whom strongly supported Lula during his decades of ascent as political leader. Veloso's latest recording projects are more about hemispheric rapport and internationalization. In the late 1990s he assembled a repertory of salient Spanish American songs and toured in support of the album Fina Music icon Gilberto Gil was appointed Brazil's minister of culture by President Estampa. One must remember that Luiz Indcio Lula da Silva in 2003. (Photo: Cristina Granato) the bolero was prominent enough on the mid-century musical menu

8 Hemisphere Volume 15 Reports

of Brazil that a new hybrid genre prompted distribution of the for- sites linked to broadcasters). Chico was spawned, the sambolero, a vari- eign-theme collections, and thrust Science was one of the first ant of the lyrical samba. The Brazilian tracks even further into Brazilian acts to use digital commu- breadth and Latin American spirit the whirlwind of so-called "world nication to great advantage. The of Fina Estampa are consistent with music." Internet, of course, has had a Veloso's concerns for creative reprise Since the mid 1990s, numerous tremendous and ever-increasing and global perspective. The venture other US and UK artists-perhaps impact on transnational flows of may have begun as a way by the most notably the sui generis Beck- music and music information. The recording company to reach Pan- have demonstrated particular inter- ever-diplomatic Gilberto Gil even American markets but it turned out est in aspects of Brazilian popular penned a clever tune, "Pela to be a most elegant exploit indeed, music. One extremely interesting Internet," that harkens back to the both in the studio and on stage case of new sounds in the 1990s official origins of samba as an urban (and live CD). A lesson to be was an ethno-pop movement in the popular form. Brazil has kept up an learned from this singer-songwriter's northeast called Mangue Beat outstanding presence in Internet- many colorful roles is that show (mangue is the shantytown man- based aspects of cultural interaction, business and art really can be mutu- grove wetland in the city of Recife). particularly those related to popular ally inclusive. Veloso further turned If most Brazilian rock of the 1980s music. The surge of dot-com data the language issue on its head with did not stray too far from metropol- and e-commerce since the 1990s, as his 2004 release, A Foreign Sound, itan models, this local version privi- well as the burgeoning aficionado an album consisting entirely of leged regional difference, overlaying domains, have truly enhanced access compositions in English by such funk, hip hop, and metal onto folk to, and the growth of, all kinds of songsmiths as Cole Porter, Neil forms, principally the percussion Brazilian popular music around the Sedaka, Kurt Cobain, Bob Dylan heavy African-derived carnival prac- globe-acoustic instrumental reper- and David Byrne. tice known as maracatu. The cen- tories (carioca choro), samba schools No North American artist has terpiece of this postmodern flourish (Japan to Sweden), Lusophone done more to promote current was Chico Science & Naio brands of rap (and reggae!), lounge Brazilian popular music than the Zumbi, a group plenty aware of tra- and neo-Bossa Nova (Bebel former leader of Talking Heads. In dition but that identified with glob- Gilberto), original house tracks 1989, Byrne's solo label, Luaka Bop, al youth culture and cyberspace. As (hear London!)-even, when the issued the landmark CD Beleza evidence of its "globalized" enter- stars are aligned appropriately, in Tropical, a compilation of artists of prise, the group sent its first album the theaters of Miami Beach. As for the post-Bossa Nova sixties genera- to music festivals and promoters the Internet, Gil's recent happen- tion. This Brazil Classics series con- abroad, winning a contract from ing-engaging address, provocative tinued with a couple of genre Sony Music, which successfully discussion, and charming musical anthologies, O Samba and Forrd Etc. marketed this fresh "world music." moments-is archived (http:// (traditional accordion-based north- Chico Science & Nagao Zumbi webcast.berkeley.edu/events) for all eastern dance music), followed by a appeared at the Montreux Jazz to relive and contemplate. U retrospective and new releases by Festival, CBGBs (a key site of the the eccentric pop composer and New York underground rock scene), experimental poet of sound, Tom and the Central Park Summer Stage CharlesA. Perrone is a professor of Zd, who won special recognition in in New York, which led to a lengthy Portugueseand Luso-Brazilian litera- several music publications. Byrne feature on National Public Radio. ture and culture in the Department of put together a Latin band and NPR's Afropop Worldwide pro- Romance Languages and Literatures toured with diva Margareth gram, it is worth noting, has a at the University of Florida, where he Menezes, a proponent of neo-Afro- whole sub-catalogue of Brazilian is also affiliated with the Centerfor Bahian axe music (a curious market- shows, including more recent ones Latin American Studies. He is co- conscious use of the English noun on soul and Jorge Ben Jor (of "Mais editor with ChristopherDunn of modified by a Yoruba word for "life que Nada" fame). Conventional Brazilian PopularMusic and force"). The sponsorship of tradi- media like radio are now greatly Globalization (University Press of tional and vanguard-inspired musi- complemented by virtual vehicles Florida,2001) cal offerings from Brazil insured an (for example, the website otherwise unthinkable exposure, afropop.org and endless Brazilian

Hemisphere Volume 15 A

Brazilian Democracy at Twenty by Timothy J. Power

legislature (in 2005, 10 different par- ties. The personalization of elections Brazil's last military ties support Lula). Brazilian political extends to campaign finance, making dictator,nMarch General15, 1985, Joio scientist Sdrgio Abranches has given Brazilian elections staggeringly O Figueiredo, quietly this system a name: presidencialismo expensive. Current electoral laws slipped out the back de coalizao, or coalitional presiden- favor high fragmentation, low insti- door of the presidential palace. tialism. Although presidencialismode tutionalization of parties and mini- Figueiredo had refused to hand the coalizdo bears a superficial resem- mal party fidelity. presidential sash to Jose Sarney, who blance to parliamentarism, there is a Two other institutional challenges was sworn in moments later as the key difference: The survival of the to Brazilian democracy are executive- first civilian president in more than government in office does not legislative relations and robust feder- 20 years. It is difficult to believe that depend on the loyalty of the nominal alism. Presidents control much of 20 years have passed since that fate- supporters of the president. Parties the agenda-setting power in Brazil. ful day. On March 15, 2005, can and do abandon the president More than 75% of all legislation Brazilians quietly celebrated the on key votes. A telling example adopted since 1985 has originated in beginning of a third decade of demo- occurred in February 2005, when the executive branch, often via presi- cratic rule. On the anniversary of despite having built a massive pro- dential decrees. Presidents also have the political transition, in the same government coalition in the a high level of discretion over public third-floor office once occupied by Chamber of Deputies, the Lula gov- spending; Congress can only author- the generals who jailed him, sat ernment could not secure the elec- ize the budget, while it is up to the President Luiz Inicio Lula da Silva, tion of its preferred candidate for executive to actually disburse it. The the symbol of a new Brazil. The speaker. Presidencialismode coalizdo reactive status of Congress makes leg- democratic regime founded in 1985 is unwieldy and legislative support islative life unappealing to many is now Lula's laboratory. This essay comes at a high price. Make no mis- ambitious politicians. Their prefer- reviews some of the enduring chal- take: This is still presidentialism, but ence for executive office is under- lenges to Brazilian democracy but a very different type than the com- standable in the context of Brazilian also highlights some good news not paratively user-friendly, two-party federalism; the 1988 constitution necessarily in the headlines. format practiced in the United returned more than half of central States. revenues to states and municipalities, Challenges to Democracy One of the reasons for the unpre- making subnational offices (the 5500 Many of the key problems of dictability of presidencialismo de coal- mayoralties and especially the 27 Brazilian democracy are institutional izdo is the weakness of Brazil's party governorships) extremely attractive. in nature. Brazil has one of the most system. Except for a handful of par- Subnational executives control budg- fragmented party systems in the ties on the left-Lula's PT is by far ets and have the power to hire and world, making it a virtual certainty the most important-the parties are fire, the essence of Brazilian political that a president will not control a largely devoid of ideology and disci- careers. State governors are vastly majority of the seats in Congress. pline. Most catch-all parties have important; since they often dominate Currently, the Workers' Party (PT), weak organizations, generic plat- their state delegations to Congress, founded by President Lula, controls forms and low levels of continuity. presidents must negotiate with them only 18% of the seats in the lower In a typical four-year Congress, more continually, especially with regard to house. Given the mathematics of than one in three federal legislators expenditures and debt. Lula's prede- Congressional support, Brazilian will switch parties, some more than cessor, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, presidents must behave like once. Elections are largely an indi- drafted a Fiscal Responsibility Law European prime ministers and fash- vidual affair and politicians often and forced the privatization of sever- ion multiparty cabinets and multi- believe that their mandate belongs to al profligate state banks, but prob- party voting blocs on the floor of the themselves rather than to their par- lems of federalism continue to lend

10 Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

A look at Lula's laboratory

I

Members ofthe Brazilian honor guardsalute PresidentJose Sarney as he leaves Jaburu Palace in May 1985. Sarney was Brazil's first civilian president in more than two decades.

an air of unpredictability to national legislative support, while at the sub- and resources for support from gov- politics. national level politicians line up in ernors and legislators. This reality Given these imbalances of power, vertical chains of command extend- has dismayed many of Lula's long- the institutional design of Brazilian ing from municipal mayors through time supporters. democracy favors a strongly clien- state governors to the powerful presi- Not all of the obstacles to demo- telistic style of politics. All political dency. These horizontal and vertical cratic consolidation in Brazil derive systems have patron-client relations, relationships are lubricated by favors, from political institutions, of course. but in Brazil the concentration of jobs and pork. The rules of the Towering challenges to democracy power in the executive branch creates game are known to all political actors are posed by massive poverty, a small number of patrons and a very and compliance with them is inequality and social exclusion. large number of potential clients. At unavoidable. After 20 years of exco- More than a quarter of the popula- the national level, the dynamics of riating "traditional politics," since tion is under the official poverty line. presidencialismo de coalizdo require taking office in 2003 the PT has had Brazil has one of the worst income presidents to offer cabinet portfolios no choice but to follow the time- distributions in the world: The to different parties in exchange for honored practices of exchanging jobs wealthiest 10% control 48% of

Hemisphere Volume 15 11 Features

national wealth, while the poorest single challenge to Brazilian social price stability. In 1994, Cardoso's 10% control less than 1%. Per capi- policy today. As a cover story in the introduction of the Plano Real gave ta income has stagnated in recent newsweekly Veja put it in early 2005, Brazil a stable currency for the first years and unemployment has proven "If South Korea can do it, so can time in memory. The annual infla- largely intractable to both the Brazil." tion rate fell to single digits after Cardoso and Lula governments. Given lackluster economic per- 1995, compared to an 80% monthly Economic growth, astounding in the formance and the persistence of rate in 1990. Although dented by 1950-1980 period, slowed dramati- social inequalities, it is perhaps not the 1999 devaluation, the Real has cally in the 1980s and was low and surprising that public support for held up reasonably well and celebrat- erratic throughout the 1990s. The democracy in Brazil is low in com- ed its tenth anniversary in July 2004. prospects for a sustained recovery in parative perspective. Each year, the One should not underestimate the the second half of the current Latinobardmetro polling organiza- degree to which stabilization has decade, Edmund Amann argues in tion asks citizens throughout Latin removed inflationary populism from this issue of Hemisphere, are still very America whether they think democ- national politics and benefited ordi- much in question. These dismal racy is the best form of government, nary Brazilians. economic results are difficult to whether an authoritarian regime Another point in the regime's favor accept for the many Brazilians who could sometimes be preferable, or is that while public support for remember the glory days of the post- whether it doesn't matter to them. democracy is weak, active opposition war expansion. As the journalist Elio In 2003, support for democracy in to democracy is even weaker. It is Gaspari recently pointed out, if the Brazil stood at 35%, the second low- difficult to conceive of any antide- average 7% growth rate between est level in Latin America after mocratic or anti-system actor with 1950 and 1980 had been maintained Guatemala, with 33%. (The average any real presence in national politics. up to the present day, Brazil would for 17 countries was 53% support). Take the military, for example. In now have a per capita income on par Some 55% of Brazilians were either the 1946-1964 period, the armed with that of Spain. indifferent to the regime type or forces intervened in politics on sever- The simultaneous pressures of openly authoritarian; only Paraguay al occasions; after the 1964 coup poverty, inequality and social exclu- at 60% ranked higher on the per- they governed directly for 21 years; sion mean that Brazilian democracy centage of nondemocrats. While and during the first postauthoritarian is under constant stress. Important these numbers do not necessarily government of Jose Sarney (1985- pockets of urban Brazil, especially imply trouble in the short term-in 1990) they often acted as veto play- favelas where drug trafficking is ram- the same poll, Brazilians showed ers. Today, after 15 years of eroding pant, effectively escape state control. strong support for the Lula govern- budgets and civilian encroachment Meanwhile, in the countryside, ment-in the long run, any political upon its prerogatives, the military is agrarian pressures have led to vio- regime must develop a supportive politically impotent. In 1999, lence and standoffs between cultural system or risk breakdown Cardoso created the nation's first landowners and the Landless when confronted by crisis. Clearly, civilian Ministry of Defense, a posi- Workers' Movement (MST). Brazilian democracy has not yet tion that has been maintained by Poverty and social exclusion cause developed deep roots at the level of Lula. Comparing the 2002 presi- Brazil to continue to underproduce mass opinion. dential race to the first direct election in the area of human capital, the held under democracy in 1989, in undisputed key to today's global Achievements of the Democratic which Lula was a finalist, is instruc- economy. Due to unequal access to Regime Since 1985 tive. In 1989, the military, the peak higher education, Brazil's enrollment The challenges to democracy are business association (FIESP), and the rate lags behind that of its regional immediate and real. However, powerful Globo television network neighbors and especially that of democratization since 1985 has also all actively opposed Lula, leading Asian competitors. Some 90% of achieved some undeniable successes many to wonder if he could have Brazilian households have a televi- and continues to benefit from certain taken office if he had won. In the sion set, but newspaper circulation favorable conditions. The economic 2002 presidential campaign, these per capita in Brazil is one-third the backdrop to democracy, while unap- three conservative actors were largely level of Argentina or Chile. The pealing in terms of poverty and invisible. On the left as well there is production of education and market- income distribution, has clearly little active opposition to democracy. oriented skills is arguably the biggest improved on one important score: In terms of elite commitment to

12 Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

democratic procedures, the regime Fernando Collor de Mello in 1992. consensual and pragmatic. Political has improved remarkably since the This is not to say that corruption learning matters. late 1980s. has been eradicated-far from it- Finally, one of the major advan- Brazilians are justifiably proud of but the cost of engaging in such tages of Brazilian democracy over the their consolidation of the electoral behavior is higher than ever before. past decade has been strong leader- side of democracy. Since the 1980s, Impressionistic evidence suggests that ship. In the transition from Cardoso the country has undergone one of societal tolerance of corrupt politi- to Lula, Brazil moved from one his- the fastest expansions of the franchise cians-once captured in the reveal- tory-making president to another. It in the world. In 1955, the electorate ing phrase rouba masfaz (he steals, is difficult to think of another Latin as a share of the population was but he gets things done)-has American country that has had two 25%; in 1975, close to 41%; and in declined dramatically over the past consecutive presidents of a similar 2005 it is about 64%. In absolute decade. stature. The fact that they worked terms, the electorate is approaching Although the party system contin- together against military dictatorship an astounding 120 million people. ues to earn criticism, there are some in the 1970s, opposed one another Because of compulsory voting, signs that it is consolidating. The in the democratic 1980s and 1990s, Brazil's raw turnout in presidential last three presidential elections have and pulled off the most professional elections will soon exceed that of the been fought between the same two presidential transition in Latin United States. This expansion has parties, the Party of Brazilian Social American history in 2002-2003 is been led by the electoral manage- Democracy (PSDB) and the PT. nothing but good news for the sus- ment board (TSE), which is recog- The 2002 candidates, Josh Serra tainability of democracy. Although nized for its professionalism and (PSDB) and Lula (PT), were both Cardoso and Lula have many policy impartiality. Beginning in 1996, committed "party men" who had differences, they have three essential Brazil adopted an electronic voting spent 14 years and 22 years, respec- similarities: They are modernizers, system capable of tallying 100 mil- tively, in parties that they themselves they are institution-builders, and lion presidential votes before mid- created. This is remarkable. Both of they are antipopulists. Together they night on election day. these political parties are legitimate, have significantly revised the old rep- The expansion of political partici- experienced power contenders with utation of the Brazilian presidency as pation has coincided with a remark- clear visions for Brazilian develop- a magnet for personalists, populists able growth in the organizational ment and both have deep reservoirs and demagogues. Both employed a density of civil society, which in turn of talent. The fact that they have "team" style of government with is transforming the nation's politics, now alternated in power is a major deep benches of talent and were economy and culture. As Tanya achievement for Brazilian democracy. unafraid to delegate important tasks Dawkins's article in this issue makes Lula's victory in 2002 essentially to professionals, and both reached clear, social movements, NGOs, "rebooted" the democratic regime, across the aisle to ally with parties unions, churches, neighborhood creating a refreshing new context that were formerly anathema to associations, and racial and gender wherein all of the major parties have them. Although presidencialismode advocacy groups are remarkably now been both in government and coalizdo remains an unwieldy system vibrant. These transformations in opposition. The conservative of governance, there is no doubt that "from below" constitute arguably the Liberal Front (PFL), which roboti- first Cardoso and now Lula have most striking difference between the cally supported virtually every gov- found some ways to make it march current regime and the previous ernment since 1964, is now learning forward in the face of daunting chal- democratic experiment in 1946- what it is like to live without the lenges. These two statesmen must 1964: Today, a vibrant and diverse lifeblood of state patronage. Con- continue to work together, for it is network of fully autonomous sec- versely, the leftist PT, always partial their combined legacy that will shape ondary associations provides a coun- to a loud, aggressive, confrontational democracy's third decade and tervailing force against state power. style during its two decades in the beyond. U Together with the dynamic and wilderness, is learning that it is easy aggressive news media, the new civil to oppose but much harder to gov- Timothy J Power is associateprofessor society has helped promote increas- ern. Since all of the major parties ofpoliticalscience at Florida Inter- ing openness and transparency in have now had their turn at governing nationalUniversity andpresident of Brazilian politics, as was evident in a complex society, elite political cul- the Brazilian Studies Association the impeachment of President ture is likely to become increasingly (BRASA).

Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

A New Era for Brazil's Economy? by Edmund Amann

a President Luiz Inicio Lula da Silva in r'' October 2002 repre- T sentedhe election a milestone of in terms of the consolidation of democracy in Brazil. Here, appar- ently, was incontrovertible evidence that Brazilian political culture had matured to the point that the elec- torate at large-and not just a radi- calized fringe-could embrace an ostensibly left-leaning candidate rather than opt for the centrist continuity offered by the social democratic alternative. If nothing else, Lula's triumph demonstrated that the unspoken fears of instabili- ty and, in extremis, possible mili- tary intervention that had stymied previous attempts by the left to gain the presidency had, by 2002, r¢ abated. Once the dust had settled after the election, attention began to refocus on the new administration's policy agenda. The most acute area of concern, especially among international investors, related to Lula's proposed economic reform package. In the run-up to the elec- tion, Lula's campaign had spared no effort in pointing to the defi- ciencies of the Cardoso administra- tion (1995-2002), especially as regarded its record in fostering sus- tained, socially equitable growth. To address what it sees as this unsatisfactory record, the Lula administration has committed itself to a multi-track approach that combines fiscal and monetary orthodoxy with a raft of measures designed to tackle poverty head on. At the same time, the government Brazil's economics ministerAntanio Palocci.

14 Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

The Lula administration tackles the challenge of structural change

has embarked on a program of momentum could not be sustained controlling inflation or the external structural reforms designed to into the mid 1970s, when oil price valuation of the currency. bring about a step change in sup- hikes led to an international reces- Macroeconomic fire-fighting, ply-side performance. The Lula sion. During the boom years, rather than systemic measures administration is attempting to moreover, social inequality had aimed at promoting equitable tackle ingrained economic prob- increased sharply. By the mid growth, has been the order of the lems while, through the pursuit of 1980s and the return to civilian day. Fortunately, realization has macroeconomic orthodoxy, simul- rule, the economy was once again grown that this approach to eco- taneously seeking to avoid alienat- in profound difficulties as the debt nomic management, akin to tack- ing powerful investor groups. The crisis and hyperinflation took their ling symptoms rather than causes, major question is whether such a toll. Since 1994, a combination of cannot offer a lasting solution to strategy can be effective given the increased economic openness and a Brazil's economic problems. To contradictions that may exist new monetary policy framework this end, policy makers have begun between adhering to macroeco- has done much to dampen infla- to focus on the structural con- nomic orthodoxy, on the one hand, tion; however, growth in the past straints that impede steady, equi- and promoting socially equitable five years has proven highly unsta- table growth. structural economic reform, on the ble and the gap between rich and Of these constraints, the most other. poor remains wide. obvious are constituted by external and fiscal deficits. In both cases, Lula's Economic Inheritance The Fundamental Economic Brazil has historically found it dif- In order to grapple with this Challenge ficult to realize sustained economic question, a brief review of the char- Reviewing this experience, two expansion without the current acteristics of the Brazilian economy essential (and related) features account moving sharply into deficit is essential. Throughout the post- stand out. First, unlike its newly or the burgeoning government war period, the economic develop- industrialized counterparts else- deficit-through its call on savings ment of Brazil has been marked by where (the "Asian Tiger" economies, to service existing debt-choking profound instability. After general- for example), Brazil has proven off resources for further productive ly impressive growth in the 1950s incapable of delivering steady, investment. As a result, economic under an energetic program of rapid growth. Instead, periods of growth has rarely been able to pro- import substitution industrializa- boom (frequently lasting no more ceed steadily and consistently. tion, by the beginning of the fol- than one or two years) are swiftly Instead, faced with a widening lowing decade, output had begun followed by periods of bust. external deficit and the threat of to fall off and inflation to rise. Second, and stemming in part currency depreciation and import- Without question, the growing from the lack of sustained growth, ed inflation, the authorities have, economic instability of this period widespread poverty and inequality more often than not, opted to slam was one of the triggers for the mili- have continued to characterize the on the brakes by raising interest tary coup of 1964. Over the next Brazilian economy. rates and reducing public expendi- two decades, the military fared lit- These perennial features of ture on all activities not directly tle better than its civilian predeces- Brazilian economic life have consti- related to debt service. sors in steering the economy onto tuted a key challenge for policy One of the constraints that most a path of long-term sustainable makers over the years. More often seriously affects Brazil's growth per- growth. Brazil enjoyed rapid than not, however, the need to formance is its poor record on growth between 1967 and 1973 as generate sustained, equitable investment. Particularly over the the result of a substantial industri- growth has been subordinated to past 20 years, Brazil's investment as alization and export drive, but this more immediate objectives, such as a proportion of GDP has tended to

Hemisphere Volume 15 15 Features

lag behind that of its main com- poor. Throughout the postwar balance to move into the red once petitors. Not surprisingly, there- period, one of the central features the economy picks up speed, the fore, Brazil has had difficulty of the Brazilian economy has been Lula administration has launched a matching the growth performance the unequal division of the fruits of series of initiatives aimed at boost- of, say, South Korea or China. At growth and development. Many ing export performance. The most the same time, the legacy of under- factors help account for this imbal- important of these provide investment has imposed capacity ance, including the skewed nature increased export financing. The limitations that are soon met once of public spending (disproportion- administration also has made stren- growth accelerates. This, of course, ately favoring the salaried middle uous efforts to improve market contributes to the stop-go pattern classes) and the highly uneven pre- access for Brazilian exporters, not of growth. The reasons underpin- existing distribution of assets, espe- least by pursuing trade deals with ning Brazil's subdued investment cially land. As a result, significant China and other East Asian performance are complex; however, sectors of the population have been economies. On the face of it, the two factors stand out: the absorp- largely bypassed by the improved government's export promotion tion of scarce domestic savings into income and living standards that drive appears to be working, at non-productive public sector have benefited other groups. While least if trade balance figures are spending, and structural deficien- clearly undesirable from any pro- used as a measure of success. cies in domestic capital markets. gressive normative standpoint, the Between 2003 and 2004, Brazil's Another fundamental structural existence of such widespread pover- full-year trade surplus increased constraint is poor productivity ty, through its malign impacts on from US$24.8 billion to US$33.7 growth in the Brazilian economy. productivity and participation in billion. Of course, it should be One of the secrets of the success of the formal economy, acts in itself stressed that Brazil, with its huge the East Asian Tiger economies was as a limit on growth potential. natural comparative advantages in their efficient use of capital and Thus, it can be argued, alleviating natural resource-based goods, is labor resources during their rise to poverty and inequality is justified faring very well from the current prominence. This enabled them to not only in altruistic terms but also boom in global industrial com- deliver far higher growth-and in terms of its potential to raise modity prices, in particular those ultimately higher living stan- economic performance. for iron ore, steel and other metal- dards-than would otherwise have lic products. The question is been possible. Central to this The Policy Response whether the government's initia- achievement was a determination The Lula administration has tives will be sufficient to support to invest in education, a commit- been quick to grasp the importance other areas of export activity once ment that not only facilitated the of tackling these structural con- the commodities boom subsides, as development and adoption of effi- straints. Indeed, their removal it is expected to do in the course of cient management techniques but now forms a fundamental plank of 2005. On this score, the outlook also made the workforce more pro- the government's economic strate- is uncertain. While Brazil has ductive. Unfortunately, Brazil's gy. The government has attempt- developed substantial competitive efforts to improve productivity-or ed, as did the preceding Cardoso advantages in certain higher value- to invest in human capital through administration, to improve the per- added exports (automotive prod- education-have not matched formance of public sector accounts ucts and jet aircraft, in particular) those of its competitors in Asia and by reducing the social security the picture in other sectors is less elsewhere, despite the fact that deficit through structural and indi- favorable. Brazilian industry has been forced rect tax reform. The goal is to cre- Any widespread improvement in to improve its competitiveness in ate more space for spending on export performance will of course response to the trade liberalization much needed investment projects partly depend on addressing the initiated in the late 1980s. and poverty alleviation. So far, productivity constraint identified The final constraint-and one however, the reforms have had only earlier. Here again, the prospects explicitly connected to the issue of limited effects, while high interest for success are uncertain. By con- social equity-concerns the degree rates have increased debt servicing tinuing the relatively open trading to which the economic growth that expenditures. regime of its predecessor, the cur- has been achieved has had differen- Concerned about the historical rent government will ensure that tial impacts upon the rich and tendency of the current account adequate competitive pressure is

16 Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

placed on enterprises to maintain of food cards for needy families high interest rates (which increased the incentive for productivity per- and investment in social infrastruc- yet again in the final quarter of formance. However, with rates of ture in deprived communities. 2004) the fiscal limitation is all the productivity growth in competitor While broadly welcomed at home greater, since high debt-servicing countries tending to outpace those and abroad, the initiatives soon ran costs can tend to squeeze out other of Brazil (and from a higher base), into practical problems that public expenditures. At the same government policy must promote stemmed not only from flaws in time, the high interest rates dis- more substantial improvements in their design but also from funding courage private investment proj- performance. So far, the indicators shortfalls. The fiscal constraints ects. Tackling the investment con- are relatively encouraging. The that have restricted the extent of straint, therefore, becomes increas- Lula administration is committed the anti-poverty programs have also ingly difficult. to promoting more intensive limited the government's efforts to Of course, it should not be sug- research and development within raise investment in primary educa- gested that orthodox macroeco- enterprises while offering financing tion, a major target of the reform- nomic policies are keeping the Lula initiatives to support fixed capital ers. As a result, frustration has government from making progress investment. The latter develop- grown among Lula's core support- on its structural constraint agenda. ment should in time lead to the ers that the rhetoric of crusading Real signs of change are evident; introduction of upgraded capital social reform and poverty allevia- however, the gravity of the struc- equipment with favorable conse- tion is running ahead of the reality. tural problems facing the economy quences for productivity. Turning (especially as regards poverty) to the issue of investment more The Way Ahead means that more rapid and con- broadly, the government has taken The funding problems accompa- certed action is needed. If this a bold step toward improving avail- nying official efforts to tackle opportunity is lost, then the cur- ability of capital through a new poverty (and to invest elsewhere to rent improvement in Brazil's eco- bankruptcy law (approved in remove other constraints on nomic fortunes is likely to be, as so December 2004). Its streamlined growth) illustrate a certain tension often in the past, only a blip. U insolvency procedures may lower at the heart of the current govern- interest rates for borrowers, but ment's agenda. On the one hand, high domestic interest rates and the the government is anxious not to Edmund Amann is senior lecturer in continued heavy absorption of unsettle investors. For this reason, development economics at the domestic savings into public sector it has adopted strict IMF-agreed University of Manchester,England, debt servicing are likely to place fiscal targets while retaining a tight, and affiliate research associate profes- constraints on the ability of invest- counter-inflationary monetary poli- sor at the University of Illinois/ ment to expand. cy. Without question, these poli- FederalReserve Bank of Chicago Undoubtedly the most politically cies have been successful to the Regional Economics Applications sensitive constraint concerns pover- extent that inflation has remained Laboratory (REAL). This article ty and inequality. In the 2002 in check and growth (which is esti- stems from work the author is carry- election campaign, Lula and his mated at 5% for 2004) has ing out for a book on Brazil's recent Workers' Party did much to ensure rebounded from a dismal perform- economic performance. The author popular support by committing ance in 2003. On the other hand, acknowledges the financial support of themselves to a program of social the government's macroeconomic the Leverhulme Foundation. reform and poverty alleviation. stance is limiting its ability to tack- The central elements of this plat- le the structural constraints that form were improved investment in ultimately need to be overcome if primary education and a series of growth is to be sustained well into direct poverty reduction initiatives the future. This limitation takes which have come to be known as on a number of concrete forms. Fome Zero (Zero Hunger) and The pursuit of tight fiscal policy in Bolsa Famlia (Family Grant). itself reduces the scope for invest- These initiatives, which were intro- ing in such areas as education, duced in 2003, involve a range of poverty alleviation and export pro- measures, including the provision motion. When combined with

Hemisphere Volume 15 17 Features

Rethinking Foreign Investment

by Roy C. Nelson

New York to speak with institutional investors of a country's financial sta- Workers' Party (PT) money managers and Wall Street bility and overall investment climate. andraditionally, its leader, Brazil's current investment bankers about his views, What caused Lulas views on for- T president Luiz Inicio assuring them that, if elected, he eign investment to change so rapid- ("Lula") da Silva, were would implement investor-friendly ly? The practical realities of being in characterized by a somewhat antago- policies. government, rather than outside of nistic stance toward foreign invest- Since taking office in January it, and Lulas determination to prove ment and capitalism in general. Yet 2003, Lula has kept these promises. that the PT could be effective at during the presidential campaign of Signaling his rapprochement with running the country were important 2002, and after taking office in the business community, he factors. But the experiences of 2003, Lula moderated his position. appointed prominent executives to Olivio Dutra, who as governor of Lula now actively promotes foreign key posts in his government. the southern state of Rio Grande do investment and strives constantly to Henrique Meirelles, president of Sul from 1999-2003 was one of the reassure the foreign business com- BankBoston, took over as head of party's highest elected officials until munity of Brazil's suitability as a the Central Bank, and Luiz Furlan, Lula took office, also provided les- place to invest its capital. Why did owner and chairman of the board of sons for the PT about the benefits- this happen? This article examines Sadia Corporation, a giant Brazilian both political and economic-of the ways political experience at the frozen foods company, became min- foreign direct investment from sub-national level has shaped the ister of development, industry and transnational corporations. The PT's national policies since 2003. trade. Lula also enacted a reform of story of Dutra and the PT in Rio Brazil's pension plan that put the Grande do Sul speaks volumes about Background country on a much sounder footing how parties and politicians can learn In the 1970s, as a leader of the financially. He promised to main- from their perceived mistakes. Metalworkers' Union of Sao tain the agreement that his predeces- Bernardo do Campo, a suburb of sor, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Setting the Stage: Britto's Efforts Sao Paulo where automobile firms had signed with the International to Attract FDI such as Volkswagen, Mercedes and Monetary Fund (IMF), and his Dutra's predecessor as governor of Ford had large plants, Lula led administration has adhered faithfully Rio Grande do Sul, the centrist strikes against foreign firms and to its guidelines. More specifically Ant6nio Britto (1995-1999), had a denounced their actions with fiery, with regard to foreign direct invest- vision of turning Brazil's southern- radical rhetoric. As one of the ment (FDI), Lula continued plans most state into an attractive location founders of the socialist PT in 1980 begun during the previous adminis- for manufacturing. It is common and as the PT candidate for presi- tration for Brazil to create a nation- practice for many of Brazil's 26 dent in 1989, 1994 and 1998, Lula al-level investment promotion states to use reductions in their state spoke out against privatization, agency, Investe Brasil. sales tax and other incentives to promising to put a stop to the sale All of these actions confirmed to compete for FDI. Seeking to lure of Brazil's state-owned firms to for- the business community in general, FDI away from the more prosper- eign investors. and to foreign investors in particu- ous, industrialized and densely pop- In his successful campaign for lar, that Lula had thoroughly ulated state of Sao Paulo, Britto president in 2002, however, Lula's changed his views on foreign invest- offered generous incentives to per- position on this issue changed. He ment. Brazil was rewarded with an suade large transnational corpora- adopted a much more moderate improvement in its investment grade tions to establish manufacturing stance. During the campaign, Lula from rating agencies such as plants in his state. By the time went out of his way to reassure for- Standard and Poor's and Moody's, a Britto ran for re-election in 1998, eign investors. He even traveled to key indicator for prospective General Motors and other firms had

18 Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

Lessons from the PT government in Rio Grande do Sul

ment program that gave special incentives to automobile manufac- turers locating their plants in Brazil's northeast. Another strong point in Bahia's favor was the fact that Antonio Carlos Magalhaes, then president of Brazil's Senate and one of the coun- try's most influential politicians at the time, was from the state. His party, the Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL), was a key partner in President Cardoso's governing coalition. With his enormous clout, Magalhaes was able to persuade Congress to modify a4 the legislation on incentives for man- ufacturing automobiles in the north- east so that Ford could take advan- tage of it, even though the deadline for companies to participate had Olivio Dutra,governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1999-2003). passed. The federal government approved additional incentives to make up for already established major plants in The Ford Fiasco the extra costs Ford would face by Rio Grande do Sul. Ford Motor Executives at Ford attempted to building its plant in Bahia instead of Corporation and Dell Computer renegotiate with Dutra, but to no the more conveniently located Rio had signed contracts with the Britto avail. Standing by his position Grande do Sul. Brazil's national government guaranteeing specific regarding the incentives, Dutra development bank, Banco Nacional incentives and were preparing to refused even to meet with them. de Desenvolvimento Econ6mico e begin construction on plants of their After several thwarted attempts to Social (BNDES), offered Ford a low- own. negotiate, the Ford executives gave interest loan of more than US$300 To the chagrin of these executives, up. Since they had not yet begun million after the company Britto lost the election. The winner construction on the manufacturing announced it was moving to Bahia. was Dutra, the PT candidate and plant planned for the town of This was far more than it had one of the parry's founders. Dutra Guaiba, near the state capital of planned to give for Ford's investment had campaigned in part on a plat- Porto Alegre, they began to consider in Rio Grande do Sul. form to discontinue the incentives alternative locations within Brazil. Too late, Dutra realized that Ford offered to large transnational corpo- The state of Bahia emerged as a was about to pull out of Rio Grande rations, including Ford and Dell. viable alternative. Officials there, do Sul and go to Bahia instead. The executives' concerns were justi- determined to win Ford's investment Aware of the negative political conse- fied: Upon taking office, Dutra pro- for their state in the impoverished quences that could ensue, he ceeded to follow through on his northeastern region of Brazil, offered attempted to negotiate with the Ford rhetoric, announcing that he would incentives identical to those the executives. But Ford had already rescind Britto's agreements with the Britto administration had promised. decided to withdraw from Rio companies. Another plus was a federal govern- Grande do Sul, and the company

Hemisphere Volume 15 19 Features

soon signed a contract with the goals and those of the PT governor represent the PT in that race, Tarso Bahian state government. were actually closely aligned, Genro, eventually lost to a relatively Ford's departure was a political dis- Loureiro insisted. While it might unknown politician from the more aster for Dutra. Residents of make sense not to offer incentives to moderate Party of the Brazilian Guafba, the town where the plant companies such as Ford, he contin- Democratic Movement (PMDB). was to have been located, protested ued, Dell was different. The PT's decline in Rio Grande do against the governor. Editorials and Dutra had already experienced the Sul continued in October 2004 articles in the press attacked Dutra ire of the gaucho population first- when the party lost control of the for his actions. Naturally, Dutra's hand after Ford decided to locate its capital city, Porto Alegre (home to political opponents emphasized the plant in Bahia, so political calcula- the World Social Forum), for the negative impact the lost jobs would tions may have influenced his actions first time since 1988. have on Rio Grande do Sul. at this point. But whether persuaded The lessons of Dutra's rapid by Loureiro's reasoning, motivated decline were discussed widely in the Dutra Changes His Stance purely by political factors, or some media, in business and political cir- Not wanting to lose another major mixture of both, Dutra decided to let cles, and especially within the PT investment, Dutra took a different Dell keep all of the original incen- itself. To a certain extent, the state approach when Dell executives tives the previous governor had government of Rio Grande do Sul approached him to renegotiate their offered with only minor conditions. had been the PT's showcase at the incentives package. Britto had Dell stayed. And in many of his sub-national level, a dress rehearsal promised Dell generous incentives to public speeches thereafter, Dutra for how the party might behave if attract its proposed US$108 million used Dell as an example of the sort and when it finally achieved national plant: a 75% reduction in the state of company his government would power. A longstanding fear of the income tax for 12 years and a US$17 like to attract to Rio Grande do Sul. domestic and international business million loan, to be paid back over 10 Despite this new approach, the communities was that a PT national years with a five-year grace period. Dutra government still had difficulty government would be hostile to for- Facing the loss of these incentives, luring investment to the state in the eign investment. This fear was con- Dell considered following Ford's years that followed Ford's departure. firmed in Rio Grande do Sul by example and locating its plant else- Few transnational corporations were Dutra's aggressive and ultimately where. Other states were ready and willing to invest in a state whose gov- counterproductive confrontation willing to receive Dell's investment ernor seemed at the very least to have with Ford. Within the PT, the con- on highly favorable terms. Despite an ambivalent attitude toward FDI, sensus among Lula's advisors was that these offers, however, and Ford's and where the rules regarding foreign if the party were to have a serious failed attempts to renegotiate with investment could change so quickly. shot at winning the presidential elec- Dutra, local Brazilian executives tion in 2002, it would have to adopt working for Dell decided to The Lessons from Rio Grande a more pragmatic and moderate approach the governor again. do Sul stance toward FDI. Dell's director of corporate affairs The PT could not help but absorb Many factors explain Lula's shift to in Brazil, Fernando Loureiro, devised the painful and well-publicized les- a more pragmatic approach regarding a face-saving strategy for the gover- sons of Dutra's experience in Rio foreign investment. But the PT's nor to allow Dell to keep its incen- Grande do Sul. As governor of a experiences in sub-national govern- tives. When Loureiro and his team major state, Dutra held one of the ment are certainly a large part of the met with the governor, they made few major offices the PT had cap- story. Without a doubt, the harsh the case that Dell was not a typical tured up until that time, but his lessons that Dutra, and the PT itself, transnational corporation. Personal rigid, ideologically driven stance learned firsthand in Rio Grande do computers, the products Dell pro- toward Ford, and Ford's subsequent Sul were among the most important duced, were beneficial to society, withdrawal of its proposed manufac- reasons for this change. U they argued. Computers allowed use turing plant from Rio Grande do of the Internet, which provided peo- Sul, contributed to make him hugely ple of all social strata with access to unpopular. It helped explain why Roy C. Nelson is associateprofessor of information. Thus, Dell's products Dutra lost the internal party primary internationalstudies at Thunderbird, would actually help to create a more to run for re-election in 2002 and the Garvin School ofInternational egalitarian social structure. Dell's why the candidate finally selected to Management.

20 Hemisphere Volume 15 INTERNATIONAL GRADUATE SUMMER SEMINAR For Master and Doctoral Students Interrogating the African Diaspora July 2005, 2006

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Facing the Past by James N. Green

Brazil's return to demo- Archives, torturers and the legacies cratic rule has been a rough roller coaster ride. of dictatorship Spiraling inflation in the late 1980s and early 1990s dove- tailed with the impeachment of group of Brazilian exiles and William recalled looking at the denunciations Fernando Collor, the country's first Wipfler, then assistant director of the for the first time: "Several were directly elected president since 1960. Latin American Department of the scrawled on scraps of filthy paper, Two-term President Fernando National Council of Churches. paper bags or wrinkled envelopes, Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) held In December 1969, Jether Pereira and were difficult to decipher. down price increases and stepped up Ramalho, a lay leader in the Another was transcribed in minute the integration of the Brazilian econ- Brazilian Congregationalist Church, lettering on a single square of toilet omy into the global market, but his and his wife, Lucilia, traveled to New paper; reading it required a magnify- popular support waned during his York. Upon arrival, they went ing glass...I knew things were bad in final years in office. In late 2002, directly to meet Wipfler at an office Brazil, but I hadn't seen anything in Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva came to the building on Riverside Drive, next to writing, any texts. [Ramalho and presidency with widespread backing the imposing neo-Gothic church Pereira] brought with them individ- from the popular classes and the that dominates the neighborhood. ual and group testimonies." enthusiastic expectations of his left- There they were greeted by Jovelino Among the material the two had wing political base. His administra- Ramos, a Presbyterian minister from smuggled out of Brazil was a state- tion, however, has become embroiled Rio de Janeiro who left Brazil in ment drafted earlier that month by in controversy about the lingering 1968 after being indicted for alleged 16 female political prisoners at a legacy of the military regime. A subversive activities. He was accom- detention center on an island in Rio national debate has emerged about panied by an old friend, Ruben de Janeiro harbor. The document whether the excesses of the military Cdsar Fernandes, who had gone into boldly declared: "We have written dictatorship merit further investiga- exile in the mid 1960s and recently this letter from where we are impris- tion or should be laid to rest. The enrolled at Columbia University to oned on the Ilha das Flores in Rio de outcome may be a test of the extent complete his doctorate in history. Janeiro. Only now is information to which democracy is firmly rooted Domicio Pereira, a Congregationalist starting to trickie out about the in Brazil. minister from Rio de Janeiro, was atrocities that have been committed also present. The warm embraces against political prisoners in our Solidarity in the States and jovial atmosphere so common country; thus, the Brazilian public Few people realize that the con- when old friends reunite, however, may still doubt that these criminal certed campaigns in the United was undercut by the serious tone of acts are really taking place. We can States to defend human rights in the occasion. A simple but signifi- assure everyone that TORTURE Latin America over the last three cant plan was in the making. DOES EXIST IN BRAZIL." The decades grew in large part out of a Discretely, Ramalho and Pereira document then named the 16 female modest effort initiated in the late had brought with them to the prisoners and detailed their treat- 1960s by Brazilians seeking interna- United States a collection of docu- ment, describing beatings, electric tional allies to inform the world of ments detailing the fates of hundreds shock and other forms of torture. the deteriorating situation in their of Brazilian political prisoners. Item Shaken by what he had read and country after the military coup of by item, they turned over the materi- determined to help, Wipfler immedi- April 1, 1964. Instrumental in this al to Wipfler for his examination. ately invited the Brazilians to set up effort was a meeting between a small Many years later, the Episcopal cleric operations in a vacant office at the

Hemisphere Volume 15 23 Features

public statement, "We Cannot WE CANNOT REMAIN SILENT Remain Silent," that condemned the

We cannot remain silent in the face of the overwhelming evidence of the flagrant denial of human Brazilian government's treatment of rights and dignity coeing to us from Brazil. This dossier is but a fraction of that evidence. Signi- ficantly, several documents were written by Brazllians and smuggled out of grazil at great risk to those political prisoners. In April 1970, involved. They accepted the possible penalties in order to inform the people of the world of the fact that terror and torture are used in their country as instruments of government. Latin American specialists at the We cannot remain silent. To do so would make us accomplices of those who are the authors and Second National Conference of the perpetrators of this repression. We call upon the readers of this dossier to raise their voices is pro- test with us. Latin American Studies Association

RALPH DAVID ABERNATHY RICHARO MORSE (LASA) in Washington, D.C., passed Pres ident Professor of History Southern Christian Leadership Conference yale University a stinging resolution condemning DORY ASTitON JAMES H. ROBINSON Author Dilrector torture in Brazil. Representatives of lJlHN BENNETT Crossroads Africa President BENJAMIN S. ROSENTlNAL the National Council of Churches Union Theological Seminary U.S. Congressman, New York City STERLING W. BROWNI Interamerican Affairs Sub-comittee of and the US Catholic President the House Foreign Affairs Cosaittes Conference National Conference on Christians and Jews ANDRE SCHIFFRIN LOUIS M. COLONNESE Managing Director presented a thick dossier to the Director. Division for Latin Amarica Pantheon Books United Statee Catholic Conference MARGARET SANIN Inter-American Human Rights THOMAS CORNELL Executi*e Director, Church W"nen United ational Seeretary Naetional Council of Cihurches Commission of the Organization of Catholic Paece Fellowship RICHARD SHAULL ALLEN E'ARCANGELO Professor of Ecumenics, Princeton Seminary American States in June of that year Artist President, World Student Christian Federation DOROTHY gAY THOMHAS E. SKI ORE requesting that the international The Catholic Worker Professor of Latin Aericen History RALPH litLA CAVA University of Wdisconsin Assistant Professor of History JOhN COVENT"Y SMITH agency conduct an on-site investiga- Queens College. City Univ. N.Y. teneral Secretary JOSEPH P. FITZPATRICK Cawsision on Ecumenical Mission s Relations tion into human rights abuses. In Professor of Sacitoiogy United Preshyterian Churcb P ordloam University STANLEY J. STtIN December 1971, when General and S. *A ,'EEN Professor of Latin American History Director. Latin America Department Princeton University President Emilio G. Mddici visited National Council of Churches I. F. STONE iAWS NAACKE Editor President Richard Nixon in Artist i.F, Stone Weekly HERSCHEL HALBERT DAVID M. STOWE Washington, activists organized a Executive Director. international Executive Vice President-Elect League for the Rights of Man United Church Board for World Ministries RICHARD HOWARD BRADY TYSON protest in front of the White House. Poet and Critic Associate Professor, Latin American Studies IRENE JONES Aericen University, Wfashington, D.C. Reports from Brazil and consistent Assistant General Secretary CHARLES WAGLEY American Baptist Foreign Mission Society Boaz Professor of Anthropology campaigning in the United States TRACEY K. JONES, JR. Columbia University General Secretary LLOYD C. WICKE influenced strong editorial positions Board of Missions Bishop United Methodist Church United Methodist Church in the New York Times and the STANLEY KUNITZ ANDREW YOUNG Pulitzer Prize Winning Post Executive Vice-President Washington Post against JOHN A. MCKAY Southern Christian Leadership Conference the Brazilian President E'eritos ADJA YORKERS Princeton Seinary Artist generals in power. Brazil was no longer simply the land of parrots, (INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATION IS INDICATED SOLELY FOR THE PURPOSE OF IDENTIFICATION) Amazonian rain forest and Carnival; it had also become the land of tor- ture. The campaign in the United States National Council of Churches. For director of the US Catholic to denounce the repressive measures the next two months they organized Conference's Latin American Bureau, of the Brazilian military government the material that Ramalho and and his successor, Thomas Quigley, proved to be a valuable experience Pereira had brought from Brazil, soon joined these efforts, playing a for those who took up the cause of indexing the denunciations and leading role in keeping the issue alive human rights in Chile after the preparing a complete dossier that in Washington. armed forces of that country, led by could be published in English and Over the next several years a loose- Augusto Pinochet, overthrew the distributed in the United States. ly knit but broad-based network of democratically elected government of Wipfler also put the group in contact clerics, academics, political exiles and Dr. Salvador Allende in 1973. with Ralph Della Cava, a professor activists carried out a series of cam- Whereas hundreds of concerned of Brazilian and Latin American his- paigns to educate the American pub- individuals in the United States had tory at Queens College who, along lic about the serious violation of mobilized against human rights vio- with American University Professor human rights in Brazil and the US lations in Brazil, thousands became Brady Tyson, had been working government's tacit support for the involved in a multitude of campaigns behind the scenes in the United military regime. They sought sup- throughout the country to denounce States against the Brazilian dictator- port from leading clergy, academics the arrest, execution and disappear- ship. Louis M. Colonnese, then and other prominent figures for a ance of progressive political activists

24 Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

in Chile. The Watergate scandals sparked public outrage and renewed political repression had been duly and the widespread questioning of pressure to hold the military destroyed in the 1980s, yet in US foreign policy initiatives in the accountable for the crimes of the January 2005 more documents, sup- wake of the Vietnam War laid the recent past. Brazilian human rights posedly burned years ago, reap- groundwork for the introduction of groups, including the Commission peared. new legislation limiting foreign aid of Relatives of the Dead and the Nongovernmental organizations to countries that violated their citi- Disappeared, pressed the government such as Tortura, Nunca Mais zens' human rights. In 1976, Jimmy to conduct further investigations into (Torture Never Again) are demand- Carter's presidential campaign was the final fate of many activists who ing that all of the archives of the dif- based in part on his call for a new had died or disappeared over the pre- ferent intelligence agencies of the foreign policy that privileged human vious two decades. During the armed forces be turned over to the rights over other geopolitical consid- Cardoso administration, the 1995 National Archive or another public erations. Law of the Disappeared authorized a entity so that friends and relatives special commission to investigate can finally learn the truth about the Opening the Archives these deaths. The Commission's whereabouts of the disappeared. Parallel to the expansion of the report documented the torture and Scholars working on the period of international human rights move- murder of hundreds of activists, but the military dictatorship stress that ment, efforts toward democratization the 1979 Amnesty Law precluded without full access to the armed gained momentum in Brazil. prosecution for human rights abuses. forces' archives an exhaustive analysis Although the promise of civilian rule At the same time, state governments of the country's recent history will be took another 10 years to be fulfilled, began to declassify and open to the impossible. The Brazilian Historical government-initiated gestures favor- public millions of political police Association has gone on record ing a loosening of military control files that contained extensive infor- protesting an executive order issued accelerated in 1974 after the opposi- mation about the national security in late 2002 extending the classifica- tion party trounced its pro-military methods employed during the mili- tion of many official documents for rival in Congressional elections. As tary regime. Researchers who have an additional 30 to 50 years. The part of the many accords reached to consulted these political police Lula administration, which contains guarantee a safe exit strategy for the records remain acutely aware that many individuals who were victims armed forces and avoid a revanchist many other archives of the different of repression between 1964 and reckoning with Brazil's torturers, the government agencies involved in 1985, has pledged its commitment Brazilian Congress passed an repressive measures have remained to uncovering the hidden secrets of Amnesty Act in 1979. This bill ben- sealed. the military regime. Whether it will efited approximately 4,500 political In late 2004, 30 years after have the political will to confront the prisoners and exiles, but excluded Brazilian journalist Vladimir Herzog armed forces in this matter remains many leftist activists found guilty of died in military custody, a military to be seen. murder, kidnapping or other violent intelligence agent leaked a pair of acts. It also exempted from criminal previously unknown photographs prosecution those involved in the alleged to have been taken only James N. Green is associate professor torture or disappearance of members hours before Herzog supposedly ofBrazilian history and culture at of the opposition. hanged himself. The journalist's Brown University and chair of the In 1985, only months after a death in 1975 had sparked unprece- Committee on the Future of Brazilian return to civilian rule, the Brazilian dented protests and contributed to Studies in the United States. He is Catholic Church published an strengthening the movement against currently completing a book entitled exhaustive dossier entitled Brasil: the military regime. The agent who "'We Cannot Remain Silent:' Nunca Mais (Brazil Never Again) supplied the photographs claimed Opposition to the Brazilian Military that documented the forms of tor- that the armed forces continued Dictatorship in the United States, ture and repression carried out dur- secretly to spy on left-wing activists, 1964-85." ing the 21 years that the generals unions and other social movements were in power. Five years later, a for many years after the military journalist reported the discovery of relinquished power in 1985. an unmarked mass grave of govern- Representatives of the armed forces ment opponents. These revelations insisted that files from the years of

Hemisphere Volume 15 25 Features

Learning with Brazil and Lula by Tanya Dawkins

acknowledged Brazil's need for tion Social Democratic Party of South Africa's racial justice. (PSDB), for example, is a likely ally Nelsonot since Mandelathe election and The PT's campaign decision to for social security reform but not N Poland's Lech Walesa gain power by moving toward the necessarily for progressive land has a new leader political center has led to an ava- reform. Growing fissures between generated such interest, hope and lanche of compromises that have Lula's supporters and groups frus- expectation as Brazilian President tested the party's unity and capacity trated with the pace of change Luiz Inicio "Lula" da Silva. In to move its agenda forward. Lula's recently cost the PT the leadership 2003, the newly elected Lula elec- early decision to maintain the eco- of the Chamber of Deputies. In trified the overflow crowd in Porto nomic team and many of the eco- February 2005, this pivotal seat, Alegre at his first World Social nomic policies of his predecessor, which determines which bills reach Forum address. His victory seemed Fernando Henrique Cardoso, was the floor for debate and when, went to be a concrete affirmation of the an immediate source of contradic- to a conservative former supporter forum's mantra, "Another World is tion and controversy. Brazil's inter- of the 1964-1985 military regime, Possible." That was then. At the est rates are among the highest in Severino Cavalcanti. For the first 2005 World Social Forum, new the world and the country's pri- time, emerging schisms within the parties, including the Party of mary surplus exceeds International PT led to a major political defeat. Socialism and Liberty (P-SOL), Monetary Fund (IMF) require- founded by dissidents from Lula's ments. The tight monetary policies The Geopolitics: Brazil's Star Workers' Party (PT) in 2004, spon- of Economics Minister Ant6nio Shines on the World Stage sored loud protests just outside Palocci and Central Bank President Lula, along with his tireless for- Porto Alegre's Gigantinho Stadium. Henrique Meirelles may have won eign minister, Celso Amorim, has Hecklers inside couldn't drown out the hearts and minds of investors, revitalized Brazil's presence in the the largely supportive crowd, but but advocates for domestic social international arena. Rubens the joy, tears, hope and adoration and economic investments are call- Barbosa, Brazil's former ambassador that washed over the 2003 audience ing for their replacement. to the US, points to the breadth was replaced by the bated breath of The PT's enviably progressive and sophistication of Brazil's global supporters who seemed to have record of governance at the subna- agenda-reinvigorating MERCO- come to hear Lula say something, tional level has not translated easily SUR; shepherding the South anything that would make it all to the federal level. In a cruel American Community of Nations; make sense. irony, the PT lost two strategic and forging economic ties with India, symbolic elections in 2004: in China, Russia, South Africa and the The Politics: Is Compromise the Porto Alegre, known around the Middle East; and, in general, "Gift" that Keeps on Giving? world for pioneering participatory increasing the Brazilian presence in Candidates are prone to speak in budgeting and hosting the World the world. In two years, Brazil's superlatives, and Lula was no Social Forum, and in Sao Paulo, trade deficit has become a US$32 exception. To the markets he the industrial capital and South billion surplus, including an 80% promised macroeconomic stability America's largest city. (US$4.5 billion) increase with and spectacular growth; to Brazil's Since 2003, Lula's personal China. Cecilia Alemany from the working class and unemployed he approval ratings have remained Association of Latin American promised 10 million jobs and dou- consistently high. Yet the PT does Development Organizations ble the minimum wage in four not have a majority in either cham- (ALOP) credits Lula with redefin- years; and to the landless he prom- ber of Congress. Each legislative ing the very concept of Latin ised "more land than they could initiative requires major negotiation America by focusing on building occupy." He courageously and alliance building. The opposi- South America's strength and

26 Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

The politics and geopolitics of social and economic justice

Another world is possible. Every region, coun- the "left-wing of the possible." Gacek points to Lula's success in try and community struggles with Brazil's advancing public interest industrial policy, foreign policy and trade in questions within its own unique political and "distinct opposition to the undis- puted hegemony of the North and historical context. It is oddly fitting that its multinational interests." He also praises unprecedented levels of pub- Brazil should be on the leading edge of what it lic participation in Brazilian politi- cal life. means to get from here to there. "Yes, there is more participation, but...," says Iara Pietricovsky, director of the Center for capacity as a region. The G20, a ment initiative at the international Socioeconomic Studies (INESC) in Brazilian-led South-South alliance level. Brasilia, who notes that the real that includes India, China, work is linking increased participa- Argentina and South Africa, Complexity and Contradictions tion with accountability and brought the September 2003 World Yet for all the diplomatic and realigning economic policy and Trade Organization (WTO) talks to economic dividends, the domestic spending. Commissions and con- a standstill over the issue of agricul- social agenda is languishing. sultative processes abound, but tural subsidies. Nine months later, Unemployment remains high. financial resources for education, at the United Nations Conference Flagship programs such as Zero health, housing and land reform are on Trade and Development (UNC- Hunger (Fome Zero) and the Family in much shorter supply. Groups TAD) meeting, Brazil hosted the Grant (Bolsa Familia) have been like INESC and Inter-Redes, a negotiating session that broke the plagued by slow startups, inade- coalition of 42 Brazilian networks impasse. quate funding and poor manage- representing indigenous and land- "Sometimes, I don't think ment. less groups, Brazilians of African Brazilians fully appreciate how Sociologist and Lula critic James descent, environmental and human Brazil's leadership is changing the Petras recently wrote a scathing rights associations, see democratiz- world," says Hazel Henderson, essay entitled, "Brazil: Deepening ing the budget-making process as a author of Building a Win-Win and Extending NeoLiberalism - key political and organizing strategy World: Life Beyond Global Economic Year Two." Petras contends that for shifting priorities and are press- Warfare. Henderson cites numer- exponential increases in soybean ing for a number of reforms, ous examples, including the fact and meat exports fuel rain forest including making the budget that 600 of the 2000 corporate sig- deforestation while resources for process electronically accessible to natories to the United Nations environmental protection are the public. Global Compact are Brazilian. declining. "This strategy locks Judy Morrison, director of the Brazil into a new cycle of depend- Race and Land: Heavy Lifting Washington-based Inter-American ence on raw material production, Brazil's stunningly unequal land Consultation on Race, points to further distorting development pat- distribution is an enduring symbol Brazil's sponsorship of the Inter- terns," he writes. In a rebuttal, of its historical inability to grapple American Commission on Human Lula ally and AFL-CIO Americas with inequality. One percent of Rights' Special Rapporteurship on Program Director Stan Gacek con- Brazil's population controls 50% of People of African Descent in the tends that such critiques are unfair, its land. Stung by the slow pace of Americas as a pioneering govern- premature, and miss what he calls land settlements and growing vio-

Hemisphere Volume 15 27 Features

lence against land rights activists, condemned throughout my entire yet to show signs of bridging the groups like the Landless Rural life," explains PT militant and his- country's deep structural inequali- Workers Movement (MST) that torian Sergio Lamario. "People say ties. New incentives and indicators supported Lula's election are turn- that Lula's mandate is the third that assess all areas of economic ing up the heat. Rather than break term of Fernando Henrique activity in terms of their contribu- with the government, they have Cardoso. Unfortunately, I have to tion to addressing inequality are carved out a policy called apoio agree with them." Others think it needed to make participafdo mean- critico (critical support). Critical is too early to give up on Lula. ingful. support keeps the channels of com- "What will happen has yet to be Lesson #3: Movements Matter. munication open but sets the stage decided," cautions Eduardo Twenty years after the military for stepped-up land occupations, Siqueira, a Brazilian scholar and withdrew from power, Brazilians direct action and other measures of activist at the University of realize that political democracy is external pressure. Massachusetts-Lowell who advo- not economic democracy. Not Like land reform, Brazil's racial cates a posture of "support with even a leader with Lula's credentials inequality remains a major chal- struggle." can create and sustain the condi- lenge. Lula's government has raised Lesson #1: Models and Multipliers tions needed to advance an aggres- the profile of issues of race and Matter. Whether Lula's early eco- sive agenda for change. Organized social inclusion by creating the nomic decisions were necessary communities, movements and a Special Secretariat for the evils or just evils remains the sub- dynamic civil society ultimately Promotion of Racial Equality (SEP- ject of debate. By privileging provide the accountability and PIR) to coordinate race-conscious export growth and foreign invest- political space needed to advance policies across government; launch- ment over domestic social and eco- change at multiple levels. The ing Diversidade,a national public nomic reforms, however, he has tremendous resources expended awareness campaign; and beginning deepened the very model he cam- during national elections often efforts to diversify Brazil's elite paigned against. "Good economic come at the expense of local organ- diplomatic corps. But Dr. Silvio policy must generate something izing and base-building work. This Cunha, economist and co-founder more than money for corpora- model leaves far too much to the of the Instituto Cultural Steve Biko tions," notes Dr. Luiza Bairros, winner's popularity or personal in Salvador, points out that, director of the Race and charisma. The MST, Black "Legislative initiatives such as Law Democracy Project at the Federal Movement and others are raising 10639-which promotes affirma- University of Bahia and former the stakes in the hope that tive action in higher education and leader of Brazil's United Black increased organization, mobiliza- the teaching of African and Afro- Movement. tion and pressure will give Lula the Brazilian history in schools-are Lula's current economic model impetus for an aggressive push in undoubtedly important, "but the rests on the risky assumption that the remaining two years of his passage of stalled measures like the growth will create the domestic administration and put Brazil's next Statute of Racial Equality is needed political will to distribute gains president (whether Lula or not) on to consolidate policies that advance more equitably. This will not hap- notice. In May 2005, the MST the interests of Brazil's majority pen if traditional power relations stepped up its campaign with a 17- Afro-descendant population and remain unchanged. For example, if day, 150-mile march on Brasilia. deal with racism at a structural feeding the hungry is not accompa- Twelve thousand small farmers, land- level." nied by a strategy that targets the less rural workers, and their allies structural roots of hunger-i.e. retraced the steps of a previous march Learning with Lula access to land, capital, productive to demand the implementation of Lula's cautious overtures to capi- capacity-the poor will remain at the National Plan for Land Reform tal markets and his progressive the mercy of a model incapable of (PNRA). Leaders of Brazil's Black base's learning curve about its new prioritizing their interests. Movement have reportedly been dis- role as friend of the president has Lesson #2: Inequality Matters. cussing a similar mobilization. cost precious momentum and These disconnects act as powerful Lesson #4: Tough Love Matters. sowed the seeds of cynicism and multipliers in the reproduction of The struggle over the social and disappointment. "I cannot accept poverty and inequality. Brazil's new economic justice agenda in Brazil is the permanence of everything I growth in exports and GDP has often a fight between "friends."

28 Hemisphere Volume 15 Features

Lula's allies are realizing the need labels like "protectionist." Proposals contradictions and complexities, for a new set of skills to win recog- range from new strategies for guar- the political space that has opened nition from the government. The anteeing access to health care and because of Brazil's leadership and MST's "Critical Support" policy is capital to maintaining citizen con- movements is enviable and impres- just one of many emerging terms of trol over natural resources and har- sive. One of Brazil's many gifts to engagement. The US civil rights nessing international currency spec- the world may very well be lessons movement and South Africa's anti- ulation to fund health and econom- that inform and transform the poli- apartheid movement lost critical ic development. "New ideas need tics and geopolitics of social and momentum during similar 10 to 15 years to take hold. This economic justice. U moments. The art and science of new tide of citizen mobilization movement-state relations when a round the world is less than 10 leader with progressive credentials is years old," notes Candido Tanya Dawkins (dawkinst@ in office is still unfolding. Grzybowski, director of the mindspring.com) is thefounder/ Lesson #5: Ideas Matter. Five Brazilian Institute for Social and directorof the Inter-American Forum years ago, Brazil gave birth to the Economic Analysis (IBASE) and a and senior vice president of the first World Social Forum. In that member of the World Social Forum Collins Centerfor Public Policy. short time, the annual event has Organizing Committee. grown from 5000 to 175,000 par- Another world is possible. Every The Forum is a leadership and policy ticipants. The World Social Forum region, country and community project working to develop, highlight is the intellectual touchstone of a struggles with Brazil's questions andpromote new visions of trade and new generation of analysts, within its own unique political and economic policy thatplace social equi- activists, NGOs, and progressive historical context. It is oddly fit- ty, public interest and community at business and movement leaders ting that Brazil should be on the the center of the public andpolicy who are reclaiming the market, leading edge of what it means to agenda. redefining democracy and rejecting get from here to there. For all its

COMING SOON

FIU Report on "Terrorism Preparedness in Florida" Dr. Michael W. Collier, Lead Investigator

This two-year field research project by Florida International University's Latin American and Caribbean Center and Institute for the Study of Transnational Crime and Terrorism investigates the readiness of Florida's first responders to handle a terrorist attack. Included are an assessment of the security posture of Florida's critical infrastructure and a statewide telephone poll of Florida citizens about terrorism preparedness issues.

While Florida is often seen as a national leader in emergency readiness programs and is better prepared than before the 9/11 disasters, the state is far from ready to respond to future attacks. The citizens surveyed for this project strongly supported terrorism preparedness programs, indicating they would give up more civil liberties and pay higher taxes to ensure the safety of their families.

To order an advance copy, call the Latin American and Caribbean Center at Florida International University, (305) 348-2894, or email Michael Collier at: [email protected].

Hemisphere Volume 15 29 Drought and Hope in the Sertao

Photos and text by Ricardo Funari

correlated these cycles with El Nino, and refugees from northeastern of Brazil known as the which typically causes floods in the regions historically scourged by sertdohe northeastern is synonymous region south of the country and fires in the drought. People from these areas T with drought and north. also account for a large percentage of poverty for most A project that would substantially residents in the favelas (shantytowns) Brazilians. In fact, however, its aver- alleviate the effects of drought in the of Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo. age annual rainfall is twice that of northeast has been gathering dust in Formal employment simply does productive areas in Arizona and New the drawers of Brazil's federal govern- not exist in the rural areas of the Mexico. An underground sea of ment for more than a decade: divert- sertdo. People try to make a living fresh water waits to be tapped- ing the So Francisco River, an idea on small plots of cleared land. some 4,300 cubic meters of water that traces back to the beginning of Without water, there can be no crop, per inhabitant. (The United Nations last century and that has re-emerged no income, or anything to eat. This estimates the region's minimum need with every drought in the area. The is the ground where the age-old as 2,000 cubic meters per inhabi- diversion would create a man-made plague of slavery flourishes and tant.) Huge amounts of water are channel to bring water to 2,100 kilo- spreads in its modern forms, creating also stored in reservoirs. meters of dried-up riverbeds. At an army of cheap, unskilled laborers The technical know-how for chan- least six million inhabitants would to serve the economic system. neling and distributing all this water benefit from the water supply, and People who have no other options has been around for decades, and the the project would create 1.2 million will work in exchange for food or financial means to tackle the prob- direct and indirect jobs on 333,000 ridiculously low wages if their only lem have always existed. What is newly irrigated hectares of land. alternative is to go hungry. U lacking is political will to solve the With adequate water supplies, agro- problem, an impasse has kept the so- industry could change the profile of called drought industry thriving. the whole region. The media recently Ricardo Funariis a photojournalistin Against a background of artificial began publicizing the project and the Brazil. He directs SocialPhotos, scarcity, a few powerful individuals Lula administration is consulting a cooperative ofphotographersthat profit from the poverty of the major- ecologists in an attempt to revive it. creates and distributes images docu- ity, with paternalism a dominant cul- Drought is not a problem con- menting and addressingissues of social tural trait. Illiteracy levels are high in fined to the northeastern part of the justice. More examples ofhis work can the sertdo, short-term job prospects country. Its human effects spill over be viewed at www.photobrazil com are nil for the overwhelming majori- to the rest of Brazilian society. Since and www.socialphotos.com. ty of the rural population and mal- 1991, I have been researching what I nutrition is beginning to spread. call "modern forms of slavery" in The sertdo is the most populous Brazil. I haven't found people in semi-arid region in the world. Some shackles or public floggings; the 10 million people live in a rural area methods used to enslave human that includes 1,209 municipalities in beings today are more sophisticated, Opposite, top: Soledade, Paraiba. nine states. To date, no government and therefore more difficult to detect A girl plays in a dry dam used has ever taken effective measures and fight. Modern-day slaves work nowadays as a soccer field. against this historic tragedy, even as day laborers, sugar cane cutters, though severe droughts strike the rubber gatherers, charcoal burners Opposite, bottom: Barra de Santa region every 12 to 15 years-the last and farm hands conned into corrupt Rosa, Paraiba. In drought condi- one was in 1998-1999-and moder- labor relations that imply slavery tions, residents must walk up to ate drought conditions are nearly through debt. The overwhelming several miles for clean water, car- always a problem. Scientists recently majority of the workers are migrants rying heavy buckets back home.

30 Hemisphere Volume 15 ti

Hemisphere Volume 15 31 Photo Essay

Barra de Santa Rosa, Paraiba. Refugees from drought and poverty in the sertdo pass a grave beside the road.

Soledade, Paraiba. A municipal clerk supervisespeople waiting in line for waterfrom a desalinator. Eachfamily is allotted two buck- ets of clean water every other day.

32 Hemisphere Volume 15 Photo Essay

Soledade, Paraiba. Food is in short supply for many ruralfamilies.

Brejinho, Pernambuco. A volunteer agent of the NGO Pastoral da Crianfa monitors children's weight with a scale to check for infant malnutrition.

Hemisphere Volume 15 33 Photo Essay

Ca holi Mass

<, a

Santa Cruz da Baixa Verde, Pernambuco. The Catholic Church distributes basic goods to rural residents affected by drought.

Juazeiro do Norte, Ceard. The faithful crowd an outdoor

Opposite: Afogados da Ingazeira, Pernambuco. Rural residents of the sertdo receive only sporadic medical care, relying on their Catholicfaith instead. On the wall are pictures of Padre Cicero and Frei Damido, revered clergy- men who ministered to the rural i northeast.

34 Hemisphere Volume 15 4 -

1 1.

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Hemisphere Volume 15 35 Photo Essay

Bananeiras, Paraiba. A 72-year-old man embraces his six-year-old son.

Pernambuco. Like many others before them, afamily of rural migrantsfrom the sertdo tries to hitch a ride to Sdo Paulo, South America's largest city. President Lula made a similar trip with his mother and six siblings in 1952, when he was seven years old. The family traveled on the back of a truckfrom Garanhuns, Pernambuco, to Sdo Paulo. The trip took 13 days.

36 Hemisphere Volume 15 SocialPho os documentary photography advocating change

J.R. Ripper/SocialPhotos

SocialPhotos is a cooperative of photographers that works to create and distribute images docu- menting and addressing issues of social justice. We actively strive to build collaborative relationships with progressive organizations engaged in work on the issues we cover, in order to encourage the most effective, constructive use of our photos.

Online photo catalog at: http://www.socialphotos.com/

There you will find: human rights, exploitation & mod- ern slavery, Third World-related subjects, poverty & hunger, housing & health, children in risky situations, women's issues, social work, religion, environmental degradation, minorities...

And also those same people laughing, playing, loving, dancing, sharing, giving a hand, dreaming...

SocialPholos.com by Ricardo funari Tel. +55-21-22650974 -[mail [email protected] - Rio de Janeiro, Brazil R E VIE W FP0 R UM US-Brazilian Relations by Donna J. Hrinak

The United States and Brazih A According to the producers of growing Brazilian population in the Long Road of Unmet Expectations Routledge's series on Contemporary US, but its development is well By Monica Hirst; conclusion by Inter-American Relations, the books worth watching, perhaps even for Andrew Hurrell. London, New are deliberately short, in part to the day when the US Congressional York: Routledge, 2004, 160 pages. encourage further study. That Hispanic Caucus has to change its $75 hardcover; $18.95 paperback. approach worked well in the one name to accommodate a new other book in the set with which I Brazilian-American member. The US-Brazil relationship is so am familiar, The United States and Hirst only briefly mentions the complex and so different from US Venezuela, by Carlos Romero and flip side of the new Brazilian pres- relations with the countries of the late Janet Kelly. But in the case ence in the United States: growing Hispanic America that, even of Brazil, brevity confines the US investment in Brazil. This among hemispheric policy makers, author to raising topics rather than investment comes not from Silicon few in the United States under- examining them in depth. Chapter Valley or the Fortune 500, but from stand it. When other countries of Three's discussion of Brazilian and hundreds and thousands of Midwest the region looked to the United US voting patterns in the United farmers who are forming coopera- States for leadership, Brazil sought Nations, for example, would have tives to buy land in Brazil. Their partnership. When others looked benefited from an explanation that potential to influence decisions on northward for direction, Brazil differences often stem from long- agricultural issues in particular is looked inward. US insensitivity to held Brazilian foreign policy tenets, similarly worth following. Cases the differences Brazil cherishes, such as an unwillingness to approve like the recent anti-dumping charges combined with Brazil's insistence single-country human rights resolu- brought in the US against Brazilian that it owes the US no explana- tions. I kept feeling that Hirst shrimp, for instance, could be han- tions, have for too many years left wanted to say more but was run- dled quite differently in the future each side believing the other has ning out of space. More informa- as the number of US citizens with acted unreasonably, capriciously or tion on certain points in the first shrimp farms in Brazil increases. simply from a desire to provoke. part of the book also would have As for public opinion, Hirst cor- As this book notes, the result has given Andrew Hurrell's conclusion a rectly notes that much work been "unmet expectations" in both stronger foundation. remains to be done on both sides if countries. Still, when issues are relatively Brazilians and Americans are to By discussing the contemporary unexplored, as are many of those develop a more complete and bal- bilateral relationship in historical which Hirst presents, even a men- anced understanding of each others' context and examining some of the tion can be worthwhile and positive. culture and world view. Expanding factors shaping it today, Monica This is particularly true of two top- the current modest level of exchange Hirst does an admirable job of ics she raises at the end of Chapter programs and targeting more public describing what makes US relations Three: 1) Brazilian immigration to affairs resources to work with young with Brazil different from those the United States, and 2) public people should be a priority for both with other countries in the region, perceptions of the other in each countries. Under Ambassador explaining the complexities of country. Rubens Barbosa, the Brazilian alliance between two of what Many immigrant populations Embassy in Washington began a George Kennan has termed the have influenced relations between major school outreach program, but world's five "monster" countries. their native country and the United other options, such as creating a But Hirst's task, complicated from States. Mexico comes to mind first, Brazilian version of the US the start, is made more difficult by of course, as well as the Dominican International Visitors program for the format of the series of which it Republic and, recently, Venezuela. young professionals, remain unex- forms a part. Few Americans are aware of the plored.

38 Hemisphere Volume 15 Review Forum

Development Minister Sergio Amaral, former Defense Minister Jose Viegas, and former Science and Technology Minister Ronaldo Sardenberg. Brazil's relatively under- developed civil service system gener- ally means that Itamaraty career functionaries are the most prepared to assume positions throughout the government, and their presence in all key agencies has allowed them to spread the Foreign Ministry's world view in all administrations. Nevertheless, Hirst reports chal- lenges to Itamaraty's dominance from other ministries that share growing responsibility for foreign affairs, particularly foreign economic issues. Another area worthy of broader discussion, therefore, is the potential influence on US-Brazil relations of the increasingly louder voices of these new actors. In addition to its limited space for discussion, another of this book's flaws is the inclusion of certain minor but significant factual errors. According to Hirst, for example, the US "praised the Brazilian govern- ment for its... military air intercep- tion program" to fight narcotics traf- ficking. In fact, the Brazilian shoot- down law (Lei do Abate) is a prime example of the various misunder- standings at play in the bilateral rela- tionship. Brazil expected the US to be pleased with this signal of its clear intent to fight traffickers, but the new regulations ran afoul of a US law-passed after the tragic down- ing in Peru of a plane with US mis- sionaries on board-prohibiting Another important and controver- agencies responsible for economic assistance to countries whose laws sial issue Hirst takes on at several relations with Latin America. place civilian aircraft at risk. points in the book is the dominant US diplomats can only envy Because of US concerns, Brazil wait- role of Itamaraty, the Brazilian Itamaraty's role. Members of the ed until 2004 to implement the law, Foreign Ministry, in foreign policy Brazilian Foreign Service act as five years after its passage and after making. Itamaraty "remains the international affairs advisors to other many domestic complaints about main state agency" on trade issues, cabinet members and can themselves US infringement of the nation's sov- she notes, while the State aspire to cabinet posts outside the ereignty. Department doesn't even figure Foreign Ministry. This was the path Hirst also cites a Brazilian among the three US government followed by former Industry and Embassy report claiming that US

Hemisphere Volume 15 39 Review Forum

tariffs on Brazil's top exports aver- US may share important values- desire for further knowledge they aged 45.6%, in contrast to Brazil's support for democracy, for exam- will have succeeded in advancing 14.3% average tariff on leading ple-they differ seriously over how the "mature partnership" the two exports from the US. While tech- to promote those values and which countries deserve. The directors of nically correct, this calculation is elements to prioritize. The discus- the project on Contemporary Inter- misleading. It includes the 350% sion helps readers understand the American Relations deserve praise tariff imposed on tobacco imported static in a relationship between two for including this essential topic in from Brazil above the quota set for countries whose core values coin- this series. this commodity, but in fact that cide. Finally, it's worth repeating the tariff has never been imposed Hurrell also reinforces one of quote Hirst includes by former because Brazil has never come even Hirst's essential points, about the Brazilian Foreign Minister Juracy close to filling its quota. It is this link between Brazil's foreign and Magalhaes, who in 1966 famously type of simplistic information development policies. Business and declared, "What's good for the about complex subjects that irri- commercial interests are essential United States is also good for tates the US and embitters the components of Brazil's modern for- Brazil." That may not always be atmosphere of already difficult eign policy, but economic develop- true; however, what's good for the bilateral trade talks. ment has never been an important US can also be good for Brazil, and The transition from the four factor in US global affairs. The US vice versa. By recognizing the com- chapters written by Hirst to the largely fails to recognize the impor- plexities in our relationship, we can concluding essay by Andrew tance Brazil places on the link more successfully identify where Hurrell is less than smooth, but between its development and events our common interests lie and work Hurrell makes an important contri- in the rest of the world. By empha- more collaboratively to promote bution by considering US-Brazil sizing and explaining this link, them. relations in a global context. Hirst and Hurrell make an impor- Perhaps most useful is his examina- tant contribution to US under- tion of Brazil's uncertainty about its standing of Brazilian identity. DonnaJ. Hrinak is the former US place in the world; in particular, its A more complete view of US- ambassador to Brazil. She is current- unwillingness to accept the respon- Brazilian relations requires substan- ly co-chair of the InternationalTrade, sibilities of leadership while clamor- tially more discussion than this Competition and Government ing for respect. Also thoughtful is book offers, but to the extent Hirst Practiceat Steel, Hector & Davis his point that while Brazil and the and Hurell raise questions and a LLP in Miami.

6TH CONFERENCE ON CUBAN AND CUBAN-AMERICAN STUDIES presented by the Cuban Research Institute at Florida International University October 27-29, 2005

The Cuban Research Institute continues the tradition of convening scholars engaged in the study of Cuba and Cuban-Americans by presenting its 6th Conference. The theme of this year's conference is "Politics and Culture.'

For further information about the conference and other CRI activities, please see our website at http://lacc.fiu.edu/cri/ or contact us at:

Cuban Research Institute Florida International University DM 363, University Park, Miami, FL 33199 * (305) 348-1991/[email protected]

40 Hemisphere Volume 15 Now Available from Routledge

Pik al (orruption n the haib anhaib m~ Political Corruption in the Caribbean Basin Constructing a Theory to Combat Corruption

by Michael W. Collier Latin American and Caribbean Center Florida International University

Political corruption in the Caribbean Basin retards state economic growth and development, undermines government legitimacy, and threatens state security. In spite of recent anti-corruption efforts of inter- governmental and nongovernmental organizations, Caribbean political corruption problems appear to be worsening in the post-Cold War period. This work discovers why efforts to arrest corruption are failing by investigating the domestic and international causes of political corruption in the Caribbean.

The study's theoretical framework centers on an interdisciplinary model of political corruption built with- in the rule-oriented constructivist approach to social science. The analysis first employs a rational choice analysis that broadly explains differing levels of state corruption. The constructivist theory of social rules is then employed to establish the political, economic, and social factors that cause varying levels of polit- ical corruption. Case studies of political corruption in Jamaica and Costa Rica are included.

List Price: $85.00 ISBN: 0415973287 Publication Date: 4/13/2005 Pages: 240 pages

To order in the US, Latin America, To order in Canada, and Caribbean contact: contact:

Routledge Routledge c/o Taylor & Francis c/o Taylor & Francis 10650 Toebben Drive 74 Rolark Drive Independence, KY 41051 Scarborough, Ontario M1R 4G2 Canada Call toll-free (800) 634-7064 Call international (859) 525-2230 Call toll-free (877) 226-2237

Fax toll-free (800) 248-4724 Fax (416) 299-7531 Fax international (859) 647-5027 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Web: www.routledge-ny.com Web: www.routledge-ny.com Lula and the Workers' Party

by Marian Goslinga

October 27, 2002, Almeida, Thomas. The Brazilian Branford, Sue, Bernardo Kucinski, Onthe Brazilian people Economy and President Lula [video and Hilary Wainwright. Lula and elected Luiz Inicio recording]. 2003. 1 videocassette the Workers' Party in Brazil. New Lula da Silva, the York, NY: New Press, 2003. 144 pp. leader of the Alves, Brito. A histdria de Lula: o (Originally published under the title Workers' Party (PT) and a former operdrio presidente. Rio de Janeiro: Politics Transformed.) metalworker, to the presidency with Espago e Tempo, 2003. 191 pp. 61% of the popular vote. This (Published in 2004 in Spanish as La Carvalhal, Eugenio do. "Os nego- unusual result was partly a reflec- historia de Lula: de obrero a presidente ciadores de Lula." Conjuntura tion of a gradual shift within the by Editorial Oveja Negra, Bogota, Economica,v. 57, no. 2 (February Brazilian labor movement from Colombia.) 2003): 40-43. radical socialism as a political objective to more pragmatic politi- Aragdo, Murillo de. "Lula at the Carvalho, Fernando J. Cardim de, cal and economic strategies. Halfway Point." LatinFinance and Fernando Ferrari Filho. "El This bibliography, drawing upon (September 2004): 38-41. presidente Lula da Silva en el diverse sources, sheds light on con- primer tercio de su mandato." ditions in today's Brazil, with an Bacha, Edmar Lisboa. "Elementos Investigacidn Econdmica, v. 63, no. emphasis on selections about Lula para uma economia politica das 249 (July/September 2004): 55-74. and the Workers' Party. The main reformas no governo Lula." Revista (Analyzes Lula's economic policies focus of most of the entries is eco- de Economia Politica (Brazil), v. 24, after the first third of his term, focus- nomic, reflecting both the main no. 1 (January-March 2004): 17-28. ing on policy strategies.) challenge Lula faces and the top preoccupation of analysts con- Baiocchi, Gianpaolo, ed. Radicals Cavalcanti, Luiz Otivio. O que d o cerned about Brazil's economic in Power: The Workers'Party (P) governo Lula. Sao Paulo: Landy future under his left-leaning admin- and Experiments in Urban Editora, 2003. 77 pp. istration. Democracy in Brazil New York, In addition to the more recent NY: Zed Books (distributed by Coggiola, Osvaldo. Governo Lula: titles listed below, two older but Palgrave), 2003. 254 pp. da esperanfa a realidade. Sio informative books on the formation Paulo: Xamd, 2004. 181 pp. and early experiences of the PT are Betto, Frei. "Dilemas da politica Rachel Meneguello, A formacdo de economica." CarosAmigos, v. 8, no. Coligagio Lula Presidente. Programa um partido, 1979-1982 (Rio de 95 (February 2005): 6-12. de governo 2002: um Brasilpara Janeiro: Editora Paz e Terra, 1989) todos. Sdo Paulo: Comitd Lula and Margaret Keck, The Workers' . "Lula: detalhes biografi- Presidente, 2002. 88 pp. Party and Democratization in Brazil cos," Caros Amigos, v. 6, no. 67 (New Haven: Yale University Press, (October 2002): 26-27. Corazza, Gentil, and Fernando 1992). Ferrari Filho. "A politica economica . "O significado da vitoria do governo Lula no primeiro ano Almeida, Paulo Roberto de. "La de Lula para a esquerda: a estrela de mandato: perplexidades, dile- politica externa del nuevo gobier- sobe." Caros Amigos, v. 6, no. 69 mas, resultados e alternativas." no del Presidente Luiz Inicio Lula (December 2002): 18-20. IndicadoresEconomicos FEE,v. 32, da Silva: retrospectiva historica y no. 1 (May 2004): 243-251. evaluacion pragmitica." Revista Espacio Academico, v. 2, no. 19 (December 2002): 19-37.

42 Hemisphere Volume 15 Publications Update

Dathein, Ricardo. "Governo Lula: Godio, Julio, ed. Un PT en Minakata, Kazumi, Maria Alice uma alternativa de politica Argentina? Reformular las formas Vieira, and Alexandre Fortes. economica para evitar seu fracasso de pensar la politica para entender Partido dos Trabalhadores: e atingir o desenvolvimento con la experiencia brasilenia. Buenos trajetorias. 2d ed. Sao Paulo: estabilidade de preeos." Indicadores Aires: Corregidor, 2003. Editora Funda~ao Perseu Abramo, Econamicos FEE,v. 31, no. 4 2003. 143 pp. (Intellectual founda- (February 2004): 229-258. Gratius, Susanne. "La politica exte- tions of Lula's government.) rior de Lula: ma's cambio que con- Diaz, Leonardo. Lula. Barcelona, tinuidad." Iberoamericana Morrison, John. Luiz Indcio Lula Spain: Ediciones de la Tempestad, (Germany), v. 4, Nueva epoca, no.13 da Silva. Philadelphia, PA: Chelsea 2004. 124 pp. (March 2004): 175-181. House, 2004. 96 pp.

. "O que o Brasil pode Hakim, Peter. "The Reluctant Nascimento, Joio. Lula: do agreste esperar do governo Lula." Partner." Foreign Affairs, v. 83, no. ao planalto, 1945-2003. Lisboa: Conjuntura Economica, v. 57, no. 2 1 (January/February 2004): 114- Editorial Noticias, 2003. 138 pp. (February 2003): 24-26. 123. (Suggestions for improving US-Brazil relations.) Oz6rio de Almeida, Anna. Fausto Neto, Antonio, Eliseo Ver6n, "Continuity and Change in the PT and Antonio Albino Rubim. Lula Hunter, Wendy. "Brazil's New Government." Centro Studi di presidente: televisdo e politica na Direction." Journalof Democracy 14, Politica Internazionale, Working campanha eleitoral Sao Paulo: no. 2 (2003):151-162. Papers (November 2004). Hacker, 2003. 174 pp. Indursky. Freda. "Discurso, lingua Parana, Denise. Lula, elhijo de Figueira Leal, Paulo Roberto. O PT e memoria: Lula-estrutura e acon- Brasil Marcelo Canossa, trans. e o dilema da representafdo politi- tecimento." Organon, v. 17, no. 35 Buenos Aires: Editorial El Ateneo, ca. Rio de Janeiro: Editora da (2003): 101-122. 2003. 464 pp. (Translation of Lula, Fundagio Getulio Vargas, 2005. oflho de Brasil) 128 pp. Lula (Luiz Inacio da Silva). Tengo un sueso: cinco propuestas para Paula, Antonio de. A economia Furuguem, Alberto. "Para onde cambiar la historia. Barcelona, politica da mudanfa: os desafios e vamos com Lula? Dois cenarios." Spain: Ediciones Peninsula, 2003. os equivocos do inicio do governo Conjuntura Econamica, v. 57, no. 4 91 pp. (Features speeches by Lula Lula. Belo Horizonte: Autentica, (April 2003): 12-15. from 2002-2003.) 2003. 2 54 pp.

Giambiagi, Fabio, Josd Guilherme Manzo, Paolo. Lula, elpresidente Pochmann, Marcio, ed. Atlas da Reis, and Andre Urani. Reformas dei poveri: un ex operaio alla exclusdo social no Brasi: os ricos no Brasil. balanfo e agenda. Sao guida del Brasile. Milan, Italy: no Brasil Sao Paulo: Cortez Paulo: Nova Fronteira, 2004. Baldini & Castoldi, 2003. 149 pp. Editora, 2004. 204 pp. (Features a 543 pp. regional breakdown of wealth distri- Medeiros, Jarbas. "Simpatia para o bution.) Gacek, Stanley. "Lula and Chavez: governo Lula." CarosAmigos, v. 6, Differing Responses to the no. 70 (January 2003): 39-40. Riethof, Marieke. "Changing Washington Consensus." Strategies of the Brazilian Labor New Labor Forum, v. 13, no. 1 Mendes, Candido. Lula. opfdo Movement: From Opposition to (Spring 2004): 40-49. mais que o voto. 5th ed., rev. Rio Participation." Latin American de Janeiro: Garamond, 2003. Perspectives, v. 31, no. 6 (November Genosko, Gary. The Party without 347 pp. (Attempts to explain Lula's 2004): 31-47. Bosses: Lessons on Anti-Capitalism success at the polls.) from Filix Guattari and Luiz Rodrigues, Iram Jacome. "O papel Indcio 'Lula'da Silva. Winnipeg, dos sindicatos no governo Lula." Canada: Arbeiter Ring Pub., 2003. Conjuntura Economica, v. 57, no. 9 87 pp. (Based on interviews.) (September 2003): 36-41.

Hemisphere Volume 15 Publications Update

Sallum, Basilio, and Eduardo Velasco, Sebastiao C. and Ana Maria Winckler, Carlos Roberto, and Kugelmas. "Gobierno de Lula: Cruz. "Cambiando el rumbo: la Salvatore Santagada. "Entre mun- icontinuidad, avance o retroceso?" politica exterior del gobierno de dan~a e estagnaqio: os indicadores In La Argentina de Kirchnery el Brasil Lula." In La Argentina de Kirchnery sociais na vigencia do Plano Real." de Lula, edited by Carlos Chacho el Brasil de Lula, edited by Carlos IndicadoresEcondmicos FEE,v. 32, Alvarez (Buenos Aires: Prometeo Chacho Alvarez (Buenos Aires: no. 2 (August 2004 ): 155-174. Libros): 19-36. Prometeo Libros): 117-132. Zobel, Gibby, Jessie Sklair, and Samuels, David J. "From Socialism Vernengo, Matias. "External Dylan Howitt. O Presidente to Social Democracy: Party Liberalization, Stabilization, and engraxate/ The Shoeshine President Organization and the Transforma- the Labor Market in Brazil." [video recording] Rio de Janeiro: tion of the Workers' Party in Latin American Perspectives, v. 31, no. Filmes; distributed by Latin Brazil." Comparative PoliticalStudies 4 (July 2004): 62-75. American Videoarchives, 2003. 1 37, no. 9 (2004): 999-1024. videocassette. (In Portuguese with Wheatley, Jonathan. "Widening English subtitles) U Schmidt, Benicio. "A politica Expectations." LatinFinance brasileira a partirde Lula." (September 2004): 33-36. (Discusses Marian Goslinga is the Latin Ameri- Humanidades,no. 49 (January Brazil's economic upturn in August can and Caribbeanbibliographer at 2003): 54-65. 2004.) Florida InternationalUniversity.

Soares, Laura Tavares, et al. Governo Lula: decifrando o enigma. SIo Paulo Viramundo, 2004. 190 pp. (Texts published in Now Available from Indiana University Press "Outro Brasil" between September 2003 and March 2004.) Camargo Guarnieri, Brazilian Composer: A Study of His Creative Life and Works Summariva, Marco. Lula: storia, idee, speranze. Rome: by Marion Verhaalen Malatempora, 2003. 122 pp. Published in April 2005, this book provides the first com- Trotter, Richard. "The New Economic and Social Model: A prehensive overview of Guarnieri's life and works in Third Stage of Economic and English, along with a CD compilation of representative Social Development in Brazil in works. the Millennium." Journalof the American Academy of Business, v. 4, no. 1/2 (May 2004): 178-183. Marion Verhaalen is a teacher, composer and author who teaches at the Wisconsin Conservatory of Vasconcellos, Gilberto Felisberto. Music in Milwaukee. She has spent time in Brazil as both "Medo do imperialismo financeiro: o vacilo do Governo researcher and teacher, including a semester on a Lula." CarosAmigos, v. 7, no. 75 Fulbright Professorship at the Federal University in P6rto (June 2003): 19-20. Aleg re. "A mundanea da matriz energitica da sociedade brasileira e 302 pp., 36 b&w illus., append., notes, bibl., index, 6x9 a perspectiva de Luiz Inacio Lula Cloth, ISBN 0-253-34475-1, $60 fazer o seu sucessor en 2006." Available at bookstores or by calling (800) 842-6796 Caros Amigos, v. 6, no. 68 (November 2002): 17-18.

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raion, contact: Latin.Aeia n ainal Univeriy UnvrstaD 05) 4-84 Fx 35 348-3593;W Agod0 Brazilian Studies Association BRA

4 BRASA is an international, interdisciplinary group of Brazilian Studies Association I scholars who support and promote Brazilian studies in VU Station B 350031 2301 Vanderbilt Place 4 all fields, especially in the humanities and social sciences. Vanderbilt University BRASA is dedicated to the promotion of Brazilian studies Nashville, Tennessee 37235-0031 around the world in general, and in the United States in U.S.A. particular. 615-322-2527 (tel) 615-343-6002 (fax) BRASA organizes an international congress on Brazilian e-mail: [email protected] studies every other year. The most recent congress, BRASA VII, was held at the Pontificia Universidade President: Cat6lica in Rio de Janeiro in June 2004. BRASA VIII will Timothy J. Power, Florida International University take place in October 2006 at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, USA. Vice President: Kenneth P. Serbin, University of San Diego A call for papers and panel proposals will be issued in 4 April 2005 for BRASA VIII with a deadline for submissions Executive Director: expected to be in December 2005. Marshall C. Eakin, Vanderbilt University

BRASA currently has more than 600 members in the United States, Brazil, Europe, and many other Latin American countries.

For more information, see our new website at www.brasa.org.