Band Development in Northern Ireland: Ethnographic Researcher to Policy Consultant

Home , Drumcree Church, Maiden City Festival, Siege of Derry, The Twelfth

Jacqueline Witherow

ABSTRACT: This article examines the concept of ‘band development’ taking place within the parading band culture in contemporary Northern Irish society. The parading tradition in Northern Ireland today is associated with two main characteristics; first, the public image of contemporary parading traditions is mainly negative due to its association with parading disputes that particularly developed in the 1990s. Second, that aggressively Protestant Blood and Thunder flute bands have become a dominant feature of these public performances. It is these ensembles that are defining people’s no- tions of what parading bands represent. This article will discuss how ethnographic research with these bands allowed engagement on a policy level to take place, leading to ‘band development’.

KEYWORDS: Band development, ‘Blood and Thunder’ flute bands, Northern Ireland, Protestant, Policy and Community Relations

Introduction gious, military and carnavalesque elements at- tached to it. In Northern Ireland music is seen as a power- Parades are seen by many as a problematic ful marker of religious and political identity factor in Northern Irish society as the annual within both the Protestant/unionist/loyalist marching season is believed to perpetuate the and Catholic/nationalist/republican commu- conflictual relationship between the Protestant nities. One of the most visible musical tradi- and Catholic communities. Parading events in tions in both urban and rural contexts is street Northern Ireland are frequently divisive, high- parading music. Historically, marching bands lighting cultural, political and religious differ- were formed to lead political/religious organ- ences between the two main communities. isations such as the Protestant Orange Order Segregation in Northern Ireland exists in edu- and the Catholic Ancient Order of Hibernians cation, housing and in the workplace, resulting (AOH). There are various types of parading in a society that often views the ‘other’ com- band in Northern Ireland, which include flute, munity as a threat. The feeling of being threat- accordion, pipe and silver/brass bands. Parad- ened by the ‘other’ is understandable due to ing as a form of cultural identity is particularly such segregation as well as the historical strug- important to the Protestant community in gles that have existed between the Protestant Northern Ireland. This is displayed through and Catholic communities. However, the con- their annual ‘marching season’ during the sum- temporary political situation in the province has mer months, which can be seen to have reli- gradually moved away from the violent ‘trou-

Anthropology in Action, 13, 1–2 (2006): 44–54 © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action doi:10.3167/aia.2006.131207 Band Development | AiA bles’ of the last thirty-five years to one of rela- Parading as a Problem tive peace. If the peace process which culmi- nated in the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 is Why are parading bands in Northern Ireland to progress, then this fear and lack of under- associated with a negative stigma? Parading dis- standing of the ‘other’ needs to be addressed in putes can be dated back to the mid-nineteenth order for both communities to move forward. century with the Dolly’s Brae skirmish in 1849 There has been significant research under- in County Down that resulted in the banning taken on the loyal orders, particularly the Or- of parades between 1850 and 1872 (Fraser 2000). ange Order (Jarman 1997; Bryan 2000), but At nearly every stage of Ireland’s recent, turbu- there has been relatively little research under- lent history parades have been the focus of pub- taken on marching bands (Bell 1990; Buckley lic disorder. Civil-rights marches from 1967 and Kenny 1995; Jarman 1997; de Rosa 1998; onwards are commonly viewed as the spark for Cairns 2000; Radford 2001). By engaging with the recent Troubles. Throughout the 1980s parad- such negatively perceived groups through ing became more of an important issue, perhaps ethnographic research I hope to provide an in- due to the prevalence and growing awareness sight and understanding of these groups. It was of human-rights issues. The 1980s heralded the during this ethnographic research that I was beginning of a more strategic political approach approached by Diversity Challenges, an NGO to the conflict, from republicans particularly, who work with ‘culturally specific’ groups with rather than the militaristic approach that had an aim to improve community relations and come to dominate in the 1970s. By the mid-1980s promote understanding of each ‘other’. The an- there were more parading disputes in urban ar- thropologist was now additionally a consult- eas such as Portadown, County Armagh, where, ant engaging the parading bands within the in 1985, the St Patrick’s Day parade was banned policy framework of ‘band development’. from marching through the predominantly Prot- This article will therefore discuss how eth- estant Park Road area. During the same year, nographic research facilitated access to these in reaction to the banning of the St Patrick’s Day difficult groups and enabled policy develop- parade, objections were raised toward an Orange ment with the bands. It will explore the impor- Order parade resulting in the Catholic commu- tance of engaging parading bands in the realm nity protesting when the Orange Order tried to of band development, assessing the big picture march to Drumcree church. In 1986, during an of working with difficult groups in a postcon- Easter Monday Orange Order parade, the po- flict society and in working to develop better lice decided to ban the parade from proceed- sharing of public space (Office of the First and ing down the nationalist Garvaghy Road. Deputy First Minister 2005). This will lead to a In terms of contemporary Northern Irish so- discussion of the band development work car- ciety, the parading disputes came to promi- ried out by Diversity Challenges that I assessed nence again during the summer of 1995 when as part of my remit as consultant to this organ- police blocked the return of the Drumcree isation. I will detail some of the results and prob- church Orange parade in Portadown, County lems that arose during the engagement with a Armagh from returning through an area of the number of parading bands. From this analysis town with a high Catholic population. The crux I will deliberate over the future for band devel- of this dispute lies in the control of public space. opment in the parading scene and recommend There are the conflicting factors of the Protes- how to move this process forward in order to tant Orangemen’s right to parade along their improve community relations surrounding the ‘traditional’ route versus the right of local parading context in Northern Ireland. Catholic residents, who as a minority in the

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town have experienced routine intimidation, music flute bands, accordion, pipe and silver/ to oppose the procession passing through their brass bands). The general public’s opinion of area. This parading dispute was so severe that Blood and Thunder flute bands is mainly neg- the government established the Parades Com- ative. Bands are held to be threatening, tri- mission, an independent government body that umphalist, aggressive males who consume too assesses whether or not contentious parades much alcohol and play their ‘rough’ music can take place in such flashpoint areas. loudly in an attempt to aggravate local Catholic communities. Consequently, the behaviour of a number of bands has brought the Blood and Dominance of Protestant Thunder band type under public scrutiny. Darby Parading Culture (1986), one of the earliest writers on the conflict and parading bands in Northern Ireland, Since the beginning of the Troubles in 1969, the discusses the diverse types of parading bands, number of bands and parades within the Prot- from the religious to the Blood and Thunder, estant community has grown substantially, so showing how ‘innocent airs’ can have ‘a party much so that the parading tradition itself has character’ which can intimidate the other com- become primarily associated with this commu- munity. Jarman (1997) similarly documents nity (Bryan and Jarman 1996). To understand how a popular Protestant tune such as ‘The the dominance and growth of the Protestant Sash’, which is often performed by Blood and parading tradition and in particular Blood and Thunder bands, has provoked incidents in- Thunder flute bands it is necessary to look at volving the Catholic community. He remarks the historical context of this cultural display. how the use of this loud (‘discordant sound’) The origin of the Protestant parading tradi- and aggressive music (‘rough music’) has been tion has been documented back to the eighteenth the catalyst in provoking violent incidents. century. Fraser (2000) notes that the Orange Or- These hardline flute bands are the most der was established in 1795 after the Battle of visible display of masculinity within the Prot- the Diamond, near Portadown. The name of the estant community and are viewed by some Order derives from the Protestant Prince Wil- working-class people as a way to fulfil social, liam of Orange in commemoration of his vic- cultural and political needs of young men, par- tory over Catholic King James II in 1690 at the ticularly in urban areas. Bell (1990: 98) remarks Battle of the Boyne. A key part of these parades on the role and rise of parading bands in work- has been the use of musical bands to accom- ing-class areas when he states, ‘each is a repre- pany the Orange lodges. The diversity of bands sentative of its local areas and a focal point of has set the tone for different types of parade, local solidarities. Each of the Protestant estates from ‘respectable’ bands playing hymns to in the Derry area has thrown up a marching ‘rough’ bands indulging in loud, sectarian per- band over the last decade or so’. formances. While the bands often have a close Bell also believes that to understand why relationship with the Orange Order and various working-class Protestants have resorted to loyalist organisations they are fundamentally such visual and audible displays, we as social independent. As such, both at their own band scientists need to examine the social and eco- parades and through their behaviour and the nomic marginalisation of these groups: flags they carry in the Orange parades, they the ‘nationalism of the neighbourhood’, as Phil have their own particular space in the Protes- Cohen (1998) calls it, is not reducible to a struc- tant parading tradition. ture of personal prejudice but must be under- Since the 1960s Blood and Thunder flute stood as a form of regressive ethnicity which bands have eclipsed the other band types (part- arises as a youth-cultural response in specific

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material situations. We need to more clearly iden- factor in the rise of parading bands in these tify the political, economic and cultural conditions communities. However, it is also important to under which youthful ethnic representations and note that there are over 630 active, unionist practices degenerate into racist outcomes. (Bell parading bands in Northern Ireland (Table 1). 1990: 169) The parading tradition, in other words, appears The impact of the conflict and the economic ram- very vibrant. Indeed, it could be hypothesised ifications of de-industrialisation have greatly that it is precisely because of the feelings of affected working-class, urban areas. ‘The con- powerlessness that there are so many flute flict since the late 1960s has proved particu- bands in Protestant, working-class communi- larly lethal for the residents of working class ties. As such, any process of conflict transforma- districts of Northern Ireland’ (Coulter 1999: 72). tion requires the involvement of working-class, Blood and Thunder flute bands in these Protestant communities and engagement with areas are a musical response of working-class, the band-parading tradition must be an impor- Protestant men, to voice their feelings of eco- tant element of that. nomic exclusion and political alienation resulting from the threat of an all-Ireland state. Dunn and Morgan (1993) suggest that the term Engagement ‘Protestant alienation’ is used, ‘to account for feelings of uncertainty and insecurity experi- It is the popularity of the parading tradition enced by the Protestant community, and to de- within the Protestant community, the ongoing scribe a mood that reflects a sense of political conflict over parade routes, and the need to de- isolation and relative powerlessness’. velop peace-building strategies that have led I believe it is necessary to look at how the organisations such as the Community Rela- social, economic and political grievances of tions Council (CRC) and Diversity Challenges working-class Protestants may be a resultant to focus on a process of engaging with groups

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Table 1: Denominational Breakdown of Marching bands in Northern Ireland, last updated January 2006

Unionist Nationalist No Affiliation Total Flute 327 20 0 347 Pipe 144 9 3 156 Accordion 117 22 0 139 Silver/Brass 45 3 10 58 Total 633 54 13 700

Source: Witherow, J. forthcoming. Parading Bands in Northern Ireland, Belfast: Diversity Challenges and Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University Belfast.

linked to parading. Examples of the groups in prevalence. Bell (1990) inspired my interest question include the Orange Order, AOH and with his work on youth culture in L’derry that parading bands from both communities. The incorporated the parading band scene. I wanted rationale behind targeting such groups is to fa- to take the ethnographic approach a step fur- cilitate work that can help develop a society ther than Bell by immersing myself into the that understands and respects cultural diversity. flute-band world. I achieved this by becoming An example of such engagement is the CRC’s a participant observer of five Protestant flute work with the Apprentice Boys of Derry, who bands over a period of eighteen months, explor- organise the annual, contentious, 12 August ing their preparation and participation in their parade in commemoration of the Siege of annual marching season. Derry. This work began in 1997 at a time when When Diversity Challenges, a local NGO and the Drumcree parading dispute was a daily charity, became aware of my research they ap- topic within the media and the peace process proached me with a project that had close link- was moving forward due to negotiations that age with some of the areas I would be investi- led to the Good Friday Agreement. gating. The project they proposed had two main The CRC and Apprentice Boys worked to- components to it. The first and largest part of the gether and through funding, the Maiden City project involved an audit of all parading bands Festival was established. The objective of cre- in existence in Northern Ireland in order to deter- ating this festival was to help provide under- mine the scale of this cultural activity for future standing within the local community of what development work in Northern Ireland. This ex- the parade was about through cultural events ercise confirmed my belief that the flute-band leading up to the main, 12 August parade. The tradition was dominating the parading culture success of the Maiden City Festival was evi- in the province. The second part of the Diversity dent through the reduction of policing costs by Challenges project involved the analysis of case an estimated £800,000 for the annual parade studies of parading bands that participated in a and this has led the way for other groups and number of band-development schemes, funded organisations to look at this option for organis- by Diversity Challenges. Could the process of ing their events. band development offer parading bands an opportunity to be actively involved in altering the negative public perception of this cultural ac- Ethnographic Research of tivity? To what extent would my involvement Protestant Flute Bands in this process alter the nature of my own ethnographic research in relation to how these bands There has been a striking lack of research on are constructing their identity; and how would marching bands in Northern Ireland given their this affect my role as an anthropologist?

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In terms of organisations that work specifi- bands on many levels. Secondly, many of the cally with parading bands, Diversity Challenges bands Diversity Challenges are targeting have are seen as progressive as they are willing to young men from socioeconomically deprived take risks by working with parading bands areas in the province as members. Diversity that have negative reputations across the prov- Challenges recognise the importance of engag- ince. Will Glendinning, chief consultant of the ing with sections of communities that have be- organisation, believes this work is necessary come politically alienated through the peace and that there is more of a risk by not engag- process. Many of these areas (especially urban ing with these groups. Diversity Challenges ones) have not been regenerated, therefore they recognise the importance of the parading tra- are still lacking in facilities such as community ditions in Northern Ireland: centres and parks where young people could participate in activities. 1. Bands form a significant part of the cul- Why would parading bands wish to engage ture of sections of loyalist and republican in a process of band development? Ninety per- communities. cent of parading bands today are independent 2. Band parades are a feature of the ‘march- from the Orange Order and essentially exist ing season’. as independent, neighbourhood associations. 3. Bands perceive themselves to be margin- Within their local communities some bands rec- alised and demonised even by those from ognise that the excessive drinking and male bra- the Loyal Orders. vado characterisation is losing them support. 4. Band parades and the behaviour of bands A small number of Protestant parading bands at other parades are seen as key compo- realise that their public image needs to be ad- nents in the problems and poor perception dressed and have opted to adopt this develop- of parading, particularly by those from ment strategy in re-creating themselves in a other communities and traditions. new era—striving to become ‘respectable’ as a 5. Bands, in particular Blood and Thunder means of regenerating community support. and ‘republican’ bands, are often seen as Diversity Challenges recognised that to de- having connections with paramilitaries velop some sort of policy intervention it was through the carrying of flags or the dis- necessary to construct a database to calculate play of emblems on drums or dress. the number of parading bands existing in North- 6. Bands are an important part of youth cul- ern Ireland, from both the Protestant and Cath- ture in communities. olic communities, for future development work. The first objective of my role as consultant to It is important to clarify what is meant by band Diversity Challenges began with the construc- development. Band development schemes in- tion of this audit. The task of compiling this corporate initiatives such as training in com- audit was difficult, as both the Catholic and munity development, good relations, and the Protestant banding communities do not have teaching of essentials skills such as literacy and an overarching, representative body that would numeracy as well as musical skills. Diversity be able to provide such information. Instead I Challenges have provided set-up costs for new had to rely on the contacts I had made through bands and have carried out community audits the ethnographic research. Whilst I had gained to gauge local opinion on band parades. Such considerable trust from bands through previous development initiatives have a twofold effect work, particularly in the Protestant commu- within local communities across Northern Ire- nity, many were still suspicious of why a data- land. First, they are contributing to the devel- base was being constructed. Consequently, in opment of community relations by improving order to compile this data many hours of desk

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research were required due to the lack of coop- pipe and silver/brass (which are viewed as eration from the banding communities. more cross-community in their membership) The database revealed that of the 700 bands are not developed, then there will be a social, recorded in Northern Ireland, the vast majority musical and cultural loss. Especially as these of 633 or 90 percent are unionist, in contrast to band types participate in events that are less 54 or 8 percent that are nationalist (Table 1). threatening than the Blood and Thunder pa- Secondly, it is evident that flute bands are rades that dominate the parading season. Geo- the dominant band type, particularly within the graphically, the audit revealed a trend of urban/ unionist community—of the 700 bands recorded, rural difference, with flute bands densely dis- 347 or 50% is in fact flute bands (Table 2). In tributed in urban areas such as Belfast, L’derry terms of sheer numbers this audit identifies the and Coleraine. In contrast, rural areas have man- importance of the flute-band tradition. From aged to conserve the musical diversity of this a consultancy position I was able to provide cultural activity with a mixture of flute (Blood Diversity Challenges with the evidence they and Thunder and part-music), accordion, pipe, require from a policy viewpoint in demon- silver and brass bands. strating the importance of their work in target- This data clearly illustrates that the number ing the dominant and negatively perceived of Catholic bands is small in comparison with Blood and Thunder flute bands for ‘reform’. the Protestant community. Today, the parading Whilst these figures clearly illustrate the band tradition within the Catholic community importance of the flute-band tradition across is not an important element of their cultural Northern Ireland, they also illustrate the need identity. Yet the annual Lady’s Day parade (15 to conserve and develop other banding tradi- August) from the 1890s to the First World War tions in the province. If flute bands are becom- ‘was treated by the Irish Times as comparable ing the dominant trend for new bands starting to the Twelfth, the Ancient Order of Hibernians up then there is a risk that accordion, pipe and (AOH) rivalled the Orange Order, and Derry especially silver/brass bands might diminish nationalists paraded the city walls each St. Pat- if they are not promoted to the younger gener- rick’s Day’ (Jarman and Bryan 2000: 95). How- ations. If other band types such as accordion, ever, after the formation of the Northern Ireland

Table 2: Marching Band Types in Northern Ireland, January 2006

ALL BANDS FLUTE PIPE ACCORDION SILVER/BRASS Total N.I. 347 156 139 58 700

Source: Witherow, J. forthcoming. Parading Bands in Northern Ireland, Belfast: Diversity Challenges and Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University Belfast.

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tional pattern. The band in question travelled to the Republic of Ireland and paraded in a festival leading up to the St Patrick’s Day parade. Initially, the band received mixed reactions from their Protestant banding community. How- ever, after the event these reactions did alter into generally more positive attitudes. The positive responses were only gained because the band made it clear that they did not compromise any aspect of their ensemble. In practical terms, state in 1921 an ‘expansion of the Orange parad- their uniforms, flags and tunes remained the ing “tradition” and the lack of a comparable same. After the event, the band received posi- Green “tradition” were closely linked to the dif- tive responses on their band website and from ferentials of power within the northern state as the local media. Such engagement offers the the new political entity aimed to consolidate possibility of improved community relations its identity as both Protestant and British’ (Jar- across Ireland. man and Bryan 2000: 96). This diminishing of An equally successful development scheme the Catholic parading band, especially the AOH involved another Protestant Blood and Thunder bands, was primarily caused by an internal bat- flute band that engaged in survey work in tle between nationalism (AOH) and republi- order to gauge and improve local community canism. Republicanism became the dominant relations. This development scheme is of par- force for Catholic representation after the 1916 ticular interest as the band in question requested Easter Rising, and the AOH became politically this work to be initiated, as they were shocked marginalised. This led to republican commem- to learn that local opinion of them was mainly orations, such those for the Easter Rising, be- negative. Projects include the development of coming the dominant feature of the Catholic a music centre in a socio-economically deprived parading tradition (Jarman and Bryan 2000). In village, which will provide local residents, both order to improve community relations regard- young and old, the opportunity to learn and ing the parading culture in Northern Ireland, it develop a variety of musical skills with a view to is equally important to develop the nationalist making their local band parades more family- parading tradition and to discuss how both orientated events. communities can develop shared space through However, there were a number of bands in- negotiation. volved in this initial work that responded neg- The second part of my remit as consultant to atively to their band development projects. Diversity Challenges involved an analysis of Within the Protestant parading tradition a siege the band-development schemes carried out by mentality exists among many band members. a number of parading bands. Diversity Chal- McGovern (1994) refers to this siege mentality lenges required an evaluation of these initial prevailing in the Ulster Protestant community, projects in order to plan future policy work with drawing symbolically on the events surround- these groups. The case studies revealed that a ing the Siege of Derry (1688/89), as a means of number of parading bands completed their de- identifying ways in which the Protestant com- velopment schemes and received supportive munity in Northern Ireland is attempting to responses from the banding world and local protect its cultural identity. Suspicion and fear communities. An example of successful engage- exists among band members, as they believe ment was with a Blood and Thunder flute band that if they engage in such development activ- that participated in an event outside its tradi- ities then their band ethos will be altered. Some

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bands are simply afraid of trying something engaging the Catholic banding community for new, especially if a band has been functioning possible future band-development work. Whilst in a certain pattern and performing the same the schemes I examined only involved Protes- tunes for decades. tant bands it was important to engage with the It is clear that this fear existing within the Catholic banding community at this time. Ini- Protestant banding community needs to be tial contact with the Catholic banding world tackled if trust is to be built. Diversity Chal- was particularly arduous. Within the Protestant lenges agreed that to help develop trust with banding community I was able to initiate con- bands it would be useful to present the find- tact for my consultancy work from the contacts ings to the bands themselves, first to let them I had already established through my ethno- see that Diversity Challenges is actively in- graphic research. Therefore, I had to go to greater volved in developing such work and secondly lengths in order to engage with the Catholic to illustrate that the process does not compro- banding community. After an initial premeeting, mise the cultural ethos of these ensembles. An- and change of venue to a location perceived as other objective in delivering these findings more acceptable, the Catholic band members was to engage with these groups individually came together, probably for the first time ever, in order to gauge how they wish to move for- to be presented with the findings of the Diver- ward and to answer any queries they had con- sity Challenges band-development report. cerning the process of band development. Being The Catholic banding community in atten- open and transparent about my role in research- dance were reminded of the dwindling numbers ing the bands and giving them the opportunity of parading bands in existence in their commu- to ask any questions provided them with the nity, especially within the AOH community. reassurance they needed in order to build trust Several attendees stated the importance of with the researcher. developing and promoting the Catholic band- In relation to those in Protestant bands, the ing tradition, as there is a risk of extinction of delivery of my findings illustrated to them the this parading culture. This initial engagement importance and strength of the parading tra- highlighted the continued and prolonged strug- dition. Several bands admitted that the siege gle between AOH and republican bands. AOH mentality existing within their community members at the presentation blamed republi- was preventing them from ‘moving forward’. cans for not supporting and promoting their The consensus of the Protestant banding com- ensembles to the younger generation, especially munity in attendance at the report-findings during the Troubles when republican flute presentation was that the process of band de- bands became increasingly popular in Catholic velopment is the way forward in improving working-class areas. This band type was par- community relations, providing understanding ticularly in vogue during the conflict as they to the general public of what parading bands supported political speeches and rallies organ- mean to the bandsmen, as well as developing ised by Sinn Féin. The style of musical perform- and improving musical abilities, giving the par- ance and military regalia of republican flute ticipants much pride. However, several of those bands is similar to Protestant Blood and Thun- band representatives in attendance voiced con- der flute bands. From the band audit, it seems cerns that it would take time for the rest of the probable that republican flute bands may soon Protestant banding community to agree to en- outnumber the dwindling AOH bands (which gage in the process of band development due are accordion and pipe), just as within the Prot- to the fear and mistrust that currently exists. estant community flute bands have become in- The delivery of my findings on the Diversity creasingly dominant since beginning of the Challenges project was especially positive in Troubles in the late 1960s.

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Conclusion in order to develop the positive roles bands can play within Northern Irish society. For exam- This article has illustrated how ethnographic ple, bands are often a positive outlet for many research has helped facilitate consultancy work young, working-class, Protestant men who oth- within a policy framework with parading bands erwise may get involved in destructive para- in Northern Ireland. It is evident from the data military activity. Bell (1990: 115) supports this collected that a large number of parading bands role of bands within communities when he are in existence today, especially within the states, ‘the bands went from strength to strength Protestant community. This large volume of providing for young people an alternative for bands indicates the importance of the parad- paramilitary activity’. Therefore, bands in both ing bands to many Protestant people, espe- communities may provide positive influences cially in working-class communities, as this in relation to musical development, behaviour cultural display is a vehicle in which perceived and confidence for many young people. How- grievances can be voiced. Successful engage- ever, it must be noted that some bands have ment with these groups should have a signifi- been a platform for the recruitment for para- cant impact upon community relations and in militaries, especially at the height of the Trou- reconciliation. For example, if a leading Blood bles during the 1970s (Jarman 1997; Radford and Thunder band is prepared to perform pub- 2001; Witherow 2006). licly in the ‘other’ space (Republic of Ireland) The siege mentality that exists in many and this is deemed acceptable, then such open- parading bands offers a very real obstacle. This ings might aid in building trust and understand affects their relationship with outsiders and in a divided society. The government policy those wishing to access their bands for engage- document A Shared Future (Office of the First ment purposes. Elements of this attitude per- and Deputy First Minister 2005) supports such meate through the band-development process. action in moving communities forward in a This fuels suspicions of anyone questioning postconflict society. them about their cultural practices. Further re- Some may argue against developing bands search on the processes at work is essential in when the parades have the ability to cause disorder to gain a better understanding of the ac- putes, exacerbating sectarian tension and often tivities of band members. violence, which further segregates Protestant It is only through participant observation and Catholic communities. This negative repu- and ethnography that this research could have tation that the parading tradition holds today been undertaken. Diversity Challenges’ devel- in Northern Ireland must be viewed in context. opment work served to build a closer relation- The number of disputes and/or incidents is ship with the bands involved which obviously limited in comparison to the number of bands aided my ethnographic approach. Addition- in existence today and the thousands of band ally, this deeper relationship allowed me to parades that occur annually. Pessimists may gain another insight into the operation of the argue that these sectarian ensembles should be bands. On the other hand, if it were not for sidelined in hope of their demise and extinction my initial ethnographic research, the Diversity in a modern, postconflict society. I argue that Challenges project would have been very diffi- to ignore the existence of the parading tradi- cult. The nature of the groups being dealt with tions in Northern Ireland is perilous. This is demanded the use of ethnography, particularly especially pertinent as the statistical evidence with the need to build trust. The policy out- reveals parading as a vibrant phenomenon comes became possible because of the existing within the Protestant community. A wider view relationships with the bands but also provided of the parading tradition is therefore necessary a mechanism of feedback and empowerment

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for band members. The information supplied Darby, J. 1986. Intimidation and the Control of Con- by the audit, for example, allows them to push flict in Northern Ireland, New York: Syracuse for greater funding. Whilst projects of band de- University Press. De Rosa, C. 1998. ‘Playing Nationalism’, in velopment remain at an early stage they have A. Buckley (ed.) Symbols in Northern Ireland, started an engagement process with an impor- Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s tant but alienated group in Northern Ireland. University Belfast, 99–116. Dunn, S. and V. Morgan 1993. Protestant Alienation, Jacqueline Witherow is a Ph.D. student in Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, Uni- Ethnomusicology at Queen’s University Belfast, versity of Ulster. and runs JSL Consultancy. Her email is Fraser, T. (ed.) 2000. The Irish Parading Tradition: [email protected]. Following the Drum, London: Macmillan. Jarman, N. 1997. Material Conflicts: Parades and Visual Displays in Northern Ireland, Oxford: Berg. Jarman, N. and D. Bryan 2000. ‘Green Parades in References an Orange State: Nationalist and Republican Commemorations and Demonstrations from Bell, D. 1990. Acts of Union: Youth Culture and Sec- Partition to the Troubles, 1920–70’, in T. Fraser tarianism in Northern Ireland, London: Macmillan. (ed.) The Irish Parading Tradition: Following the Bryan, D. 2000. Orange Parades: The Politics of Rit- Drum, London: Macmillan, 95–110. ual, Tradition and Control, London: Pluto Press. McGovern, M. 1994. The Siege Myth: The Siege of Bryan, D. and N. Jarman 1996. Parade and Protest: A Derry in Ulster Protestant Political Culture—1689– Discussion of Parading Disputes in Northern Ire- 1939, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Liverpool. land, University of Ulster (Coleraine): Centre for Office of the First and Deputy First Minister 2005. the Study of Conflict. A Shared Future, Policy and Strategic Framework Buckley, A. and M. Kenney 1995. Negotiating Iden- for Good Relations in Northern Ireland. tity: Rhetoric, Metaphor and Social Drama in Radford, K. 2001. ‘Drum Rolls and Gender Roles Northern Ireland, Washington: Smithsonian. in Protestant Marching Bands in Belfast’, British Cairns, D. 2000. ‘The Object of Sectarianism: The Journal of Ethnomusicology 10 (2): 37–59. Material Reality of Sectarianism in Ulster Loyal- Witherow, J. 2006. ‘The “War on Terrorism” and ism’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute Protestant Parading Bands in Northern Ireland’, (N.S.) 6 (3): 437–452. Quest E-Journal Issue 1, Faculty of Arts, Humani- Cohen, P. 1998. ‘Perversions of Inheritance: Studies ties and Social Sciences, Queen’s University in the Making of Multi-racist Britain’, in P. Co- Belfast (www.qub.ac.uk/quest). hen and H. Bains, Multi-racist Britain, London: Witherow, J. forthcoming. Parading Bands in North- Macmillan, 9–118. ern Ireland, Belfast: Diversity Challenges and Coulter, C. 1999. Contemporary Northern Irish Soci- Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University ety: An Introduction, London: Pluto Press. Belfast.

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