Band Development in Northern Ireland: Ethnographic Researcher to Policy Consultant
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Band Development in Northern Ireland: Ethnographic Researcher to Policy Consultant Jacqueline Witherow ABSTRACT: This article examines the concept of ‘band development’ taking place within the parading band culture in contemporary Northern Irish society. The parading tra- dition in Northern Ireland today is associated with two main characteristics; first, the public image of contemporary parading traditions is mainly negative due to its asso- ciation with parading disputes that particularly developed in the 1990s. Second, that aggressively Protestant Blood and Thunder flute bands have become a dominant fea- ture of these public performances. It is these ensembles that are defining people’s no- tions of what parading bands represent. This article will discuss how ethnographic research with these bands allowed engagement on a policy level to take place, leading to ‘band development’. KEYWORDS: Band development, ‘Blood and Thunder’ flute bands, Northern Ireland, Protestant, Policy and Community Relations Introduction gious, military and carnavalesque elements at- tached to it. In Northern Ireland music is seen as a power- Parades are seen by many as a problematic ful marker of religious and political identity factor in Northern Irish society as the annual within both the Protestant/unionist/loyalist marching season is believed to perpetuate the and Catholic/nationalist/republican commu- conflictual relationship between the Protestant nities. One of the most visible musical tradi- and Catholic communities. Parading events in tions in both urban and rural contexts is street Northern Ireland are frequently divisive, high- parading music. Historically, marching bands lighting cultural, political and religious differ- were formed to lead political/religious organ- ences between the two main communities. isations such as the Protestant Orange Order Segregation in Northern Ireland exists in edu- and the Catholic Ancient Order of Hibernians cation, housing and in the workplace, resulting (AOH). There are various types of parading in a society that often views the ‘other’ com- band in Northern Ireland, which include flute, munity as a threat. The feeling of being threat- accordion, pipe and silver/brass bands. Parad- ened by the ‘other’ is understandable due to ing as a form of cultural identity is particularly such segregation as well as the historical strug- important to the Protestant community in gles that have existed between the Protestant Northern Ireland. This is displayed through and Catholic communities. However, the con- their annual ‘marching season’ during the sum- temporary political situation in the province has mer months, which can be seen to have reli- gradually moved away from the violent ‘trou- Anthropology in Action, 13, 1–2 (2006): 44–54 © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action doi:10.3167/aia.2006.131207 Band Development | AiA bles’ of the last thirty-five years to one of rela- Parading as a Problem tive peace. If the peace process which culmi- nated in the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 is Why are parading bands in Northern Ireland to progress, then this fear and lack of under- associated with a negative stigma? Parading dis- standing of the ‘other’ needs to be addressed in putes can be dated back to the mid-nineteenth order for both communities to move forward. century with the Dolly’s Brae skirmish in 1849 There has been significant research under- in County Down that resulted in the banning taken on the loyal orders, particularly the Or- of parades between 1850 and 1872 (Fraser 2000). ange Order (Jarman 1997; Bryan 2000), but At nearly every stage of Ireland’s recent, turbu- there has been relatively little research under- lent history parades have been the focus of pub- taken on marching bands (Bell 1990; Buckley lic disorder. Civil-rights marches from 1967 and Kenny 1995; Jarman 1997; de Rosa 1998; onwards are commonly viewed as the spark for Cairns 2000; Radford 2001). By engaging with the recent Troubles. Throughout the 1980s parad- such negatively perceived groups through ing became more of an important issue, perhaps ethnographic research I hope to provide an in- due to the prevalence and growing awareness sight and understanding of these groups. It was of human-rights issues. The 1980s heralded the during this ethnographic research that I was beginning of a more strategic political approach approached by Diversity Challenges, an NGO to the conflict, from republicans particularly, who work with ‘culturally specific’ groups with rather than the militaristic approach that had an aim to improve community relations and come to dominate in the 1970s. By the mid-1980s promote understanding of each ‘other’. The an- there were more parading disputes in urban ar- thropologist was now additionally a consult- eas such as Portadown, County Armagh, where, ant engaging the parading bands within the in 1985, the St Patrick’s Day parade was banned policy framework of ‘band development’. from marching through the predominantly Prot- This article will therefore discuss how eth- estant Park Road area. During the same year, nographic research facilitated access to these in reaction to the banning of the St Patrick’s Day difficult groups and enabled policy develop- parade, objections were raised toward an Orange ment with the bands. It will explore the impor- Order parade resulting in the Catholic commu- tance of engaging parading bands in the realm nity protesting when the Orange Order tried to of band development, assessing the big picture march to Drumcree church. In 1986, during an of working with difficult groups in a postcon- Easter Monday Orange Order parade, the po- flict society and in working to develop better lice decided to ban the parade from proceed- sharing of public space (Office of the First and ing down the nationalist Garvaghy Road. Deputy First Minister 2005). This will lead to a In terms of contemporary Northern Irish so- discussion of the band development work car- ciety, the parading disputes came to promi- ried out by Diversity Challenges that I assessed nence again during the summer of 1995 when as part of my remit as consultant to this organ- police blocked the return of the Drumcree isation. I will detail some of the results and prob- church Orange parade in Portadown, County lems that arose during the engagement with a Armagh from returning through an area of the number of parading bands. From this analysis town with a high Catholic population. The crux I will deliberate over the future for band devel- of this dispute lies in the control of public space. opment in the parading scene and recommend There are the conflicting factors of the Protes- how to move this process forward in order to tant Orangemen’s right to parade along their improve community relations surrounding the ‘traditional’ route versus the right of local parading context in Northern Ireland. Catholic residents, who as a minority in the | 45 AiA | Jacqueline Witherow town have experienced routine intimidation, music flute bands, accordion, pipe and silver/ to oppose the procession passing through their brass bands). The general public’s opinion of area. This parading dispute was so severe that Blood and Thunder flute bands is mainly neg- the government established the Parades Com- ative. Bands are held to be threatening, tri- mission, an independent government body that umphalist, aggressive males who consume too assesses whether or not contentious parades much alcohol and play their ‘rough’ music can take place in such flashpoint areas. loudly in an attempt to aggravate local Catholic communities. Consequently, the behaviour of a number of bands has brought the Blood and Dominance of Protestant Thunder band type under public scrutiny. Darby Parading Culture (1986), one of the earliest writers on the con- flict and parading bands in Northern Ireland, Since the beginning of the Troubles in 1969, the discusses the diverse types of parading bands, number of bands and parades within the Prot- from the religious to the Blood and Thunder, estant community has grown substantially, so showing how ‘innocent airs’ can have ‘a party much so that the parading tradition itself has character’ which can intimidate the other com- become primarily associated with this commu- munity. Jarman (1997) similarly documents nity (Bryan and Jarman 1996). To understand how a popular Protestant tune such as ‘The the dominance and growth of the Protestant Sash’, which is often performed by Blood and parading tradition and in particular Blood and Thunder bands, has provoked incidents in- Thunder flute bands it is necessary to look at volving the Catholic community. He remarks the historical context of this cultural display. how the use of this loud (‘discordant sound’) The origin of the Protestant parading tradi- and aggressive music (‘rough music’) has been tion has been documented back to the eighteenth the catalyst in provoking violent incidents. century. Fraser (2000) notes that the Orange Or- These hardline flute bands are the most der was established in 1795 after the Battle of visible display of masculinity within the Prot- the Diamond, near Portadown. The name of the estant community and are viewed by some Order derives from the Protestant Prince Wil- working-class people as a way to fulfil social, liam of Orange in commemoration of his vic- cultural and political needs of young men, par- tory over Catholic King James II in 1690 at the ticularly in urban areas. Bell (1990: 98) remarks Battle of the Boyne. A key part of these parades on the role and rise of parading bands in work- has been the use of musical bands to accom- ing-class areas when he states, ‘each is a repre- pany the Orange lodges. The diversity of bands sentative of its local areas and a focal point of has set the tone for different types of parade, local solidarities. Each of the Protestant estates from ‘respectable’ bands playing hymns to in the Derry area has thrown up a marching ‘rough’ bands indulging in loud, sectarian per- band over the last decade or so’.