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A Survey of Philippine-India Relations in the Post-Independence Period

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A Survey of Philippine-India Relations in the Post-Independence Period A SURVEY OF PHILIPPINE·INDIA RELATIONS IN THE POST-INDEPENDENCE PERIOD:? AJIT SINGH RYE PHILIPPINE-INDIA RELATIONS IN THE POST-INDEPEN- dence period started on a note of unenthusiastic cordiality, almost de- void of warmth and certainly lacking in intimacy. Consciously absent in these relations was the appeal to past cultural ties, commonly shared religious and social c11stoms and traditions that had characterized inter- Asian relations in general and India's ties with her neighbours in parti- cular. This, although India's cultural influence on the Philippines was among the earliest influences that Filipino scholars acknowledged.1 Distance alone would not account for lapses in these relations. Even during their colonial periods, trade continued between the two coun- tries.2 And more insistently, Indians and Filipinos held on to their spi- ritual bonds although their movements for independence had differences of approach and employed separate techniques. Though the political leaders of both nations were not in direct touch with each other, India was looked up to by generations of Filipinos who were acquainted with the works of Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru.3 No dispute arising from domestic or foreign affairs ever between the two coun- tries. Yet, when they gained their independence within almost a year of each other, they found themselves estranged, pursuing divergent ways in world affairs, and· looking at each oher with disguised indif- ference and hostility. The reason for this state of affairs must be seen in terms of an Asia that achieved freedom at the outbreak of the cold war among the Big Powers. In this context, it is evident that even before the process of * Paper presented at the International Conference on Asian History held at Kuala Lumpur from 5th-10th August 1968. 1 Tomas S. Fonacier, in his Foreword to The Culture of India by Tara Ali Baig (Quezon City, 1955) p. iii. For a detailed discussion on the extent of India's cultural influence in the Philippines, see Teocloro A. Agoncillo and Oscar Alfonso, History of the Filipino People (Quezon City, 1967), pp. 33-35. See also T. A. Agoncillo, "Oriental Heritage of the Philippines", a paper pre- sented at the First Asian History Congress held in New Delhi, Dec. 9-13, 1961; D. N, Roy, The Philippines and India (Manila, 1929), and Juan R. Francisco, "Indian Influences in the Philippines with special reference to Language and Literature", Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review, Vol. XXIII, Nos. 1-3 (January-September, 1963). 2 Serafin D. Quiason, English "Country Trade" with the Philippines, 1644- 1765 (Quezon City, 1966), p. 3. 3 Gleaned from a personal interview with Dr. C. P. Romulo, President, University of the Philippines, February 5, 1967. 271 272 ASIAN STUDIES decolonization started in earnest, cold war pressures had begun to dis- tort events and unduly affect· the perspectives of the people of Asia:1 The initiative of smaller and weaker countries to develop inter-Asian relations and their own economic and political was subtly cur- tailed or subverted by their former colonial masters. Employing the cold war as a convenient and convincing tool, they were successful in legitimizing concessions and privileges which under different circum- stances could never have been granted. 5 By the time India became independent in August, 1947, the Philip- pines had entered into various political and economic commitments with the United States including the Military Bases Agreement, a Trade Treaty and Military Assistance Agreement. The Constitution of the country was amended granting parity rights to American citizens in the Philip- pines. Manuel Roxas, the first President of the Republic, during his election campaign, pledged wholehearted support as well as intimate co- operation with the United States. He agreed to most of these crucial "greements and was, therefore, the prime architect of independent Phil- ippines' foreign policy. In his final appeal to the people, he urged the approval of the Parity Amendment at the polls, giving fundamental rea- sons why the Philippines had to join hands with the United States. Should the people reject the amendment, Roxas warned them of the consequences rather frankly: 6 If we should make that kind of demonstrations by rejecting the parity amendment, America will have reason to reexamine her attitude towards us. Our entire foreign policy, so firmly based on our special relationship with the United States would have to be reoriented. We must remember, however great our pride in independence that we are a small nation, pre- sently poor and defenseless. In a world far from stabilized no small nation today is without its special ties with a greater or stronger power. Do we prefer to establish special ties with China, with Russia or with France? I do not think so. History had made our decision for us and for this we must be fervently thankful. We have the privilege for which every other nation in the world would pay in billions for a special position .in relation to the United States that position is our greatest asset today. It is an asset which we cannot buy for any amount of money. It lends us prestige, strength, security and economic support. (Italics supplied.) 4 ''The Peasant War in the Philippines", Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review (U.P. Golden JuJ:>ilee Number),· Vol. XXIII, Nos. 2-4 (June- December, 1958), p. 417. See also M. J. Desai, "Principles of Post-War Indian . Foreign Policy", The Australian Journal of Politics and History (Special Number, Modern India), Vol. XII, No. 2 (August, 1966), pp. 221-222. 5 Most of the mutual defense agreements signed by the United States with various Asian countries would fall in this category. The United States- Philippines Military Bases Agreement, Trade Treaty and Parity Amendments are specific examples. 6 Manuel Roxas, "Message to the Filipino People Urging Approval of the Constitutional Amendment to Parity at Plebescite", on March 11, · 1947, in Important Speeches, Messages and Other Pronouncements of President Manuel Roxas (Manila, Bureau of Printing, 1947), p. 391. A SURVEY OF PHILIPPINE-INDIA RELATIONS 273' This. forthnight..statement by President Roxas set the tone of Phil- ippine attitude .. towards world affairs. From then on considerations of. Philippine-American relations were to determine the scope, nature, and direction of Philippine foreign policy. Despite obvious implications of such policy, Roxas won out, and the I>arity Amendment was approved by the voters. · While the Philippines had decided to follow a policy of alignment, India. chose to follow an entirely different course in world affairs. In September, 1946, when Mr. Ne;hru assumed. leadership of the Interim Government of India, he laid down the fundamental guideline for In- dian foreign policy. With varying degree . of emphasis, this guideline was followed in India's participation in the United Nations and in the conduct of her relations with other countries, particuiarly in Asia. "To keep away from the Power Politics of groups, aligned against one an- other" was the cardinal principle in this policy.7 India's attitude towards Asia particularly was guided by considerations of her historic and geo- graphic position in the region. Nehru had to revert to this theme, time and again, in. the years to come. In the same radio broadcast, he told the Indian people: 8 We· are of Asia and the peoples of Asia are nearer and closer to us than others. India is so situated that she is the pivot of Western, Southern and Southeast Asia. In the past, her culture flowed to all these countries and they came to her in many ways. These contacts are being renewed and the future is bound to see a closer union between India and Southeast Asia on one side, and Afghanistan, Iran, and the Arab world on the other. To the furtherance of that close association ol free countries, we must devote ourselves. Nehru's vision of India playing a pivotal role in Asia was respon- sible for the convening of the first Asian Relations Conference in 1947 at New Delhi and subsequently, the convening in 1949 of a conference of Asian and African countries to discuss Dutch police action in Indo- nesia.* The Dutch action in Indonesia, with the tacit cooperation of Great Britain had further reinforced Nehru's fear that the former colonial powers would use aU types of pressure and tactics to creep back into Asia to regain their position of military and economic superiority. He, therefore, felt the need for India to declare her resolve that it would not allow Asia to be the "plaything of other countries." He had been 7 Jawaharlal Nehru, India's Foreign Policy. Selected Speeches, Septembet 1946-April 1961 (New Delhi, 1961), p. 2. 8 Ibid., p. 3. * Australia and New Zealand· also attended the Conference: 'The United Arab Republic (Egypt) and Ethiopia • '*ere the two African countries. The Asian countries besides • India were Afghanistan, . Burma, China, Ceylon, Iran Lebanon, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines; Saudi Arabia, Syria, and the· Yemen. China, Nepal, New Zealand and Thailand sent only observers and other countries were represented by delegates · at ministerial level. (See p, 407.) 274: ASIAN STUDIES continuously preparing Indian public opinion to be watchful and be pre- pared for such a role. Speaking in the Constituent Assembly he said:_ ''however unworthy we may .be, we have become - let us recognize it - the .leaders of freedom movement of Asia . that we shoulder the responsibility of some kind of guide to vast number of peoples all over the world."9 While in Nehru's vision India was to play a leading role in the de- colonization of Asia, the policies pursued· by the United States and the United Kingdom, of course with the understanding of other colonial powers, seemed to oppose this view.
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