Britain and the Greek Economic Crisis, 1944- 1947: from Liberation to the Truman Doctrine

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Britain and the Greek Economic Crisis, 1944- 1947: from Liberation to the Truman Doctrine Britain and the Greek Economic Crisis, 1944- 1947: from Liberation to the Truman Doctrine Athanasios Lykogiannis Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London March 1999 UMI Number: U122824 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U122824 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Tneses . r ai&dk- for my parents 2 Abstract In 1944, the government of newly liberated Greece faced a crisis of staggering proportions, with a devastated economy and a currency undermined by rampant hyperinflation. Anxious to preserve Greece as a friendly 'outpost in South-Eastern Europe', the British provided advisors to help overcome the crisis. Whatever the political motives of the British, their economic advice was largely orthodox and sound, enshrining the only measures likely to provide a long-term solution to the problem of inflation. Nevertheless, successive governments in Athens managed to avoid acting on the advice in the hope that massive amounts of Allied aid would eliminate the need for painful policies, and preferring to adopt palliative measures which allowed wealthy Greeks to protect their assets while the underlying problems remained unaddressed. Exasperated by their lack of success, the British withdrew in early 1947, to be replaced by the Americans. The mixed success of the American advisors over the subsequent year merely confirmed the extensive problems which had earlier thwarted the British efforts. The thesis demonstrates how the inertia of successive Greek governments led to the prolongation of the economic crisis. It also shows how the attitudes of the Greek political establishment during 1944-47 - with endless squabbling, an obsessive anti-Communism, a relentlessly laissez faire approach to the economy, a cavalier lack of concern towards chronic balance of payments and budget deficits, a reliance on foreign capital coupled with a resentment of any conditions foreign aid might entail - were all firmly established within Greek political culture prior to World War II. 3 Acknowledgements In preparing this thesis, I received support from a number of individuals and institutions. I would like to thank the Scholarships Office of the LSE, the Royal Historical Society, the Hellenic Foundation and Crafoordska Stiftelsen for the financial backing that enabled me to undertake part of the necessary research. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of the staffs of the Bank of England Archive, the Public Record Office, the Imperial War Museum, the British Library of Political and Economic Science, the National Museum of Labour History (Manchester), the Bank of Greece Library (Athens), and the National Archives and Records Administration (Washington DC). They made available to me a mass of unpublished documents and published materials, and their helpfulness made working there a pleasure. I am particularly indebted to Dr Rena Zafiriou for hours of stimulating discussion and helpful suggestions, and whose generosity made possible part of my stay in Washington DC. I am deeply grateful to her, as I am to Mr Kostas Papachrysanthou, and also to Mr David Kessler for their advice. A special word of thanks is due to professor Alan Milward, who was kind enough to read parts of the text and whose critical insight showed me new ways of looking at the subject. My thanks go as well to professor Forrest Capie, professor Nicos Mouzelis, Dr Max-Stephan Schulze, Dr Michalis Psalidopoulos and Dr George Petrochilos who, being extraordinarily generous with their time, read part of the manuscript. Above all, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Robert Boyce, on whose wider experience and incisive criticism I drew constantly. Lastly I must thank my parents without whose encouragement, understanding, patience and financial support this work would never have seen the light of day. 4 Abbreviations ACO Autonomous Currant Organisation AGIS Anglo-Greek Information Service AFHQ Allied Forces Headquarters AMAG American Mission for Aid to Greece ML Military Liaison BEM British Economic Mission DRF Drachma Reconstruction Fund EAC Economic Advisory Committee EAM National liberation Front EDES National Democratic Hellenic League ELAS National People's Liberation Army ERP European Recovery Programme ESC Economic and Supply Committee Exlm Export-Import Bank FAO Food and Agriculture Organization FEA Foreign Economic Administration FTA Foreign T rade Administration FRBNY Federal Reserve Bank of New York GRCC Greek Reconstruction Claims Committee IBRD International Bank of Reconstruction and Development IFC International Financial Commission IMF International Monetary Fund JCC Joint Coordinating Committee JPC Joint Policy Committee KKE Communist Party of Greece MESC Middle East Supply Centre NBG National Bank of Greece PEEA Political Committee of National Liberation UNRRA United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration 5 List of Tables 1.1 Note Circulation, 1939-48 13 1.2 Summary of Stabilisation Measures 16 1.3 Wholesale Prices and Money Supply in the Middle East, 1941-44 22 2.1 Value of Exports as Percentage of Imports, 1861-1938 38 2.2 Expenditure as Percentage of Total Tax Revenues, 1833-1936 40 2.3 Direct Tax as Percentage of Total Tax Revenues, 1833-1936 41 2.4 The Sovereign Rate, Sep 1939-10 Nov 1944 49 2.5 Major Recipients of UNRRA Aid 60 2.6 Major Components of UNRRA Aid to Greece 60 3.1 Payments and Receipts, 14 Oct-11 Nov 1944 89 3.2 Estimated Revenue and Expenditure, 1944-45 92 3.3 Note Circulation, 10 Nov-1 Dec 1944 95 3.4 Estimated Revenue and Expenditure, 1945-46 102 4.1 Estimated Revenue and Expenditure, 1945-46 125 4.2 Payments and Receipts, 11 Nov 1944-Jan 1946 127 5.1 Estimated Revenue and Expenditure, 1945-46 145 5.2 Estimated Revenue and Expenditure, 1945-46 149 5.3 Greek Budget, 1945-46 163 5.4 Comparison between Budgeted and Actual Receipts, 1946-47 166 5.5 Estimated Expenditures, 194647 167 5.6 Comparison between Budgeted and Actual Expenditures, 194647 168 5.7 Wage, Salaries and the Cost of Living, Mar 1945Mar 1947 170 5.8 Greek Public Finances, 194647 174 5.9 The Drachma Note Issue, 11 Nov 1944-31 Mar 1947 176 5.10 Note Circulation, 31 Jan 1946-31 Mar 1947 177 5.11 Retail Price Index, 11 Nov 1944-Mar 1947 191 6.1 Comparative Economic Indicators, 1947-48 237 6.2 Greek Budgetary Developments, 194649 238 6 Table of Contents Abstract 3 Acknowledgements 4 Abbreviations 5 List of Tables 6 Table of Contents 7 Introduction 9 The Structure of the Thesis 10 A Note on Sources 11 1 Hyperinflation and Stabilisation 13 1.1 Inflation, Hyperinflation and Stabilisation 14 1.2 The British Experience at Home and Abroad 18 2 Political and Economic Background 24 2.1 Economic and Political Trends up to World War II 24 The Nature of Greek Politics 24 The Hydrochephalous State 27 Greek Economic Development, 1830-1940 29 The Laissez Faire State 34 The Insolvent State 37 The Price of Insolvency 41 2.2 The Legacy of the War 46 Occupation and Inflation 46 Political Developments, 1941-1947 53 The International Relief Effort 57 2.3 Aspects of British Involvement in Greece, 1940-1947 62 A Vital Imperial Problem 63 The 'Choice of Evils' 66 The 'Clear Conflict': Security vs. Finance 71 The 'Second Egypt' 75 The Decision to Withdraw Aid 79 3 'Delay and Indecision' 82 3.1 Pre-liberation Planning 82 3.2 The Stabilisation Plan of November 1944 87 3.3 The 'Easy Way Out' 97 3.4 Preaching the 'Gospel of Control' 104 3.5 Conclusions 107 4 'Clarity and Energy' 112 4.1 The Return of Varvaressos 112 4.2 The 'Varvaressos Experiment' 118 4.3 Conclusions 129 5 The London Agreement 141 5.1 The British Response to the New Policy Vacuum 141 5.2 The Broader Approach 153 The Grove Plan 154 The Treasury Plan 156 5.3 The London Agreement and Its Instruments 158 5.4 Inflationary Factors 162 Budgetary Developments 162 Wages 169 Loans to Agriculture 172 7 5.5 Anti-inflationary Policies 175 Gold Sales 175 Commercial Imports 184 5.6 Economic Trends up to 1946 195 5.7 Conclusions 199 6 The American Aftermath 6.1 The International Dimension 209 Sharing the 'Headache' 209 Contrasting Fears 213 6.2 The United States and Greece 216 The Pursuit for US Aid 217 American Misgivings 220 The Porter Mission 223 6.3 The US Aid Programme, 1947-1948 227 The American Mission for Aid to Greece 228 The Fresh Crisis 231 Countermeasures 235 6.4 The First Year of US Aid 238 6.5 Conclusions 247 Conclusions 252 Bibliography 257 8 INTRODUCTION In October 1944, the National Unity Government of newly liberated Greece faced an inflationary crisis of a magnitude sufficient to tax the competence of any government. Although it could count on a large degree of assistance and advice from its Allies, much depended on its own actions and its determination to restore economic normality as a prerequisite to recovery. Nevertheless, success was meagre, and by the time the British pulled out in the spring of 1947, economic stability remained elusive despite all the aid and advice. In the Greek case political factors played a crucial role in shaping the attempts to stabilise the drachma and create a basis for long-term recovery, offering an excellent example that although hyperinflation and stabilisation are essentially economic issues, political realities need to be appreciated in order to understand the particular course that both processes can take.
Recommended publications
  • The Logic of Violence in Civil War Has Much Less to Do with Collective Emotions, Ideologies, Cultures, Or “Greed and Grievance” Than Currently Believed
    P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 TheLogic of Violence in Civil War By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against prevailing views that such violence is either the product of impenetrable madness or a simple way to achieve strategic objectives, the book demonstrates that the logic of violence in civil war has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, cultures, or “greed and grievance” than currently believed. Stathis Kalyvas distinguishes between indis- criminate and selective violence and specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and indi- vidual noncombatants trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what oppor- tunities their predicament affords them. Violence is not a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats sim- ple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the “frontlines” of civil war. Civil war offers irresistible opportu- nities to those who are not naturally bloodthirsty and abhor direct involvement in violence. The manipulation of political organizations by local actors wishing to harm their rivals signals a process of privatization of political violence rather than the more commonly thought politicization of private life. Seen from this perspective, violence is a process taking place because of human aversion rather than a predisposition toward homicidal violence, which helps explain the para- dox of the explosion of violence in social contexts characterized by high levels of interpersonal contact, exchange, and even trust.
    [Show full text]
  • Misunderstood and Forgotten: the Greek Naval Mutiny of April 1944 Mark C
    Misunderstood and Forgotten 367 Misunderstood and Forgotten: The Greek Naval Mutiny of April 1944 Mark C. Jones Abstract After being driven from Greece by the German military in 1941, the Royal Hellenic Navy (RHN) operated alongside Britain’s Royal Navy (RN) from bases in Egypt, Lebanon, and Malta. In April 1944 the RHN experienced a widespread mutiny, which began in Alexandria, Egypt, over the political composition of the Greek government. This essay explores the importance of the Alexandria mutiny to the RHN. It investigates the role of the navy in the royalist/republican rivalry of the 1920s–1930s, the wartime return to service of republican officers, the RHN’s operations under British direction in the eastern Mediterranean, the political orientation of the government-in-exile, disturbances in the RHN prior to the mutiny, the events of the mutiny itself, the aftermath of the mutiny, how the mutiny affected the RN-RHN relationship, and the significance of the mutiny within the context of naval history in general. Wartime RN records held at the Public Record Office outside London, United States Navy intelligence reports held at the National Archives and Records Administration at College Park, Maryland, as well as unpublished and published secondary sources, provide the basis of this investigation. Multinational naval operations are a common occurrence in today’s world. While the United States Navy is presently the most powerful in the world, it frequently operates with ships from allied navies to reach its security goals. Such allied cooperation dates back to World War II when escort groups in the Battle of the Atlantic were composed of ships from the U.S., Canadian, and Royal Navies along with a handful of Polish, Free French, Norwegian, and Dutch ships.
    [Show full text]
  • Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies
    Arabic and its Alternatives Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies Editorial Board Phillip Ackerman-Lieberman (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, USA) Bernard Heyberger (EHESS, Paris, France) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cjms Arabic and its Alternatives Religious Minorities and Their Languages in the Emerging Nation States of the Middle East (1920–1950) Edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg Karène Sanchez Summerer Tijmen C. Baarda LEIDEN | BOSTON Cover illustration: Assyrian School of Mosul, 1920s–1930s; courtesy Dr. Robin Beth Shamuel, Iraq. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Murre-van den Berg, H. L. (Hendrika Lena), 1964– illustrator. | Sanchez-Summerer, Karene, editor. | Baarda, Tijmen C., editor. Title: Arabic and its alternatives : religious minorities and their languages in the emerging nation states of the Middle East (1920–1950) / edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg, Karène Sanchez, Tijmen C. Baarda. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Christians and Jews in Muslim societies, 2212–5523 ; vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Vom Österreichischen Gendarmerie-Offizier Zum Höheren SS- Und Polizeiführer Serbien, 1942-1944 August Meyszner: Stationen Einer Karriere
    MARTIN MOLL Vom österreichischen Gendarmerie-Offizier zum Höheren SS- und Polizeiführer Serbien, 1942-1944 August Meyszner: Stationen einer Karriere Einleitung Seit den 1990er Jahren beschäftigt sich die sogenannte neuere Täterfor- schung mit jenen Männern (und wenigen Frauen), die als direkte oder indi- rekte Täter, mithin als Planer und/oder Ausführende in die nationalsozialis- tischen Mordaktionen gegen Juden, Slawen, Sinti und Roma sowie sonstige als rassische oder politische Gegner apostrophierte Gruppen involviert wa- ren.1 Gefragt wird hierbei nach den sozialen, generationellen, konfessio- nellen, bildungs- und herkunftsmäßigen sowie nicht zuletzt ideologischen Prägungen der Tätergruppen. Dabei fällt zugleich eine Konzentration des Forschungsinteresses auf die die eigentlichen Taten ausführenden Appara- te und deren Personal, insbesondere aus dem weit gespannten SS-Komplex, auf. Als Resultat dieser intensiven Forschungen sind zahlreiche Einzel- und Gruppenbiographien der wie auch immer definierten Täter erschienen, da- neben auch diverse Studien, die sich mit den situativen Rahmenbedingun- gen des Handelns der Täter vor Ort beschäftigen, meist im deutsch besetzten Ost- und Südosteuropa.2 Diese zuletzt intensiv betriebene Forschung hat bisher einen Mann aus dem engsten Kreis der Täter nicht einbezogen, der dies zweifellos verdient hätte, und sei es nur wegen seiner Funktion als Höherer SS- und Polizeifüh- rer (HSSPF) für das deutsch besetzte (Rumpf-) Serbien von Januar 1942 bis 1 Vgl. etwa, mit einleitenden methodischen Überlegungen, GERHARD PAUL (Hrsg.), Die Täter der Shoah. Fanatische Nationalsozialisten oder ganz normale Deutsche?, Göttingen 2002; HELGARD KRAMER (Hrsg.), NS-Täter aus interdisziplinärer Perspek- tive, München 2006; GEORGE C. BROWDER, Perpetrator Character and Motivation: An emerging Consensus?, in: Holocaust and Genocide Studies 17, 2003, S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years*
    ■ Assaig] ENTREMONS. UPF JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY Barcelona ﺍ Universitat Pompeu Fabra Número 6 (juny 2014) www.entremons.org The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years* Enric UCELAY-DA CAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) abstract The following essay examines the political development in Spain and Greece between the World War I and World War II, comparing these two Mediterranean countries and placing them in a broader European and global context. The conflict between the supporters of monarchy and republic as forms of government was extremely important in the political debate in both countries, and shaped their history in a quite remarkable way. The discussion of these intricate dynamics will help to appreciate the problems that Spain and Greece faced at that time, and can also contribute to a deeper understanding of some key features of the historical change in these two countries. resumen El siguiente ensayo examina el desarrollo político en España y Grecia en el período entre la Primera y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, comparando estos dos países mediterráneos y situándolos en un contexto europeo y global más amplio. El conflicto entre los partidarios de la monarquía y la república como formas de gobierno fue muy importante en el debate político de ambos países, influyendo en su historia de una manera muy notable. La discusión de estas dinámicas complicadas ayudará a apreciar mejor los problemas a los que España y Grecia se enfrentaban en ese momento, contribuyendo asimismo a una comprensión más profunda de algunas de las características clave del cambio histórico en estos dos países.
    [Show full text]
  • Panel 3 CIVIL SOCIETY-ORGANISATIONS
    Greek Ethical Identities in Continuity and Change: A Social Networks Approach of Applied Philotimo in Economo-scape of Local Communities; the Case of Cooperative Banking Theodoros A. Katerinakis, MSc, PhD Candidate Tel: +215 895 6143, e-mail: [email protected] Department of Culture & Communication, Drexel University, 3141 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA Μail Address: 106A North 21st St., Philadelphia, PA 19103, USA Abstract: The core value of Greek philotimo derives from the root concept of kalokagathia and is manifested in the institutional and transactional ethos of Cooperative Banks in Greece. A major case study of Cooperative Bank of Chania (CBC) is presented to introducing the analytical approach of social network analysis, via UCINET, to represent membership ties and managerial ties in the second largest Greek cooperative bank. The concept of ethics in doing business is extended in a deliberate tendency to build transactional networks that enforce pre-existing social networks and stay tuned with sustainable local economies, a notion consistent with locality in multicultural Europe. Cooperative banking operates in intersection of emotional capitalism and social enterprise, as a cultural process through which new interactional- emotional scripts of economic relationships are illustrated by the cultural frames of cooperation or team work. The case of CBC of Chania shows how non-commercial ties of buyers- sellers matter in “major purchases” and insulate from crisis. Most such transactions take place among kin, friends, or acquaintances that substitute impersonal markets, especially when decisions involve high uncertainty; so common values like philotimo promote connectedness and builds trust that prevails in dealing with risk in order to make financial decisions, sustain and support them.
    [Show full text]
  • Diploma Work of Shabani Silvana and Hotza Cleyda
    DIPLOMA WORK OF SHABANI SILVANA AND HOTZA CLEYDA SUPERVISED PROFESSOR : GIOURIS THEODORE PROLOGUE This paper addresses the issue of the National Bank of Greece, focusing on issues such as the course of time, from its inception until today and the ways in which its business activities affect the economic life of the country. The main analysis will be based on two pillars: a throwback to the proceedings of this financial institution from the first payment will be made, and then record all the ways of corporate governance. The completion of this work included the online survey and study of relevant articles and books, which will be listed at the end of the essay, the piece of literature. [2] CONTENTS PROLOGUE ............................................................................................................................ 2 CONTENTS............................................................................................................................. 3 IMPORT ................................................................................................................................. 4 CHAPTER 1: HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL BANK ...................................................................... 5 1.1Establishment ............................................................................................................... 5 1.2The period until the First World War ............................................................................. 5 1.3The period until the Second World War .......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The European Parliament and Greece's Accession to the European Community
    BRIEFING European Parliament History Series The European Parliament and Greece's accession to the European Community SUMMARY Enlargement of the European Communities (EC) to the south represented one of the most profound changes in European politics of the 1980s. It dramatically altered political, economic and social structures not only in the EC and the then Member States, but also in the three accession countries: Greece, Portugal and Spain. This year marks the 40th anniversary of Greece's accession to the European Communities (now Union). Greece became the tenth EC Member State in 1981, following its transformation from an authoritarian to a democratic system of government. Importantly, Greece’s EC accession was connected with the consolidation of the country’s emerging democratic system, starting with the transitional government under Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis from July 1974 on. Although in the mid-1970s it was not formally involved in deciding on EC membership, the European Parliament saw itself politically obliged to discuss the major guidelines of EC accession and to assert the need for democratic conditions in Greece. Against this background, this Briefing looks at the democratisation process in Greece and the country's EC accession from the perspective of the European Parliament. First, it demonstrates that the Parliament demanded the fulfilment of fundamental democratic criteria before accepting any rapprochement between Greece and the Community. Resting on the basic understanding of democracy, the core demand was the holding of free and fair parliamentary elections. Second, it shows that, following the establishment of democratic structures, the European Parliament quickly developed relations with Greece, for example with the Greek Parliament in the form of a joint parliamentary committee.
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Irredentism: the Case of Hungary and Its Transborder Minorities in Romania and Slovakia
    Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia by Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fuzesi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Government London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2006 1 UMI Number: U615886 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615886 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 DECLARATION I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. Signature Date ....... 2 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Abstract of Thesis Author (full names) ..Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fiizesi...................................................................... Title of thesis ..Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia............................................................................................................................. ....................................................................................... Degree..PhD in Government............... This thesis seeks to explain irredentism by identifying the set of variables that determine its occurrence. To do so it provides the necessary definition and comparative analytical framework, both lacking so far, and thus establishes irredentism as a field of study in its own right. The thesis develops a multi-variate explanatory model that is generalisable yet succinct.
    [Show full text]
  • The Road to American Participation in the Greek Civil War, 1943-1949
    FROM SKEPTICAL DISINTEREST TO IDEOLOGICAL CRUSADE: THE ROAD TO AMERICAN PARTICIPATION IN THE GREEK CIVIL WAR, 1943-1949 by STEPHEN VILLIOTIS B.A. University of Central Florida, 2004 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2013 © 2013 Stephen Villiotis ii ABSTRACT This thesis examines the way in which the United States formulated its policy toward Greece during the Greek civil war (1943-1949). It asserts that U.S. intervention in Greece was based on circumstantial evidence and the assumption of Soviet global intentions, rather than on dispatches from the field which consistently reported from 1943-1946 that the Soviets were not involved in that country’s affairs. It also maintains that the post-Truman Doctrine American policy in Greece was in essence, a continuation of British policy there from 1943-1946, which meant to impose an unpopular government on the people of Greece, and tolerated unlawful violence of the extreme Greek right-wing. iii For my Parents iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank first and foremost my parents for without whom, this undertaking would not have been possible. I could not imagine how my life would have turned out without your support. To my wife Stephanie, thank you for always believing in me. You are amazing. I would also like to thank my fellow classmates, Dan, Ryan, Andrew, Derek, Lew, Scott, Jennifer, and Shannon. Your friendship and support made this experience worth every second.
    [Show full text]
  • The “Greek Case” in the Council of Europe: a Game Changer for International Law and Human Rights?
    designed by OMBLOS Supported by the Street 30 Panepistimiou University of Athens Alkis Argyriadis Amphitheatre 2019 12–14 December UNDER THE AUSPICES OF H.E. THE PRESIDENT OF THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC MR. PROKOPIOS PAVLOPOULOS International Conference The “Greek Case” in the Council of Europe: A Game Changer for International Law and Human Rights? 12–14 December 2019 Alkis Argyriadis Amphitheatre, University of Athens Supported by the Thursday, 12 December 2019 Friday, 13 December 2019 Saturday, 14 December 2019 (limited seats available due to invited guests) 09:30–10:30 Session 1: The Applicant States, the “Greek 9:00–11:00 Session 4: International Institutions, 16:30 Registration Case”, and Global Anti-Torture Politics Solidarity Movements, and the “Greek Case” 17:00–17:30 Welcome Chair-Discussant: Axel Sotiris Walldén (Free University of Chair-Discussant: Hara Kouki (University of Durham) Willem Ledeboer (Netherlands Institute at Athens) Brussels, former official at the European Commission) Tom Buchanan (University of Oxford) On behalf of the Organizing Committee Hanne Hagtvedt Vik (University of Oslo) & Skage Alexander Amnesty International and the Greek Crisis of 1967–68 H.E. the Ambassador of Sweden, Charlotte Sammelin Østberg (University of Oslo) Kim Christiaens (University of Leuven): International Solidarity Global Anti-Torture Politics 1967–77 and the Scandinavian States with Greece in International Perspective H.E. the Ambassador of Denmark, Klavs A. Holm Wiebe Hommes (Amsterdam Centre for European Law and Janis Nalbadidacis (Humboldt University, Berlin) The “Greek Case” from Inside H.E. the Ambassador of the Netherlands, Stella Ronner-Grubacic Governance) č ć The Greek Case & the Netherlands: a Watershed Moment Konstantina Maragkou (London School of Economics) H.E.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949)
    JPR Men of the Gun and Men of the State: Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949) Spyros Tsoutsoumpis Abstract: The article explores the intersection between paramilitarism, organized crime, and nation-building during the Greek Civil War. Nation-building has been described in terms of a centralized state extending its writ through a process of modernisation of institutions and monopolisation of violence. Accordingly, the presence and contribution of private actors has been a sign of and a contributive factor to state-weakness. This article demonstrates a more nuanced image wherein nation-building was characterised by pervasive accommodations between, and interlacing of, state and non-state violence. This approach problematises divisions between legal (state-sanctioned) and illegal (private) violence in the making of the modern nation state and sheds new light into the complex way in which the ‘men of the gun’ interacted with the ‘men of the state’ in this process, and how these alliances impacted the nation-building process at the local and national levels. Keywords: Greece, Civil War, Paramilitaries, Organized Crime, Nation-Building Introduction n March 1945, Theodoros Sarantis, the head of the army’s intelligence bureau (A2) in north-western Greece had a clandestine meeting with Zois Padazis, a brigand-chief who operated in this area. Sarantis asked Padazis’s help in ‘cleansing’ the border area from I‘unwanted’ elements: leftists, trade-unionists, and local Muslims. In exchange he promised to provide him with political cover for his illegal activities.1 This relationship that extended well into the 1950s was often contentious.
    [Show full text]